the pilgrimage written by sir walter raleigh, knight, after his condemnation, the day before his death. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1681 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57518 wing r178 estc r21841 12407576 ocm 12407576 61439 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57518) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61439) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 289:14) the pilgrimage written by sir walter raleigh, knight, after his condemnation, the day before his death. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed by george larkin ..., london : 1681. in verse. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng broadsides -england -17th century. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the pilgrimage . written by sir walter raleigh , knight , after his condemnation , the day before his death . give me my scollap-shell of quiet , my staff of faith to lean upon ; my scrip of joy , immortal diet , my bottle of salvation ; my gown of glory , hopes true gage : and thus i 'll go my pilgrimage . blood must be my body's balm , for here no other balm is given ; whilst my soul , like a quiet palm , travels to the land of heaven , and there i 'll kiss the bowl of bliss , and drink m'eternal fill on e v'ry milky hill. my soul may be a thirst before ; but after , it shall ne'er thirst more . and in this happy blissful way more painful pilgrims i shall see , which have put off their rags of clay , and go apparell'd fresh , like me : i 'll bring them first to quench their thirst to the pure wells where sweetness dwells ; and then to taste of nectar-suckets , drawn up by saints in cristal buckets . and when our bottles , and all we , are fill'd with immortality , the holy pathes of heav'n we 'll travel , with rubies strew'd as thick as gravel ; cielings of di'monds , saphire-floors , high walls of corral , pearly-bow'rs . and then to heav'ns bribeless hall , where no corrupted voices bawl ; no conscience molded into gold ; no forg'd accuser bought nor sold ; no cause deferr'd , no vain-spent journey : for christ himself 's the kings attorney , who pleads for all , without degrees ; for he hath angels , but no fees. and when the grand twelve-million jury of all my sins , shall , in a fury , against my soul black verdict give ; christ pleads his death , and i shall live. great counsellor ! plead thou my cause ; in thy proceedings can be found no flaws ; thou won'st salvation as an alms , not by the lawyers bribed palms . and this shall be my eternal plea , to him that made heav'n , earth , and sea , that since my flesh must die so soon , and want a head to dine next noon ; even at the stroke when my veins spread , set on my soul an everlasting head. then am i ready , like a palmer fit , to tread those paths that i before have writ . london , printed by george larkin , in scalding-alley in the poultrey . 1681. to day a man, to morrow none: or, sir vvalter ravvleighs farewell to his lady, the night before hee was beheaded; together vvith his advice concerning her, and her sonne. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57617 of text r3572 in the english short title catalog (wing r191). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57617 wing r191 estc r3572 99872426 99872426 124862 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57617) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 124862) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 5:e29[5]) to day a man, to morrow none: or, sir vvalter ravvleighs farewell to his lady, the night before hee was beheaded; together vvith his advice concerning her, and her sonne. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [2], 6 p. printed for r. h., london : 1644. annotation on thomason copy: the 4 in imprint date is crossed out and altered to 1643; "january 16". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng raleigh, walter, -sir, 1552?-1618. a57617 r3572 (wing r191). civilwar no to day a man, to morrow none: or, sir vvalter ravvleighs farewell to his lady, the night before hee was beheaded: together with his advice c raleigh, walter, sir 1644 1203 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to day a man , to morrow none : or , sir vvalter ravvleighs farewell to his lady , the night before hee was beheaded : together with his advice concerning her , and her sonne . london , printed for r. h. 1664. sir walter rawleighs farewell to his lady the night before he was beheaded . together with his advice concerning her , and her sonne . dear wife , you shall receive my last words in these my last lines ; my love i send you that you may keepe it when i am dead , and my counsel that you may remember it when i am no more . i would not with my will present you sorrows ( dear besse ) let them go to the grave with me , and be buried in the dust . and seeing it is not the will of god that ever i shall see you any more in this life , beare my destruction gently , and with a heart like your selfe . first , i send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive , or my words expresse , for your many troubles and cares taken for me , which though they have not taken effect as you wished , yet my debt to you is not lesse , but i shall never recompence it in this world . secondly , i beseech you even for the love you bare me living , that you doe not hide your selfe many dayes , but by your travell seek to helpe your miserable fortune , and the right of your poore childe : your mourning cannot availe me that am but dust . thirdly , you shall understand that my lands were conveied ( bona fide ) to my childe , the writings were drawne at mid summer was twelve-month , as divers can witnesse , and i trust that my blood will quench their malice that desire my slaughter , and that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extream poverty . to what friend to direct you i know not , for all mine have left me in the true time of tryall ; most sorry i am ( as god knoweth ) that being thus surprised with death i can leave you no better estate ; i meant you all my office of wines or that i should purchase by selling it , halfe my stuffe and my jewels , ( but some few for the boy ) but god hath prevented all my determinations ; the great god that worketh all in all . but if you can live free from want , dare for no more , for the rest is but vanity . love god , and begin betime to repose your selfe on him , therein shall you finde true and everlasting riches and endlesse comfort : for the rest when you have travelled and wearied your thoughts over all sorts of worldly congitations , you shall sit downe by sorrow in the end . teach your son also to serve and fear god whilst he is young , that the feare of god may grow up with him , then will god be a husband unto you , and a father unto him , a husband and a father that can never be taken from you . bayly oweth me 1000 l. arion 600 l. in iersie also i have much owing me ; the arrerages of the wines will pay your debts . and howsoever ( i beseech you for my soules sake ) pay all poore men when i am gone : no doubt you shall bee sought unto , for the world thinks i was very rich . but take heed of the pretence of men and of their affections , for they last but in honest and worthy men : and no greater misery can befall you in this life , then to become a prey , and after to bee despised : i speake it ( god knoweth ) not to disswade you from marriage , for that will be best for you , both in respect of god and the world . as for me i am no more yours , not you mine , death hath cut us asunder , and god hath divided me from the world , and you from me : remember your poore childe for his fathers sake that comforted you , and loved you in his happiest times . i sued for my life ( but god knowes ) it was for you and yours that i desired it : for know it ( deare wife ) that your sonne is the childe of a true man , and who in his owne heart despiseth death , and all his mishapen and ugly forms . i cannot write much : god knoweth how hardly i stole this time when all were asleep , and it is now time to separate my thoughts from the world . beg my dead body which living was denyed you , and either lay it in sherborne or in exeter church by my father and mother . i can say no more , time and death call me away . the everlasting god , infinite , powerfull , and inscrutable god , that almighty god which is goodnesse itselfe , mercy it selfe , the true light and life , keep you and yours , and have mercy upon me . teach me to forgive my persecuters and false accusers , and send me to meet him in his glorious kingdome . my true wife farewell , god blesse my poore boy , pray for me , my true god hold you both in his armes . even such is time , which takes in trust our youth , our age , and all we have , and payes us but with age and dust , who in the darke and silent grave , when we have wandred all our wayes shuts up the story of our dayes . and from the earth , the grave , and dust , the lord shall raise me up , i trust . walter ravvleigh . like hermite , poore in pensive place obscure i mean to end my dayes with endlesse doubt , to waile such woes as time cannot recure , where none but love shall ever finde me out . and at my gates despair shall linger still to let in death when love and fortune will . a gowne of gray my body shall attire , my staffe of broken hope whereon i stay of late repentance linkt with long desire , the couch is fram'd whereon my limbs i lay . and at my gates , &c. my food shall be of care and sorrow made , my drink nought else but tears falne from mine eies , and for my light in this obscured shade the flames may serve which from my heart arise . and at my gates , &c. walter ravvleigh . finis . tubus historicus an historicall perspective; discovering all the empires and kingdomes of the vvorld, as they flourisht respectively under the foure imperiall monarchies. faithfully composed out of the most approved authours, and exactly digested according to the supputation of the best chronologers. (with a catalogue of the kings and emperours of the chiefe nations of the world.) by the late famous and learned knight sir walter raleigh. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1636 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10378 stc 20652 estc s105167 99840897 99840897 5440 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10378) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5440) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 934:05) tubus historicus an historicall perspective; discovering all the empires and kingdomes of the vvorld, as they flourisht respectively under the foure imperiall monarchies. faithfully composed out of the most approved authours, and exactly digested according to the supputation of the best chronologers. (with a catalogue of the kings and emperours of the chiefe nations of the world.) by the late famous and learned knight sir walter raleigh. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [28] p. : port. printed by thomas harper, for benjamin fisher, london : 1636. with a frontispiece portrait of charles ii, the dedicatee, as a boy. signatures: [a]-d⁴ (-a4 and d4, blank?). reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng chronology, historical -charts, diagrams, etc. -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-02 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-02 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vera effigies excellentissimi principis caroli mag . britan : fran. & hiberniae . haeredis . viuat iô viuat princeps carolinus , et orbi . imperet , inumeris decorans sua sêcla triumphis . flourish braue prince , out shine thy glorious name . triumphant laurels ever crowne thy fame . i.m. tvbvs historicvs : an historicall perspective ; discovering all the empires and kingdomes of the world , as they flourisht respectively under the foure imperiall monarchies . faithfully composed out of the most approved authours , and exactly digested according to the supputation of the best chronologers . ( with a catalogue of the kings and emperours of the chiefe nations of the world . ) by the late famous and learned knight sir walter raleigh . — rex maximus ille est , qui poteris rex esse sui . — london , printed by thomas harper , for benjamin fisher , 1636. to the most illustrious and hopefull prince charles , prince of great brittaine , duke of cornwall , &c. the publisher in all humblenesse consecrates this historicall perspective ; with apprecation of all the most eminent graces and triumphant glories of his highnesse most royall and renowned progenitors . the publisher's advertisement to the reader . this excellent piece ( modell to that heroick worke , the history of the world ) being an exquisite abstract and summary of all the famous kingdomes and empires that ever were ; how worthy it is of publick view , will soon appeare to a discerning judgement . in this succinct recollection is contrived ( by a daedalean * hand ) the apotelesma and effect of infinite volumes ; the originall , progresse , and duration of the most glorious monarchies & flourishing states of the world. a synopsis so mainly conducent and essentially necessary to the right understanding of all sacred and secular histories , as without the conduct thereof ( the like being never yet extant in english ) small benefit can accrew to ordinary readers . to reduce such a world of matter , into so compendious forme , can be adiudg'd no lesse then an herculean taske . but of this , vulgar capacities are as incompetent iudges , as blinde men of colours . this perspective is not fitted to the dull sight of self-opinionate ignaroês . to the intelligent and judicious peruser , if it prove a gratefull worke ( as to such , undoubtedly it will ) the publication may be justly reputed operae pretium . ave ( mi lector ) & fave huic opellulae : cui intùs ambrosia . tubus historicus . an historicall perspective , discovering all the empires and kingdomes of the world , as they flourisht respectively under the foure imperiall monarchies . the empires or kingdomes of the world , are either universall and chiefe , vsually stiled monarchies . viz. in asia 1 assyrian entire began , in the year of the world , 1789. divided into the babylonian or chaldaean , began 3150 , cōtinued 285 years . median , began 3149 cōtinued 309 years . 2 persian , began anno mundi 3435 , continued 207 yeares . in evrope , 3 greek entire began a. m. 3642. divided into the macedonian , which began a.m. 3648 , cōtinued 256 years . asian , begin .3650 cōtinued 259 years . syrian , beginning 366 , continued 248 aegyptian beginning 3548 , continued 295 yeares . 4 roman entire , began a. m. 3924. divided into the easterne or constantinopolitan , which began anno christi 337 ; continued 1115 yeares . westerne a. christi , 337 , continued , 138 yeares : and lastly , by charlemaine , came to the germans . particular or inferiour : such as were all other kingdomes , principalities , republicks , dukedomes , counties , &c. in the time of the first monarchie there flourisht kingdoms in asia israëlitish entire , began a.m. 2881. divided into ierusalem , of the tribe of iuda , beginning a. m. 2971 , continued , yeares , 394. samaria , of the ten tribes : begin .2971 continued , years 262. chananaean . moabites , ammonites , philistims . midian , idumaean , syrian . phoenicean , of the tyrians and sidonians . trojan , beginning a.m. 2988 , continued , yeares 300. phrygian , mysian , lycian . lydian , beginning about a. m. 2500. amazonian , about a. m. 2070. afrik aegyptian , began a. m. 1953. continued yeares 1494. cyrenaick began about a.m. 3307. aethiopick , began about 1807. in evrope , sicyonian , began a.m. 1880 , continued 962. argive , began 2112 , continued 544. mycenaean , began 2639. spartan , of the heraclida * began 2871. messenian , arcadian , elean . corinthian , began 2871 , continued 322. athenian , began 2412 , continued till the archoutes , yeares 490 , or till the democracy , yeares 827. thebean , locreusian , dorian , phocensian . occhalian , aetholian , phthian , scycian . aeginean , salaminian , cephalenian . thessalian , euboian , pelasgian . latin , began 2789. alban , began 2820 , continued 400 yeares . roman , began 3220 , continued 245. tyrrhenian or tuscan , began 1708 , continued 1891. celtik , began a.m. 1805. celtiberik in spaine , began about a. m. 1801. teutonik , began a.m. 1812. one dynasty , or principality , viz. of iuda , beginning a.m. 2492. continued yeares 397. no republicks . in the time of the second monarchie there flourisht kingdomes in asia carian , about a. m. 3440. cilician . salamanian , of cyprus . bosphoran . africk aegyptian , began a. m. 3540. conrtinued yeares 82. europe . macedonian , of the lyncestae , a. m. 3165. thracian , of the odrysae . pannonian , scythian . states or republikes in africk , carthaginian . europe athenian , began a.m. 3290 theban . aeginean . roman , began a.m. 3464. continued yeares 460. tyrannies in asia , samian . heraclian . sinopenstan . afrik , cyrenaik . europe , sicyonian . corinthian . argive . attik began with the tyrannie of pisistratus , a.m. 3405. sicilian , syracusan . agrigentine . leontine . thessalian , & chiefly the pheréan , rheginian . one only principality or dynasty , of the iews , beginning a.m. 3435 continued years 445. in the time of the third monarchie there flourisht . kingdome in asia cappadocian , began about a.m. 3400. pontick began about a.m. 3460. bythinian , began a.m. 3650. median , atropatenes , a.m. 3649. pergamensian , began a.m. 3689. armenian , about a.m. 3760. parthian , of the arsacidae , began a.m. 3725 bactrian , 3630. iewish , began 3870. continued 65 yeares . comogenian , indian . arabian , paphlagonian , iberian , albanian , colchick , chalcidian , adiabenik , edessan , ituraean . afrik , cyrenaik . numidian , about a.m. 3720. mauritanian , 3760. evrope , molossian , of epirus , about a.m. 2800. illyrian . acaruanian , or athamanian . britannick . tetrarchie , only that of galatia in asia . republikes in asia , rhodian . evrope achaik . aetolik . marseils . roman began 3464 , continued 460. tyrannies ni asia , cybyrean , of pisidia . europe , spartan . arcadian . athenian . in the time of the fourth monarchie there flourisht . kingdoms in asia , parthian , began anno christi 17 continued 209. persian , began a. ch. 227. continued 305. saracen , began 622 continued 248. ierusalem , began with godfrey of bulloigne , anno ch. 1099. continued 88. cyprus , of the lusignan family began 1192. armenian , indian , tartarian , an. ch. 1200. turkish , of trangoliper family began 1052 , dissolved afterward into the severall principalities of sultans united , at last in the ottomans , which began a. dom. 1300. kingdoms in afrik vandal , began a.d. 382 continued 153. aegyptian , of the caliphs and sultans . tunes , fez , morocco . trebizona , aethiopian of prete iohn . kingdoms in evrope . gothick , which was twofold . ostrogothes in italy : beginning 493. continued yeares 60. west-gothes in spaine , began a. d. 411. after divided into many other regiments . a. d. 739. lombard ; beginning a. d. 570. continued yeares 204. neopolitan ; began a. d. 1282. sicily ; began 1130. franks or french began a. d. 419. burgundian ; began a. d. 890. continued 142. english , began a. d. 449. scotish , a.m. 3640. danish ; swedish ; norwey , saxon ; about a. m. 3890. bavarian 459. sclavick , of the obotrites ; about a.m. 3750. moravia , after translated to the bohemian . a. m 1086. polonian ; about 800. hungarian , began 997. bulgarian . bosnian ; russian ; moschovian . some saracen kingdomes in spaine . electorates : a. d. 998. dukedomes , in the german empire and other chiefe kingdomes , divers . exarchate of ravenna ( of the byzantine praefects ) began a.d. 569. continued yeares 182. states or republikes , ( in chiefe ) venice , genna , helvetia . finis . a catalogue of the kings and emperours of the chiefe nations of the world. kings of assyria . belus ninus q. semiramis zameisi arius arasius xerxes . armametres belotus balaeus altades manithus mancaleus iphereus mamilus sparetus ascades amyntes belotus belopares lamprides sosares lampares panius sosarmus mithraeus tantanes tantaeus thinaeus decilus eupales laosthenes piriciades orphrateus orphratenes orcrazapes sardanapalus they raigned ( according to ctesias computation ) one thousand three hundred and sixty yeares . kings of the medes . arbaces sosarinus medidus cardiceas diocles phaortes cyarnes astyages they raigned two hundred and fifty yeares . kings of the sicyonians aegyalaeus europe stelchin apis thelasion aegidius thurimachus leucippus mesappus eratus plemmeus orthopolis marathus bolechus echiteus chorax epopeus laomedon sicyon polybius inachus phestus adrastus polyphides delasgius xeuxippus they raigned nine hundred fifty and nine yeares : as saint augustine writes , lib. de civit. dei. kings of persia. cyrus cambyses darius xerxes artabanus artaxerxes xerxes sogdianus darius nothus artaxerxes mnemon artaxerxes ochus arses darius they raigned two hundred sixty and foure yeares . kings of athens . cecrops cranaus amphitryon ericthonius pandion erichteus cecrops pandion aegeus theseus mnestheus demophoon oxintes aphidas timoetes melanthus codrus they raigned foure hundred eighty eight yeares . kings of aegypt , after alexander the great . ptolemaeus lagides ptolemaeus philadelphus ptolemaeus euergetes ptolemaeus philopator ptolemaeus epiphanes ptolemaeus philometor ptolemaeus soter ptolemaeus son to cleopatra . ptolemaeus dionysius queen cleopatra they raigned two hundred 77 yeares . kings of the hebrews . saul david salomon roboam abias asa iosaphat ioram ahazis queen athalia ioas amasias ozias ioathan achas ezechias manasses amon iosias ioachas ioachim iechonias zedechias aristobulus alexander queen alexandra hircanus herod archelaus agrippa 1. agrippa 2. they raigned six hundred 22 yeares . kings of rome . romulus numa pompilius tullus hostilius ancus martius tarquinius priscus servius tullus tarquinius superbus they raigned two hundred and eight yeares . emperours of rome . c. iulius caesar octavius augustus tiberius caligula claudius nero galba otho vitellius vespasian titus domitian nerva trajan hadrian antonius pius m. antoninus commodus pertinax severus bassianus caracalla macrinus heliogabalus alexander severus maximinus gordian philip decius gallus valerian claudius aurelian tacitus probus carus dioclesian galerius constantine the great constantius iulian apostata iovinian valentinian valens gratian theodosius 1 arcadius honorius theodosius 2 valentinian martian leo 1 zeno anastasius 1 iustin 1 iustinian iustin 2 tiberius 2 mauritius phocas heraclius constantine 2 heracleonas constans constantine 3 iustinian 2 philippicus anastasius 2 theodosius 3 leo 2 constantine 4 charlemain ludovicus pius lotharius 1 ludovicus 2 carolus calvus carolus crassus arnolphus ludovicus 3 conradus 1 henricus auceps otho 1 otho 2 otho 3 henry 2 conrade 2 henry 3 henry 4 henry 5 lotharius 2 conradus suevus fredericus barbarossa henry 6 philip barbarossa otho 4 frederick 2 conrade 4 william of holland rodolph of habspurgh adolphus albert of austria henry 7 ludovick of bavaria charles 4 wenceslaus robert the prince palatine . sigismund albert of austria frederic . 3 maximilian 1 charles 5 ferdinand 1 maximilian 2 rodolph 2 they raigned 1622 yeares . kings of england . egbert ethelwolph ethelwald ethelbert etheldred alfred edward senior athelstan edmund 1 eldred edwyn edgar edward , martyr etheldred edmund 2 canute 1 harold 1 canute 2 saint edward harold 2 william conquerour william rufus henry 1 stephen henry 2 richard 1 iohn henry 3 edward 1 edward 2 edward 3 richard 2 henry 4 henry 5 henry 6 edward 4 edward 5 richard 3 henry 7 henry 8 edward 6 queen mary queen elizabeth king iames they raigned about eight hundred yeares . french kings . pharamund clodio comatus meroveus childeric clodove 1 childebert 1 clothaire 1 cherebert chilperic 1 clothaire 2 dagobert 1 clodove 2 clothaire 3 childeric 2 theodoric 1 clodove 3 childebert 2 dagobert 2 chilperic 2 theodoric 2 childeric . 3 pipin charlemain ludovicus pius carolus calvus ludovicus balbus ludovic . & caroloman . carolus crassus odo carolus simplex rodolph ludovicus transmarinus lotharius ludovic . 5 hugh capet robert henry 1 philip. 1 ludovicus crassus ludovicus 7 philippus augustus ludovic . 8 ludovic . 9 philip 3 philippus pulcher ludovic . hutinus philippus longus charles 4 philip valoys iohn carolus sapiens charles 6 charles 7 ludovic . 11 charles 8 ludovic . 12 francis 1 henry 2 francis 2 charles 9 henry 3 henry 4 they raigned about one thousand one hundred and eighty yeares . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10378-e290 * autor opus laudat . ovid. de ponto lib. 4 eleg. 9. notes for div a10378-e390 * of the time of hercules . sir walter raleighs instructions to his sonne and to posterity instructions to his son and to posterity raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1632 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10362 stc 20641.5 estc s940 23065668 ocm 23065668 26168 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10362) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26168) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1779:31) sir walter raleighs instructions to his sonne and to posterity instructions to his son and to posterity raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [12], 96 p. : 1 port. printed for beniamin fisher, dwelling in aldersgate-street at the talbot, london : 1632. signatures: [a]⁶ b-g⁸. pages 52 and 61 misnumbered as 34 and 47 respectively. contains frontispiece with portrait of sir walter raleigh. imperfect: stained with print show-through. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng young men -conduct of life. conduct of life -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion braue raleigh's outward figure heere you finde but the great worth and sharpenesse of his minde no tablet can containe ; no paynter's skill expresse , seeke that from his owne 〈◊〉 quill . sir walter raleighs instrvctions to his sonne and to posterity . london : printed for beniamin fisher , dwelling in aldersgate-street at the talbot , 1632. to the reader . it was not perhaps , intended by the renowned author , that these instructions shold be made publique : they were directed to his sonne , who doth make iust & due use of them . but such is the lustre of wisedome , that it cannot be hidden . men may bequeath their wealth to their children in particular , but their wisedome was given them for more generall good virgil willed that his deathlesse aeneis should not live ; but great augustus chose herein rather to violate his will , then to bury such treasure . wee neede not such an authority nor precedent for this publication : it is sufficient that it is a communicable good. could his noble sonne bee hereby any way impaired , he shold still have impropriated it . but now he shall gain thus much ; the world shall see that the most secret counsels of his father were iust and religious , and hath good cause to hope that a sonne so instructed can be no otherwise . suppose ( reader ) that thy father might or shold have given thee such advice ; so shalt thou be more willing to follow it and receive the benefits here prescribed ; discretion and honesty . the contents of the severall chapters contained in this booke . chap. 1. vvise , and vertuous persons to be made choice of for friends . chap. 2. great care to be had in the choosing of a wise. chap. 3. wisest men have beene abused by flatterers . chap. 4. private quarrels to be avoided . chap. 5. three rules to be observed for the preservation of mans estate . chap. 6. what sort of servants are fittest to be entertained . chap. 7. brave ragges weare soonest out of fashion . chap. 8. riches not to bee sought by euill meanes . chap. 9. what inconueniences happen to such as delight in wine . chap. 10. let god be thy protector and director in all thy actions . s. walter raleigh , to his sonne . chap. 1. there is nothing more becōming a wise man then to make choice of freinds ; for by them thou shalt bee judged what thou art ; let them therefore be wise and vertuous , and none of those that follow thee for gaine , but make election rather of thy betters then thy inferiors , shunning alwayes such as are poore & needie , for if thou giuest twenty guifts , and refuse to doe the like but once , all that thou hast done will bee lost , and such men will become thy mortall enemies ; take also especiall care , that thou neuer trust any friend , or soruane , with any matter that may endanger thine estate , for so shalt thou make thy selfe a bond-slaue to him that thou trustest , and leaue thy selfe alwayes to his mercie , and be sure of this , thou shalt neuer find a freind in these thy young yeares , whose conditions , and qualities will please the after thou commest to more discretion ; and then all thou giuest is lost , and all wherein thou shalt trust such an one , wil be discouered ; such therefore , as are thy inferiors will follow thee , but to eate thee vp , and when thou leauest to feed them , they will hate thee ; and such kinde of men , if thou preserue thy estate ; will alwayes be had ; and if thy friends bee of better qualitie then thy selfe , thou maist been sure of two things , that they wil be more carefull to keepe thy counsell , because they haue more to loose then thou . secondly , they esteeme thee not , because thou doest possesse , but for thy selfe ; but if thou bee subject to any great vanitie , or ill , which i hope god will blesse thee from , then therein trust no man ; for every mans folly ought to be his greatest secret . and although i perswade thee to associate thy selfe with thy betters , at least peeres ; yet remember alwayes , that thou venter not thy estate with any of those great ones , that shall attempt vnlawfull things , for such men labour for themselues , and not for thee ; thou shalt be sure to part with them in their danger , but not in their honour ; and to venture a true estate in present , in hope of a better in future , is meere madnes ; and great men forget such as haue done them seruice , when they haue obtained what they would ; and will rather hate thee for saying , thou hast beene a meanes of their preferment , then acknowledge it . i could giue a thousand examples , & my selfe knowes it , who haue tasted it , in all the course of my life ; so that i need not in a matter so knowne , giue instance in examples . let thy loue therefore bee , to loue god , thy country , thy prince , and thine owne estate before all others : for the fancies of men change , and hee that loues to day , hateth to morrow ; but let reason bee thy schoolmistris which shall guide thee aright . chap. ii. the next , and greatest care in this life , ought to be in choice of thy wife , and the onely danger therein is beautie , by which all men in all ages , wise , and foolish , haue beene betrayed . and though i know it vaine to vse reasons , or arguments to dismay thee , from being captiuated therewith , there being few that euer resistted the witcherie ; yet i cannot omit to warne thee , as of other things , which may bee thy destructiō for the present time . it is true , that euery man preferreth his fantasie in that appetite before other worldlie deserts , leauing the care of honour , credit , and safetie in respect thereof ; yet remember , though these afflictions doe not last , yet the bonds of marriage , dureth to the end of the life . nor giue thy humour libertie , in accompaning light women ; for though that humour may change in thee againe , yet the blot it leaues on thy honour will euer remaine . remember secondly , that if thou marrie for beautie , thou bindest thy selfe for all thy life , for that which perchance will neither last nor please thee one yere ; and when thou hast it , it will be vnto thee of no price at all , for the desire dyeth when it is attayned , and the affection perisheth , when it is satisfied . remember when thou wert a sucking child , thou diddest love thy nurse , and that thou wert fond of her , after a child thou didst love thy dry nurse , and didst forget the other , after that thou didst also despise her , so will it be in thy liking in elder yeares ; & therefore , though thou canst not forbeare to love , yet forbeare to linke , and after a while thou shalt find an alteration in thy selfe , and see another far more pleasing then the first , second , or third love : yet i wish thee above all the rest , have care thou doest not marry an uncomely woman for any respect , comelinesse in children is riches , if nothing else bee left them , and if thou have care for thy races of horses , and other beasts , value the shape of thy children before aliants or riches ; have care therefore of both together , for if thou have a faire wife , & a poore one , if thine owne estate bee not great , assure thy selfe that love abideth not with want ; for shee is the companion of plentie , for i never knew yet a poore woman excoeding faire , that was not made dishonest by one or other in the end . this , bersheba taught her sonne salomon ; favour is deceitfull , and beautie is vanitie , shee addeth that a wise woman overseeth the wayes of her husband , and eateth not the bread of idlenesse ; have therefore , ever more care , that thou be beloved of thy wife , then thy selfe besotted don her , and thou shalt judge of her love by these two abservations : first if thou perceive shee have care of thy estate , and exercise her selfe therein ; the other , if she please thee and study it , and bee sweet unto thee in conversation without thy instruction , for love needes no teaching nor precept ; on the otherside , bee not sowre nor sterne to thy wise , for cruelty ingendereth no other thing then hatred , let her have equall part of thy estate whilest thou livest , if thou finde her sparing , and honest , but what thou giuest after thy death , remēber that thou givest it to an enemie , and most times to a strāger , for hee that shall marry thy wife shall despise thee , thy memory , and thine , shall possesse the quiet of thy labour , the fruit which thou hast planted , enioy thy love , and spend with ioy and ease what thou hast spared , and gotten with case , and travell ; yet alwayes remember , that thou leave not thy wise to bee a shame unto thee after thou are dead , but shee may live according to thy estate ; especially , if thou hast few children , and them provided for ; but how soever it bee , or whatsfoever thou finde , leave thy wife no more then of necessitie thou must , but onely duting her widdowhood , for if shee love againe , lether not enjoy her second love in the same bed wherein shee loved thee , nor flye to future pleasures with those feathers which death hath pulled from thy wings , but leave thy estate to thy house & children in which thou deceasedst upon earth whilst it lasted . to conclude , wives were ordayned to continue the generation of man , to transferre them , and diminish them , eyther in countenance , or abilitie ; and therefore thy house and estate which liveth in thy sonne , and not in thy wife , is to bee preferred ; let thy time of marriage bee in thy young , and strong yeares ; for beleeve it , ever the young wife bewrayeth the old husband , and shee that had thee not in thy flower , will despise thee in thy fall , and thou shalt bee unto her , but a captivitie and sorrow , thy best time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for as the younger times are unfit , eyther to chuse or to governe a wife and family ; so if thou stay long , thou shalt hardly see the education of thy children , which being left to strangers , are in effect lost , and better were it to bee unhorne then ill bred , for thereby thy posterity shall eyether perish or remayne a shame to thy name , and family . furthermore , if it be late ere thou take a wife , thou shalt spend the prime of thy life with harlots , who destroy thy health , improverish thy estate , and indanger thy selfe , thy life , and bee sure of this , that how many lewd women thou haft acquiantance withall , so many enemies thou shalt purchase to thy selfe , for there never was any such affection which ended not in hatred & disdain . remēber the saying of salomon there is a way which seemeth right to a man , but the issues thereof are the wages of death . if thou canst not then abstaine from them in thy vaine , and unbridled times , yet remember that thou sowest on the sands , and purchase diseases , repentance , and hatred onely : therefore , bestow thy youth so , that thou mayest have comfort to remember it hath forsaken thee , and not to grieve at the account thereof , whilest thou art young ; thou wilt thinke it will never have an end , bebold that the longest day hath his evening , & that thou shalt enjoy it but once , that it never turnes againe , use it therefore as the spring time which soone departeth , and wherein thou oughtest to plant , and sow all provisions for along and happie life . chap. iii. take care thou bee not made a foole by flatterers , for even the wisest men are abused by these , know therefore , the flat terers are the worst kind of traytors , for they will strengthen thy imperfections , encourage thee in all evils , correct thee in nothing , but so shadow , and paint all thy vices , and follies , as thou shalt never by their will discerne evill from good , or vice from vertue , because all men are apt to flatter themselves to entertaine the additions of other mens prayses , it is most perilous , doe not therefore prayse thy selfe , and bee counted a vain-glorious foole , neyther take delight in thy prayse except thou deserve it , receive it from such as are worthy and honest , and will withal warne thee of thy faults ; for flatterers have never no other vertue , they are ever base , creeping , cowardly persons , for thou shalt not find a valiāt friend that wil venter his life for thee a flatterer , but such creeping knaues as is good for nothing else . a flatterer , is sayd to bee a beast that flattereth biting , that biteth smelling ; it is said by esay , in this manner ; my people they that prayse thee seduce thee , and disorder the pathes of thy feete , & david desireth god to cast out the tongue of a flatterer , but it is hard to know them from friends , so are they obsequious , & full of protestations ; for as a wolfe , a dog , so a flatterer resembleth a friend . a flatterer is compared to an ape , who because shee cannot defend the house like a dog , labour as an oxe , or beare burdens as a horse doth , therefore yet play trickes , and provoke laughter ; a friend thou mayest bee sure that he will in private tell thee of thy faults , he adventures this mischiefe , to hazard thy hatred , for there are few men can endure it , every man for the most part delighteth himselfe in prayse , which is one of the universall follies which bewitcheth mankind . chap. iiii. be carefull to avoyd publike disputations at feasts , or tables , amongst quarrelsome persons , and eschew evermore to bee acquainted with ruffians , for thou shalt bee in asmuch danger with a brawler in private quarrell , as in a battle wherein thou mayest get honour to thy selfe , and safetie to thy prince , & countrey ; but if thou bee once engaged , carry thy selfe bravely , that they may feare thee afterward ; to shun therefore private fights , bee well advised in thy word and behaviour , for honour & shame is in the talke & tongue of a man , jest not openly at those that are simple but remember how much thou art boūd to god who hath made thee wiser ! defame not any woman publikely , though thou know her to bee evill , for those that are faulty cannot endure to be taxt , and will looke to bee avenged of thee , and those that are not guilty cannot endure unjust reproach , & as there is nothing more shamefull & dishonest , so truth it selfe cutteth his throat that carieth her publikely . doe therefore right to all men where it may profit them , and thou shalt thereby get much love , and forebeare to speake evill things of men though it be true , if thou bee not constrayned , and thereby thou shalt avoyde malice , and revenge . doe not accuse any of any crime , if it be not to save thy selfe , thy prince , or countrey ; for there is nothing more dishonourable . i would not have you for any respect loose your reputation , or endure publike disgrace ; for better it were not to live then to live a coward , if the offence proceed not from thy selfe , if it bee it shall bee better to compound it upon good termes , then to hazard thy selfe , for if thou overcome , thou art under the crueltie of the law , if thou be overcome thou art dead , or dishonoured ; if thou therefore contend , or discourse in argument , let it bee with wise and sober men , of which thou mayest learne by reasoning , and not with ignorant persons , for thou shalt thereby instruct those : that will not thanke thee , and utter what they have learned from thee , but if thou know more then other men , utter it when it may doe thee honour , and not in assemblies of ignorant , & common persons : speaking much , is also a kinde of vanitie ; for hee that is lavish in words , is a niggard in deeds , and as salomon sayth , the heart of a foole is in his mouth , and the mouth of a wise man is in his heart , because what he knoweth or thinketh hee uttereth , and by words , & discourse , men will judge thee . for as socrates saith , such as thy words are , such will thy affections bee esteemed , and such will thy deeds as thy affections , and such thy life as thy deeds , therefore be advised what thou dost discourse of , what thou maintaynest , whether touching religion , estate , or vanitie , for if thou erre in the first , thou shalt bee counted prophane , in the second dangerous , in the third undiscreete , & foolish , hee that cannot refraine from much speaking , is like a city without wals , and lesse paines in the world a man cannot take then to hold his tongue , therefore if , thou observest this rule in all assemblies thou shalt seldome erre , restraine thy choller , hearken much and speake little , for the tongue is the instrument of the greatest good , and greatest evill according to salomon ; life , and death are in the power of the tongue : and as euripides truly affirmeth , every unbridled tongue in the end shall find it selfe unfortunate , for in all that ever i observed in the course of earthly things , i ever found , that mens fortunes are oftner mard by their tongues then by their vices , and to conclude , all quarrels , mischiefe , hatred , and destruction ariseth from unadvised speech , and in much speech there are many errors , out of which thy enemies shall sure take the most dangerous advantage , and as thou shalt be happy if thou thy selfe observe these things , so shall it be most profitable for thee to avoyd their companies that erre in that kind , & not to hearken to tale-bearers , to inquisitive persons , and such as busie themselves with other mens estates , that creepe into houses as spyes to learne newes which concerne them not , for assure thy selfe such persons are most base , and unworthy , and i will thou take heed also , that thou art not found a lyer , for a lying spirit is hatefull both to god and man , a lyar is commonly a coward , for hee dares not avow the truth , a lyar is trusted of no man , hee can have no credit neyther in publike nor private ; and if there were no more argument but this , know that our lord in saint iohn sayth , that it is a vice proper to satan , lying , being opposite to gods nature , which consisteth in truth , and the gaine of lying is nothing else but not to bee trusted of any , nor to be beleeved when wee say the truth . it is sayd in the proverbs , that god hateth false lippes , and that hee that speaketh lyes shall perish ; thus thou seest how odious , & contrary to god a lyar is , and for the world , beleeve it , that it never did any man good , except in the extremitie of saving life , for a lyar is of a base , unworthy , and cowardly spirit . chap. v. amongst all other things of the world , take care of thy estate , which thou shalt ever preserve if thou observe these things : first , that thou knowest what thou hast , and to see that thou art not wasted by thy servants and officers ; the second is , that thou never spend any thing before thou have it , for borrowing is the canker , and death of every mans estate : the third is , that thou suffer not thy selfe to be wounded for other mens faults , and scourged for other mens offences , which is , to bee suerty for another , for thereby millions of men have beene beggered and destroyed , paying the reckoning of other mens ryot , and the charge of other mens folly , and prodigality ; if thou smart for thy owne sin , the paine is endured with some ease , and above all things bee not made an asse to carry the burden of other men ; if thy friend desire thee to bee his suretie , give him a part of what thou hast to spare , if hee presse thee farther , hee is not thy friend at all , for friendship rather chooseth harme to it selfe then offereth it , if thou be bound for a stranger , thou art a foole , if for a marchant , thou puttest thy estate to learne to swimme ; if for a churchman , he hath no inheritance ; if for a lawyer , hee will find an evasion by a syllable , or word to abuse thee ; if for a poore man thou must pay it thy selfe , therefore from suretiship as from a man-slayer , or enchanter for the best profit , and returne will bee this , that if thou force him for whom thou art bound to pay it himselfe , hee wil become thy enemie , if thou use to pay it thy selfe , thou wilt be a begger , and beleeve thy father in this , and print it in thy thoughts , that what vertue soever thou hast , bee it never so manifold , if thou be poore withall , thou , and thy qualities shall be despised ; besides , poverty is ofttimes sent as a curse of god it is a chaine amongst men , an imprisonment of the mind , a vexation of everie worthy spirit ; thou shalt neyther helpe thy selfe nor others , thou shalt drowne in thee all thy vertues , having no meanes to shew them , thou shalt bee a burthen , and eye-sore of all thy friends , everie man will scorne thy company , thou shalt bee driven basely to begge , and depend on others , to flatter unworthy men , to make dishonest shifts ; and to conclude , poverty provokes a man to doe infamous and detested deedes ; let no vanitie therefore , or perswasion draw thee to that worst of worldly miseries , if thou be rich , it will give thee pleasure in health , comfort in sicknesse , keepe thy mind and body free , save thee from many perils , relieve thee in thy elder yeares , the poore , and thy honest friends , and give meanes to thy posteritie to live , and defend themselves , and thine own fame where it is said in the proverbs , that hee shall bee sore vexed that is surety for a stranger , it is further said , the poore is hated even of his owne neighbor , but y e rich have many friends . lend not to him that is mightier then thy selfe , for if thou lendest him count it but lost , bee not suretie above thy power , for it thou bee suretie thinke to pay it . chap. vi. let thy servants be such as thou mayest command , and entertayne none about the but yeomen to whom thou givest wages , for those that will serve thee without thy hire wil cost thee trouble asmuch , as they that know their fare ; if thou trust any servant with thy purse , bee sure thou take his account ere thou sleepe , for if thou put it off thou wile then afterwards for tediousnesse neglect it , i my selfe have lost thereby more then i am worth . and whatsoever hee gaines thereby hee will never thanke thee , but laugh thy simplicity to scorne ; and besides , it is the way to make thy servants theeves , which else would be truest . chap. vii . exceed not in the humour of ragges , & bravery , for these will soone weare out of fashion , but that money in thy purse will ever be in fashion , and no man is esteemed for gay garments , but by fooles and women . chap. viii . on the other side , take heed that thou seek not riches basely nor attaine them by evil meanes , destroy no man for his wealth , nor take any thing from the poore , for the cry and complaint thereof will pierce the heavens , and is most detestable before god , and most dishonourable before worthy men : to wrest any thing from the needie and labouring soule , will never prosper thee in ought if ought thou offend therein , but use thy poore neighbours , and tennants well , put not them , and their children to a needlesse superfluitie , and expences to thy selfe . he that hath pitty on another mans sorrowes shall bee free from it himselfe , and hee that delighteth in , & scorneth the misery of another , shall one time or other fall into it himselfe . remember , hee that hath mercie on the poore lendeth unto the lord , and the lord will recompence him what hee hath given . i doe not understand such for poore as are vagabonds , and beggars , but those that labour to live , such as are old , and cannot travell , such poore vagabounds , and fatherlesse children as are ordered to be relieved , & the poore tenants that travell to pay their rents , and that fall into poverty by mischance , and not by carelesse expence , on such have thou cōpassion , and god will blesse thee for ever ; make not thy hungry soule sorrowfull , deferre not the guift of the needy , for if hee curse thee in the bitternesse of his soule , his prayer shall bee heard of him that made him . chap. ix . take especiall care that thou delight not in wine , for there never was any man that came to honour , or preferment that loved it , for it transformeth a man into a beast , because heate poysoneth the breath decayeth naturall heate , brings a mans stomacke into an artificiall heate , deformeth the face , rotteth the teeth , and to conclude maketh a man contemptible , soone old , and despised of all wise , and worthy men : in thy servants , in thy selfe , and companions , for it is a bewitching , and infectious vice . and remember my words , that it were better for a man to be subject to any vice then to it , for all other vanities and sinnes are recovered , but a drunkard will never shake off the delight of beastlinesse , for the longer it possesseth a man the more hee will delight in it , and the elder hee groweth the more he shall be subject to it ; for it dulleth the spirits and destroyeth the body , as ivy doth the old tree ; or as the worme that ingendreth in the cornell of the nut take heede therefore that such a curelesse cankar possesse not thy youth , nor such a beastly infection thy old age ; for thou shalt all thy life time live but the life of a beast , and after death thou shalt shortly prove a shamefull infamie to thy posteritie , who shall study to forget that such a one was their father . anacharsis saith , the first draught serveth for health , the second for pleasure ; third for shame , fourth for madnesse , but in youth there is not so much as one draught permitted , for it putteth fire to fire , and wasteth the naturall heate , and therefore except thou hasten thine end , take this for a generall rule , that thou adde not an artificiall heat to thee by wine or spice untill thou find that time hath decayed thy naturall heate , and assoone as thou beginnest to helpe nature , the sooner shee will forsake thee , and trust not onely upon art : who hath misfortune faith salomon , who have sorrow , and griefe , who have trouble without sighing , stripes without cause , and faintnesse of eyes , even they that sit at wine , and straine themselves to emptie cuppes ; pliny sayth , wine makes the hand quivering , the eyes waterie , the night unquiet , lewd dreames , a stinking breath in the morne and all utter forgetfulnesse of things . whosoever loveth wine , shall not bee trusted of any man , for he cannot keepe a secret , wine maketh a man nor onely , a beast but a mad-man , & if thou love it , thy own wife , thy children , and thy friends will despise thee , in drinke men care not what they say , what offence they give , they forget comelinesse , commit disorders , and to conclude , offend all vertuous & honest company , and god most of all ; to whom wee daily pray for health and a life free from paine , and yet by drunkennesse , and gluttony ( which is the drunkennesse of feeding ) wee draw on . hesiod saith , a swift hasty evill untimely , and an infamous old age . and avstin describeth drunkennes , in this manner : 〈◊〉 est blandus damon dulce venenum , suave peccatum , quam , qui habet seipsum non habet , quam , qui facit peccatum non facit ; sed ipse est peccatum . innocentivo saith , quid turpius ebrioso cui foetor in ore , tramor in corpore , qui promit stulta , promit occalta , cui ●●es alebatar , facit transfermutur ; nultum serrutum ubi ●●guat ebrietas at quid nos aliud designas malum ? when diogenes saw a house to bee sold , whereof the owner was given to drinke , i thought at the last quoth diogenes , hee would spew out a whole house ; sciebam inquit quod domum tandem evomeret . chap. x. now for the world , i know it too well to perswade you to dive into the practises thereof , rather stand upon your owne guard against all that tempt you thereunto , or may practise upon you in your conscience , your reputation , or your purse ; resolve that no man is wise or safe , but he that is honest . serve god , let him bee the author of all your actions , commend all your endeavors to him that must eyther wither , or prosper them , please him with prayer , least if hee frown , he confound all your fortunes & labours like drops of rayne on the sandy ground , let my experienced advice and fatherly instructions sink deep into your heart ; so god direct you in all his wayes and fill your heart with his grace . finis . excellent observations and notes, concerning the royall navy and sea-service by sir walter rawleigh ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70942 of text r182347 in the english short title catalog (wing r161). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70942 wing r161 estc r182347 20552150 ocm 20552150 60815 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70942) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60815) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:23) excellent observations and notes, concerning the royall navy and sea-service by sir walter rawleigh ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [2], 46 p. printed by t.w. for humphrey moseley ..., london : 1650. this item can also be found with "judicious and select essayes" (wing r170) at reel 289:13. reproduction of original in columbia university library. eng england and wales. -royal navy. naval art and science -early works to 1800. a70942 r182347 (wing r161). civilwar no excellent observations and notes, concerning the royall navy and sea-service. written by sir walter rawleigh and by him dedicated to the mos raleigh, walter, sir 1650 6671 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-05 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion excellent observations and notes , concerning the royall navy and sea-service . written by sir walter rawleigh and by him dedicated to the most noble and illustrious prince henry prince of wales . london , printed by t. w. for humphrey moseley , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the princes arms in st. pauls church-yard . 1650. excellent observations and notes , concerning the royall navy and sea-service . having formerly ( most excellent prince ) discoursed of a maritimall voyage , and the passages and incidents therein , i thinke it not impertinent nor differing from my purpose , to second the same with some necessary relations concerning the royall navy , with the services and offices thereto belonging . for , as the perfection and excellency of our shipping is great and remarkeable , so the imperfections and defects of the same by use and experience of late years , have been found to be divers and inconvenient , as it falls out many times in the circumstances of land service by the charige of armes , diversities of fortifications , and alteration of discipline . and therefore for the due reformation , many things are necessarily and particularly to be spoken and considered of in their order . in regard whereof , i will first begin with the officers , and therein crave pardon ( if in speaking plainly and truly in a matter of so great importance ) i doe set aside all private respects and partiality . for in that which concerns the service and benefit of my prince and country , i will say with cicero , nil mihi melius , nil mihi charius . and therefore not justly to be taxed with any presumption for medling with matters wherein i have no dealings nor charge . for that in the affaires of this nature , every good subject is deeply interessed , and bound in conscience and duty both to say and doe his best . of the officers of the navy . first therefore , it were to be wished , that the chiefe officers under the lord admirall ( as vice-admirall , treasurer , controller , surveyor ; and the rest ) should be men of the best experience in sea-service , aswell as of judgement and practise in the utinsells and necessaries belonging to shipping , even from the batts end to the very kilson of a ship . and that no kind of people should be preserred to any of these offices , but such as have been throughly practised , and be very judiciall in either kind of the above named services ; but we see it oftentimes to fall our otherwise . for sometimes by the speciall favour of princes , and many times by the mediation of great men for the preferment of their servants , and now and then by vertue of the purse , and such like means , some people very raw and ignorant , are very unworthily and unfitly nominated to those places , when men of desert and ability are held back and unpreferr'd , to the great hinderance of his majesties service , to the prejudice of the navy , and to the no little discouragement of ancient and noble able servitors , when favour or partiality shall eat out knowledge and sufficiency , in matters so neerly concerning the service and safety of the kingdome , wherein all private respects should be laid apart , and vertue truly regarded for it selfe . of the building of ships . secondly , it were no lesse behoovefull for his majesties service , and for the strength of the navy , that no ships should be builded by the great , as divers of them have been ; for by daily experience they are found be the most weake , imperfect , and unserviceable ships of all the rest . and it is not otherwise to be presumed , but as the officers would bee thought to be very frugall for his majesty in driving a bargaine by the great at a neere rate with the shipwright , so likewise the shipwright on his part will be as carefull to gaine by his labour , or at least to save himselfe harmlesse , and therefore suite his worke slightly according to a slight price . out of the which present sparing and untimely thrift , there grows many future inconveniences and continuall charge in repayring and reedifying such imperfect slight built vessells . the proofe and experience whereof hath been often found in new shipps built at those rates , but so weakly , as that in their voyages , they have been ready to founder in the seas with every extraordinary storme , and at their returne been enforced to be new built . but seeing the officers of the admiralty doe hold ( by the grace of his majestie ) places of so good credit and benesit , it is their parts therefore ( being well waged and rewarded for the same ) exactly to look into the sound building of ships , and to imploy their care and travell aswell in the over sight thereof , as to provide that all things else belonging to the navy be good and well conditioned : for the strong and true building of a ship is not to be left barely to the fidelity of a marchanticall artificer ( the chiefe end of whose worke in his owne accompt is his profit and gaine ) but some superior officer ought to have a further regard in that businesse , if he be such a one as hath more judgement in the building and conditioning of a ship , then devotion to his owne ease and profit . moreover if any decayed ship be intended to be new made , it is more fit and profitable to make her a size lesse then she was , then bigger ; for then her beams which were laid over-thwart from side to side , will serve againe , and most of her tymbers and other parts will say well to the building of a new ship . but if she should be made a size bigger , the tymber of the old will be unprofitable for that purpose ; we find by experience , that the greatest ships are least serviceable , goe very deep to water and of marvellous charge and fearefull cumber , our channells decaying every year . besides , they are lesse nimble , lesse maineable , and very seldome imployed . grande navio grande fatica , saith the spaniard , a ship of 600 tuns will carry as good ordnance , as a ship of 1200. tuns , and though the greater have double her number , the lesser will turne her broad sides twice , before the greater can wend once , and so no advantage in that overplus of ordnance . and in the building of all ships , these six things are principally required . 1. first , that she be strong built . 2. secondly , that shee bee swift . 3. thirdly , that she be stout sided . 4. fourthly , that she carry out her guns all weather . 5. fifthly , that she hull and try well , which we call a good sea-ship . 6. sixthly , that shee stay well , when bourding and turning on a wind is required . 1. to make her strong consisteth in the truth of the workeman , and the care of the officers . 2. to make her sayle well is to give a long run forward , and so afterward done by art and just proportion . for as in laying out of her bows before and quarters behind , she neither sinck into , nor hang in the water , but lye cleare off and above it , and that the shipwrights be not deceived herein ( as for the most part they have ever been ) they must be sure , that the ship sinck no deeper into the water , then they promise , for other wise the bow and quarter will utterly spoile her sayling . 3. that she bee stout , the same is provided and performed by a long bearing floore , and by sharing off above water even from the lower edge of the ports . 4. to carry out her ordnance all weather , this long bearing floore , and sharing off from above the ports is a chiefe cause , provided alwayes , that your lowest tyre of ordnance must lye foure foot cleare above water when all loading is in , or else those your best pieces will be of small use at the sea in any growne weather that makes the billoe to rise , for then you shall be enforced to take in all your lower ports , or else hazard the ship . as befell to the mary rose ( a goodly vessell ) which in the days of king hen. 8. being before the isle of wight with the rest of the royall navy , to encounter the french fleet , with a suddain puff of wind stooped her side , and tooke in water at her ports in such abundance , as that she instantly sunck downeright and many gallant men in her . the captaine of her was sir george carew knight , who also perished among the rest . 5. to make her a good sea-ship , that is to hull and trye well , there are two things specially to be observed , the one that she have a good draught of water , the other that she be not overcharged , which commonly the kings ships are , and therefore in them we are forced to lye at trye with our maine course and missen , which with a deep keel and standing streake she will performe . 6. the hinderance to stay well is the extreame length of a ship , especially if she be floaty and want sharpnesse of way forwards , and it is most true , that those over long ships are fitter for our seas , then for the ocean , but one hundred foot long and five and thirty foot broad , is a good proportion for a great ship . it is a speciall observation , that all ships sharpe before , that want a long floore , will fall roughly into the sea and take in water over head and ears . so will all narrow quartered ships sinck after the tayle . the high charging of ships is it that brings them all ill qualities , makes them extreame leeward makes them sinck deep into the water , makes them labour and makes them overset . men may not expect the ease of many . cabbins and safety at once in sea-service . two decks and a half is sufficient to yield shelter and lodging for men and marriners and no more charging at all higher , but only one low cabbin for the master . but our marriners will say , that a ship will beare more charging aloft for cabbins , and that is true , if none but ordinary marryners were to serve in them , who are able to endure , and are used to the tumbling and rowling of ships from side to side when the sea is never so little growne . but men of better sort and better breeding would be glad to find more steadinesse and lesse tortering cadge worke . and albeit the marriners doe covet store of cabbins , yet indeed they are but sluttish dens that breed sicknesse in peace , serving to cover stealths , and in fight are dangerous to teare men with their splinters . of harbouring and placing the navy . there are also many and great reasons why all his majesties navy should not in such sort be pen'd up as they are in rochester-water , but only in respect of the ease and commodity of the officers , which is encountred with sundry inconveniences for the sea-service , the dificulty being very great to bring them in or out at times of need through so many flats and sands , if wind and weather be not very favourable . besides , they must have sundry winds to bring them to the lands end , and to put them to the seas , which oftentimes failes , and causeth delay when hast is most needfull . for if any service be to be done upon the south parts of england , as the wight , portsmouth , the i slands of garnsey and jersey , or westward towards devon-shire or cornwall , or towards wales or ireland , it is so long ere his majesties shipping can be brought about to recover any of these places , as that much mischiefe may be done the while . for the same winds that bring in the enemy , binds in our shipping in such sort , as that oftentimes in a months space they are not able to recover the neerest of any of these above named coasts . but how perillous a course it is , is easily discerned , and as casily remedyed , seeing there are besides so many safe and good harbours to disperse and bestow some of the navy in , where they may ever lye fit for all services , as portsmouth ; dartmouth , plymouth , falmouth , milford and divers others , all of them being harbours very capable and convenient for shipping . but perhaps it will be alleadged , that they cannot ride in any of these so safe from enemies as in rochester-water , because it reacheth far within the land , and is under the protection of some blockhouses . to which i answer this , that with very easie care and provision , they may in most of these places ride sufficiently secure from any forraine practises . and i doe not meane that all the whole navy should be subdivided into all these ports , but that some halfe dozen or eight of the midling ships , and some pynnaces should lye in the west , and yet not in any port so neere the sea , as that in a darke night they may be endangered by enemies with fire or otherwise , but in some such places as ashwater is by plymouth , where an enemy must run up a fresh river , a dozen miles after he hath passed the forts of the island , and the alarum given , before he can come where they lye at anchor . in which river the greatest charack of portugall may ride a float ten miles within the forts . but if regard be only had of their safe keeping , and not also of their readinesse and fitnesse for service , then let them never be sent abroad to be hazarded against the enemies forces ; for therein they shall be more subject to casualitie and danger , then by lying in any of these harbours above specified . but certaien it is , that these ships are purposely to serve his majesty , and to defend the kingdom from danger , and not to be so penn'd up from casualitie , as that they should be the lesse able or serviceable in times of need . and therefore that objection savours not of good reason , but rather of selfe respect in the officers , who are all for the most part well seated neer about rochester . but the service of his majesty , and the safety of the realme ( in my poore opinion ) ought to prevaile beyond all other respects whatsoever : and to him that casts thoseneedlesse doubts , it may well be said , pereat qui timet umbras . of the needfull expence in manning the navy and other inconveniences by placing all the fleet in rochester-water . if the service of the shipping lying for any of these places above named , or for spaine , or for the islands , they are enforced of very necessity to presse the best and greatest part of their men out of the west countries , which is no small charge in bringing them so far as between that and rochester , and then when they are imbraqued at rochester , their charge is againe redoubled in their pay and expence of victualls , before the ships can recover so farre as plymouth , which many times is long a doing , for they doe ever usually touch at plymouth in all southerene voyages , for the furnishing many sea-necessaries , which that country doth afford . and therefore for so many ships as should be there resident , the charges of conduct money for marryners , of wages and of victualls , would be well savd for all that time , which is spent betwixt rochester and plymouth . besides , it were to be presumed , that enemies would not be so troublesome to the westerne coasts , nor that country it self would be so often dismayed with alarums as they have of late years been , if some of his majesties good . ships were resident in those parts . if therefore in his majesties wisdome it should appeare fit , to bestow some of his shipping in any of these horbours aforenamed , it shall be very needfull likewise that there be a magazin of all manner of necessary provisions and munitions in the same places , according to the proportion of the shipping that there shall be resident , whereby such defects as by accident may fall out , shall upon any occasion be readily supplyed without delays or hindrance of service : and that withall in the same places , some officers belonging to the admiralty be there alwayes attendant , otherwise it would be found very inconvenient to be enforced ever to at-attend such helps and supplies as must come so far off as london , when it may more easily and with lesse charge be effected in places where they ride . of great ordnance . it was also very behoovefull , that his majesties ships were not so overpestred and clogged with great ordnance as they are , whereof there is such superfluity , as that much of it serves to no better use , but only to labour and overcharge the ships sides in any growne seas and foule weather . besides many of the ships that are allowed but twenty gunners , have forty piece of barsse pieces , whereas every piece at least requires foure gunners to attend it , and so that proportion of ordnance to so few gunners , very preposterous : for when a ship seels or roules in foule weather , the breaking loose of ordnance is a thing very dangerous , which the gunners can hardly prevent or well looke into , they being so few , the gunnes so many ; withall we doe see , that twenty or thirty good brasse pieces , as cannon , demicannon , culverin , and demiculverin , is a royall batterie for a prince to bring before any towne or strong fortresse . and why should not we aswell thinke the same to be a very large proportion for one ship to batter another withall ? which if it be , then may his majesty ratably save a great part of the ordnance throughout every ship , and make the navy the more sufficient and serviceable , and thereby also save a great deale of needlesse expence in superfluous powder and shot , that is now prerended to be delivered out according to this huge and excessive proportion of artillery , whereof if many had not been stricken downe into holt in many voyages and ( especially in this last journey to the islands ) divers of the ships , weight , heaft , and charge thereof , would have foundered in the sea : wherein i report me to such as have served in them , and saw the proofe thereof . for this journey to the islands , did most of all others , discover unto us these experinces and tryalls in the royall navy , for that it was the longest navigation that ever was made out of our realme , with so many of the princes ships , and tarrying out so late in the year , whereby both the winds and seas had power and time throughly to search and examine them . besides many times , there is no proportio of shot and powder allowed rateably by that quātity of the great ordnance , as was seen in the sea-battaile with the spaniards in the yeare 88. when it so neerly concerned the defence and preservation of the kingdome . so as then many of those great guns wanting powder and shot , stood but as cyphers and scarcrowes , not unlike to the easterling hulkes , who were wont to plant great red port-holes in their broad sides , where they carryed no ordnance at all . of calking and sheathing his majesties ships . there is a great error committed in the manner of calking his majesties ships , which being done with rotten ocum , is the cause they are leaky , and the reason is this , for that they make their ocum wherewith they calke the seams of the ships , of old seere and weather-beaten ropes , when they are overspent and growne so rotten , as they serve for no othe use but to make rotten ocum , which moulders and washes away with every sea , as the ships labour and are rossed , whereas indeed of all other things , the most speicall & best choice would be made of that stuffe to have it both new and good , for that sparing to imploy old rotten ropes , is a great defect either in the building of new ships , or in the repairing of old , and is the cause why after every journey they must be new calked . and therefore it were much to be wished , as a thing fit for his majesties service , profitable for the navy , and happy for those that shall serve in them , that the whole navy throughout were all sheathed , as some of them are . the benefit and good whereof for sea-service is manifold , and no lesse frugall for his majesty in making his ships as strong and lasting thereby , as they are otherwise good of sayle . and then shall they never need ( scarcely once in ten years ) this new calking and repayring which now almost every yeare they have . and hereof let the censure be taken of the best seamen of england , and they will not vary from this opinion . of victualling . as his majesties due allowance for victualling of ships is very large and honourable , and would be greatly to the incouragement and strengthning of the marriners and souldiers that serve in them , if it were faithfully distributed , the sea-service ( indeed ) being very miserable and painfull , so againe as it is abused and purloyned , it is very scant and dishonourable to the great slander of the navy , to the discouragement of all them that are prest thereunto , and to the hinderance of his majesties service . for that many times they goe with a great grudging to serve in his majesties ships , as if it were to be slaves in the gallyes . so much doe they stand in feare of penurie and hunger ; the case being cleane contrary in all merchants ships , and therefore the purveyors and victuallers are much to be condemned , as not a little faulty in that behalfe , who make no little profit of those polings which is cause very lamentable , that such as sit in ease at home , should so raise a benefit out of their hunger and thirst , that serve their prince and country painfully abroad , whereof there hath a long time been great complaining , but small reformation . of beere caskes . there is also daily proofe made , what great inconveniences growes by the bad caske which is used in his majesties ships being commonly so ill seasoned and conditioned , as that a great part of the beere is ever lost and cast away , or ( if for necessity it be used ) it breeds infection , and corrupts all those that drinke thereof . for the victuallers for cheapnesse will buy stale caske that hath been used for herring , traine oyle , fish , and other such unsavory things , and thereinto fill the beere that is provided for the kings ships . besides the caske is commonly so ill hooped , as that there is wast and leaking made of the fourth part of all the drinke were it never so good , which is a great expence to his majesty , a hinderance of service , and a hazard of mens lives , when the provision failes so much and answers not the accompt . the which might easily be redressed , if the caske for his majesties shipping , were purposely hooped in such sort as wine caske is , or else hooped with iron , which would ever serve and save that continuall provision of new caske , which now falls out every voyage . but this course were more profitable for his majesty then for his officers , and therefore unpleasing to be spoken of , but yet such as serve in the ships have good cause to wish the reformation thereof . of the cookroomes in his majesties ships . and whereas now the cookroomes in all of his majesties ships are made below in hold in the wast , the inconveniences thereof are found many wayes by daily use and experience . for first it is a great spoile and annoyance to all the drinke and victualls which are bestowed in the hold , by the heat that comes from the cookroome . besides , it is very dangerous for fire , and very offensive with the smoake and unsavory smells which it sends from thence . moreover it is a great weakening to a ship to have so much weight and charge at both the ends , and nothing in the mid-ship , which causeth them to warpe , and ( in the sea-phrase ; and with marriners ) is tearmed camberkeeld : whereas if the cookroomes were made in the forecastle ( as very fitly they might be ) all those inconveniences above specified , would be avoyded , and then also would there be more roome for stowage of victualls , or any other necessary provisions , whereof there is now daily found great want . and the commoditie of this new cookroome the merchants have found to be so great , as that in all their ships ( for the most part ) the cookroomes are built in their fore-castles , contrary to that which hath been anciently used . in which change notwithstanding , they have found no inconvenience to their dressing of meat in foule weather , but rather a great ease , howbeit their ships goe as long voyages as any , and are for their burdens aswell mann'd . for if any stormes arise , or the sea grow so high as that the kettle cannot boyle in the forecastles , yet having with their beere and bisket , butter and cheese , and with their pickled herrings , oyle , vineger and onions , or with their red herrings and dry sprats , oyle and mustard , and other like provisions that needs no fire , these supply and varieties of victualls , will very sufficiently content and nourish men for a time , until the storme be over blowne that kept the kettle from boyling . of mustering and pressing able marriners . as concerning the musters and presses for sufficient marriners to serve in his majesties ships , either the care therein is very little , or the bribery very great , so that of all other shipping , his majesties are ever the worst manned , and at such times as the commissioners commissions come out for the pressing of marriners , the officers doe set out the most needy and unable men , and ( for considerations to themselves best knowne ) doe discharge the better sort , a matter so commonly used , as that it is growne into a proverbe amongst the saylers , that the mustermasters doe carry the best and ablest men in their pockets , a custome very evill and dangerous . where the service and use of men should come in tryall . for many of those poore fishermen and idlers , that are cōmonly presented to his majesties ships , are so ignorant in sea-service , as that they know not the name of a rope , and therefore insufficient for such labour . the which might easily bee redressed ; if the vice-admirall of the shire where men are mustered , and two justices had directions given , to joyn with the muster-masters for the pressing of the best men whom they well know , and would not suffer the service of their prince and country to be bought and sold , as a private muster master would doe . besides , the captains tains themselves of the ships , if they bee bare and needy ( though pitty it were that men of such condition should have such charge committed unto them ) wil oftentimes for commodity chop and change away their good men , and therefore it were sitly provided to bridle such odd captains , that neither they themselves , nor any of their men , should receive his majesties pay but by the pole , and according as they were set downe in the officers books when they were delivered without changing of any names , except to supply such men as are wanting by death or sicknesse , upon good testimonie under the hands of the master , the boat swayne , the master gunner , the purser and other officers of the ship . for it neerly concerns them to looke well thereunto , having daily use of them . of arms and munition . it were a course very comfortable , defensive and honourable , that there were for al his majesties ships a proportion of swords , targets of proof , moryons , and curatts of proofe , allowed and set downe for every ship according to his burthen , as a thing both warlike , and used in the king of spains ships , the want whereof as it is a great discouragement to men if they come to any neere fight or landing , so would the use thereof be a great annoyance and tertifying to the enemy . and herein should his majesty need to be at no extraordinary expence : for the abating of the superfluous great picces in every ship , with their allowance for powder , match and shot , would supply the cost of this provision in very ample mannet . of captains to serve in his majesties ships . at al such times as his majest. ships are imployed in service , it were very convenient that such gentlemen as are his majesties owne sworne servnats , should be preferred to the charge of his majesties ships , choice being made of men of valour , and capacitie ; rather then to imploy other mens men , and that other of his majesties servants should be dispersed privately in those services to gaine experience , and to make themselves able to take charge . by the which means his majestie should ever have gentlemen of good accompt his owne servants , captains of his owne ships , instead of pettie companions and other mens servants , who are often imployed , being ( indeed ) a great indignity to his majesty , to his shipping and to his owne gentlemen . for that in times past , it hath been reputed a great grace to any man of the best sort , to have the charge of the princes ship cōmitted unto him , and by this means there would ever be true report made unto the pr. what proceedings are used in the service , which these meaner sort of captains dare not doe , for feare of displeasing the lords their masters , by whom they are preferred , or being of an inferiour quality , have no good accesse to the presence of the prince , whereby to have fit opportunity to make relation accordingly . but now forasmuch as i doubt not , but that some contrary spirits may or will object this as a sufficient reason to infirme all those points that i have have formerly spoken of , and say unto me , why should his majesty and the state bee troubled with this needlesse charge of keeping and maintaining so great a navy in such exquisite perfection , and readinesse ? the times being now peaceable , and little use of armes or ships of warre , either at home or abroad , but all safe and secure , aswell by the uniting of the two nations , as by the peace which we hold with spaine , and all other christian princes . to this i answer , that this ( indeed ) may stand ( at the first sight ) for a prettie supersiciall argument to bleare our eys , and lull us asleep in security , and make us negligent and carelesse of those causes from whence the effects of peace grows , and by the vertue whereof it must be maintained . but we must not flatter and deceive our selves , to thinke that this calme and concord proceeds either from a setled immutable tranquillity in the world ( which is full of alterations and various humours ) or from the good affections of our late enemies , who have tasted too many disgraces , repulses , and losses , by our forces and shipping , to wish our state so much felicity as a happy and peaceable government , if otherwise they had power to hinder it . and therefore though the sword be put into the sheath , we must not suffer it there to rust , or stick so fast , as that we shall not be able to draw it readily when need requires . for albeit our enemies have of late years sought peace with us , yet yet hath it proceeded out of the former tryall of our forces in times of war and enmity . and therefore we may well say of them as anneus ( pretor of the latines ) said of the roman ambassadours , who seemed curious and carefull to have the league maintained betweene them ( which the roman estate was not accustomed to seeke at their neighbours hands ) and thereupon saith this anneus , unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi ex cognitione virium & nostrarum & suarum . for with the like consideration and respect have our late enemies sought to renew the ancient friendship and peace with us . and well we may be assured , that if those powerfull means whereby we reduced them to that modesty and curtesie as to seeke us , were utterly laid aside and neglected , so as we could not againe upon occasion readily assume the use and benefit of them , as we have done , those proud mastering spirits , finding us at such advantage , would be more ready and willing to shake us by the ears as enemies , then to take us by the hands as friends . and therefore far be it from our hearts to trust more to that friendship of strangers , that is but dissembled upon policy and necessity , then to the strength of our owne forces , which hath been experienced with so happy successe . i confesse that peace is a great blessing of god , and blessed are the peacemakers , and therefore doubtlesse blessed are those means whereby peace is gained and maintained . for well we know that god worketh all things here amongst us mediatly by a secondary means , the which meanes of our defence and safety being shipping , and sea-forces , are to be esteemed as his guifts , and then only availeable and beneficiall , when he withall vouchsafeth his grace to use them aright . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70942e-130 officers under the lo : admirall to bee men of the best experience in sea-service . no ships to be builded by the great . officers of the admiraltie exactly to look into the sound building of ships , &c. the greatest ships least serviceable . the spaniards phrase . a caution for shipwrights . mary rose in 11. 8. time . speciall observation . the high charging of ships a principall cause that brings them all ill qualities . ease of many cabbins and safety at once in sea-service not to be expected . his majesties navy ( in such sort as they are ) not to bee pend up in rochester-water , &c. wight , portsmouth , garnsey and lersey , devonshire cornwall , wales , or ireland . portsmouth , dartmouth , plymouth , falmouth , milford and divers others , harbours very capable and convenient for shipping ▪ halfe a dozen or eight of milding ships and ships and some pynnaces to lye in the west , &c. ash-water by plymouth . nota. charges of conduct money for marriners well saved , &c. a magazin of all manner of necessary provisions , &c. his majesties ships not to be overcharged and pestered with great ordnance as they are . royall batterie for a prince . needlesse expence of superfluous powder and shot , &c. the journey to the islands . spaniards armado in 88. easterling hulkes . great error committed in manner of calking his majesties ships with rotten ocum . censure taken of the best seamen of england . his majesties allowance for victualling ships very large and honourable , great inconvenience by bad caske used in his majesties ships the great inconveniences of the cookrooms in all his majesties ships made below in hold in the wast . sea-phrase . musters and presses for sufficient marriners to serve in his majesties ships the care therein very little , or the bribery very great . the saylers proverbe . a proportion of swords targets of proofe and the like allowed ; and set downe for every ship according to his burthen , &c. his majesties owne sworne servants to be preferred to the charge of his majesties ships . objection . a discourse of sea-ports principally the port and haven of dover / written by sir walter rawleigh and address'd to queen elizabeth ; with useful remarks &c, on that subject by command of his late majesty k. charles the second. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1700 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35994 wing d1458 estc r20710 11080973 ocm 11080973 46291 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35994) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 46291) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1422:11) a discourse of sea-ports principally the port and haven of dover / written by sir walter rawleigh and address'd to queen elizabeth ; with useful remarks &c, on that subject by command of his late majesty k. charles the second. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. digges, dudley, sir, 1583-1639. 16 p. printed for and sold by john nutt, london : 1700. "never before made publick." also attributed to sir dudley digges--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the goldsmiths library, university of london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities 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areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng harbors -great britain. dover (england) -harbor. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of sea-ports ; principally of the port and haven of dover : written by sir walter rawleigh , and address'd to queen elizabeth . with useful remarks , &c. on that subject , by command of his late majesty k. charles the second . never before made publick . london : printed for and sold by iohn nutt , near stationers-hall . 1700. price 6 d. to the right honourable the earl of rumney , lord warden of the cinque ports , &c. my lord , the publisher of this discourse has no other motive of his address to your lordship , than that the design may receive protection from some powerful hand , by which being shelter'd in its infancy from the blasts of malevolence ( which will blow from more corners than one ) it may have leave to strike root and grow to strength enough to be able to stand alone . the subject matter seems to belong to your lordship in propriety as you are lord warden of the cinque ports ; and the patronage of so noble and national a project cou'd be claim'd no where so rightfully as from your lordship , who being equally great by birth , power , the favour of your prince and the love of your country ; i cou'd not withstand the iustice of making this oblation of my duty and good wishes to your lordship , by thus tendering it to your election to be the father and protectour of so needful and magnificent a work , abounding in publick honour , safety and emolument ; whereby you may consign your name to posterity , by a monument more durable and of greater dignity than the records and patents of your ancestors or the statues of antiquity . the manuscript fell casually into my hands during the last session of parliament , which being relish'd by such worthy members of that honourable body as i had an opportunity to impart it to ; i thought i could not do a more grateful office to my country , than to be the means of its publication , for which freedom i ask the authors pardon , as i do your lordship 's for the presumption of this dedication : who am , your lordship 's most humble and dutiful servant , a memorial of sir walter raleigh to q. elizabeth touching the port of dover . a brief discourse , declaring how honourable and profitatable to your most excellent majesty , and how necessary and commodious for your realm , the making of dover haven shall be , and in what sort , what least charges in greatest perfection the same may be accomplish'd . there is no one thing , most renowned soveraign , of greater necessity to maintain the honour and safety of this your majesty's realm , than by all convenient means to encrease navigation , shipping and mariners , these being a strength in time of war ; and in time of peace , members most profitable and commodious . but this can neither be had , encreased , nor maintained , if first , sure harbours be not provided , as safe receptacle to receive and guard them from storms , enemies , &c. this hath moved that industrious nation of the low countrys in holland , zealand and flanders , where , by reason of their sandy coast , tho' god hath scarcely in any place allow'd them any good havens natural , yet seeing the necessity and commodity of harbours , they have , without regard of any charges or travel , with infinite expenses , made many havens artificial , even in such places as nature denyed them all the hopes of help ; whereby we see they have drawn such intercourse and traffick both of forreign nations for merchandize , and also by their industry for fishing , that in few years ( almost in our age ) they have been able to build a number of most sumptuous , rich , and beautiful cities , furnish'd the coast with a great number of ships and mariners , and are become the most populous and rich nation the sun did ever shine on ; and not only the sea coasts , but also the inland countreys , by quick vent of their commodities , do participate of the same benefit and felicity ; and such their charges in havens and harbours bestowed , do yeild them the fruit of riches , wealth , and commodity most plentiful throughout their whole dominion . but contrary-wise , with us this last parliament , lamentable relation hath been made of the great decay of mariners and fishermen , to the number of many hundred sail upon our coast of england , even in this age , and within memory ; and also of the present poverty , and desolate habitation of many frontier towns. whereby it plainly appeareth , that as the excessive expense of the low countreys bestow'd on havens , hath not impoverish'd , but the clean contrary , greatly enrich'd them by incomparable wealth and treasure , with number of rich , fair and populous towns ; so our sparing mind , or rather greedy getting , gaining , and enriching land from your majesty's havens and navigable channels , hath utterly destroy'd and spoiled many good havens by nature left us , and thereby wrought very beggary , misery and desolation in these your frontier towns. and if we search the very cause of the flourishing state of london , which almost alone in quantity , people , and wealth in this age or realm is so increas'd , and contrary-wise of the poverty or rather beggary and decay of winchelsea , rye , rumney , hide , dover , and many other poor towns , we shall find the decay of these havens , and preservation of the thames , the only or chief occasion . hereby sufficiently appeareth how incomparable jewells havens , and sure harbours are for gaining , maintaining and encreasing people , wealth and commodity in any realm . and no lesser strength and security do they bring in time of war , as well by the multitude of mariners ( a most serviceable people ) and shipping , which they breed , as also the inhabitation of the frontiers . but in the whole circuit of this your majesty's famous island , there is not any one either in respect of security and defence , or of traffick or intercourse , more convenient , needful , or rather of necessity to be regarded than this of dover , situate on a promontory next fronting a puissant foreign king , and in the very streight passage and intercourse of almost all the shipping of christendom . and if that our renowned king , your majesty's father , of famous memory , henry the 8 th in his time , found how necessary it was to make a haven at dover ( when sandwich , rye , camber and others were good havens , and calais also then in his possession ) and yet spared not to bestow of his own treasure , so great a masse in building of that pier , which then secur'd a probable mean to perform the same : how much more is the same now needful , or rather of necessity ( those good havens being extreamly decay'd , ) no safe harbour being left in all the coast almost between portsmouth and tarmouth : seeing the same also may be perform'd without the expence of your majesty's private treasure , the present gift of parliament consider'd , aud their ready wills so plainly discover'd , to supply whatsoever charge shall be needful , whensoever by your gracious providence they shall see the realm arm'd with such a sheild , and endow'd with so great a jewel . the commodities that thereby both to your majesty and realm shall ensure , are . first , a place of refuge and safeguard to all merchants , your majesty's subjects who passing from london , and all other the east and north parts of england , to france , spain , barbary the levant , the islands , or other parts south , or west of the world , for want of harbour at dover , either going forth or returning , shall be enforc'd to ride it out in open road , to their great peril , or in time of war , for want of such succour , to throw themselves on the contrary coast into the arms of their enemies . for all other strangers , your majesty's friends , that pass the sea from hambrough , danzick , lubeck , embden , scotland , denmark , or any parts of the low countreys , to any parts of the world , south , and south-west , ( whereof there are daily great numbers ) or of spain , portugal , france or italy , bound northward , either to london , or any of the northern provinces , both passing and repassing , they must of necessity touch , as it were , upon this promontory , and upon any change of wind , or fear of enemy , for sure refuge , will most willingly and thankfully embrace so sweet and safe a sanctuary . no promontory , town or haven of christendom , is so plac'd by nature and situation , both to gratifie friends and annoy enemies , as this your majesties town of dover . no place or town of christendom , is so setled to receive and deliver intelligence for all matters and actions in europe , from time to time . no town of all the low countries , altho by their industry they have a great number , excessive populous , fair and rich , is by nature so setled , either to allure intercourse by sea , or to train inhabitants by land , to make it great , fair , rich and populous . for alluring intercourse by sea there is already sufficient said . by land , it hath better air and water , two chief elements , than all the rich towns in holland and zealand . for fire , the countrey round about is far better wooded than theirs , and the whole shire wherein it standeth , and round about the town it self the soil is so well sorted for arable and pasture of all sorts ; for marish and meadows sufficiently furnish'd , as heart of man cannot wish or desire it better . a quary of stone at hand sufficient to build both town and haven in most sufficient , large and beautiful manner . there wanteth nothing by land , sea or air that can be wish'd , and if those industrious people of the low countrys had in all their province such a seat with like commodities , they would make it a spectacle to the world without respect of charge whatsoever . there wanteth nothing but a harbour , which when compass'd , all other parts of peopling , wealth and strength will follow of it self . a marvellous number of poor people both by this work , till the haven is made , and after by the shipping , fishing , &c. will be employ'd , who now for want of work are whip'd , mark'd , and hang'd . the quick uttering of commodities , which always followeth by increase of intercourse , will cause all the coast and shire to be notably manur'd and peopled , not with poor ; idle , but painful , industrious and rich persons , a great ornament and commodity in peace , and sure defense in war , the same being the frontier nearest coast to a most dangerous , puissant , active and aspiring neighbour . the encrease of navigation , fishing and traffick that hereby will grow , and the great wealth and commodity thereof ariseing will not be contain'd in one shire alone , but pour'd forth into all parts of the realm , to the great relief of the poor , and contentation of all degrees , encreasing of arts and occupations , a patern whereof we may behold even in our next neighbours the low countrys ; not feign'd in imagination , but actually by them put in execution , and great shame it were for us , to dispair attaining that , which we see others our neighbours have atcheiv'd before us . as the whole realm in general , so your majesty also in respect of your particular revenue , shall reap great profit by encrease of subsidies , which always will grow greater , together with the wealth of the land , besides the increase of customs and such other revenues as shall be there made of the soil there gain'd from the seas . the shire of kent being within few years grown marvellous industrious in tilling and manuring their grounds , when they shall see so convenient a port to vend their superfluous commodities , will not only increase in wealth and people , but also yield to your majesty's coffers for transportation of their excise in wheat , barley and beer , grear increase of revenues ; and all other shires taking example by them , will likewise grow in labour , industry , wealth and people . there can be no pitch , tar , mafts , cables , or other tackle for shipping , pass from danzick , denmark or other northern parts to france , spain or italy , but your majesty having a strong hand of shipping at dover , may command for money the choice thereof before any king in christendom in time of peace ; and in time of war , thereby also disable enemies and content friends ; besides the infinite commodity that may happily grow to the whole nation in general , and to your majesty's coffers also by a staple , that in time , with good policy may be erected there to serve both south and north countrys with their mutual commodities . in time of war how dangerous attempt may be made with small frigats of fire , or otherwise , to endanger your majesty's navy where it now lieth , with hope sufficient to escape and return again before any shipping can be made out of the thames to rescue or revenge , the expertest souldiers and seamen best know : but this harbour being made and furnish'd with good shipping , as always it will be , no such attempt will ever be made , the enemy being assur'd , however the wind blow , upon any alarm either from london or dover , to be surpriz'd , and no hope left to escape . your majesty having shipping at dover , may also upon all suddainness , with lesser charge , set forth to scour the seas of pirates , whereby your navy of merchants will marvellously increase and flourish , both in the great strength and wealth of the realm , and to the great increase of your majesty's customes . in like sort your fishing navies may be maintain'd and protected from pilsering pyrates , or other violence of strangers , and thereby reap the benefit of your seas , whereby our strength by sea will marvellously increase , and great number of poor people be employ'd as well on land in knitting nets , and making and mending both ships and tackle , as also in getting of fish , a food greatly to relieve the poverty of the realm , and excessively to increase your majesty's revenue , by custom of such commodities as shall be brought in abundantly for exchanging of those our fish. the fishing navies being by this means both protected and greatly increas'd , all laws for punishment , and taxes for relieving idle and poor people , will then cease ; for there shall be no person for age or sickness , al most so impotent but shall find hereby some trade whereby to get their living , as by example of the low countrys we may plainly behold . what greater honour to your majesty than like , as you are , ( in right of inheritance ) lady of the narrow seas , so to be able indeed to maintain that seigniory , and to put the same in execution at all times , as far forth as your highness shall find convenient . what greater honour to your majesty than to be the founder of so notable a monument , lying in the eye of almost all the shipping of europe , a thing to which your majesty's father aspir'd , with the fxpence of so great a masse of his own treasure . what greater honour than to be able in time of peace or war to protect friends , and offend enemies more than any other prince of europe . seeing then it hath pleas'd god to leave unto this realm such a situation for a port , and town as all christendom hath not the like , and endow'd the same with all commodities by land and sea that can be wish'd to make the harbour allure intercourse , and maintain inhabitants ; and that the same once perform'd ( in all probable discourse of reason ) shall bring such increase of commodity , not only for augmentation of your majesty's particular revenues , but also of welfare and riches to the whole realm in general , the same also being a thing so needful , or rather of necessity , as well for succouring and protecting friends , as annoying and offending enemies both in war and peace ; and that it hath pleas'd god in his providence to reserve the same as an ornament of your time , to be now perform'd by your majesty , and left as an honourable monument of your happy reign to all posterity , methinks there remaineth no other deliberation in this case , but how most sufficiently , and with greatest perfection possible , most speedily , the same may be accomplish'd . and in discharge of some part of my bounden duty to the advancement of your majesty's service , having not only heard by the examination of the most ancient and skilful mariners and inhabitants in dover , the true estate of all alterations there , for these 40 years pass'd , but also my self seen and sounded all the channells , shelves and roads there , and set them down exactly in plat ; having also conferr'd the sundry opinions of strangers , and also of our own nation , for the repairing or making a new haven there , and comparing the same with what my self have seen put in execution in sundry places of the low countrys , for making havens artificial , i have in the end resolv'd upon one form of plat , which of all others ( as well for the use and commodity , when it is finish'd , as for the possibility , or rather for the facility in making , for the probability , or rather assur'd certainty of continuance , for avoiding great wast of timber , and saving a great masse of treasure ) i find and judge of most perfection . and albeit the flemish plat , in former conference of commissioners , was adjudged of all others then offer'd , the most probable , yet upon due consideration , this plat , i presume , will appear in all respects more commodious , more feizable , more assur'd to continue ; of far less cost in maintenance , and at least 20000 l. lesser charge in making , as by the articles of explanation , and charges , more evidently may appear . this which i humbly present to your majesty's gracious consideration , as a matter of great moment both in peace and war , for your highness's service , for the great comfort of all the navy of your realm , and a monument most honourable , and none of the least to all posterity of your majesty's most gracious , prosperous and happy reign . the foregoing discourse was part of a memorial , drawn up either by sir walter raleigh or sir dudley diggs , which i found among the rubbish of old papers while i had the honour to serve in the office of the ordnance , and was searching after light into the ancient history and services of dover , to which curiosity ` i had divers motives , viz. i had made several essays to awaken his late majesty king charles out of the lethargie he seem'd to me to be under , upon the french king's so loudly alarming us by the profuse expence he had been at in fortifying his coast , making artificial ports , and sparing no coast where he had the least prospect of compassing harbour and defence for shipping , and improving his naval strength and projects ; which to me appear'd as so many commets , whose malevolence was calculated , and could not fail , one time or other to fall on us . i had in those days , frequent occasions of privacy with the king in his closet , where i improv'd every opportunity to warm his jealousy of the growing naval power of france ; and albeit he gave me many a gracious hearing , and seem'd to take pleasure in my discourse on that subject , and would often himself reason with great sagacity on naval matters ; yet i grew at length convinc'd , that i labour'd in vain , and had been all the while blowing a dead coal , as by this short following account may appear . in the year 1682 waiting one day on the king in his closet , after some general discourse , his majesty was pleas'd to tell me that i had often hinted to him how busy the french king was on his coast , and what vast designs he had conceiv'd for the improvement of his naval power , which was visible by his fortifying of dunkirke , in a most expensive manner , and projecting extraordinary works there , making peers , channels , basins , and every provision that art can suggest , and money compass , to render that place easy of access , and make it a safe , capacious and commodious harbour for shipping . i told his majesty , that not only at dunkirk , brest , and other places where nature and situation had given them some help and encouragement to prosecute their maritim projects ; but even every where else upon his coast , in every creek , cove , or inlet , where they can make depth of water , and give the least harbour and retreat for shipping , they are , and have been on that article equally industrious , which , as i had often told his majesty , seem'd to me to have a very evil aspect on all the maritin states of europe , but more especially his majesty . that nothing ( humanly speaking ) cou'd prevent and defeat the mighty purposes of that ambitious monarch , so much as his want of natural aid towards the increase of his naval strength ; his coast not yeilding him one good port on all that frontier which regards us , which he most providently weighing , had from an harbourless . inhospitable shoar , by art , industry , and a most lavish expense of treasure , in a very great degree , repuir'd ; insomuch that there is hardly 5 leagues of distance upon that line , of their coast fronting ours , that does not yeild marks of their care and application . barrs , rocks and shelves are remov'd , and channels opened and deepned , to give safe and easy entrance to such small ports as they have by nature . and in other places ( where art cou'd be thought to avail ) they have spar'd no pains or treasure to compass ; artificial havens , peers and provisions of succour for shipping . they have also built fortresses ; rais'd batteries , and planted cannon innumerable , all along their coast , and perform'd every wise and needful work towards the attaining their ends of becoming formidable by sea , and all this against the grain , and as it were in despight of nature , which yeilds them little or no encouragement . while we on our coast , where providence is so bountiful , have been so very little on our guard , that tho' navigation be the prime jewel of the crown , and is the fountain and foundation of both our wealth and safety ; and without which we shou'd be a contemptible nation ; have not only omitted to improve the tenders which nature makes us for the increase and cultivating of our naval power ; but have in this last age consented to see many of our useful ports , run to decay , and at length to ruine , and to become totally lost to the nation ; which a very little foresight , and as little charge might have prevented , while the evil was growing ; which at a long run becomes incurable . among which ports i instanc'd sandwich . dover , rye , winchelsea , &c. which were reckon'd heretofore as so many bullworks against our ambitious neighbour . the king hereupon reply'd , that he confess'd he laid a little to heart the loss of the haven of dover ; because it has fallen to decay mostly in his reign ; had yeilded him good service in the first dutch war , and in that which was made by the parliament with that nation , he was well assur'd that we had a squadron of cruizers which sail'd out of that place , where they fitted , clean'd and victuall'd , which did the enemy more dammage than any in the whole channel beside . that therefore ( if he thought that haven cou'd be recover'd by any tolerable charge ) he was then more than ever dispos'd to ingage in such a work , inasmuch as that he was well assur'd , that not only all that i had said was true , but that the french king ( to whom tho' he had signify'd already by his ambassador , — that the great bustle he had made upon the coast had given jealously and distaste to the nation , and was not very pleasing to him ) had nevertheless engag'd very lately in a new expensive work of the same nature , with those i had mention'd , in the neighbourhood of calais , where great numbers of men were then actually employ'd in fortifying the coast , and making an harbour , and basin for reception of shipping , &c. which being just under his nose , he said he had so much the more reason to resent it , and which he cou'd not do in a better manner than by attempting the recovery of dover haven , wherein if he succeeded ; as it wou'd give an occasion of ease to the peoples jealousy , so it wou'd obviate in some measure the danger that threatened us from so restless and projecting a neighbour . i reply'd to his majesty , with great joy , that i thought ir wou'd be a most acceptable instance to the nation , of his care for their safety , and a useful proof to the murmuring people of his just dislike and suspicion of the french king 's proceedings , and that i was in no doubt whenever his majesty shou'd appear to go in earnest , about so laudable and needful a work , that the parliament wou'd frankly assist him towards the expence . his majesty hereupon commanded me to make a journey to dover to survey the port , and enable my self by the best means i cou'd , to give him a true state thereof in order to a project for the recovery of that harbour ; which order i carefully executed , and on my return waited on his majesty with my report , together with a plan and state of the present peer ; an history of the services that place had yeilded the crown ; how it has fallen to decay , and how with least charge it might be repair'd and render'd useful again . i told his majesty that the bare customes and duties he had lost by the decay of that port , which for want of entrance in that port , as had been customary ( there being no other in many leagues together on the coast ) and which were therefore now smugled and totally lost ) wou'd be by many degrees more than enough when recover'd ( and which wou'd most certainly accrue upon restoring the harbour ) to repay the utmost charge he cou'd be at for it's repair and improvement , which single encouragement i thought was incitement enough to go about so noble , useful and reputable a work. i told his majesty that the port was at that time become intirely useless , the peer within being fill'd and choak'd up with sand and mud , and the depth of water lost ; that there was a bank of beach at the mouth of the harbour of many thousand tuns , which bar'd up the entrance . that the town ( which was wont to abound in shipping , seamen , commerce , people and plenty of all things ) was become poor desolate and dispeopl'd , which was visible every where , by their decay'd buildings and habitations , where half the houses at least throughout the whole town had bills on the doors ; all which cou'd be ascrib'd to no other reason than the decay of their harbour : touching the true cause whereof , or the cure , the inhabitants ( with whom i had frequent conference ) cou'd give me little or no light. in this audience , i gave his majesty an extensive account of all things relating to the subject about which he had sent me : i presented him with a draught of the then state of the port of dover , wherein was express'd the manner of it's decay , and the present ruinous condition in which it was . i endeavour'd also to explain to him how this damage had come to pass , and by what means it had grown to that head , as to have render'd the haven now almost lost to the publick . from the causes of the disease , i proceeded to my proposals for the remedy , wherein i had the good fortune to explain every point of my project , with evidence enough to oblige his majesty at that time to say that he was so well satisfy'd , that he was resolv'd he wou'd not defer the work a day . that as i had made every thing plain and intelligible to him ; so above all , he was pleas'd with two most useful and encourageing propositions therein contain'd , namely , that whereas in most great works of that kind , princes were generally oblig'd to prosecute and go through the whole expence ( which for the most part was very great ) before they cou'd reap the least profit of their design , or be assur'd of the success ; while this work on the contrary was so order'd and contriv'd by me , that he was sure to receive a present profit from every sum ( be it more or less ) which he shou'd at any time think sit to lay out , and that the benefit wou'd be presently seen , and gather'd , in proportion to the charge he shou'd be at ; which he might limit of respite as he pleas'd , without danger of damage to the work that should be done , or of losing the advantage that should be once gain'd in case of discontinuing the same . the second point that pleas'd his majesty was ; that whereas all artificial ports that ever he had heard of ( which is most true ) were subject to cheak , and fill up with sand or sullage , and to lose by degrees their depth of water , without great care and a continual charge to prevent it ; and which was the cause for the most part of the decay and loss of such ports to the publick : that he perceiv'd i had plainly obviated that evil , and by a new and very demonstrable invention had evidently secur'd the depth of water for ever , which no neglect cou'd hinder , or towards which any expence or annual charge was necessary . i concluded with this general incitement to his majesty , that multiplicity of ports in a maritim kingdom , ( such as his ) was above all things to be wish'd ; which in times of peace was a great means of encouragement to our naval intercourse , and coasting trade , whereby our capital city became better supply'd , and at cheaper rates , with all things needful ; that seamen were proportionably propagated , shipping and all the incident professions of shipwrightry and navigation increas'd and improv'd , &c. that in time of war , shelter , and defence against an enemy was by that means more at hand , whereby our commerce was better preserv'd , our frontier so much the stronger , and cruizers had more dispatch ; and were better spread and dispos'd at sea ; because wheresoever there are ports commodiously situate , and in the road of our commerce , there of course will be men of war appointed and entertain'd in times of hostility , where they can clean , victual and refit , whereby great expedition ( which is the life of action ) wou'd be obtain'd , and half the time gain'd that was spent in going to remote ports , as the thames , chatham , portsmouth , &c. where , if the wind hangs out of the way , ships lye long on demorage , become fowl by staying for a wind , and lose many occasions of service , which in ports lying upon the edge of our channel , as dover does , can never happen ; where you need no pylotage , and are no sooner out of the haven but you are at sea. in a word , i ended my discourse to his majesty , with assuring him that dover promis'd every thing he cou'd hope from such a port ; was situate the nearest of all others to a great , dangerous and aspiring neighbour , who had given so many instances of wisdom and foresight in the charge he had been at on that line of his coast which confronts ours , and which whenever his majesty shou'd chance to have a war with that people , wou'd be found to turn every way both offensively and defensively to marvellous account . that dover stands on a promontory which survey's , and might be made to command the greatest thorough-fare of navigation in the world , where no ship can pass unobserv'd , or escape the danger of being attack'd , when there shou'd be cause , and was of the same use by sea as a passe is by land. and , that there was no design his majesty cou'd entertain for it's strength and improvement , that was not compassable by art , and that did not promise a plentiful return of profit and honour , of any the greatest sum he could spare to lay out upon it . i departed at that time from his majesty full of hopes , that what i had done and said on this subject , wou'd have produc'd the good effect of some speedy resolution ; but taking the liberty some days after to remind him therein , i found him , to my great disappointment , much calmer than i had left him , and receiv'd this short answer , that it was a noble project indeed , but that it was too big for his present purse , and wou'd keep cold. shortly after i was dispatch'd to my business in a remote country , and from that time to this have neither said nor heard any thing of dover . now the remark i wou'd make on this sudden and surprizing coldness of the king 's , is namely this , that the long audience i then had of his majesty , chanc'd to be in a certain great ladies appartment in white-hall , where i had no sooner began my discourse , and produc'd my papers , when mons. barrillon , the french ambassador , came in who i observ'd to listen with great attention to what was debated ; asking the said lady very earnestly many questions about the subject matter of our conference , who i perceiv'd to interpret to him every thing that was said on that occasion , as did the king afterwards in my hearing ; explaining the whole project , and the contents of the several designs ; expressing his great approbation of the report i had made him ; whereupon making reflection on this occurrence , i was no longer in doubt touching the cause or my disappointment ; but that it was not the french kings interest , and therefore not his pleasure , that we shou'd proceed on this work , and that so noble a project shou'd thus die in the birth , who wou'd have been contented ( i make no question ) to have given ten times the amount of the cost to defeat so national an undertaking , which look'd with so threatning an aspect on those great scheams of naval power which he has since put in execution , and is prosecuting to this day ; and i think it therefore becomes every hearty english man to conclude that such an incident as i have here produc'd , ought to superadd one new and solid argument of incitement to those that have been urg'd towards some solemn deliberation on so promising and important a subject ; and if our forefathers , in those darker times of queen eliz. saw a reason for their speculations on this article , then when their views were narrow , their motives less , and the means to attain their purpose hardly to be compass'd through the limitted fonds of treasure in those days ; and the insufficiency of undertakers to conceive , design , and prosecute works of that sort , so magnificent ; so new and out of the way of the worlds practice ; it may therefore be hop'd , that now , when our motives of danger , &c. are so visible , and so much stronger ; the means of obtaining so noble an end every way more within our reach ; while we behold by what arts and means , and with what profusion of treasure , a neighbouring prince pursues his maritim projects , and since we have seen and felt with what effect he has succeeded in his aims to rival us by sea , and in a word , while we knew he must naturally ever be more than our match by land ; and that nothing at this day can insure our safety , but a demonstruble superiority of naval strength . what greater wisdom and precaution can we manifest , or how can we more laudably publish our attention to the publick welfare , than by seasonably obviating the evils that seem to threaten us by the growing naval power of france , towards which no one step we can make promises better fruit than this proposal of recovering and improving the haven of dover , which is by nature situate to our wish , and in my humble opinion is capable of being made by art so useful to our selves and friends , and so effectual to bridle , prevent and annoy our enemies ; that were the argument duly weigh'd , i am perswaded we shou'd think no sum too great to be so employ'd . finis . a discourse of sea-ports principally of the port and haven of dover / written by sir walter rawleigh and address'd to queen elizabeth ; with useful remarks, &c., on that subject, by command of his late majesty, k. charles the second. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1700 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57367 wing r157 estc r20710 12404109 ocm 12404109 61336 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57367) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61336) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 289:12) a discourse of sea-ports principally of the port and haven of dover / written by sir walter rawleigh and address'd to queen elizabeth ; with useful remarks, &c., on that subject, by command of his late majesty, k. charles the second. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. digges, dudley, sir, 1583-1639. sheeres, henry, sir, d. 1710. [4], 16 p. printed for and sold by john nutt ..., london : 1700. also attributed to dudley digges. cf. bm; dnb. edited by sir henry sheeres. 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in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng harbors -england. dover (england) -harbor. great britain -defenses. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-04 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of sea-ports ; principally of the port and haven of dover : written by sir walter rawleigh , and address'd to queen elizabeth . with useful remarks , &c. on that subject , by command of his late majesty k. charles the second . never before made publick . london : printed for and sold by iohn nutt , near stationers-hall . 1700. price 6d . to the right honourable the earl of rumney , lord warden of the cinque ports , &c. my lord , the publisher of this discourse has no other motive of his address to your lordship , than that the design may receive protection from some powerful hand , by which being shelter'd in its infancy from the blasts of malevolence ( which will blow from more corners than one ) it may have leave to strike root and grow to strength enough to be able to stand alone . the subject matter seems to belong to your lordship in propriety as you are lord warden of the cinque ports ; and the patronage of so noble and national a project cou'd be claim'd no where so rightfully as from your lordship , who being equally great by birth , power , the favour of your prince and the love of your country ; i cou'd not withstand the iustice of making this oblation of my duty and good-wishes to your lordship , by thus tendering it to your election to be the father and protectour of so needful and magnificent a work , abounding in publick honour , safety and emolument ; whereby you may consign your name to posterity , by a monument more durable and of greater dignity than the records and patents of your ancestors or the statues of antiquity . the manuscript fell casually into my hands during the last session of parliament , which being relish'd by such worthy members of that honourable body as i had an opportunity to impart it to ; i thought i could not do a more grateful office to my country , than to be the means of its publication , for which freedom i ask the authors pardon , as i do your lordship 's for the presumption of this dedication : who am , your lordship 's most humble and dutiful servant , a memorial of sir walter raleigh to q. elizabeth touching the port of dover . a brief discourse , declaring how honourable and profitable to your most excellent majesty , and how necessary and commodious for your realm , the making of dover haven shall be , and in what sort , what least charges in greatest perfection the same may be accomplish'd . there is no one thing , most renowned soveraign , of greater necessity to maintain the honour and safety of this your majesty's realm , than by all convenient means to encrease navigation , shipping and mariners , these being a strength in time of war ; and in time of peace , members most profitable and commodious . but this can neither be had , encreased , nor maintained , if first , sure harbours he not provided , as safe receptacle to receive and guard them from storms , enemies , &c. this hath moved that industrious nation of the low countrys in holland , zealand and flanders , where , by reason of their sandy coast , tho' god hath scarcely in any place allow'd them any good havens natural , yet seeing the necessity and commodity of harbours , they have , without regard of any charges or travel , with infinite expences , made many havens artificial , even in such places as nature denyed them all the hopes of help ; whereby we see they have drawn such intercourse and traffick both of foreign nations for merchandize , and also by their industry for fishing , that in few years ( almost in our age ) they have been able to build a number of most sumptuous , rich , and beautiful cities , furnish'd the coast with a great number of ships and mariners , and are become the most populous and rich nation the sun did ever shine on ; and not only the sea coasts , but also the inland countreys , by quick vent of their commodities , do participate of the same benefit and felicity ; and such their charges on havens and harbours bestowed , do yeild them the fruit of riches , wealth , and commodity most plentiful throughout their whole dominion . but contrary-wise , with us this last parliament , lamentable relation hath been made of the great decay of mariners and fishermen , to the number of many hundred sail upon our coast of england , even in this age , and within memory ; and also of the present poverty , and desolate habitation of many frontier towns. whereby it plainly appeareth , that as the excessive expence of the low countreys bestow'd on havens , hath not impoverish'd , but the clean contrary , greatly enrich'd them by incomparable wealth and treasure , with number of rich , fair and populous towns ; so our sparing mind , or rather greedy getting , gaining , and enriching land from your majesty's havens and navigable channels , hath utterly destroy'd and spoiled many good havens by nature left us , and thereby wrought very beggary , misery and desolation in these your frontier towns. and if we search the very cause of the flourishing state of london , which almost alone in quantity , people , and wealth in this age or realm is so increas'd , and contrary-wise of the poverty or rather beggary and decay of winchelsea , rye , rumney , hide , dover , and many other poor towns , we shall find the decay of these havens , and preservation of the thames , the only or chief occasion . hereby sufficiently appeareth how incomparable jewells havens , and sure harbours are for gaining , maintaining and encreasing people , wealth and commodity in any realm . and no lesser strength and security do they bring in time of war , as well by the multitude of mariners ( a most serviceable people ) and shipping , which they breed , as also the inhabitation of the frontiers . but in the whole circuit of this your majesty's famous island , there is not any one either in respect of security and defence , or of traffick or intercourse , more convenient , needful , or rather of necessity to be regarded than this of dover , situate on a promontory next fronting a puissant foreign king , and in the very streight passage and intercourse of almost all the shipping of christendom . and if that our renowned king , your majesty's father , of famous memory , henry the 8th in his time , found how necessary it was to make a haven at dover ( when sandwich , rey , camber and others were good havens , and cal●is also then in his possession ) and yet spared not to bestow of his own treasure , so great a mass in building of that pier , which then secur'd a probable mean to perform thesame : how much more is the same now needful , or rather of necessity ( those good havens being extreamly decay'd ) no safe harbour being left in all the coast almost between portsmouth and yarmouth : seeing the same also may be perform'd without the expence of your majesty's private treasure , the present gift of parliament consider'd , and their ready wills so plainly discover'd , to supply whatsoever charge shall be needful , whensoever by your gracious providence they shall see the realm arm'd with such a sheild , and endow'd with so great a jewel . the commodities that thereby both to your majesty and realm shall ensue , are . first , a place of refuge and safeguard to all merchants , your majesty's subjects , who passing from london , and all other the east and north parts of england to france , spain , barbary , the levant , the islands or other parts south , or west of the world , for want of harbour at dover , either going forth or returning , shall be enforc'd to ride it out in open road , to their great peril , or in time of war , for want of such succour , to throw themselves on the contrary coast into the arms of their enemies . for all other strangers , your majesty's friends , that pass the sea from hambrough , danzick , lubeck , embden , scotland , denmark or any parts of the low countreys , to any parts of the world , south , and south-west , ( whereof there are daily great numbers ) or of spain , portugal , france or italy , bound northward , either to london , or any of the nothern provinces , both passing and repassing , they must of necessity touch , as it were , upon this promontory , and upon any change of wind , or fear of enemy , for sure refuge , will most willingly and thankfully embrace so sweet and safe a sanctuary . no promontory , town or haven of christendom , is so plac'd by nature and situation , both to gratifie friends and annoy enemies as this your majesties town of dover . no place or town of christendom , is so setled to receive and deliver intelligence for all matters and actions in europe from time to time . no town of all the low countrys , altho by their industry they have a great number , excessive populous , fair and rich , is by nature so setled , either to allure intercourse by sea , or to train inhabitants by land , to make it great , fair , rich and populous . for alluring intercourse by sea there is already sufficient said . by land , it hath better air and water , two chief elements , than all the rich towns in holland and zealand . for fire , the countrey round about is far better wooded than theirs , and the whole shire wherein it standeth , and round about the town it self the soil is so well sorted for arable and pasture of all sorts ; for marish and meadows sufficiently furnish'd , as heart of man cannot wish or desire it better . a quary of stone at hand sufficient to build both town and haven in most sufficient , large and beautiful manner . there wanteth nothing by land , sea or air that can be wish'd , and if those industrious people of the low countrys had in all their province such a seat with like commodities , they would make it a spectacle to the world without respect of charge whatsoever . there wanteth nothing but a harbour , which when compass'd , all other parts of peopling , wealth and strength will follow of it self . a marvellous number of poor people both by this work , till the haven is made , and after by the shipping , fishing , &c. will be employ'd , who now for want of work are whip'd , mark'd , and hang'd . the quick uttering of commodities , which always followeth by increase of intercourse , will cause all the coast and shire to be notably manur'd and peopled , not with poor ; idle , but painful , industrious and rich persons , a great ornament and commodity in peace , and sure defence in war , the same being the frontier nearest coast to a most dangerous , puissant , active and aspiring neighbour . the encrease of navigation , fishing and traffick that hereby will grow , and the great wealth and commodity thereof ariseing will not be contain'd in one shire alone , but pour'd forth into all parts of the realm , to the great relief of the poor , and contentation of all degrees , encreasing of arts and occupations , a patern whereof we may behold even in our next neighbours the low countrys ; not feign'd in imagination , but actually by them put in execution , and great shame it were for us , to dispair attaining that , which we see others our neighbours have atcheiv'd before us . as the whole realm in general , so your majesty also in respect of your particular revenue , shall reap great profit by encrease of subsidies , which always will grow greater , together with the wealth of the land , besides the increase of customs and such other revenues as shall be there made of the soil there gain'd from the seas . the shire of kent being within few years grown marvellous industrious in tilling and manuring their grounds , when they shall see so convenient a port to vend their superfluous commodities , will not only increase in wealth and people , but also yield to your majesty's coffers for transportation of their excise in wheat , barley and beer , great increase of reveunes ; and all other shires taking example by them , will likewise grow in labour , industry , wealth and people . there can be no pitch , tar , masts , cables , or other tackle for shipping , pass from danzick , denmark or other northern parts to france , spain or italy , but your majesty having a strong hand of shipping at dover , may command for money the choice thereof before any king in christendom in time of peace ; and so time of war , thereby also disable enemies and content friends ; besides the infinite commodity that may happily grow to the whole nation in general , and to your majesty's coffers also by a staple , that in time , with good policy may be erected there to serve both south and north countryes with there mutual commodities . in time of war how dangerous attempt may be made with small frigats of fire , or other wise , to endanger your majesty's navy where it now lieth , with hope sufficient to escape and return again before any shipping can be made out of the thames to rescue or revenge , the expertest souldiers , and seamen best know : but this harbour being made and furnish'd with good shipping , as always it will be , no such attempt will ever be made , the enemy being assur'd , however the wind blow , upon any alarm either from london or dover , to be surpriz'd , and no hope left to escape . your majesty having shipping at dover , may also upon all suddainness , with lesser charge , set forth to scour the seas of pirates , whereby your nuvy of merchants will marvellously increase and flourish , both in the great strength and wealth of the realm , and to the great increase of your majesty's customes in like sort your fishing navies may be maintain'd and protected from pilfering pyrates , or other violence of strangers , and thereby reap the benefit of your seas , whereby our strength by sea will marvellously increase , and great number of poor people be employ'd as well on land in knitting nets , and making and mending both ships and tackle , as also in getting of fish , a food greatly to relieve the poverty of the realm , and excessively to increase your majesty's revenue , by custom of such commodities as shall be brought in abundantly for exchanging of those our fish. the fishing navies being by this means both protected and greatly increas'd , all laws for punishment , and taxes for relieving idle and poor people , will then cease ; for there shall be no person for age or sickness , almost so impotent but shall find hereby some trade whereby to get their living , as by example of the low countrys we may plainly behold . what greater honour to your majesty than like , as you are , ( in right of inheritance ) lady of the narrow seas , so to be able indeed to maintain that seigniory , and to put the same in execution at all times , as far forth as your highness shall find convenient . what greater honour to your majesty than to be the founder of so notable a monument , lying in the eye of almost all the shipping of europe , a thing to which your majesty's father aspir'd , with the fxpence of so great a masse of his own treasure . what greater honour than to be able in time of peace or war to protect friends , and offend enemies more than any other prince of europe . seeing then it hath pleas'd god to leave unto this realm such a situation for a port , and town as all christendom hath not the like , and endow'd the same with all commodities by land and sea that can be wish'd to make the harbour allure intercourse , and maintain inhabitants ; and that the same once perform'd ( in all probable discourse of reason ) shall bring such increase of commodity , not only for augmentation of your majesty's particular revenues , but also of welfare and riches to the whole realm in general ; the same also being a thing so needful , or rather of necessity , as well for succouring and protecting friends , as annoying and offending enemies both in war and peace ; and that it hath pleas'd god in his providence to reserve the same as an ornament of your time , to be now perform'd by your majesty , and left as an honourable monument of your happy reign to all posterity , methinks there remaineth no other deliberation in this case , but how most sufficiently and with greatest perfection possible , most speedily , the same may be accomplish'd and in discharge of some part of my bounded duty to the advancement of your majesty's service , having not only heard by the examination of the most ancient and skilful mariners and inhabitants in dover , the true estate of all alterations there , for these 40 years pass'd , but also my self seen and sounded all the channells , shelves and roads there , and set them down exactly in plat ; having also conferr'd the sundry opinions of strangers , and also of our own nation , for the repairing or making a new haven there , and comparing the same with what my self have seen put in execution in sundry places of the low countrys , for making havens artificial , i have in the end resolv'd upon one form of plat , which of all others ( as well for the use and commodity , when it is finish'd , as for the possibility , or rather for the facility in making , for the probability , or rather assur'd certainty of continuance , for avoiding great waste of timber , and saving a great masse of treasure ) i find and judge of most perfection . as albeit the flemish plat , in former conference of commissioners , was adjudged of all others then offer'd , the most probable , yet upon due consideration , this plat , i presume , will appear in all respects more commodious , more feizable , more assur'd to continue ; of far less cost in maintenance , and at least 20000 l , lesser charge in making , as by the articles of explanation , and charges , more evidently may appear . this which i humbly present to your majesty's gracious consideration , as a matter of great moment both in peace and war , for your highnes's service , for the great comfort of all the navy of your realm , and a monument most honourable , and none of the least to all posterity of your majesty's most gracious , prosperous and happy reign . the foregoing discourse was part of a memorial , drawn up either by sir walter raleigh or sir dudley diggs , which i found among the rubbish of old papers while i had the honour to serve in the office of the ordnance , and was searching after light into the ancient history and services of dover , to which curiosity i had divers motives , viz. i had made several essays to awaken his late majesty king charles out of the lethargie he seem'd to me to be under , upon the french king's so loudly alarming us by the profuse expence he had been at in fortifying his coast , making artificial ports , and sparing no coast where he had the least prospect of compassing harbour and defence for shipping , and improving his naval strength and projects ; which to me appear'd as so many commets , whose malevolence was calculated , and could not fail , one time or other to fall on us . i had in those days , frequent occasions of privacy with the king in his closet , where i improv'd every opportunity to warm his jealousy of the growing naval power of france ; and albeit he gave me many a gracious hearing , and seem'd to take pleasure in my discourse on that subject , and would often himself reason with great sagacity on naval matters ; yet i grew at length convinc'd , that i labour'd in vain , and had been all the while blowing a dead coal , as by this short following account may appear . in the year 1682 waiting one day on the king in his closet , after some general discourse , his majesty was pleas'd to tell me that i had often hinted to him how busy the french king was on his coast , and what vast designs he had conceiv'd for the impovement of his naval power , which was visible by his fortifying of dunkirke , in a most expensive manner , and projecting extraordinary works there , making peers , channels , basins , and every provision that art can suggest , and money compass , to render that place easy of access , and make it a safe , capacious and commodious harbour for shipping . i told his majesty , that not only at dunkirk , brest , and other places where nature and situation had given them some help and encouragement to prosecute their maritim projects ; but even every where else upon his coast , in every creek , cove , or inlet , where they can make depth of water , and give the least harbour and retreat for shipping , they are , and have been on that article equally industrious ; which , as i had often told his majesty , seemd to me to have a very evil aspect on all the maritin states of europe , but more especially his majesty . that nothing ( humanly speaking ) cou'd prevent and defeat the mighty purposes of that ambitious monarch , so much as his want of natural aid towards the increase of his naval strength ; his coast not yeilding him one good port on all that frontier which regards us , which he most providently weighing , had from an harbouriess . inhospitable shoar , by art , industry , and a most lavish expence of treasure , in a very great degree , repair'd ; insomuch that there is hardly 5 leagues of distance upon that line , of their coast fronting ours , that does not yeild marks of their care and application . barrs , rocks and shelves are remov'd , and channels opened and deepned , to give safe and easy entrance to such small ports as they have by nature . and in other places where art cou'd be thought to avail ▪ they have spar'd no pains or treasure to compass ; artificial havens , peers and provisions of succour for shipping . they have also built . fortresses ; rais'd batteries , and planted cannon . innumerable , all along their coast , and perform'd every wise and needful work towards the attaining their ends of becoming formidable by sea , and all this against the grain , and as it were in despight of nature , which yeilds them little or no encouragment . while we on our coast , where providence is so bountiful , have been so very little on our guard , that tho' navigation be the prime jewel of the crown , and is the fountain and foundation of both our wealth and safety ; and without which we shou'd be a contemptible nation ; have not only omitted to improve the tenders which nature makes us for the increase and cultivating of our naval power ; but have in this last age consented to see many of our useful ports , run to decay , and at length to ruine , and to become totally lost to the nation ; which a very little foresight , and as little charge might have prevented , while the evil was growing ; which at a long run becomes incurable . among which ports i instanc'd sandwich , dover , rye , winchelsea , &c. which were reckon'd heretofore as so many bullworks against our ambitious neighbour . the king hereupon reply'd , that he confess'd he laid a little to heart the loss of the haven of dover ; because it has fallen to decay mostly in his reign ; had yeilded him good service in the first dutch war , and in that which was made by the parliament with that nation , he was well assur'd that we had a squadron of cruizers which sail'd out of that place , where they fitted , clean'd and victuall'd , which did the enemy more dammage than any in the whole channel beside . that therefore ( if he thought that haven cou'd be recover'd by any tolerable charge ) he was then more than ever dispos'd to ingage in such a work , inasmuch as that he was well assur'd , that not only all that i had said was true , but that the french king ( to whom tho' he had signify'd already by his ambassador , that the great bustle he had made upon the coast had given jealousy and distaste to the nation , and was not very pleafing to him ) had nevertheless engag'd very lately in a new expensive work of the same nature , with those i had mention'd ) in the neighbourhood of galais , where great numbers of men were then actually employ'd in fortifying the coast , and making an harbour , and basin for reception of shipping , &c. which being just under his nose , he said he had so much the more reason to resent it , and which he cou'd not do in a better manner than by attempting the recovery of dover haven , wherein ifhe succeeded ; as it wou'd give an occasion of ease to the peoples jealousy , so it wou'd obviate in some measure the danger that threatned us from so restless and projecting a neighbour . i reply'd to his majesty , with great joy , that i thought it wou'd be a most acceptable instance to the nation , of his care for their safety , and a useful proof to the murmuring people of his just dislike and suspicion of the french king 's proceedings , and that i was in no doubt whenever his majesty shou'd appear to go in earnest , about so laudable and needful a work , that the parliament wou'd frankly assist him towards the expence . his majesty hereupon commanded me to make a journey to dover to survey the port , and enable my self by the best means i cou'd , to give him a true state thereof in order to a project for the recovery of that harbour ; which order i carefully executed , and on my return waited on his majesty with my report , together with a plan and state of the present peer ; an history of the services that place had yeilded the crown ; how it has fallen to decay , and how with least charge it might be repair'd and render'd useful again . i told his majesty that the bare customes and duties he had lost by the decay of that port , which for want of entrance there , as had been customary ( there being no other in many leagues together on the coast ) and which were therefore now smugled and totally lost ) wou'd be by many degrees more than enough when recover'd ( and which wou'd most certainly accrue upon restoring the harbour ) to repay the utmost charge he cou'd be at for it's repair and improvement , which single encouragement i thought was incitement enough to go about so noble , useful and reputable a work. i told his majesty that the port was at that time become intirely useless , the peer within being fill'd and choak'd up with sand and mud , and the depth of water lost ; that there was a bank of beach at the mouth of the harbour of many thousand tuns , which bar'd up the entrance . that the town ( which was wont to abound in shipping , seamen , commerce , people and plenty of all things ) was become poor , desolate and dispeopl'd which was visible every where , by their decay'd buildings and habitations , where half the houses at least throughout the whole town had bills on the doors ; all which cou'd be ascrib'd to no other reason than the decay of their harbour : touching the true cause whereof , or the cure , the inhabitants ( with whom i had frequent conference ) cou'd give me little or no light. in this audience , i gave his majesty an extensive account of all things relating to the subject about which he had sent me : i presented him with a draught of the then state of the port of dover , wherein was express'd the manner of it's decay , and the present ruinous condition in which it was . i endeavour'd also to explain to him how this damage had come to pass , and by what means it had grown to that head , as to have render'd the haven now almost lost to the publick . from the causes of the disease , i proceeded to my proposals for the remedy , wherein i had the good fortune to explain every point of my project , with evidence enough to oblige his majesty at that time to say that he was so well satisfy'd , that he was resolv'd he wou'd not defer the work a day . that as i had made every thing plain and intelligible to him ; so above all , he was pleas'd with two most useful and encourageing propositions therein contain'd , namely , that whereas in most great works of that kind , princes were generally oblig'd to prosecute and go through the whole expence ( which for the most part was very great ) before they cou'd reap the least profit of their design , or be assur'd of the success ; while this work on the contrary was so order'd and contriv'd by me , that he was sure to receive a present profit from every sum ( be it more or less ) which he shou'd at any time think fit to lay out , and that the benefit wou'd be presently seen , and gather'd , in proportion to the charge he shou'd be at ; which he might limit or respite as he pleas'd , without danger of damage to the work that should be done , or of losing the advantage that should be once gain'd in case of discontinuing the same . the second point that pleas'd his majesty was ; that whereas all artificial ports that ever he had heard of ( which is most true ) were subject to choak , and fill up with sand or sullage , and to lose by degrees their depth of water , without great care and a continual charge to prevent it ; and which was the cause for the most part of the decay and loss of such ports to the publick : that he perceiv'd i had plainly obviated that evil , and by a new and very demonstrable invention had evidently secur'd the depth of water for ever , which no neglect cou'd hinder , or towards which any expence or annual charge was necessary . i concluded with this general incitement to his majesty , that multiplicity of ports in a maritim kingdom , ( such as his ) was above all things to be wish'd ; which in times of peace was a great means of encouragement to our naval intercourse , and coasting trade , whereby our capital city , became better supply'd , and at cheaper rates , with all things needful ; that seamen were proportionably propagated , shipping and all the incident professions of shipwrightry and navigation increas'd and improv'd , &c. that in time of war , shelter , and defence against an enemy was by that means more at hand , whereby our commerce was better preserv'd , our frontier so much the stronger , and cruizers had more dispatch ; and were better spread and dispos'd at sea ; because wheresoever there are ports commodiously situate , and in the road of our commerce , there of course will be men of war appointed and entertain'd in times of hostility , where they can clean , victual and refit , whereby great expedition ( which is the life of action ) wou'd be obtain'd , and half the time gain'd that was spent in going to remote ports , as the thames , chatham , portsmouth , &c. where , if the wind hangs out of the way , ships lye long on demorage , become fowl by staying for a wind , and lose many occasions of service , which in ports lying upon the edge of our channel , as dover does , can never happen ; where you need no pylotage , and are no sooner out of the haven but you are at sea. in a word , i ended my discourse to his majesty , with assuring him that dover promis'd every thing he cou'd hope from such a port ; was si●uate the nearest of all others to a great , dangerous and aspiri●g neighbour , who had given so many instances of wisdom and foresight in the charge he had been at on that line of his coast which confronts ours , and which whenever his majesty shou'd chance to have a war with that people , wou'd be found to turn every way both offensively and defensively to marvellous account . that dover stands on a promontory which survey's , and might be made to command the greatest thorough-fare of navigation in the world , where no ship can pass unobserv'd , or escape the danger of being attack'd , when there shou'd be cause , and was of the same use by sea as a passe is by land. and , that there was no design his majesty cou'd entertain for it's strength and improvement , that was not compassable by art , and that did not promise a plentiful return of profit and honour , of any the greatest sum he could spare to lay out upon it . i departed at that time from his majesty full of hopes , that what i had done and said on this subject , wou'd have produc'd the good effect of some speedy resolution ; but taking the liberty some days after to remind him therein , i found him , to my great disappointment , much calmer than i had left him , and receiv'd this short answer , that it was a noble project indeed , but that it was too big for his present purse , and wou'd keep cold. shortly after i was dispatch'd to my business in a remote country , and from that time to this have neither said nor heard any thing of dover . now the remark i wou'd make on this sudden and surprizing coldness of the king 's , is namely this , that the long audience i then had of his majesty , chanc'd to be in a certain great ladies appartment in white-hall , where i had no sooner began my discourse , and produc'd my papers , when mons. barrillon , the french ambassador , came in ; who i observ'd to listen with great attention to what was debated ; asking the said laay very earnestly many questions about the subject matter of our conference , who i perceiv'd to interpret to him every thing that was said on that occasion , as did the king afterwards in my hearing ; explaining the whole project , and the contents of the several designs ; expressing his great approbation of the report i had made him ; whereupon making reflection on this occurrence , i was no longer in doubt touching the cause of my disappointment ; but that it was not the french kings interest , and therefore not his pleasure , that we shou'd proceed on this work , and that so noble a project shou'd thus die in the birth , who wou'd have been contented ( i make no question ) to have given ten times the amount of the cost to defeat so national an undertaking , which look'd with so threatning an aspect on those great scheams of naval power which he has since put in execution , and is prosecuting to this day ; and i think it therefore becomes every hearty english man to conclude that such an incident as i have here produc'd , ought to superadd one new and solid argument of incitement to those that have been urg'd towards some solemn deriberation on so promising and important a subject ; and if our forefathers , in those darker times of queen eliz. saw a reason for their speculations on this article , then when their views were narrow , their motives less , and the means to attain their purpose hardly to be compass'd through the limitted fonds of treasure in those days , and the insufficiency of undertakers to conceive , design , and prosecute works of that sort , so magnificent ; so new and out of the way of the worlds practice ; it may therefore be hop'd , that now , when our motives of danger , &c. are so visible , and so much stronger ; the means of obtaining so noble an end every way more within our reach ; while we behold by what arts and means , and with what profusion of treasure , a neighbouring prince pursues his maritim projects , and since we have seen and felt with what effect he has succeeded in his aims to rival us by sea , and in a word , while we know he must naturally ever be more than our match by land ; and that nothing at this day can insure our safety , but a demonstrable superioriry of naval strength . what greater wisdom and precaution can we manifest , or how can we more laudably publish our attention to the publick welfare , than by seasonably obviating the evils that seem to threaten us by the growing naval power of france , towards which no one step we can make , promises better fruit than this proposal of recovering and improving the haven of dover , which is by nature situate to our wish , and in my humble opinion is capable of being made by art so useful to our selves and friends , and so effectual to bridle , prevent and annoy our enemies ; that were the argument duly weigh'd , i am perswaded we shou'd think no sum too great to be so employ'd . finis . a cleare and evident way for enriching the nations of england and ireland and for setting very great numbers of poore on work this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47317 of text r6727 in the english short title catalog (wing k389). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 50 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47317 wing k389 estc r6727 12193066 ocm 12193066 55923 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47317) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55923) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 109:2) a cleare and evident way for enriching the nations of england and ireland and for setting very great numbers of poore on work keymor, john, fl. 1610-1620. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. i. d. [4], 18 p. printed by t.m. & a.c., and are sold by john saywell ..., london : 1650. the dedicatory preface signed: i.d. variously attributed to john keymor and sir walter raleigh. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng currency question -great britain. great britain -commercial policy. a47317 r6727 (wing k389). civilwar no a cleare and evident vvay for enriching the nations of england and ireland, and for setting very great numbers of poore on work. [no entry] 1650 8634 49 0 0 0 0 0 57 d the rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-07 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a cleare and evident way for enriching the nations of england and ireland , and for setting very great numbers of poore on work . 2 chron. 9. 27. and the king made silver in jerusalem as stones , and cedar-trees made be as the sycamore-trees , that are in the low plains in abundance . london , printed by t. m. & a. c. and are sold by john saywell at the grey-hound in little-britain . 1650. to the people of england & ireland ; whether nobles , gentry , or commons . right honourable , &c. for these thirty yeares past , it hath been observed , that those in publique place or trust have plotted and contrived little , but how to enrich themselves ; whether you look upon protestant , or puritane : most , if not all of both , laying about them like mad , untill they could say with dives ; soule , thou hast enough laid up for many years ; eat , drinke , and take thy rest ! in all which time , and with the generality of such persons , the publique good hath been no further cared for , then the egyptians did ; that they have their tale of brick or taxes : being not ignorant , that the hard labour in brick-making , with the want of straw , had made the israelites cry , and not without feare that that cry was come up to heaven . lest that after a getting over the red-sea , with the destruction of very many of these task-masters , these two nations should make indentures in the wildernesse for forty years , before they get to canaan , and only caleb and joshua get thither : knowing that miracles are ceased , this essay is published for advance of trade ; having ready another of excellent use for enriching by land , as this by sea ; which , if this have encouragement , shall follow : thereby to helpe you all either a neerer way to the land of promise , so much prayed for , and so dear bought ; or to enable you to beare the difficulties and miseries you are like to suffer in the journy . you shall do well to fall close to the businesse , and set on work what is here laid down : you have old laws enough to beare you out ; and certainly none will hinder your gathering straw , who will exact and need your tale of bricks , if they put you not upon bringing in more : and for your encouragement , whosoever shall agree in the city of london , or any other part of this nation , or that of ireland , to set the busines on foot ; a way shall clearly be laid down for the income of ten per cent. possibly twenty , thirty , or more , which will ballance the experience , and so underselling of others ; and no more hazard of principal or profit , then is in putting mony to use upon good security . this edge ( it 's confest ) must have an additional law . by this , you will do that really in way of help to the poor , that hundreds of thousands loynes will blesse you , all will be bettered , and you had in everlasting honour . which is all eyed by him , who desires no longer to breathe , then he shall be ready to shew himself your , or the nation 's humble servant , i. d. some years past was presented to his late majesty a model of extraordinary importance , honour and profit : which being laid aside ( as was conceived ) the ensuing was tendered , consisting of several propositions ; gathered from the fruition of those wonderful blessings england's seas and land were furnished with ; not onely to enrich and fill coffers , but increase such might and strength , as would , being put in execution , make in short time this nation of so great power , that all the princes-neighbours shall be glad of its friendship , and fearful to offend it . peruse this advertisement with care and judgment , and you will discern as much . by way of introduction consider , 1. the true ground , course and form by which other countries make themselves powerful & rich in all kinds of all merchandizing , manufacture , & fulnesse of trade , and yet have no commodities in their own country growing to do it withal . 2. that this nation it self may improve its native commodities , with other traffique , as well and better , yea to millions of pounds more yearly then now they are ; and bring not only to englands representatives coffers within the space of two or three years millions of pounds , increase the revenues many thousands yearly , please , and greatly profit the people ; but also set at work all sorts of people in the realm , as other nations do , who raise their greatnesse by the abundance of this nations commodities , whilest we are parlying and disputing whether it be good for us or not . for other nations ▪ those who have travelled the united provinces , have observed those countries grow potent , and abound in all things to serve themselves & other nations , where little groweth : raising their estate to such an admirable height , as they are at this day even a wonder to the world ▪ which well weighed , will appeare to come from these seas , and this land ; out of which they draine and still covet to exhaust our wealth and coyn , and with our own commodities weaken us , and finally beat us quite out of trading in other countries . which experience tells , they more fully obtain , by their convenient priviledges and setled constitutions , then england with all the lawes and super abundance of homebred commodities which god hath vouchsafed these seas & this land . by these priviledges they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabite amongst them , which makes them populous : they make store-houses of all forrain commodities ▪ wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish forrain countries with plenty of those commodities , which before in time of plenty they ingrossed , and brought home from the same places : which doth greatly a●g●●●n● power and treasure to their state , besides the common good in setting their people and poor on work . to these priviledges ▪ they adde smalnesse of custome and liberty of trade , which makes them flourish ; and their countries plentiful of all kind of coyn and commodities , and their merchants so rich , that when a losse cometh they scarce feel it . they have also at present many advantages of us : one is by their fashioned ships , called ●●●vers , hoyb●rks , hoyes , and others , that are made to hold 〈◊〉 bulk of merchandise , and to saile with a few men for profit ▪ for example : though an english-ship of 200 tuns , and a holland-ship o● any other of the petty-states of the same burthen , be at da●●k o● any other place beyond the seas , or in england ; they do serve the merchant better cheap by 40l . in the 100. in his fraight , then we can , by reason he hath but nine or ten mariners , and we neer thirty . thus he saveth twenty mens meat and wages in a voyage , and so in all other their ships accordingly to their burthen ; by which meanes they are fraighted wheresoever they come to great profit , whilest our ships ●e still and decay , or go to newcastle for coals . adde to this their smalnesse of custome inwards and outwards , whereof we have daily experience : for if 2 english ships , or 2 of any other nation be at burdeaux , both laden with wines of 300 tuns apeece , the one bound for holland or any other petty-state , the other for england ; the merchant shall pay about 500l . custome here , and other duties , when the other in holland or any other petty-states shall be cleared for lesse then 50l . and so in all other wares and merchandises accordingly , which draweth all nations to traffique with them . and although it seems but small duties which they receive ; yet the multitudes of all kind of commodities and coyn is so great that is brought in by themselvs & others , and carried out by themselves and others , that they receive more customes and duties to the state ( by the greatnesse of their comerce ) in one yeare , then england doth in two ; for the hundreth part of commodities are not spent in holland , but ven●●d into other countries ; which maketh all the country , merchants , to buy and sell , and increase ships and mariners to transport them . notwithstanding their excises brings them great re●en●es ; yet whosoever will adventure to burdeaux but for sixe tuns of wines , shall be free of excise in his own house all the yeare long . and this is done ( of purpose ) to animate and increase merchants in their country . and if it happen that a trade be stopped by any forrain nation ( which they heretofore usually had ) or hear of any good trading ( which they never had ) they will hinder others , and seek either by favour , mony , or force , to open the gap of traffique for advancement of themselves , and imployment of their people . and when there is a new trade or course erected , they give free customs inwards and outwards , for the better maintenance of navigation , and encouragement of the people to that businesse . a little to enlarge upon the following particulars , to prove that thus they and others glean the wealth and strength from us to themselves , and become the traders of the world . 1. merchant-staplers make all things in abundance , by reason of their storehouses continually replenished with all kind of commodities . 2. the liberty of free-traffique for strangers to buy and sell in countries and states , ( as if they were free-born . ) 3. the small dutles levied upon merchants . 4. the fashioned ships , continually fraighted before ours , by reason of their few mariners and great bulk , serving the merchant cheap . 5. the forwardnesse to further all manner of trading . 6. the wonderful imployment of busses for fishing , and the great returns made . 7 the giving free-custome inwards and outwards for any new-erected trade : by means whereof they have already gotten almost the sole ●●●de into their hands . and this is not in the netherlands only , but all nations may buy and sell freely in france , and there is free-custome outwards twice or thrice in a yeare ; at which times our merchants themselves do make their great sales of english commodities , and do buy and lade their great bulk of french commodities to serve for the whole year . in rochel and in britain ; free custome all the year long ( except some small toll ) which maketh great traffique , and maketh them flourish . in denmark , to encourage and enrich their merchants , and to increase ships and mariners , free custome all the year long for their own merchants , ( except one moneth between bartholmew-tide and michaelmasse . the hance-towns have likewise advantage of us , and in most things imitate the hollanders , which maketh them exceeding rich and plentiful of all kinds of commodities and coin , and so strong in ships and mariners , that some of their towns have neer 1000 sail of ships . the merchandises of france , portugal , spain , italy , turkey , east , and west indies are transported most by the hollanders and other petty-states into the east and north-east kingdoms of pomerland , spruceland , poland , denmark , swe●hen , leifland , and germany ; and the merchandise brought from the last mentioned kingdoms ( being wonderfully many ) are likewise by the hollanders and other petty-states transported into the southern and western dominions ; and yet the s●ituation of england lieth far better for a store-house to serve the southern , east , and north-east regions then they , and hath far better means to do it , if we will bend our course for it . no so●●er a dearth of ●●●● , wine , or corn here , or other merchandise , but forth with the embdeners , hamburgers and hollanders , out of their storehouses lade 50. 100. or more ships , dispersing themselves round about this kingdom , and carry away great store of coyn and wealth for little commodities , in those times of dearth : by which means they suck our commonwealth of their riches , cut down our merchants , and decay our navigation , not with their natural commodities which groweth in their own country , but the merchandises of other countries and kingdoms . therefore it is far more easie for us to serve our selves , hold up our merchants , increase our ships and mariners , strengthen the kingdome , and not only keep our mony in our own realm , ( which other nations still rob us of ) but bring in their who carry ours away , and make the bank of coin and storehouse to serve other nations as well and far better cheap then they in england . amsterdam is never without 700000. quarters of corn , besides the plenty they daily vent , and none of this groweth in their own country . a dearth in england , france , spain , italy , portugal , or other places , is truly observed to enrich holland seven yeares after , and likewise the petty-states . for example : the dearth , novemb. 1614. the hamburgers , embdeners , and hollanders , out of their storehouses furnished this kingdom , and from southampton , exeter , and bristol , only in a year and a half , caried away neer two hundred thousand pounds : which being true , then what great quantity of coyne was transported from all ports of this nation ? it cannot be esteemed so little as two millions : to the great decay of this realm , impovererishing the people , discredit to the company of merchants , and dishonour to the land , that any nation that have not corn in their own country growing , should serve this famous kingdom which god hath so enabled within it self . and if so much in 1614. five times as much between 1648. and 1649. these have a continual trade into this kingdome with 5 or 600 ships yearly , with merchandises of other countries and kingdoms , and store them up , untill the prices rise to their mindes : and we trade not with 50 ships into their country in a yeare ; their number are about this realm every easterly winde for the most part , to lade coals and other merchandise . again . unlesse there be a scarcity , dearth , or high-prices , merchants do forbear that place , where great impositions are laid upon the merchandise ; and those places slenderly shipped , all served , and at deare rates , and oftentimes in scarcity , and want of imployment for the people . and those petty-states finding truly by experience , that small duties imposed upon merchandise draweth all traffiique unto them ; and free liberty for strangers to buy and sell , doth make continual marts : therefore whatever excises or impositions are laid upon the common people ; yet they still ease , uphold , and maintain the merchants by all possible means , of purpose to draw the wealth and strength of christendome to themselves : whereby it appeareth , though the duties be but small , yet the customes for going out , and coming in , doth so abound , that they increase their revenues greatly , and make great profit by sea and land , in serving themselves and other nations : likewise the great concourse which comes by the same means , enableth the common-people to beare their burthen laid upon them ; and yet they grow rich , together with the great comerce and trade occasioned by their convenient priviledges and commodious constitutions . there was an entercourse of traffique in g●●●a , and in that city was the flower of comerce , as appeareth by their ancient records and sumptuous buildings ; all nations traded with merchandises to them , and there was the storehouse of all italy and other places : but after they had set a great custome of xvi . per cent. all nations left trading with them , which made them give themselvs wholly ●o usury ; and at this day we have not ; ships go thither in a year . on the contrary , the duke of florence builded ligo●● , and set small customes upon merchandise , gave them great and pleasing priviledges ; which hath made that a rich and strong city , with a flourishing state and trade . concerning the particular of fishing , and the greatest in the w●●ld , which is upon the coast of england , scotland , and ireland , the fishermen living ( to our shame ) in the low-countries and other petty-states , wherewith they serve themselves and all christendome . in four towns in the east-kingdomes within the sound , viz. quinsborough , elbing , statten , and da●zick , there is carried and 〈◊〉 in a year between 30 & 40000 lasts of herrings , sold at 15 or 16 pounds the last , which is 170000 pounds ; in such request are our herrings there , that they are oftentimes sold for 20 , 24 , 30 , and 36 pounds the last . england sends not one barrel into all those countries . the hollanders send into russia neer 1500 lasts sold at or about 30● the ●●r●el , which amounteth to 27000 pounds . england , about 20 or 30 lasts . to sto●d , hamburgh , breame , and embden , up the river of elve , weazer , and embes , is carried and vented of fish and herrings about 6000 lasts , sold at about 15 or 16 pounds the last , which comes to 100000 pounds yearly . england , none . cleveland , gulickland , and so up the rhine to cullen , frankford on the main , and so over all germany , is carried and vented of fish and herrings 20000 lasts , sold at 20l . the last , which is 440000l . and we none . up the river of maze , leige , mastrick , vendlow , zu●phen , deventer , campen , swole , and all over lukeland , is carried and vented of herrings 7000 lasts sold at 20l . the last , which is 140000. and we none . to gelderland , artois , henalt , brabant , flanders , up the river of antwerp , all over the archdukes country , is carried and vented between 8 or 9000 lasts of of herrings sold at 18l . the last , which is 170000l . and we none . the hollanders & others carried of all sorts of herrings to roan only in one year , besides all other ports of france , 5000 lasts of herrings , sold at 20l . the last , which is 100000l . and we not 100 ●ast thither . they are sold oftentimes there for 20 , 24 , and 30l . the last . between christmas and lent , the duties for fish and herrings came to 15000 crowns at roan , that year the late queen dec●ased , ( sir tho. parry was agent there then , and st. savours his man knoweth it to be true , who handled the businesse for pulling down the impositions . ) then what great summes of money came to all the port-towns to enrich the french kings coffers , and to all the kings and states throughout christendome to enrich their coffers ? besides the great quantity vented to the straits , and the multitude spent in the low-countries , where there is likewise sold many 100000l . worth yearly . if this stream were turned to the good of this n●tion , to whose sea-coasts only god hath sent and given these great blessings and multitude of riches for us to take ▪ how happy were it ! the hurt , on the contrary , that any nation should carry out of this realme yearly such great masses of money , for fish they take on our seas , many of which sold againe by them to us ; must needs be great , and as great dishonour to this nation . from any port town of any kingdome in christendome , the b●idge-master or the wharf-master , fo● 20s . a year , will deliver a ●●e note of the number of lasts of herrings brought to their wharfs , and their prices commonly sold at . the number brought to dansick , cullen ; rotterdam , and enchusen , it will cost 3 , 4 , or 5l . for a true note . the abundance of corne groweth in the east kingdoms : but the great store-houses for grain , to serve christendome , and the heathen countries ( in the time of dearth ) is in the low-countries , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they enrich themselves seven years after , and imploy their people , and get great fraight for their ships in other countries ; and we not one in that course . the mighty vineyards , and store of salt , is in france and spain : but the great vintage , and staple of salt , is in th●low-countries ; and they send neer 1000. saile of ships with salt and wine onely into the east-kingdomes yearly , besides many other places ; and we not one in that course . the exceeding groves of wood are in the east-kingdomes : but the huge piles of wainscot , clapboards , fir-deale , masts , and timber , is in the low-countries , where none groweth ; wherewith they serve themselves and other parts , and this kingdome with those commodities . they have 5 or 600 great long ships continually using that trade ; and we not one in that course . the wooll , cloth , lead , and tyn , with divers commodities are in england : but by means of our wooll and cloth going out rough , undrest , and undyed , there is an exceeding manufacturie in the low-countries , wherewith they serve themselves and other nations ; which advanceth greatly the imployment of their people at home , and traffique abroad , and putteth down ours in forain parts where our merchants trade unto , with our own commodities : we dressing and dying it basely ; they to that perfection , that they will not fail colour , or be threed-bare in seven years wearing . we send into the east-kingdoms yearly but 100 ships ; and our trade chiefly dependeth upon three towns , elbing , kingsborough , and dantzick , for making our sales , and buying their commodities sent into this realm at dear rates , which this kingdome beareth the burthen of . the low-countries send into the east-kingdoms yearly about 3000 ships , trading into every city and port-town , taking the advantage and vending their commodities to exceeding profit , buying and lading their ships with plenty of those commodities which they have from every of those towns 20l . per cent . better cheap then we , by reason of the difference of their coyn ; and their fish yieldeth ready mony : which greatly advanceth their traffique● and decayeth ours . they send into france , spain , portugal , and italy , from the east-kingdoms , ( that passeth through the sound , and through our narrow-seas ) yearly of the east-country commodities about 2000 ships , and we none in that course . they trade into all cities and port-towns in france ; we chiefly to five or sixe . they traffique into every city and port-town round about this land , with 5 or 600 ships yearly ; and we chiefly but to three towns in their country , and but with 40 ships . notwithstanding the low-countries have as many ships and vessels as all the kingdomes of christendome have , ( let england be one ) and build every year neer 1000 ships , and not a timber-tree growing in their own country ; also all their homebred commodities that grow in their land in a yeare , lesse then 100 good ships are able to carry away at one time : yet they handle the matter so ( for setting them all on work ) that their traffique with the hance-towns exceedeth in shipping all christendome . we have all things of our own in superabundance to increase traffique , and timber to build ships , and commodities of our own to load about 1000 ships and vessels at one time , ( besides the great fishing ) and as fast as they have made their voyages might lade , and so year after year ▪ all the year long to continue : yet our ships and mariners decline ▪ and traffique and merchants daily decay . the main bulk and masse of herrings , from whence they raise so many millions yearly , that enricheth other kingdoms , kings and states coffers , and likewise their own people , proc●edeth from our sea and land ; and the return of the commodities and coin they bring home in exchange of fish and other commodities , are so huge , as would declare a large discourse apart : all the amends they make us , is , they beat us out of trade in all parts with our own commodities . for instance : we had a great trade in russia 70 years ● and about 14 years past , we sent store of goodly ships to trade in those parts , and three years past we set out but four , and this last year two or th●ee . but to the contrary ; the hollanders about 20 years since traded thither with two ships only , yet now they are increased to about thirty or forty , and one of their ships is as great as two of ours ; and the same time ( in their troubles there ) that we decreased , they increased ; and the chiefest commodities they carry thither with them is english cloth , herrings taken on our coast , english lead and pewter made of our tin , besides other commodities : all which we may do better then they . and although it be a cheap country , and the trade very gainful , yet we have almost brought it to nought by disorderly trading , joint-stock , and the merchants bandying themselves one against another . we used to have 8 or 9 great ships to go continually a fishing to wardhouse , and this year but one ; and so pro rato they out-goe us in all kind of fishing and merchandising in all countries , by reason they spare no cost , nor deny no priviledges that may encourage advancement of trade and manufacturie . if it stand with the good liking of the states to take notice of these things conceived to be fit for their consideration , which is tendered unto them out of unfained zeale to the advancement of the generall good of all subjects ; it being apparent that no three kingdoms in christendome can compare with this for support of traffique , and continual imployment of the people within themselves , having so many great means both by sea and land to enrich , multiply the navy , enlarge traffique , make the nation powerful , and people rich , who through idlenesse are poor , wanting imployment ; many land and coast-towns much ruinated ; need of coyn ; shipping , traffique , and mariners decayed ; whil'st neighbour-princes ( without these means ) abound in wealth , enlarge their towns , increase their shipping , traffique , and mariners , and find out such imployment for their people , that are all advantages to their commonwealth ; only by ordaining commodious constitutions in merchandizing , and fulnesse of trade to all their people in manufacturie . god hath blest this nation with incomparable benefits : as , with copper , lead , iron , tinne , allome , copperas , saffron , fells , and divers other native commodities , to the number of an hundred , and other manufacturies vendible to the number of a thousand , ( as shall appeare ) besides corne , whereof great quantity of beere is made , and most transported by strangers ; as also wooll , whereof much is shipped forth unwrought into cloth or stuffs , and cloth transported undyed , which doth imploy and maintain neer 50000 people in forain parts , our own people wanting that imployment in england , many of them being inforced to live in great want , and seek it beyond the seas . coals , which doth imploy neer 600 strangers ships yearly to transport them out of this kingdom , whilst we do not imploy twenty ships in that course . iron-ordinance , which is a jewel of great value far more then it is accounted , by reason that no other country could ever attain unto it , although they have assayed it with great charge . timber for building of ships , and commodities plenty to lade them , which commodities other nations want ; yet wee decline in shipping , traffique , and mariners . these inconveniences happen by three causes especially . 1. the unprofitable course of merchandizing . 2. want of the true course of full manufacturie of our home-bred commodities . 3. undervaluing our coynes contrary to the rules of other nations . for instance : the merchant-adventurers by over-trading upon credit , or with mony taken up upon exchange , whereby they lose usually 10. or 12. and sometimes 15. or 16. per cent . are inforced to make sale of their clothes at under-rates , to keep their credit ; whereby cloth ( being the jewel of the land ) is undervalued , and the merchant in short time eaten out . the merchants of ipswich , whose trade for elbing is chiefly for fine clothes , and some few sorting clothes , ( all died and dressed within this land ) do for the most part buy their fine clothes upon time , and by reason they go so much upon credit , they are enforced ( not being able to stand upon their markets ) to sell , giving 15 or 18 moneths day of payment for their clothes ; and having sold them , they then presently sell their bills ( so taken for cloth ) allowing after the rate of 14 or 15 ▪ and sometimes 20 per cent . which money they imploy forthwith in wares at excessive prices , and lose as much more that way , by that time their wares be sold at home . thus by over-running themselves upon credit , they disable themselves and others , inhancing the price of forain commodities , and pulling down the rates of their own . the west-country merchants that trade with clothes into france or spain , do usually imploy their servants , young ▪ men of small experience , ( and doth not london so likewise ? ) who by cunning combining of the french and spanish merchants are so intrapped , that when all customes and charges be accounted , their masters shall handly receive their principal-mony . as for returns out of france , their silver and gold is so high-rated , that our merchants cannot bring it home , but to great losse . therefore the french merchants set higher rates of their commodities , which we must either buy dear , or let our money lie dead there a long time , untill we may conveniently imploy the same . the northern merchants of york , hull , and newcastle , trade onely in white-kersies and coloured-dozens ; and every merchant ( be his adventure never so small ) doth for the most part send over an unexperienced youth , unfit for mechandising ; which bringeth to the stranger great advantage , but to his master and commonweale great hinderance . for they , before their goods be landed , go to the stranger , and buy such quantities of iron , flax , corn , and other commodities as they are bound to lade their ships withall , which ships they engage themselves to relade within three weeks or a moneth , and do give the price the merchant-stranger asketh , because he giveth them credit , and lets them ship away their iron , flax , and other commodities , before they have sold their kersies and other clothes ; by which means extraordinary deare commodities are returned into the realm , and the servant also inforced to sell his clothes underfoot , and oftentimes to losse , to keep his credit , and to make payment for the goods before shipped home , having some 20 dayes or a moneths respite to sell the clothes and to give the merchant satisfaction for his iron , flax , and other wares ; by which extremities our homebred commodities are abased . touching manufacturie . there hath been about 80000 undrest and undyed cloths yeerly transported . which in 55 years , is neere 20 millions that would have been gained by the labour of poore workmen in that time , with the marchants gains for bringing in dying stuffs and return of cloths dressed and dyed ▪ with other benefits to the realm ; besides exceeding in larging of traffique , and increase of ships and mariners . there would have been gained in that time about three millions by increase of custome upon commodities returned for clothes dressed and dyed , and for dyeing stuffs , which would have more plentifully been brought in and used for the same . there hath been also transported in that time yearly by bayze , five northern and devonshire kersies white , about ▪ 50000 clothes , accounting three kersies to a cloth , whereby hath been lost about five millions by these sort of clothes in that time , which would have come to poore workmen for their labour , with the custome of dyeing stuffs , and the peoples profit for bringing them in , with returns of other commodities . bayze are transported white unto amsterdam , and being there drest and dyed are shipped into spaine , portugal , and other kingdomes , where they are sold in the name of flemish bayze , setting their own town-seale upon them : so that we lose the very name of our homebred commodities , and other countries get the reputation and profit thereof . lamentable it is , that this land should be deprived of so many aforementioned millions , and that our native commodities of cloth ( ordained of god for the natural subjects , being so royal and rich in it selfe ) should be driven to so smal advantage of reputation and profit to the people , and so much improved and intercepted by strangers , considering that god hath inabled & given this nation more conveniency to advance dressing , dying , and transporting of all cloths . all the companies of the land transport cloths dressed and dyed to the good of the kingdome ( except the merchant-adventurers ) whereby , the easterland and turky marchants with other companies do increase customes by bringing in and spending dyeingstuffs , and setting people on work by dressing and dying afore they transport them ; and they might increase far more custome to , and make much more profit to themselves and this realm , and set many thousands of poore people more on work ( for dressing and dying ) and likewise imploy more ships and mariners for bringing in dyeing stuffs , were it not for the merchant-adventurers who transport their cloths white , rough , undrest , and undyed into the low-countries , where they sell them to the strangers , who afterwards dresse , dye , and stretch them to such unreasonable lengths ( contrary to our law ) that they prevent and forestal our markets , and crosse the just prohibition of our state and realm by their agents and factors lying in divers places with our own cloths : to the great decay of this nation in general , and discredit of our cloths in particular . if the account were truly known , it would be found that they make not cleere profit ( only by cloth undyed ) 60000. l. a yeer . but it is most apparent in customes , the merchants in their sales , and prizes ; subjects , in their labours for lack of not dressing ; ships and mariners in not bringing in of dying stuffs , and spending of allome , is hindred yearly a million of pounds . so that trade is driven to the great hinderance of the people , by putting native commodities to passe rough , undrest and undyed by the merchant-adventurers . touching fishing . the great sea-businesse of fishing doth imploy neer 20000 ships and vessels , and 400000 people are employed yearly upon the coasts of england , scotland and ireland , with 60 ships of war , which may prove dangerous . the hollanders only have about 3000 ships to fish withal , and 50000 people are imployed yearly upon the coasts of england , scotland and ireland . these 3000 fishing-ships and vessels of the hollanders , doth imploy neere 9000 other ships and vessels , and 150000 persons more by sea and land , to make provision to dresse and transport the fish they take , and return commodities ; whereby they are inabled , and do build yearly 1000 ships and vessels , having not one tymber tree growing in their own country , nor homebred commodities to lade 100 ships , and yet they have 20000 ships and vessels , and all imployed . king henry the seventh , desirous to make his kingdomes powerful and rich by increase of ships and mariners , and imployment of his people , sent unto his sea-coast towns , moving them to set up the great and rich fishing , with promise to give them needful priviledges , and to furnish them with loans of mony ( if need were ) to incourage them ; yet his people were slack . having traced this businesse , and made known to this state , the marchants and others , it will do well , the able and well-affected set down under their hands for more assurance and promise , to disburse sums of mony for building this great and rich large sea-city , which will increase more strength to the land , give more comfort and do more good to all cities and towns , then all the companies of the kingdome , having fit and needful priviledges for the upholding and strengthening of so weighty and behoveful a businesse . for example , twenty busses built and put into a sea-coast town where there is not one ship before ; there must be to carry , recarry , transport and make provision for one busse , 3 ships : likewise every ship setteth on work 30 several trades and occupations , and 400 persons by sea and land , insomuch as 300 persons are not able to make one fleet of nets in 4 moneths for one busse , which is no smal imployment . thus by 20 busses are set on work neer 8000 persons by sea and land , and an increase of above 1000 marriners , and a fleet of 80 sayle of ships to belong to one town , where none were before ; to take the wealth of the sea , to enrich and strengthen the land , only by the raising of 20 busses . then what good a thousand or two will do , i leave it to consideration . it is worthy to be noted how necessary fishermen are to the common-wealth , and how needful to be advanced and cherished , viz. 1. for taking gods blessing out of the sea , to inrich the realm , which otherwise we lose . 2. for setting the people on work . 3. for making cheapnesse and plenty in the realm . 4. for increasing of shipping to make the land powerful . 5. for a continual nurcerie for breeding and increasing of mariners . 6. for making imployment of all sorts of people , as blind , lame , and others , by sea and land , for 10 , or 12 years upwards . 7. for increase of custome upon merchandises returned from other countries for fish and herrings . 8 for increase and inabling of merchants , which now droope and daily decay . touching the coyne . for the most part all free-states ( both heathen and christian ) as turkey , barbary , france , poland , and others do hold for a rule of never failing profit , to keep their coyn at higher rates within their own territories , then it is in other kingdoms . the causes . 1. to perserve the coyne . 2. to bring unto themselves that of foraigne princes . 3. to inforce merchant strangers to take their commodities at high rates , which this nation beareth the burthen of . for instance . the king of barbary perceiving the trade of christian merchants to increase in his kingdom , and that the returns out of his kingdom was most in gold , whereby it was much inhanced , raised his ducket ( being then current for three ounces ) to 4. 5. and 6. ounces ; nevertherlesse it was no more in england , being so raised , then when it went for three ounces . this ducket current for three ounces in barbary , was then worth in england 7s . 6d . and no more , being raised to vj . ounces , since which , adding to it a small piece of gold , he hath raised it to 8. and lastly to 10 ounces , yet at this day it is worth but xs . and one penny , notwithstanding the raising gold in england . having thus raised his gold , he then devised to have plentie of silver brought into his kingdom , raised the royal of 8. being but 2 ounces currant , to 3. and 3. and ● . which caused great plenty of silver to be brought in , and to continue in his kingdom . in france . the english jacobus goeth for 23s . in merchandizing . the french crown for 7s . 6d . also silver is raised 4. souce in the crown . north-holland . the double jacobus goeth for 23s . sterling . the english shilling is there 11 stivers , which is two shillings over in the pound . poland . the king of poland raised his hungary ducket from 56 to 77. and ½ . polish groshes ; and the rich-dollar from 36 to 47. and ½ . groshes : the rich-dollar worth in poland 47. and ½ . groshes , is by accompt valued at 6s . 4d . sterling , and here in england is worth but 4s . 6d . the hungary ducket is worth by accompt in poland 10s . 4d . and in england is worth but 7s . 10d . the jacobus of england here current for 22s . in poland 24s . at the rate of 7s . 10d . for the hungary ducket . now to turn the stream of riches raised by native commodities , into the natural channel from whence it hath been a long time diverted ; consider these points following . 1. whether it be not fit , a state-merchant be setled in these lands ; which may both dispose more profitably of the riches thereof , and encounter policies of merchant-strangers , who now go beyond us in all kind of profitable merchandising . 2. whether it be not necessary that the commodities should receive their full manufacturie in these dominions . 3. whether it be not necessary the great sea businesse of fishing , be forthwith set forward . 4. whether it be not fit the coals should yield us a better value , by permitting them to passe out of england , and that they be in english shipping only transported . 5. whether it be not fit , presently to raise coyn to as high a rate as it is in the parts beyond the seas . if these considerations be approved , then is it necessary to put them in a right course of execution ; and ( by gods help ) in short time customes will be exceedingly increased , ships and mariners trebled , land-waste-towns ( now run out of gates ) better replenished , and people imployed , to the great enriching and honour of the nation , ( with the applause ) and to the comfort of all loyal subjects . this pains is the rather undergone , because the hollanders have been heard professe , they hoped to get the whole trade of christendome into their hands , not only for transportation , but also the command of the seas . to which end they do daily increase their traffique , augment their shipping , multiply thei● mariners , strength and wealth in all kinds . whereat there is the more cause of griefe , when we consider how god hath afforded more to this nation then any three kingdoms in christendome , with divers varieties of homebred commodities , which others have not , and cannot want ; besides sundry other meanes to continue and maintain our trade of merchandising and fishing above them all ; whereby we might prevent the deceivers , ingrosse the commodities of the ingrossers , inrich our selves , and increase our navigation , shipping ▪ and mariners : so as it would make all nations to vaile the bonnet to england , if we would not be still wanting to our selves in imployment of our people . which people being now divided into three parts , two parts of them are meere spenders , and consumers of a commonwealth . therefore , this done , you 1. allure and encourage the people ( for their private gaines ) to be all workers , and erectors of a commonwealth . 2. enrich and fill the coffers of the state by a continual coming in ; and make the people wealthy by means of their great and profitable trading and imployment . 3. vent our homebred commodities to far more reputation , and much more custome , and benefit to the merchant and the nation . 4. return the merchandises of other countries at far cheaper rates then now they are , to the great good of the realm in general . 5. make the land powerfull , by increasing and multiplying of ships , mariners , and people . 6. make the peoples taking in generall much more every day then now they are , which ( by gods help ) will grow continually more and more by the great concourse and comerce that will come by setled constitutions and convenient priviledges , as in other parts they do , by this their great freedome of trade . if this and much more be done in other countries ( where nothing groweth ) then how much might we make , where so great abundance and variety of homebred commodities and rich materials groweth for the people to work upon , and plentiful meanes to do it withall , which other nations have not , nor cannot want , but of necessity must be furnished from hence ? and now whereas our merchandising is wilde , utterly confused and out of frame , ( as at large appeareth ) a state-merchant will roundly and effectually bring all the premises to passe , fill the havens with ships , those ships with mariners , the nation full of merchants , their houses full of outlandish commodities , and the states coffers full of coyn , ( as in other parts they do ) and the people shall have just cause to hold in happy memory the beginners of so profitable , praise-worthy , and renowned a work : this , ( with other that might be added ) being the true philosophers stone , to make a rich and potent state , and a happy people , only by setling as before ; whereby the people may have fulnesse of trade and manufacture , and the government made both honourable and profitable . there 's but one objection against this noble and gallant enterprise ; which is , — they who shall adventure as a state-merchant , must expect to lose for divers years , as in all new beginnings of trade men do . the answer is , that the publisher of this will undertake to lay down a way how to bring in 10. 15. or 20. in the hundred profit , from the first , as evidently as a man shall expect 8 percent . upon good security . finis . a discovrse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall, customary, arbitrary, voluntary and necessary warre with the mystery of invasive warre : that ecclesiasticall prelates, have alwayes beene subject to temporall princes ... / by sir walter rawleigh ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57374 of text r9599 in the english short title catalog (wing r158). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57374 wing r158 estc r9599 20551974 ocm 20551974 60814 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57374) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60814) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:21) a discovrse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall, customary, arbitrary, voluntary and necessary warre with the mystery of invasive warre : that ecclesiasticall prelates, have alwayes beene subject to temporall princes ... / by sir walter rawleigh ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [67] p. printed by t.w. for humphrey moseley ..., london : 1650. this item can also be found with "judicious and select essayes" (wing r170) at reel 289:13. reproduction of original in the john carter brown library. eng war -early works to 1800. a57374 r9599 (wing r158). civilwar no judicious and select essayes and observations, by that renowned and learned knight. sir walter raleigh. upon the first invention of shipping raleigh, walter, sir 1650 10659 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discovrse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall , customary , arbitrary , voluntary and necessary warre . with the mystery of invasive warre . that ecclesiasticall prelates , have alwayes beene subject to temporall princes . and that the pope had never any lawfull power in england , either in civill , or ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time , as brittaine was won from the roman empire . by sir walter rawleigh knight . london , printed by t. w. for humphrey moseley and are to be sold at the princes armes in st. pauls church-yard . 1650. a discourse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall , customary , arbitrary , voluntary , and necessary war , with the misery of invasive warre . that ecclesiasticall prelates , have alwayes been subject to temporall princes , and that the pope had never any lawfull power in england , either in civill , or ecclesiasticall , businesse , after such time , as brittaine was won from the roman empire . the ordinary theme and argument of history is war , which may be defined the exercise of violence under soveraigne command , against withstanders force , authority and resistance , being the essentiall parts thereof , violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguisht from robbery and the like outrages : yet consisting in relation towards others , it necessarily requires a supposition of resistance , whereby the force of war becomes different from the violence inflicted upon slaves , or yeilding malefactors ; as for armes , discipline , and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of war prosperous , they are only considerable in degree of perfection , since naked savages fighting disorderly with stones , by appointment of their commanders , may truly and absolutely be said to war . neverthelesse , it is true , that as the beasts are armed with fierce teeth , pawes , horns , and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men , so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive armes , as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist . and it might seeme happy , if the sword , the arrow , the gun , with many terrible engines of death , could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that lordly rule , which the lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things . but since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self : it is needfull that against the wit and subtilty of man , we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes , ( wherein many beasts exceed us , ) but helping our strength with art and wisdome , strive to excell our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other creatures . the necessity of war , which among humane actions is the most lawlesse , hath some kind of affinity , and neere resemblances with the necessity of law . for there were no use at all , either of war or of law ; if every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe , and were withall so punctually just , as to performe what he knew requisite , and to rest contented with his owne . but seeing that no conveyance of land can be made so strong , by any skill of lawyers , with multiplicity of clauses , and provisoes , that it may be secure from contentious avarice , and the malice of false seeming justice : it is not to bee wondered , that the great charter , whereby god bestowed the whole earth upon adam , and confirmed it unto the sons of noah , being as breife in word , as large in effect , hath bred much quarrell of interpretation . surely howsoever the letter of that donation , may be unregarded by the most of men , yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts , and so passionatly imbraced by their greedy desires , as if every one laid claime for himself unto that , which was conferred upon all . this appeared in the gaules , who falling upon italy under their captaine brennus , told the roman ambassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title , and that valiant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get ; that they wanting land therewith to susteine their people , and the tuscanes , having more then enough , it was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand , if it were not yeilded quietly . now if it be well affirmed by lawyers , that there is no taking of possession more just , then in vacuum venire , to enter upon land unhabited , as our countrymen have lately done in the summer islands : then may it be inferred , that this demand of the gaules , held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view . for if the title of occupiers be good in a land unpeopled , why should it be bad accounted in a country peopled over thinly ? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the southerne , undiscovered continent , because they had seated themselves in nova guiana , or about the straits of magalane ? why might not the like be done in africk , in europe , or in asia ? if this were most absurd to imagine , let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the territory , and increasing the number of inhabitants , what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a region in such manner , that the land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth , nor capable of a greater multitude ; untill this can be concluded and agreed upon , one maine and fundamentall cause of the most grievous warre that can be imagined , is not like to be taken from the earth . it were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victualls and other helps , a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new seate , or to direct them unto a country able to receive them : but what shall perswade a mighty nation to travaile so farre by land , or sea , over mountaines , deserts , and great rivers , with their wives and children , when they are , or thinke themselves powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand , and inforce others into the labour of such a journey ? i have briefely shewed in an other worke , that the miseries accompaning this kind of war , are most extreame . for as much as the invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the nation upon which they fall . and although the uncertainty of tenure , by which all worldly things are held , minister very unpleasant meditation ; yet is it most certaine that within 1200. yeares last past , all or the most of kingdomes to us knowne , have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations , being either over whelmed by new collonies that fell upon them , or driven , as one wave is driven by an other , to seeke new seates , having lost their owne . our westerne parts of europe indeed have cause to rejoyce , and give praise to god , for that we have been free about 600 years , from such inundations , as were those of the gothes , humes , and vandalls , yea from such as were those of our owne ancestors , the saxons , danes , and normans , but howsoever we have together with the feeling , lost the very memory of such wretchednesse , as our fore-fathers endured by those wars , of all other the most cruell . yet are there few kingdomes in all asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred yeares . it were an endlesse labour to tell how the turks , and tartars falling like locusts upon that quarter of the world , having spoiled every where , and in most places eaten up all , as it were by the roots , consuming together with the princes formerly reigning and a world of people , the very names , language and memory of former times . suffice it that when any country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it , there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the load upon others , by right or wrong . for ( to omit the danger of pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng ) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses , and contempt of death , as the torments or threats of famine : whereof the warre that is grounded upon this generall remedilesse necessity , may be tearmed the generall , the remedilesse , or the necessary war . against which that our country is better provided ( as may be shewed hereafter ) then any civill nation to us knowne , we ought to hold it a great blessing of god , and carefully retaine the advantages which he hath given us now . besides this remedilesse or necessary warre , which is frequent , there is a warre voluntary , and customeable , unto which the offering party is not compelled . and this customary warre , which troubleth all the world , giveth little respite or breathing time of peace , doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest . for covetous ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath , supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not . wherefore if two bordering princes have their territory meeting on an open champaigne , the more mighty will continually seeke occasion , to extend his limits unto the further border thereof . if they be divided by mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the tops , and finally for the towns that stand upon the roots . if rivers run between them , they contend for the bridges , and thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck . yea the sea it selfe must be very broad , barren of fish , and void of little islands interjacent , else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the kingdomes which it severeth . all this proceeds from desire of having , and such desire from feare of want . hereunto may be added , that in these arbitrary wars , there is commonly to be found , some small measure of necessity , though it seldome be observed , perhaps , because it extendeth not so far , as to become publique . for where many younger sonnes of younger brothers , have neither lands nor means to uphold themselves , and where many men of trade or usefull possessions , know not how to bestow themselves for lack of imployments , there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the state ( howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed ) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected members . it sufficeth not that the country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it , if means be wanting , whereby to drive convenient participation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers . in such cases there will be complaining , commiseration , and finally murmur ( as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the ground upon publike misgovernment ) unlesse order be taken for some redresse by the sword of injury , supposed to be done by forreigners , whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare . and in this case i think it was , that the great cardinall francis de amiens who governed spaine in the minority of charls the fift , hearing tell that 8000. spaniards were lost in the enterprise of algier , under don diego de vera , made light of the matter : affirming , that spaine stood in need of such evacuation , forreigne warre serving ( as king fardinard had been wont to say ) like a potion of rubarbe , to wash away choler from the body of the realme . certainly among all kingdomes of the earth , we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then spaine , of having the veines opened by an enemies sword : the many colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humors . yet is not that country thereby dispeopled , but mainteineth still growing upon it ( like a tree , from whose plants to fil a whole orchard , ) have bin taken as many , as it can well nourish . and to say what i think , if our king edward the third , had prospered in his french wars and peopled with english the towns which he won , as he began at calice driving out the french , the kings his successors , holding the same course would by this time have filled all france , with our nation , without any notable emptying of this island . the like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the french in italy , or almost of any others , as having been verified by the saxons in england , and arabians in barbarie ; what is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the continent ? surely they dyed not of old age , nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature . but famine and contagious diseases , the sword , the halter , and a thousand mischiefs have consumed them . yea many of them perhaps were never borne : for they that want means to nourish children will abstaine from marriage , or ( which is all one ) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women : or otherwise make unequall or unhealthy matches for gaine , or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing , which in nature is a curse , to have their wives barren . were it not thus , arithmeticall progression might easily demonstrate , how fast mankind would increase in multitude , overpassing as miraculous ( though indeed naturall ) that example of the israelites , who were multiplyed in 215. yeares , from seaventie unto 600000. able men . hence we may observe , that the very propagation of our kind , hath with it a strong insensive , even of those daily wars , which afflict the earth . and that princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity , speake often more truly then they are aware , there being indeed a great necessity , though not apparent , as not extending to the generality , but resting upon private heads . wherefore other cause of warre meerly naturall there is none , then want of roome upon the earth , which pinching a whole nation , begets the remedilesse warre , vexing only some number of particulars , it draws on the arbitrary : but unto the kindling of arbitrary warre , there are many other motives . the most honest of these is , feare of harme and prevention of danger . this is just and taught by nature , which labours more strongly in removing evill , then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good . neverthelesse , because warre cannot be without mutuall violence : it is manifest , that allegation of danger and feare serves only to excuse the suffering part , the wrong doer being carried by his owne will . so the warre thus caused proceeds from nature , not altogether but in part . a second motive is , revenge of injury susteined ; this might be avoided if all men could be honest ; otherwise not . for princes must give protection to their subjects and adherents , when worthy occasion shall require it , else will they be held unworthy , and unsufficient : then which there can be to them no greater perill . wherefore caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side , and the opinion that there should be in him parum praesidii little safeguard , for his friends , was doubted on the other side , alwayes chose rather to venture upon extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector . yea by such maintenance of their dependants , many noblemen in all formes of government , and in every mans memory have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue . neither have meere tyrants been altogether carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers , those subjects of theirs , whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used , as no better then slaves . for there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves , if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men : to remedy this , it were needfull that justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to denizons . but contrariewise we find , that in many countreys ( as muscovie and the like ) the laws or the administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction , as they fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation . sir thomas moore said , ( whether more pleasantly or truely i know not ) that a trick of law had no lesse power then the wheele of fortune , to lift men up , or cast them downe . certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by meere casualty , then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice , because these are accompanied with sense of indignity , whereof the other are free : when robbers break open a mans house and spoile it , they tell the owner plainly that money they want , and money they must have : but when a judge corrupted by reward , hatred , favour , or any other passion , takes both house and land from the rightfull owner , and bestowes them upon some friend of his owne , or of his favorite , he saies , that the rules of justice will have it so , that it is the voice of the law , the ordinance of god himselfe . and what else doth he herein , then by a kind of circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves idiots or base wretches not able to get releife ; must it not astonish and vex withall , any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the judge and the theefe , then in the manner of performing their exploits ? as if the whole being of justice consisted in point of formality . in such case an honest subject will either seeke remedy by ordinary courses , or awaite his time untill god shall place better men in office , and call the oppressors to account . but a stranger wil not so , he hath nothing to do with the affairs of barbary , neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in taradante , or whether mulisidian himself can contemne the kingdome , his ship and goods are unjustly taken from him , and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can , and returne the injury ten fold , upon the whole nation from which he received it . truth it is , that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the gates of forreigne lords , then to tarry the good leisure of their own magistrates ; nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad , as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling vice-admirall , customer , or publique minister at their returne . whether this proceed from the reverence which men yeild unto their proper governour , i will not here define , or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home , or whether from despaire of such redresse , as may be expected in their owne country , in the hoped reformations of disorders , or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe the domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations , or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the injustice of their owne rulers , though it were shamefull , for feare of faring worse , and of being punished for scandalum magnatum : as slanderers of men in authority , wheresoever it comes ; as there can be but one allegeance , so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must . according to that of the slave in an old comoedie : non sum servus publicus , my master bought me for himself , and i am not every mans man . and this opinion , there is no prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne subjects . yea such as are most rigorous to their owne , doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers , because it were a matter of dangerous consequence , that the people should thinke all other nations to be in better case then themselves . the breife is , oppression in many places weares the robes of justice , which domineering over the naturalls , may not spare strangers , and strangers will not endure it , but cry out unto their owne lords for releife by the sword . wherefore the motive of revenging injuries is very strong , though it meerly consist in the will of man , without any inforcement of nature . yet the more to quicken it , there is usually concurrent therewith , a hopefull expectation of gaine . for of the amends recovered , little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong , but commonly all runs into the princes coffers . such examples as was that of our late queen elizabeth of most famous memory , are very rare . her majestie when the goods of our english merchants were attached by the duke of alva , in the netherlands , and by king philip in spaine , arrested , likewise the goods of the low dutch here in england , that amounted unto a greater value : neither was she contented that her subjects should right themselves aswell as they could , upon the spaniards by sea , but having brought king philip within foure or five years , to better reason , though not so far as to restitution ; she satisfied her owne merchants to the full , for all their losses out of the dutchmens goods , and gave back to the duke what was remayning . this among many thousand of her royall actions , that made her glorious in all nations , though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her princely justice , to the skies : yet served it not as a president for others of lesse vertue to follow . it were more costly to take patterne from those acts , which gave immortall renowne to that great queen , then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that spanish duke , in the self same busines , who kept all to his owne use , or his masters , restoring to the poore dutch merchants not one penny . it falls out many times indeed , that a prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by war the wrongers of his people , then the losse of his people did amount unto . in such cases it is reason , that he satisfy himself , and let the people ( whereto commonly they are apt ) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge . but when victory makes large amends for all , it royally becomes a prince , to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertooke the warre . for besides the purpose it were now , to teach how victory should be used , or the gaines thereof communicated to the generall content . this being only brought into shew , that the profit thereby gotten , is a stirring provocation to the redresse of injuries by the sword . as for the redresse of injuries done unto princes themselves , it may conveniently ( though not alwayes , for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to princes of mainetaining their owne honour , be referred unto the third motive of arbitrary warres , which is meere ambition . this is and ever hath been that true cause of more wars , then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever , though it least partake of nature , or urgent necessity of state . i call not here alone by the name of ambition , that vaine glorious humour , which openly professeth to be none other , and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue ( for the examples are not many of that kind : ) but where occasion of warre is greedily sought , or being very slight is gladly entertained , for that increase of dominion is hoped thereby , we should rather impute the warre to the scope at which it aimeth : then to any idle cause pretended . the romans feared lest they of of carthage by winning messana should soone get the mastery over all sicilie , and have a faire entrance at pleasure into italy : which to prevent they made a warre upon the carthaginians ; this feare i call ambition , had they not trusted in their own armes , hoping thereby to enlarge their empire , but being weaker , and more afraid indeed , they would have feared lesse . for colour of this warre they tooke the mamertines , a crewe of theeves , and cut throats into their protection ; whom being their associats they must needs defend . but had not their ambition been mightier then their justice , they would have endeavoured to punish these mamertines , and not to protect them . innumerable are the like examples : know ye not ( said ahab ) that ramoth gilead is ours ? he knew this before , and was quiet enough , till opinion of his forces , made him looke into his right . and of this nature ( though some worse then other in degree ) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the ancestors of a vanquished king , and long after challenged by the heirs of the conqueror , broken titles to kingdomes or provinces , mainetenance of friends , and partizans , pretenced wrongs , and indeed , whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest : but of old time ( perhaps before helen of greece , was borne ) women have been the common argument of these tragedies . as of late ages in our parts of the world , since the names of guelf , and ghibeline , were heard , the right of st. peter , that is the popes revenews and authority . this last and other of the same kind i know not , how patiently they will endure to be ranged among ambitions quarrels : for the warre that hath such foundation , will not only be reputed , free from worldly ambition , just , and honourable , but holy , and meritorious : having thereto belonging pardon of sins , release from purgatory , and the promises of the life to come , as may be seen in the popes crociata . the truth is , that the saracenes , affirme no lesse of the warres , which either they make against christians , or which arise between themselves from difference of sect. and if every man had his due , i thinke the honour of devising first this doctrine : that religion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword , would be found appertaining to mahomet the false prophet , sure , it is , that he and the caliphes following him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty empire , which was in faire way to have inlarged , untill they fell out among themselves . not for the kingdome of heaven , but for dominion upon earth . and against these did the popes , when their authority grew powerfull in the west incite the princes of germany , england , france , and italie . their chiefe enterprise was the recovery of the holy land . in which worthy , but extreamely difficult action , it is lamentable to remember , what abundance of noble blood hath been shed , with very small benefit unto the christian state . the recovery of spaine ( whereof the better part was then in bondage of the saracens , ) had been a worke more availeable to the men of europe , more easily mainetained with supply , more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon kingdomes further removed , more free from hazard , and requiring lesse expence of blood . but the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger , nor diverted from this to a more commodious businesse , by any motives of profit or facility for the pulpits did sound in every parish church with the praises of that voyage , as if it were a matter , otherwise far lesse highly pleasing unto god , to beare armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors , or for the deliverance of poore christians oppressed with slavery , then to fight for that selfe same land , wherein our blessed saviour was borne and dyed : by such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the conquest of palestina which with singular vertue they performed ( though not without exceeding great losse of men ) and held that kingdome some few generations . but the climate of syria , the far distance from the strength of christendome , and the neer neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the mahometans , caused that famous enterprise , after a long continuance of terrible war , to be quite abandoned . the care of ierusalem being laid aside , it was many times thought needfull to represse the growing power of the turke by the joint forces of all christian kings and common-wealths , and hereto the popes have used much perswasion and often published their crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so religious . yet have they effected little or nothing , and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe . for it hath been their custome so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to religious armes by converting the monies , that have been leavyed for such wars , to their owne services , and by stirring up christians one against an other , yea against their owne naturall princes , under the like pretences of serving god and the church , that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits , and would not believe that god was carefull to mainetaine the pope in his quarrells , or that remission of sins past , was to be obteined by committing more and more grievous , at the instigation of his suspected holinesse . questionlesse there was great reason , why all discreet princes should beware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the robes of sanctimonie . it was the rule of our blessed saviour , by their works you shall know them , what the works of those that occupied the papacie , have been since the dayes of pepin and charlemaine who first enabled them with temporall donation , the italian writers have testified at large . yet were it needlesse to cite machiavell , who hath recorded their doings , and is therefore the more hatefull , or guicciardine , whose works they have gelded , as not enduring to heare all that he hath written , though he spake enough in that which remains . what history shall we read ( excepting the annales of caesar baronius , and some books of fryars , or fryarly parasites ) which mentioning their annales doe not leave witnesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters . how few kingdomes are there ( if any ) wherein by dispensing with others , transferring the right of crowns , absolving subjects from alleageance , and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded , they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs ? the shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends , and the more shamelesse justification by their flatterers , makes it needfull to exemplifie , which i had rather forbeare , as not loving to deale in such contentious arguments , were it not follie to be modest in uttering what is knowne to all the world . pitty it is , that by such demeanour they have caused the church ( as hierome savanarola , and before him robert grosthead bishop of lincolne prophecied ) to be reformed by the sword . but god would have it so . how farre the popes blessing therefore did sanctifie the enterprise upon ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to judge . as for the honourable christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their warre , they had not only the redresse of injuries and protection of their oppressed brethren , but the repelling of danger from their owne land , threatned by those misbeleivers when they invaded . if the popes extortions ( which were not more forcible then those of peters the hermits ) added spirit unto the action : yet altered they not the grounds of the warre , nor made it the more holy . let the indulgences of pope leo , the tenth , beare witnesse of this , who out of politick feare of the turkes violence urged a religious contribution towards a warre to be made upon them . the necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswaded the conquest of palestina . but too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men remission of sins for money , that the sums which pope leo thereby raised and converted to his owne uses , have made his successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day . pius the second , formerly well knowne by the name of aeneas silvius , was discernedly reckoned among the few good popes of latter ages , who neverthelesse in a warre of the same religious nature , discovered the like ( though not the same ) imperfection . his purpose was to set upon mahomet the great , who had newly won the empire of constantinople and by carrying the warre over into greece , to prevent the danger , threatning italie . in this action highly commendable , he intended to hazard his owne person , that so the more easily hee might win adventurers , who else were like to be lesse forward , as not unacquainted with such romish tricks ; yet was not his owne devotion , so zealous in pursuit of this holy businesse , but that he could stay a while , and convert his forces , against malatesti lord of rimini , letting , scanderbeg waite his leisure , who had already set the warre on foote in greece . for ( said he ) we first subdue the little turke , before we medle with the great , he spake reason if we regard policy . but attending one to religion find we not , that he held the chastisement of one which molested the sea of rome , a like pleasing to god , as would have been the holy warre , against the common enemy of our christian faith ? so thought all the rest of those bishops . and so much more ( upon their severall occasions ) declared themselves to thinke it , by how much they were commonly worse men then this aeneas silvius . and good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe , or endeavour to make the christian world believe none otherwise . for the naturall constitution of their estate ( i meane since the age of pepin and charlmaine , or the times not long foregoing , hath urged them all hereto ; though peradventure some few popes may have been overlewd , by their own private natures , and thereby have swarved from the rule of policy . to speake in generall , whosoever hath dominion absolute , over some , and authority lesse absolute over many more , will seeke to draw those that are not wholly his owne into intire subjection . it fares with politick bodies as with the physicall ; each would convert all into their owne proper substance , and cast forth as excrement what will not so be changed . we need not cite philip the father of alexander , nor philip the father of perseus , kings of macedon for examples . of which the former brought the thessalians , the latter would have brought the acheans and many estates in greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage . philip the second of spaine is yet fresh in mind , who attempted the self same upon the netherlands . exceptions may be framed here against one , of the honest , quiet , or timerous disposition of some princes , yet that all , or the most are thus inclined , both reason and experience teach : yea even our cities and corporations here in england , such as need the protection of great men , complaine otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence , either in searching into their private estates , or behaving themselves master-like in point of government , but never hath authority better means to enlarge it self , then when it is founded upon devotion . and yet never doth authority of this kind , worke to raise it self unto meere dominion , untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming , then indeed . the leviticall priests , in the old law never arrogated unto themselves , any temporall or coactive power nor advanced their miters against the crowne of israel . they well understood what authority god had committed unto them and rested therewithall content . some wrangling hereabout hath been of late ; the popes flatterers labouring to prove , that the high priests of old were not meerly subject unto the kings of iuda , and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary . but whatsoever befell in those dayes , when there was no king in israel , that is , before the reigne of saul , or after the captivity of babel , sure it is that the sons of aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of david , and acknowledged them their lords . as for the race of the maccabees , that held both the kingdome and the priesthood at once , it falls not within this consideration ; the first thereof ( of whom i read ) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of religion towards the getting of temporal possession , was ( if not mahomet himselfe ) abubaechar the successor unto mahomet , this man having obteined by help of his friends , the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole impostor in his dignity of a prophet , made it one of his first works to dispoile poor aliffe the nephew of mahomet , and heire of his great riches , taking al from him by this pretence , that unto whom belonged the succession in wisdome , unto him also belonged the succession in wealth . and this grew presently to be a famous question among the doctors of the saracen law . but howsoever it were then decided , we see now the muphti or high prelate , who is the only oracle among the turkes in spirituall matters , lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great sultan . neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of abubachar , hath not lost all force , for the examples are many in all saracen lands , of prophets or deceivers which got that name , that never rested untill they became kings . the seriph in barbarie , was one of the last : who having once acquired the opinion of an holy man , afterward found means to become a captain , and lord of a small territory ; and finally increased his followers , and withall his bounds so fast and so far , as having made himself king of morocca , he had the grace to tell the king of fessy , ( lately his soveraigne ) that both fesse and all kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse ; and this he made good by winning all sooner after . whether the claime which the popes laid to a supremacie over all kingdomes and estates , had not affinity with the principle of abubachar , let other men judge that their practises to mainetaine it , have been sutable to those of seriffo , all historians doe testifie . for when pope gregory the second , procured the citie of rome , and some other places in italie to rebell against the emperour leo , the third , what other colour used he , then that himself had excommunicated leo , as an ungodly prince , for breaking downe images , that were worshipped in churches , when for this treason paul the exarch , leiutenant unto the emperour , besieged rome with the assistance of lueitpraud king of the lumbards , by what other art did the pope remove the siege , then by perswading the lumbard with a tale of peter , and paul , that had consecrated the citie of rome with their pretious blood . thus was devotion made the cloake for treason ? and thus did the popes first slip their necks out of the emperours coller . within very few years after this , by the like religious pretext were those princes of france , charls martell , pepine , and charlemaine , won to assist the papacie , against the lumbards , yea , to give unto st. peter , the most of those lands which the pope now holds in italie , and not restore them to the emperour , from whom the lumbards had gotten them . and thereunto pepine , was perswaded for his souls health . yet had pope zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse , done a notable good office for pepine before , when he released the frenchmen of their oath to king chilperick , and was the cause that pepine was chosen in his stead , by saying , that rather he should be king who did the kings duty , then he that did it not . in like manner did pope leo recompense the benefits of charlemaine , by setting him up as emperour in the west against those of constantinople : but in these mutuall offices , the popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which pepine and charlemaine had before acquired . whereas these kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in principallity ; that was held yet in vassallage unto themselves . now this could not satisfie the ambition of that see , which gloried falsly to be the only see apostolique . for as the reputation of the romane prelats grew up in those blind ages under the westerne emperours , much faster then true piety could raise it , in former times when better learning had flourished ; so grew up in them withall a desire , of amplifying their power , that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall matters . immediately therefore upon the death of charlemaine , they began to neglect the emperours consent in their elections . and finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of france , either too much patience or too much weakenesse , they were bold , within seaventy years to decree , that in the creation of popes , the emperour should have nothing at all to doe . having obteined this , it followed that they should make themselves lord over the whole clergie in all kingdomes . but the worke was great , and could not be accomplished in hast , for they were much disturbed at home by the people of rome ; who seeing about fifty popes or rather ( as mainetainers of the papacie , would now have them called ) monsters to succeed one another , and attaine by the faction of cut-throats , and strumpets , st. peters chaire , despised that hypocrisy , which the world abroad did reverence as holinesse . likewise the empire falling from the line of charles , to the mighty house of saxonie , was so strongly upheld by the first princes of that race , as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring prelats . yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity . the polonians , hungarians , and some other farre removed nations , had yeilded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall , even to those popes whom italie knew to be detestable men . as for the romane citizens they were chastised by the sword , and taught to acknowledge the pope their lord , though they knew not by what right . long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed , because they knowing the lewdnesse of their prelate and his court , their devotion , unto him ( the trade by which now they live ) was very small . because also they were the popes domesticall forces , against which no prince doth happily contend . but finally the popes armes prevailed , or when his owne were too weake , the emperours and other friends were helping . contrariwise against emperours and other princes , the sword of the people even of their owne subjects hath been used by teaching all christians in our westerne world a false lesson . that it is lawfull and meritorious to rebell against kings excommunicated and deposed by the pope . this curse was first laid upon the emperour , henry the fourth by pope hildebrand or gregory the seaventh . it is true ( as i said before ) that leo of constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort . for leo being excommunicated was not withall deposed ; only he suffered a revolt of some italian subjects . and one may say , that the germane empire deserved this plague , since the founder thereof had given countenance to the popes rebelling against their soveraigns the emperours of constantinople . howsoever it were when hildebrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne henry the fourth , there were none so hardy as to defend their injured lord , against the counterfeited name of st. peter ; wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before hildebrand , upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the winter ere he could be admitted into his presence , neither yet could he otherwise get absolution , then by submitting his estate unto the popes good pleasure , what was his fault ? he had refused to yeild up to the pope , the investiture of bishops , and collation of ecclesiasticall dignities within his dominions , a right that had alwayes belonged to princes untill that day . it were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after ; notwithstanding this submission . in breife the unappeasable rage of hildebrand and his successors , never left persecuting him , by raising one rebellion after an other ; yea his owne children against him , till dispoyled of his crowne , he was faine to beg food of the bishop of spyers , promising to earne it in a church of his own building , by doing there a clarks duty , for he could serve the quire , and not obteining this , he pined away and dyed . that bishop of spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully , then cruelly , for he had to terrifie him , the example of vteilo archhishop of mentz chiefe prelate among the germans . who was condemned of heresie , for having denyed that the emperour might be deprived of his crowne by the popes authority . if princes therefore be carefull to exclude the doctrine of hildebrand out of their dominions , who can blame them of rigour ? this example of henry though it would not be forgotten , might have been omitted , had it not been seconded with many of the same nature . but this was neither one popes fault , nor one princes destiny ; he must write a story of the empire , that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind , as how they wrought upon henry the fifth , whom they had set up against his father , what horrible effusion of blood they caused , by their often thundering upon fredericke , and how they rested not untill they had made the empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years . these things moved rodolph earl of habspurgh who was chosen emperour after that long vacation to refuse the ceremony of being crowned at rome , though he were thereto urged by the electors . for ( said he ) our caesars , have gone to rome , as the foolish beasts in aesops fables went , to the lyons den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward , but not the like of their returne . the same opinion have most of the succeeding emperours held , all of them , or almost all neglecting that coronation . good cause why ; since the popes ( besides many extortions which they practised about that ceremony ) arrogated thence unto themselves , that the empire was held of them in homage , and dealt they not after the same fashion with other kingdomes ? what right had st. peter to the crowne of sicily , and of naples ? the romane princes wonne those lands from the saracens , who had formerly taken them from the empire of constantinople ; the same romanes had also been mighty defenders of the papacy in many dangers , yet when time served , the pope tooke upon him , as lord paramount of those countryes , to drive out one king , and set up another , with a bloody confusion of all italie ; retaining the soveraignty to himself . in france , he had the daring to pronounce himselfe superiour unto the king in all matters both spirituall and temporall . the crowne of poland he forced to hold of his miter by imposing a subjection in way of penance . for that the polish king had caused one st. stanislaus to be slaine . for the death of st. thomas beckett and ( more strangely ) for a refusall of an archbishop of canterbury whom his holinesse had appointed , he imposed the like penance upon england . also when our king edward the first , made warre upon the scots , word came from rome that he should surcease : for that the kingdome of scotland belonged unto the popes chappell . a great oversight it was of st. peter , that he did not accurse nero , and all heathen princes , whereby the popes chappell might have gotten all that the devill offered , and our saviour refused . yet what need was there of such a banne : since fryar vincent of valnarda could tell atatalipa king of peru : that all the kingdomes of the earth were the popes , who had bestowed more then halfe thereof upon the king of spaine . if the pope will have it so , it must be so ; otherwise i should have interpreted that place in genesis , increase and multiply and fill the earth , as spoken to noah , and his children , not as directed only to tubal , homer , and phatto , the supposed fathers of the old iberians , gothes , and moores , of whom the spanish blood is compounded . but of such impudent presumption in disposing of countryes farre remote , and whereto the sword must acquire a better title , the mischiefe is not presently discerned . it were well if his holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of war , among those that respected him as a common father . his dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one king and another , or between kings and subjects , doe speake no better of him . for by what right was it , that fardinand of arragon won the kingdome of navar ? why did not the confederacie , that was between lewis the twelfth of france , and the venetians hinder that king from warring upon venice ? why did not the like between england , and france , hinder our king henry the eighth for warring upon the same king lewis ? was it not the pope who did set on the french , to the end that himself might get ravenna from the venetians ? why was it not the same pope , who afterwards ( upon desire to drive the french out of italie ) excommunicated lewis , and his adherents ? by vertue of which excommunication fardinand of arragon seized upon navarr . and served not the same warrant to set our henry upon the back of france ? but this was not our kings fault more then all the peoples . we might with shame confesse it , ( if other countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our fathers ) that a barque of apples blessed by the pope , and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the war upon france , made all our english hasty to take armes , in such sort as the italians wondred , and laughed to see our men , no lesse greedy of those apples ( then eve , was of the forbidden fruit ) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust war . few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the popes tumultuous disposition , but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected . now for his dispensing betweene kings and their subjects , we need not seeke instances far from home . he absolved our king iohn of an oath , given to his barons and people . the barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to king iohn . king henry the third , had appeased this land ( how wisely i say not ) by taking such an oath , as his father had done ; swearing as he was a knight , a christian , and a king . but in a sermon at paules , people were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance , the popes dispensation being there openly read , which pronounced that oath voyde . good cause why . for that king had the patience to live , like neither knight , nor king , but as the popes tenant , and rent-gatherer of england . but when the same king adventured to murmure , the pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance . and make him know , what it was to winch and play the fredericke . thus we see what hath been his custome to oppresse kings by their people , and the people by their kings , yet this was for serving his owne turne . wherein had our king henry the sixt offended him ( which king pope iulius would after for a little money have made a saint ) neverthelesse , the popes absolving of rich : duke of yorke from that honest oath , which he had given by mediation of all the land to that good king occasioned both the dukes and the kings ruine . and therewithal those long and cruell wars betweene the houses of lancaster , and yorke , and brought all england into an horrible combustion . what he meant by this , i know not , unlesse to verifie the proverbe ; omnia romae venalia , i will not urge the dispensation , whereby the pope released king philip , the second of spaine , from the solemne oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the netherlands , though this papall indulgence , hath scarce as yet left working , and been the cause of so many hundred thousands slaine , for this last forty years in the netherlands . neither will i urge the pope encouraging of henry the second , and his sons , to the last of them against the french protestants , the cause of the first three civill warres , and lastly of the leavyings of byrons , in which there hath perished no lesse number , then in the low-countryes . for our country it affords an example of fresh memory , since we should have had as furious warre , as ever both upon us , and amongst us , in the daies of our late famous soveraigne queene elizabeth , if pope pius his bull , could have gored , aswell as it could bellow . therefore it were not amisse to answer by a herald , the next pontificall attempt of like nature , rather sending defiance ( as to an enemy ) then publishing answers as to one that had here to doe , though indeed he had never here to doe ( by any lawfull power ) either in civill or ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time as brittaine was won from the romane empire . for howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall councills , that the bishop of rome , should be patriarch over these quarters , yea ; or it were supposed that the forged canons , by which he now challengeth more then precedency , and primacie , had also been made indeed : yet could this little help his claime in kingdomes , that hold not of the empire . for those right holy fathers , as in matters of faith , they did not make truth , but religiously expounded it : so in matters of ecclesiasticall government , they did not create provinces for themselves ; but ordered the countries which they then had . they were assemblies of all the bishops in the romane world , and with the romane dominion only they medled . requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbraced in all countryes , as it ought likewise to be entertained , if the same had been in like sort illustrated , not by them , but by a generall councill of all bishops in the great kingdome of the abissines , which is thought to have been christian even in those daies . but it was not requisite , nor is , that the bishops of abissines , or of india , should live under direction of the patriarch of alexandria , and antioch . questionlesse , those godly fathers of the nicene , and of the calcedonian councill so thought . for they tooke not upon them to order the church government in india , where st. thomas had preached , nor to range the subjects of prester iohn ( as we call him ) under any of themselves ; much lesse to frame an hierarchie upon earth , whereto men of all nations whatsoever should be subject in spirituall obedience . if constantine or his successors the romane emperours could have wonne all asia : like it is that in councils following more patriarchs would have been ordeined for the ecclesiasticall government of that large continent , and not all those vast countryes have beene left unto him of antioch or constantinople . but since contrariwise , the empire became looser , the patriarchs whose jurisdiction depended upon the empire , become loosers also . we grant , that even in the times of persecution , before christian bishops durst hold open assemblies , there was given especiall honour to the bishops that were over the chiefe cities ; that unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the church ; but this honour was no more , then a precedence , a dignity without coactive power , extending no further then to matter of religion , and not having to doe , save in the generall way of christian love with any strangers . we therefore , that are no dependants of the empire , ought not to be troubled with the authority ( be it what it may be ) with any assemblies of godly fathers ( yet all subjects of that empire , ordeined for their owne better government ) but rather should regard the bishop of rome , as the islanders of iersey , and garnsey , doe him of constance in normandie , that is nothing at all : since by that french bishops refusall to sweare unto our king , those isles were annexed to the diocesse of winchester . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57374e-140 gen. cap. 1. ver. 28. generall history lib. 2. cap. 2. 28. s. 4. t. 3. first warre . second warre . anno domini 1569. anno. 1573. an introduction to a breviary of the history of england with the reign of king william the i, entitled the conqueror / written by sr. walter raleigh, kt. ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1693 approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57453 wing r169 estc r8443 12381411 ocm 12381411 60770 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57453) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60770) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:24) an introduction to a breviary of the history of england with the reign of king william the i, entitled the conqueror / written by sr. walter raleigh, kt. ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. daniel, samuel, 1562-1619. van hove, frederick hendrick. [7], 77 p. : port. printed for sam. keble ... and dan. brown ..., london : 1693. running title: the reign of william the i. the introduction (p. 1-24) may have been written by raleigh; the breviary (p. 24-77) appears to be an epitome of a section of daniel's the collection of the history of england, but may antedate it. cf. brushfield, t.n. bibliography of sir walter raleigh, 1908. portrait of raleigh signed: f.h. van hove. advertisements: p. [1]-[3] at end. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -william i, 1066-1087. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-07 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir walter raleigh's history of the reigne of william the first . the true effigies of is hon ble s r. walter rawlegh knight f. h. van. hove . sculp an introduction to a breviary of the history of england with the reign of king williamthe i. entitled the conqueror . written by sr. walter raleigh , kt. and dedicated to the then earl of salisbury . london , printed for sam. keble at the great-turks-head in fleet-street . and dan. brown at the black-swan and bible without temple-bar . 1693. the preface of the publisher . this life of william the conqueror writ by sir walter raleigh was found in the library of a person of high quality . whosoever hath been conversant in the works of that accomplisht knight , and a little acquainted with his great genius and spirit , and his manly and unaffected stile , will make no doubt , but what here is presented unto the world was his genuine issue . for the comprehensive and penetrating thoughts , the lively imagination , and the mature and exact iudgment of sir walter raleigh , do all manifestly appear in this small treatise . it may be matter of some wonder , that a work filled with such a number of judicious reflections upon the nature of government in general , and so many wise observations relating to the particular state of our own country should have been thus long condemn'd to obscurity , had not an ill fate attended the learned compositions , as well as the brave actions of this renowned gentleman . but by what unhappy accident soever it hath been hitherto confined to privacy , it was thought it would be an injury to the publique any longer to conceal a just and true account of the reign of william the first , wherein so many remarkable matters , and great revolutions happened , and to which the writers of government and policy in our nation have very frequent recourse ; since the transactions of that time , unto which they so commonly appeal , are here related with that faithfullness , brevity , and clearness , that become an exact historian . imprimatur . december 31 1692 : edm. bohun . a breviary of the history of england ; beginning at the reign of william the i. entitled the conquerour . the introduction . § 1. i intend by the help of god , and your furtherance ( right noble earl of salisbury ) to write a brief history of england , from william i. entitled the conqueror , to the end of the reign of queen elizabeth of perpetual memory : a work difficult , as well for the antiquity , as the lateliness of things done ; the one bereaving our knowledge of the certain counsels held in the managing of businesses so long past ; the other not allowing our understanding the inward , and particular motives of such actions , as are so near us . yet according to my collections out of those antient remains that are left unto the world , and the conferences , acts , and instruments of latter times , i will deliver the succession , and course of our affairs , insomuch as shall be fit for the publick understanding , without passion , or partiality ; endeavouring to be of no other side ; then of truth , as it shall appear to my apprehension . § 2. and though i had a desire to have deduced this history from the beginniug of our first kings , as they are delivered in their catologue ; yet finding their actions uncertainly delivered , and the beginning of all eminent states to be as uncertain , as the heads of great rivers , and that idle antiquity , discovering no apparent way beyond their times , have ever delighted to point men out into imaginary tracts of fictions , and monstrous originalls ; i did put off that desire with this consideration , that this space of five hundred years , which the government of twenty kings , and two soveraign queens , was more than enough for my and ability ; weighing withal , that it is but our curiosity to look further back into the times past , than we can well discern , and wherof we can neither have proof nor profit . besides , it seemeth that god in his providence hath bounded our searches within the compass of a few ages , as if the same were sufficient , both for example , and instruction in the government of men : for had we the particular occurrents of all nations , and all ages , it might more stuff , but not better our understanding . we shall find the same correspondencies to hold in the actions of men ; vertues and vices the same ; though rising and falling according to the worth , or weakness of governors ; the causes of the ruins , and changes of commonwealths to be alike , and the train of affairs carried by the precedent in a course of succession under like figures . § 3. but yet , for that this chain of affairs hath a link of dependency to the former times , it shall not be amiss , briefly to repeat the three mutations in the state foregoing this last conquest , since the time that letters and christianity were here received , which left more certain knowledge of things done , though not in that sort , as we can assuredly learn , either the form of the brittish government under their kings , or by what rule , they held together ; whether their petty princes ( whereof they had many ) were subject to one monarch , or all soveraign alike ; whether any parties did cantonize , or were free estates , or common-wealths , as peradventute they might be , as well as the gaules , with whom they were one in language , or the germans , antient precedents of like liberties . for no doubt , the same necessity that is the mother of society , and contriver of mens defences , and safeties , finds out like forms of government , in like times , upon like occasions . but insomuch , as is delivered in these uncertain antiquities , we find , this isle was never , or never long subject to one entire monarch , but ruled by divers kings . § 4. and so caesar found it ; and thereby found the easier means to subdue it ; which was the first dissolution of the state , after it had remained under the government of the brittons ( as say our stories ) one thousand and sixty years , from brutus to cassibalan . and yet the state then seem'd by this conquest , to lose little , besides their savage liberty , being reduced to a civil subjection ; for the vanquisher sought not to extirpate the nation , but to maintain and improve it . and under this government it remained almost five hundred years , until the division of the roman empire in the time of theodosius ; when it became neglected , and recovered again the state of a kingdome under princes partly brittish , and partly romans , which by reason of continual tumults and mutinies , seemed never to have held any , calm or flourishing government worthy the observing ; and in the end vortigern an earl of the * guisses , abusing the weakness of constantius supplanted him , and obtained the kingdome : which the better to keep against aurelius and pendragon , the sons of constantius , and also to oppose against the invasion of the picts and scots he called in the saxons to his aid . § 5. who entring this land under the conduct of hengist and horsus , gave the occasion of the second , and indeed the most absolute dissolution of the state. for vortigern , to establish the kingdome in his own line , and ( as he thought to strengthen himself with these strangers , took to wife * renix , the daughter of hengist , ( his own wife living : ) and by his dotage on her , being a beautiful lady , who knew to take the advantage of his love , gave the saxons those preferments in the state , as the brittons , neglected by him , soon became a prey unto them : this alliance , and the fertility of the land , letting in so many of this populous , and warlike nation , that e're men scarce perceived their danger , they were undone : and notwithstanding the combination of the british nobility , with the deposing of vortigern , and electing king his son vortimer , a valiant prince , who gave them many stout battles ; yet could they not prevail against the saxons thus established , but were forced to quit their country , and betake themselves to remote mountains , and deserts , leaving all to the invaders ; who after many fortunes , dividing the land into seven kingdomes , extinguished both the religion , language , and even the name thereof . and in this heptarchy it continued , till egbert , k. of the west-saxons , an. 828. being three hundred fifty years after their entrance , subduing the other kings , obtained the whole dominion to himself ; and to raze out the memory of a division caused by an edict the whole kingdome to be called england , of the angles , a people , that possest the middle part of this island . § 6. but neither he , nor his successors quietly enjoyed it : for the danes , having been first called in to aid the king of northumberland against the other kings , sorely infested the land ; and combining themselves with the welch , and scots prevailed so much , that from the raign of king britric , anno 387. they continued to afflict the same the space of two hundred fifty five years ; and in the end by the negligent , and ill government of king ethelred , whose luxury , and oppression had made way for division , they got the absolute dominion of the kingdom , and held it twenty six years by three of their kings successively , canutus governed it twenty years and left it to harold who raigned two years . canutus the second succeeded his brother harold , and at a banquet at lambeth , either by surfeit or poison died in the second year of his reign : when streight the people of the land , by a sudden and general massacre , redeemed themselves from that odious yoke of a foreign subjection , which was held to be the third dissolution of this state. but i cannot see , how it should be so accounted , seeing that this canutus , never altered the government ; but embraced the same religion , maintained the laws he found , and added many constitutions for the good of the kingdom . and to get into the people's affections , he married emma , sometimes wife to king ethelred , and daughter to richard duke of normandy ; to whom for his better strength , he had likewise given his sister to wife : and then the short time of the government in the succession of his two sons seems not to have bred any great alteration in the state of the kingdome ; but onely in the change of the person of the prince , and the preferment of his nation before ours ; which , by reason of the long foregoing wars , were made incompatible of each other . § 7. but yet this gave the cause to that great , and last mutation of state , effected by the norman . for king etheldred , to make his party good against the invasion of the danes , combined himself with richard duke of normandy , married his sister emma , and by her had issue , edward after king of england , intitled the confessor ; who with his brother were there brought up out of the dangers of the wars , and by the assistance of the duke reconveyed over , after the death of the last canutus , and here invested in the kingdom . for which offices of kindness divers preferments were in way of gratification , bestowed on the normans ; as the archbishoprick of canterbury , and other especial places and dignities ecclesiastical , in a manner throughout the whole land ; which prepared an easier passage for the invasion following ; when the death of this good king edward without issue to inherit , left the succession doubtful , or else by the iniquity of times made it seem so . for edgar surnamed atheling , sonne of edward the son of king edmond ironside , had his claim neglected ; either in respect of his youth , which yet was no barr to his right ? or for want of means , and power to oppose against the ambition of others ; who having swaied the fortune of the time , under an easie-natured prince , had opportunity enough to work for themselves : although the worthiness of his grandfather , shewed in the defence of his country , might seem to deserve to have his issue remembred in their right . § 8. but the earl godwin , what in respect , that king edward had matched with his daughter , and what with his own greatness , and popularity , having long managed the state of the kingdome , made the ascent easie for harold his son to get up to the crown ; and by crossing the right line of succession , called up destruction , and misery , both upon his own race , and the whole kingdome , for though harold had a shew of title , as being the son of thira , sister to canutus king of england ; yet seeing all the land had received an oath upon the massacre , and expulsion of the danes , never to have any king of that nation to raign over them , it might seem no lawful claim . but yet the favour of the people , which both his person , and valour had gotten , with the necessity of the time that required a man of spirit , and courage , to undertake the burden of war , and the trouble , which the world ( they saw ) was like to grow into , cast it upon him , with hope to keep out the misery of a foreign subjection , and the insolency of strangers . § 8. but the whole course of things being overcast and set for storms , and alteration , could not by any providence of men be prevented . though this new king ( who is said to have crowned himself ) used all the means , that a wife , and valiant prince could do , both for the well ordering of the state , and all provisions for defence ; yet the disjointed affections of men , tending to their private ends , and working several wayes to get up to their hopes , either left the ship of the state , which contained them all , to the mercy of the waves , and every man cast to save himself , where the greatest likelyhood of mastery appeared ; or else distracted with the ●error of the approaching mischief , failed in their spirits , and courage to withstand it ; for the diligence of men becomes often dasht with their fear in publick tumults , and with the very cogitation of the evil to come . § 9. and the first man which began to afflict his new government , was his own younger brother , tosty ; who for a former conceived hatred , was easily set on by the duke of normandy , and baldwin earle of flanders , ( whose daughter he had married ) to assail the isle of wight , and to prepare the way for the great after-work intended . and having done much mischeif on the coast of kent , harold with strong navy forced him to draw towards the north parts ; where seeking to land , he was repulsed by the earls morcar , and edwin , and forced to look aid of the scots , and after of the king of norway , whom he induced to invade this kingdom with great store of men , and shipping . these landing at tinmouth , and discomfiting their first encounterers , marched into the heart of england without resistance . but being come near to stamford , king harold with a mighty army met them ; and after long fight , with the loss of much bloud , and his best men , he finished that action with the death of tosty , and the king of norway . § 10. but from hence was he called with his wearied , and broken forces to a more fatal business in the south . for now william duke of normandy , pretending a right , to the crown of england , both by the testament of the late king edward , and also by parentage ; upon the advantage of the time , and the disfurnishment of those parts , landed at hastings ; near to which place was fought that bloudy battle , wherein harold valianty fighting amidst his enemies , ended his life , and reign , which was scarce of one year ; and the english , with the loss of 20000. men , and the flower of the kingdom , became the miserable prey of the normans . § 11. but how so great a state as this , could be with one blow subdued by so small a province in such sort , as it could never after come to make any general head against the conqueror , may seem strange , and considerable : but the circumstances , with the disposition of that time , as may be collected from the writers , that lived near it , may somewhat , though not altogether satisfy us in that point . for they say , the people of the kingdom were ( by their being secure from their foreign enemies the danes , and their long peace which had held in a manner from the death of edmon ironside , the space of fifty years , ) grown neglective of arms , and generally debauched with luxury and idlenesse ; the clergy licentious , and only literaturâ tumultuariâ contenti , scholae , non vitae discebant , saith malmesbury ; the nobility given to gluttony , venery , and oppression ; the common sort to drunkenness and all disorder . and they say that in the last action of harold at stamford , the bravest men perished : and himself growing insolent after the victory , retaining the spoils without distribution to the souldiers , made them discontent , and unruly ; or peradventure being not inured to be commanded by martial discipline , they were of themselves unmanageable ; and that coming to the battle of hastings with many mercenary men , and a discontented army , there was not that valour , and resolution shewed , as was meet in so important an occasion . besides , the normans had a peculiar militia , or fight with bowes and arrowes , wherein they were excellently practised ; and the english , unacquainted with that weapon , were altogether unprovided for the defence . and thus they excuse the shame of our nation . the reign of william the i. anno i. § 12. by these advantages william , the base son of robert , duke of normandie , having gotten the victory in the battle near hastings , marched without any opposition towards london : where the earls edwin , and morcar brothers of eminent dignity and respect in the kingdom , laboured with all their power in solliciting the people for the conservation of the state ; and to have established edgar etheling , next of the royal issue in the soveraignty , whereunto the rest of the nobility had likewise consented , had they not seen the bishops averse , or wavering . and all men generally , transported with fear , or corrupted with new hopes , runing from themselves , and their endanger'd country , and striving who should be first to entertain the present fortune , sought to preoccupate each other . for streight upon his approach to london the gates was set all open ; the archbishop of canterbury stigand with other bishops , the nobility , magistrates , and people , all rendred themselves , and their obedience unto him ; and he , returning plausible promises of his future goverment , was within a short time after crowned at westminster by aldred archbishop of york ; for that stigand was not held canonically invested in that see , and yet was thought to have been a principal adherent to this enterprise . § 13. here ( according to the accustomed form ) in his coronation , the bishops and barons of the realm took their oath to be his true and loyal subjects ; and he reciprocally being required thereunto by the archbishop of york made his personal oath before the altar of saint peter to defend the holy church of god and the rectors of the same ; to govern the universal people subject unto him justly ; with care to establish equal laws , for the preservation of justice , and upright judgment to be used amongst them ; and taking hostages for his more security , and order for the defence , and government of his kingdome . § 14. at the opening of the spring then next following he returns into normandy ; so to settle his affairs there , as they might not distract him from his business in england , which required his whole powers . and to leave all sure behind him , he committed the rule of the kingdom in his absence to odo , bishop of bayeux , his half-brother by the mothersside , and to his cozen fitz-osborn , whom he had made earl of hereford : taking with him the chiefest men , natives , of the state , who were likeliest to be heads to a revolt ; as the arch-bishop stigand lately discontented , edgar atheling a titular , edwin and morcar , with many other bishops and noblemen . in his absence , which was all that whole summer , nothing was here attempted against him , but only that edric , surnamed the forrester , in the county of hereford , called in the kings of the welch to his aid , and forraged onely the remote boders of that country . the rest of the kingdome stood quiet , expecting what would become of that new world ; wherein ; as yet , they found no great alteration , their lawes and liberties remaining still the same , they did , and might hope by this accession of a new province , the state of england would be inlarged in dominion abroad , and not impaired in profit at home ; by reason the nation was but small , and being a plentifull , and not over-peopled country they were not likely to impester them . § 15. the king now grown to this power , soon settled his estate in normandy , which in his youth he had alwayes found turbulent within , and overhardly neighboured abroad , and secured him of that side of the world ; wherein he was much advantaged by the time. for philip the first , then king of france , was a child ; who otherwise would never have suffered the normans , being so stubborn , and little affectionate to that crown , to have grown to such greatness ; and besides , was under the curature of baudovin earl of flanders , ( his uncle by the mother , ) whose daughter king william of england had to wife , which alliance indeed gave him the greatest means to his con●uest . besides , he had made the pope most sure unto him ; by promising if hee subdued this kingdome to hold it of the church ; for which alexander uppon his enterprize sent him a banner , and a hair of saint peter . he held strict amity also with the princes of france , that bordered upon him , and might interrupt his affairs ; as with the earls of anjou , poictou , main , ponthieu , bologne , and others ; to every one of whom he had promised lands in england upon their aids lent him . and to keep fair with the state of france in general , he ingaged himself to their king to hold this kingdome from him , and to do him homage for the same ; by which means he so strongly under . set himself as made his fortune such as it was . § 16. and now having disposed his affairs in normandy ; he returns towards winter into england ; where he was to satisfie three sorts of men . first the especial adventurers in the action ; secondly those of his own people , whose merits or nearness deserved recompence ; whereof the number being so great , many must have their expectations fed , though not satisfied ; thirdly the people of this kingdom , by whom he must now subsist . for being not able with his own nation so to people the same , as to defend it , if he should proceed to a general extirpation of the natural inhabitants , he was likewise to give them satisfaction : wherein he had more to do than in his battle at hastings ; seeing all remunerations with discharge of monies must be raised out of the stock of the kingdom , ( which could not be pleasing to the state in general . ) and all preferments , and dignities conferred on his , must be either by vacancies , or displacing others ; which needs must breed very feeling grievances in particular . and yet we find no great men thrust out of their rooms , but such as put themselves out , by their revolting after his establishment in the crown . § 17. in the second year of his reign no exaction was made to raise treasure for these satisfactions : so that it seems he contented himself , and his , for the time , only with what he found here ready ; and with filling up , their places , who were slain in these two last battles , or fled , ( as many were ) out of the kingdom with the sons of harold . but the english nobility , incompatible of these new concurrents , found notwithstanding a disproportion of grace , and a darkning of their dignities by the interposition of so many , as must needs lessen their light. and doubting daily to be more impaired in honour , and estate , all the chiefest of them conspired , and fled ; some into scotland , some into denmark , to try , if by aid from abroad they might recover themselves , and their greatness again at home . § 18. amongst these the cheifest was edgar atheling , ( intitled englands darling , with shewed the peoples zeal to his bloud ; ) and with him ( besides his mother agatha , and his two sisters , christine , and margaret , ) fled the earls edwin and morcar , marleswin , hereward , gospatric , and siward , and shortly after stigand , and aldred , the two arch-bishops , with many other noblemen , and divers of the clergy . those , that fled into scotland , were all hospitably received of king malcolm ; whom it concerned to look to his own , his neighbour's house being thus on fire ; and to succour a party against so dangerous an incommer : which made him not only to entertain them , but to enter league with them for the publick safety . and to combine himself the more firmly , he married margaret , the sister of edgar , by whom the bloud of our antient saxon kings was conjoyned with the norman in henry the second , and so became english again . § 19. these noblemen , with the aid of the scots , and danes , in the third year of this king's reign raised great commotions in the north beyond humber , and wrought very valiantly themselves to recover their lost country . but now it being too late , and the occasion not taken , before the settling of the government , whilest it was new , and brandling , they prevailed nothing , but gave advantage to the conqueror to make himself more then he was , for all conspiracies of subjects , that succeed not , advance the soveraignty : and nothing gave root to the normans planting here more , then the petty revolts made by scattered troops in several parts , begun without order , and weakly seconded without resolution ; whereas nothing could be done for the general recovery , but by the general rising of the people , which seldom we see to happen . and for this the new king had taken good order : first by disarming them ; then by sorbidding them assemblies , and all secret intercourse upon heavy penalties ; that every man at the closing of the day , by the warning of a bell , should cover his fire , and go to bed ; by making them to be bound pledges one for another , to answer for their obedience and loyalty ; by building divers fortresses in several parts of the kingdom , to awe the country , and to hold them in , with many such like provisions . § 20. so that these lords , though they did , as they might , hold him doing in the north , and imbroil themselves in an unsuccessful businesse , yet he having all the south settled under his power , with well practised , and prepared forces , could not but needs tire and consume them in the end ; and in the mean time invest the normans in their rooms , and possessions , forfeited by this attempt : as the earldom , and all the lands , which edwin held in yorkshire , were given to alanus earl of brittain , his nephew ; the archbishoprick of canterbury , conferred on lanfranc an italian ; that of york on thomas , his chaplain , a norman ; and all the rest both of the clergy , and others , which fled , and were out , had likewise their places supplied by normans . § 21. and now the king having appeased the commotion in the west , where the sons of harold had landed with forces out of ireland , and wales , and also represt the rebellion of oxford , he takes his journy in person northward with all expedition ; least the enemy there should grow too great in heart , and opinion , by the defeat of his lieutenant with 700 normans at durham , and the great slaughter of his people made at york . where , at his first coming , he so wrought , as he corrupted the generals of the danes with mony , and sent them well contented away ; and then set upon the army of the earls , weakened both in strength and hope , by this departure of their confederates , and put them to flight : which done , he utterly wasted , and laid desolate all that goodly country , between york and durham , the space of sixty miles , that it might be no more a succour to the revolter . and the like course he used on all the coasts , where any certain landings were known , thereby to prevent invasions ; and so returned to london : where he seized into his hands all the plate , jewels , and treasure within all the monasteries of england ; pretending that the rebels , and their assisters , had conveyed their riches into these religious houses , as into places priviledged , and free from seizure , to defraud him of it . § 22. most of the lords , after this great defeat in the north , came in upon publick faith given them , and were conducted to barkamstead by the abbot frederick . where some write , that the king again took a personal oath before the archbishop lanfranc , and the lords , to observe the antient laws of the realm established by his noble predecessors , the kings of england ; and especially those of saint edward : and all the lords , upon their oath , and submission , were then reconciled unto him , and thereupon held themselves quiet for a time. but whether it were , that they found not their entertainment such , as they expected ; or that they had received intelligence of new hopes from abroad ; or that edgar , who was still in scotland , had sollicited them upon promise of fresh succours to aid him ; or howsoever it was ; many of them again conspired , contrary to their oaths , and went out . the earl edwin , making towards scotland , was murthered by his own people by the way . the earls morcar , and hereward , betook them to the isle of ely ; meaning to make good that place for that winter ; whither also came the earl siward , and the bishop of durham out of scotland . but the king , who was no time giver to growing dangers , beset all the isle with flat boats on the east , and made a bridge of a mile long on the west , and safely brought in his people upon the enemy ; who seeing themselves surprised , yielded them all to the king's mercy ; except hereward , ( a man of great valour and courage ) who with his souldiers made a retreat through the fenns , and escaped into scotland . the rest were sent to divers prisons , where they died , or remayned during the king's life . § 23. we find , that those lords , who remained loyal upon their last submission , were all imployed , and well graced by the king : as edric the forrester , that was the first revolter in his reign , was held in especial favour , and trust near about him ; gospatric was made earl of northumberland , and sent against malcolm , who in this time takes advantage of subdue the countries of tisdall , cleveland , and cumberland . waltheof , the son of the earl siward , he so highly estemeed , as he married him to his niece iudith ; though he were a principal actor in this last commotion , and in the defence of the city of york against him , and is said , to have stricken off the heads of divers normans one by one , as they entred upon a breach , to the great admiration of all men : by which valour of his , he ransomed the offence he had made , and grew to that great grace with the king ; who therein shewed a noble , and magnanimous nature , to honour vertue even in his enemies . § 24. and now there rested nothing , for the general quieting of the kingdom , but only the suppression of malcolm king of scots , the greatest kindlefire of all these conspiracies in the north parts , and the only fefuge for all , that were discontented and mutinous in this state. against him the king led such mighty forces , both by sea , and land , as malcolm rather then to adventure battle , was content to make his peace ; and not only to give up hostages for securing the same , but also to do him homage for the kingdom of scotland . and so all his home-wars were ended regni anno 6. saving only in anno 15. he levied a puissant army , and subdued wales ; which business held him not long . for the rest of his government here , he had no more to do here with the sword , though he had it always abroad during his whole reign . § 25. now for the doubt , he might have of the great men of the kingdom , who by power , or love were aptest to disturb his government , it was in this sort taken away . first by the submission of edgar atheling , who anno 7. was restored into grace , and had a fair maintenance , which held him ever after quiet : then by those , whom the prisons kept from attempting any more : and lastly by the revealing of a new conspiracy , contrived at a marriage , between ralph de waher earl of norfolk , and suffolk , and his new kinswoman , the sister of roger , the young earl of hereford : at which solemnization in their banquetting , and jollity , the two earls normans , with waltheof , and divers english , plotted to call in the danes again , and to make away the king : upon which discovery , they were all apprehended ( except the earl of norfolk , who fled the land ; ) and died some in prison , and some on the scaffold . § 26. the the danes being on the coasts with 200 sail , hearing how their confederates had sped , and the great preparations the king had made , after some spoils taken on the coast of england , and flanders , returned home , and never after infested this kingdom . though in anno 20 of this king , there was a great rumour of their fresh preparations for a new invasion ; which made him entertain a great number of frenchmen , besides normans , which he brought into england about harvest , and held the most part of them all the winter to the great charge of the kingdom . but it came to nothing ; for the wind held so long against the danish navy , consisting of about 1000 sail , as it overthrew their intended action , and freed both the king , and his successors from future fears that way for ever after . § 27. the forein wars he had , were all about his dominions in france , and raised by his own son robert , whom he had left his leiutenant governour of the dutchy of normandy , and the county of maine . where , by his fathers absence , tasteing the glory of command , he grew to assume into his own power the soveraign rule of the province ; caused the barons there to do him homage , as duke , not as leiutenant ; and put himself wholly under the protection of the king of france ; who was not a little pleased , to apprehend so good an occasion , to foster a division , in the house of so great and near a neighbour ; who was now grown fearful , and dangerous , to all the princes about him ; and therefore spared for uo cost to set forward this work. the king , understanding the fire thus kindled in his own house , whilest he laboured to quench that himself had made in others ; hasts with his forces into normandy , to have surprised his son. who , advertised of his coming , furnished with 2000. men at arms , by the king of france , put himself in ambush , where his father should pass , and set upon him so fiercely , as he defeited most of his people , and in the press happened to encounter with himself ; whom he unhorsed , and wounded in the arms with his lance. but perceiving by his voice it was his father , he hasted to lift him up again to his horse , craving most humble pardon for his offence , which the king seeing in what case he was , easily granted , and received him into grace , with whom , and with his son william , ( who was likewise hurt in the skirmish ) he retired to roan , and after being there cured of his hurt , returned again into england . § 28. where he was no sooner arrived , but he heard , that his son was again revolted , treated the normans ill , and renounced his father's soveraignty over that province ; which caused his little stay in england for that time , but only to prepare for his return into normandy . whither passing , he was by tempest driven , on the coast of spain ; and there is said to have fought in battle against the sarasnis . afterwards arriving at bourdeaux , his son robert came , and submitted himself the second time ; whom now he took with him into england , to frame him to a better obedience , by imploying him here for a season ; and then sent him back again , with his youngest son harry , ( whom he more trusted ) into normandy ; where he held himself quiet a while , and gave his father some small breathing time to dispose of the affairs of this kingdom . § 29. but it was not long , e're new occasions of greater troubles grew up : which took by this means . the two princes , robert , and henry , went to visit and salute the king of france at couflans ; where being seasted certain days , upon an after-dinner , henry wan so much at chess of louis the king 's eldest son , that he grew so far into choler , as he called him the son of a bastard , and threw the chess in his face . henry takes up the chess-board , and strook louis with that force , as he drew bloud , and had killed him , had it not been for his brother robert , who came in in the mean time , and interposed himself ; whereupon they suddainely took horse , and with much a do saved themselves at pontoise from the king's people , that pursued them . § 30. this quarrel arising upon the intermeeting of these princes , ( which is a thing , that seldom breeds good bloud amongst them ) reinkindled a heat of more rancor in the fathers , and set a mighty fire between the two kingdoms ; which made the first war , the english , and french had together , whereupon followed many others . for presently the king of france complots again with robert , enters into normandy , and takes the city of vernon . the king of england invades france , subdues the countrey on xaintoign , and poitou , and returns to roan ; where the third time his son robert is reconciled unto him ; which much disappointeth , and vexeth the king of france . who hereupon summons the king of england , to come and do him homage for the kingdom of england : which he refused to do ; saying , that he held it of none , but of god , and his sword : but yet offering to do him homage , for the dutchy of normandy , it would not satisfie the king of france ; who was willing to make any occasion the motive to set upon him : and again he invaded his territories ; but which more loss than profit . in the end they conclude a little unperfect peace together ; which held no longer , than king william had recovered a sickness , whereinto by reason of his years , travel , and fatness , he was lately fallen . at which time the king of france , ( then young , and lusty ) jesting at his great belly , whereof he said he lay in at roan ; so irritated him , as being recovered , he gathered all his forces , entred into france , in the chiefest time of their fruits , and came even before paris ; spoiling , and burning all in his way : where with heat and toil , he fell into a relapse , returned to roan , and there made an end , of his wars , and life , after he had held this kingdom twenty years and ten months . § 31. now concerning his government in peace , and the course he held in establishing the kingdom thus gotten ; first he examines the english laws , which were then composed of merchenlage , danelage , and westfaxlage : whereof some he abrogated , and some allowed , adding other of normandy ; especially such , as made for the preservation of the peace , which most imported him to look unto : and these laws thus reformed he caused to be all translated , and and written into the norman tongue ; hereby to draw the people of the kingdom , to learn that language for their own need , that the two nations might the better grow together and become one ; seeing a difference of speech would continue a difference of affections . wherein he attained not his desire ; nor ever was it in the power of any conquerour so to do , without the universal extirpation of the land-bred people : who being so far in number ( as they were ) above the invaders , both carry the main of the language , and also in few years , make them to become theirs , that subdued them . but yet upon these laws thus established by so prudent a prince , this free , and fierce nation , was so well held in peace , and obedience , as his successors , with some abatement of rigour , and prerogative , have ever since continued a most glorious soveraignty over the same . § 32. and for that he would be well , and certainly supplied with treasure , which his great wars and entertainments required , he took a most provident course for reforming the fisque or exchequer , and the ordering , and raising of his revenues ; endeavouring to make , and know the utmost of his estate . and therefore he imployed a most discreet choice of men to survey the whole kingdom , and to take the particulars of his own , and every man's ability , the quantity , and nature of lands , and possessions , with the discriptions , bounds , and divisions of shires , and hundreds within the same . and this was drawn into one book , and brought into his aerarium , the exchequer , ( so called of the table , whereat the officers sate ; before termed the talce ) and the same intitled doomesday-book . liber iudiciarius , ( saith gervasius ) the judgement book , that was to decide all doubts concerning these particulars . § 33. all the forrests , and chases throughout the kingdom , he took into his proper possession , and exempted them , from being under any other law , than his own pleasure , to serve as penetralia regnum , the withdrawing chambers of kings , to recreate them after their serious labours in the state ; where none might presume , to have to do , and where all punishments , and pardons of delinquents were to be disposed by himself absolutely , and the former customes abrogated . and to make his command the more , he encreased the number of them in all parts of the land ; and on the south-coast dispeopled the country for above thirty miles space ; making of old inhabited possessions a new forrest ; inflicting great punishments for hunting his dear , whereby he much advanced his revenue : which was the greatest act of concussion , and tiranny , he committed in his government . and the same course held almost every king near the conquest . for henry the first proceeded with such violence , as to make a law , that if any man killed the kings deer in his own woods , he should forfeit his woods to the king. but king stephen having need of the peoples favour repealed that law. and in the end this grievance , amongst others , after much bloodshed in the kingdom was allayed by the charter of forrests , granted by henry iii. for other possessions he permitted those , which held them before his coming , to continue them quietly in the same maner , and took none , but from such , as after his possession of the crown , rebelled against him , or were slain in the wars . § 34. he imposed no new taxations on the state , and used those he found very moderately : as danegelt being a tax raised by the former kings , of two shillings upon every hilde-land , to maintain the wars against the danes , he would not have it made an annual payment , but only taken upon urgent occasion : and it was seldom gathered in his time , or his successors . scutagium , or escuage , which was also then an imposition of mony , upon every knight's fee ( afterwards only imployed for the service in scotland ) was never levied , but in like occasions , for stipends , and donatives to souldiers . § 35. only one exaction he he was forced to raise , to cure a mischief ; which arose by his means . in the begining of this reign , the rancor of the english towards the new-come normans was such , as finding them single in woods , and remote places , they secretly murthered them ; and the deed doers , for any the severest courses taken , could never be discovered . whereupon it was ordained , that the hundred , wherein a norman was found slain , and the murther not taken , should be condemned to pay the king , some thirty-six pounds , and some twenty eight pounds , according to the quantity of the hundred . and this was done to the end , the punishment , being generally inflicted , it might particularly deter them , and hasten the discovery of the malefactor , by whom so many must otherwise be interessed . this mulct , and the seizing into his hands the church treasure before-noted , ( though both were done by the especial commanding warrant of necessity ) were much taken to heart in the kingdom , both by the clergy , and common people . § 36. and yet otherwise was he to both very gratious , and beneficial . for upon petition made unto him , he relieved the oppression of such as were tenants at will of their lords , which were a very great number , and began after this manner . all those , who were discovered to have had a hand in any rebellion , and were pardoned , only to injoy the benefit of life , having all their lively-hood taken from them , became vassails unto those lords , to whom the possessions were given of all such lands , as were forfeited by attainders . and if by their diligent service they could attain any portion of ground , they held it , but only so long , as it pleased their lords , without having any estate for themselves , or their children ; and were oftentimes miserably cast out upon the sudden , contrary to promise , upon any small displeasure . whereupon it was ordained , that whatsoever they had obtained of their lords by any obsequious service , or agreed for upon any lawful pact , they should hold by an inviolable law during their own lives . § 37. and for the clergy other than in this one act , he maintained all their immunities , and priviledges , and they grew very much under him . but this ( it seems ) was the cause , that made them so much disfigure his worthiness , and leave his memory in so black colours to posterity , as they did , in delineating his tyranny , rigor , and oppression ; when the nature , and necessary disposition of his affairs do much excuse him therein ; and shew that he was , a prince of a most active virtue ; whose abilities of nature were equal to his undertakings of fortune , as preordained for so great a work. and though he might have some advantage of the time , wherein we often see men prevail more by the imbecilities of others , than their own worth : yet let those times be well examined , his strength and eminency ( if we take his just measure , ) where of an exceeding proportion . neither wanted he those encounters and concurrences of sufficient able princes , his neighbours , to put him to the trial thereof ; having on one side the french to grapple withal , on the other the dane , far mightier in people , and shipping than himself , strongly sided in the kingdom , as greedy to recover their former footing here , as ever , and as well , or better prepared . § 38. but this name of conquest ( which ever imports violience , and misery ) is of so harsh a found , and so odious in nature , as a people subdued seldom gives the conquerour his due , tho' never so worthy : and especially to a stranger , whom only time must naturalize , and let in by degrees into their liking and good opinion : wherein also this king was greatly advantaged by reason of his twenty years government , which had much impaired the memory of former customs in the younger sort , and well inured the elder to the present usances and form of state : whereby the rule was made more easy to his sons , who tho' they were far inferiour to him in worth , were a little better beloved then he ; and the rather for that they were content somewhat to unwrest the sovereignty from the height , whereunto he had strained it ; which brought the state to a better proportion of harmony . § 39. of those , who were the especial men of employment in his reign , time has shut us out from the knowledge of many ; it being in the fortune of kings , to have the names , and memory of their counsellors ( like rivers in the ocean ) buried in their glory . yet these we find principally mentioned in stories . first , william fitz-osborne earl of hereford , the especial mover and counsellor of this voiage of england ; reported also to have furnished forty ships at his own charge for the enterprise . odo bishop of bayeux , and earl of kent , sometimes his viceroy in england ; and seems also to have managed the finances ; but of such excessive avarice , that he gathered so much treasure , as he went about to buy the papacy ; and attempting to go to rome about the same , the king staid him at home in a fair prison ; and excused the matter ( upon exclamation made ) in this sort , that he only imprisoned the earl of kent , not the bishop of bayeux . beside he had lanfranc , a man of universal learning , and an excellent lawyer , born in lumbardy , who peradventure might introduce something of the constitutions of that province , to the making up our laws , which in many things seem to participate with theirs . and no doubt he had many others else : for being of a strong constitution of judgment , he could not but be strongly furnished in that kind ; seeing ever weak princes , have weak sides ; and our most renowed kings have been best underset with counsel , and happily served with the ablest officers . § 40. he had a fair issue by maud his wife ; four sons , and five daughters . to robert his eldest son he left the dutchy of normandy ; to william the kingdom of england ; and to henry his treasure , with an annual pension of 8000. pounds to be paid him by his two brothers . richard , that was his second son , died in his youth , of a surfeit taken by hunting in the new forrest , and began the fatal misfortune , that followed , of that place , by the death of king william the second , there slain with an arrow ; and of richard the son of robert duke of normandy , that brake his neck . his eldest daughter cicilia , became a nun. constance married to the earl of brittain ; adela to stephen , earle of bloys , who likewise became a nun in her age : such was their great devotion , and so much were these solitary retirements affected in those times , by the greatest ladies . another was affianced to alfonsus king of galicia ; who with the other sister promised to harold , died before marriage . § 41. what he was in the circle of himself , in his own continent , we find him of an even , or middle stature , comely personage , of good presence , riding , sitting , or standing , till his corpulency gathering upon him in his latter age , made him somewhat unwieldy ; of so strong a constitution , that he was never sickly , till a few months before his death ; his strength such , as few men could draw his bow ; and being about fifty one of his age , when he subdued this kingdom , it seems by his continual actions , he felt not the weight of years upon him , till his last year . § 42. his mind was no less excellently composed , and we see it the fairest drawn in his actions ; wherein his mercy and clemency ( the brightest stars in the sphere of majesty ) appeared ( next to his great devotion ) above all his other virtues , by the often pardoning , and receiving into grace those , who had forfeited their loyalty , and most dangerously rebelled against him : seeming to hold submission satisfactory for the greatest offence ; and that he sought to extinguish mens eenterprises , but not themselves . for we find , but one great nobleman executed in all his reign ; and that was the earl waltheof , who had twice falsified his faith before : and those , whom he had held prisoners in normandy , as the earls morcar , and siward , with wolfnothus , the brother of harold , and divers others , upon compassion of their endurance , he released , a little before his death . § 43. besides he was as far from suspicion as from cowardize ; and of that confidence ( an especial note of his magnanimity ) has he gave edgar , his competitor in the crown , the liberty of this court ; and upon his suit , sent him well furnished to the holy war ; where he so nobly behaved himself , as he attained to great estimation with the emperours of greece , and almain : which might have been held dangerous in respect of his alliances that way , being grand-child to henry the third emperour . but these may be as well virtues of the time , as of men ; and so the age must have part of this commendation . finis . books printed for samuel keble at the turk head in fleestreet . epicteti enchiridion : or the most excellent morals of epictetus made english in a poetical paraphrase . history of the bible lively described in 120 cuts or figures 120.120 . the innocent lady . degrees of marriage , that which is ordered to be had in all churches . preparation to a holy life or devotion for families and private persons by the author of the weeks preparatin . ation . a collection of private form of prayers out of the common prayer book , for morning , noon , and night , and other special occasions ; being in a different method from any former : by the author of the weeks preparation to the sacrement . together with the holy feast and fasts , as they are observed in the church of england explained , and the reasons why they are yearly celebrated . a table to all the epistles and gospels in the book of common prayer , so that you may find any text of scripture , being contained in them . this table may be put in your common prayer book without new binding . rules for our more devout behaviour in the time of divine service in the church of england . an explanation of the terms order and usefullness of the liturgy of the church of england . by way of question and answer , recommanded to be learned after the church catechisme . a perswasive to the stricter observation of the lords day in pursuance of his majesty order and direction to preachers . by matthew bryan . ll. d. books printed for and sold by d. brown at the black swan and bible without temple-bar . a new method and extraordinary invention to dress horses and work them according to nature as also to perfect nature by the subtilty of art , which was never found out . but by his grace the duke of newcastle . novae hypotheseos ad explicands febrium intermittentium symptomata & typos excogitatae hypotyposis una cum aetiologia remediorum speciatim vero de curatione per curticem peruvianum accessiti dissertatiuncula de intestinorum motu periscaltico . authore gulielmo cole . m. d. epistolae medinciales variis occasionibus conscriptae authore richardo carr. m. d. the reading of the famous and learned robert callis esq on the statute of the 23 of henry the eight cap. 5. of sewers , as it was delivered by him at gray's inn in august 1622. the second edition inlarged with the several judgments and resolutions of the reverend judges upon the laws of sewers and other remarques not before published with a new table to the whole . rules for explaining and decyphering all manner of secret writing , plain and demonstrative , with exact methods for understanding intimation by signs , gestures , or speech ; also an account of the secret ways of conveying , written messages , discovered by tritbenrius schottus , lord fran , bacon , bishop wilkings , &c. with exact tables and examples . by i. f. advertissement : the slaughter of the innocents by herod . a poem written in italian by the famous italian poet the cavalier marino . translated by t. r. printed for s. m. and to be sold by sam. keble at the turk heads in fleestreet , and d. brown at the blak-swan without temple bar. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57453-e440 * cornwall . bede 1. 14. * rowena . githa sister to swain . dan. toustain . d. notes for div a57453-e1630 anno 2. anno 3. anno. 6. anno 7. roger fitz-osborn the son of william , cousin and especial councellor to the king. anno. 20. gervasins . sir walter rawleigh his apologie for his voyage to guiana by sir walter rawleigh. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57347 of text r234010 in the english short title catalog (wing r154). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 66 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57347 wing r154 estc r234010 20551825 ocm 20551825 60813 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57347) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60813) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:19) sir walter rawleigh his apologie for his voyage to guiana by sir walter rawleigh. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [2], 69 p. printed by t.w. for hum. moseley ..., london : 1650. this item can also be found with "judicious and select essayes" (wing r170) at reel 289:13. reproduction of original in the yale university library. eng guiana -discovery and exploration. a57347 r234010 (wing r154). civilwar no sir walter rawleigh his apologie for his voyage to guiana: by sir walter rawleigh knight. raleigh, walter, sir 1650 12194 53 0 0 0 0 0 43 d the rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir walter rawleigh his apologie for his voyage to guiana : by sir walter rawleigh knight . london , printed by t. w. for hum : moseley and are to be sold at the princes armes in st. pauls church-yard 1650. sir walter rawleigh his apologie . if ill successe of this enterprise of mine had bin without example , i should have needed a large discourse and many arguments for my justification , but if the atempts of the greatest princes of europe , both among themselves and against the great turk , are in all moderne histories left to every eye to peruse . it is not so strange that my selfe being but a private man , and drawing after me the chaines and fetters whereunto i have been thirteen yeares tyed in the tower , being unpardoned and in disgrace with my soveraigne lord , have by other mens errours failed in the attempt i undertooke . for if that charles the fifth returned with unexampled losse , i will not say dishonour , from algire in africa : if king sebastian lost himselfe and his army in barbary : if the invincible fleet and forces of spaine in eighty eight were beaten home by the lord charles howard admirall of england : if mr. strozzi the count brizack the count of vinnnoso and others , with the fleet of fifty eight sayle and six thousand souldiers , encountered with far lesse numbers could not defend the terceres . leaving to speake of a world of other attempts furnished by kings and princes . if sir francis drake , sir iohn hawkins and sir thomas baskervile men for their experience and valour as eminent as england had any , strengthned with divers of her majesties ships , and fild with souldiers at will , could not possesse themselves of the treasure they sought for , which in their view was imbarked in certaine frigotts at puerto rico , yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty negroes upon the mountains of vasques numius , or sierra de capira in their passage towards panania : if sir iohn norris ( though not by any fault of his ) failed in the attempts of lysbone and returned with the losse , by sicknesse and otherwise , of eight thousand men . what wonder is it , but that mine ( which is the last ) being followed with a company of voluntiers who for the most part had neither seen the sea nor the warres , who , some forty gentlemen excepted , had we the very scumme of the world : drunkards , blasphemers and such others as their fathers brothers and freinds thought it an exceeding good gaine to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds , knowing they could not have liv'd a whole yeare so cheape at home : i say what wonder is it , if i have failed , where i could neither be present my selfe , nor had any of the commanders ( whom i most trusted ) living , or in state to supply my place ? now , where it was bruted , both before my departure out of england and by the most men beleived , that i meant nothing lesse then to go to guiana : but that being once at liberty and in mine owne power , having made my way with some forraigne prince i would turne pyratt and utterly forsake my countrey . my being at guiana , my returning into england unpardoned , and my not takeing the spoile of the subj . of any christian prince , hath ( i doubt not ) destroyed that opinion . but this is not all : for it hath been given out by an hypocritticall theife who was the first master of my shipp : and by an ungratefull youth which waited upon me in my cabbin , though of honourable worthy parents : and by others : that i carryed with me out of england twenty two thousand peices of twenty two shillings the peice , and thererefore needed not , or cared not to discover any mine in guiana , nor make any other attempt elsewhere : which report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship , and so spread through all the ships in the fleet which staid with me at trenidado while our land-forces were in guiana , had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most miserable fashion ; for it was consulted when i had taken my barge and gone a shoare ( either to discover or otherwise as i often did ) that my ship should have set saile and left me there , where either i must have suffered famine , been eaten with wilde beasts , or have fallen into the hands of the spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the english , which came thither but to trade only , had formerly been . to this report of riches , i make this protestation , that if it can be prooved , either now or hereafter , that i had in the world , either in my keeping or in my power , either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise , above one hundred peices when i departed london , of which i had left forty five peices with my wife , and fifty five i carried with me : i acknowledge my selfe for a reprobate , a villaine , a traitor to the king , and the most unworthy man that doth live , or ever hath liv'd upon the earth . now where the captaines that left me in the indies , and captaine baily , that ran away from me at cancerota , have , to excuse themselves , objected for the first , that i lingered at plimouth when i might have gone thence , and lost a faire wind and time of the yeare , or to that effect . it is strange that men of fashion and gentlemen should so grosly bely their owne knowledge : and that had not i lived nor returned to have made answer to this faction , yet all that know us in plimouth and all that we had to deale withall knew the contrary . for after i had stayed at the isle of wight divers daies ; the thunder , commanded by sir warram st. leger by the negligence of her master , was at lee in the thames ; and after i arrived at plimouth , captaine pennington was not come then to the isle of wight , and being arrived there , and not able to redeeme his bread from the bakers , he rode back to london to intreat help from my wife to pay for it , who having not so much money to serve his turne , she wrote to mr. wood of portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds , which shee soone after payd him , without which ( as pennington himselfe protested to my wife ) he had not bin able to have gone the journey : sir iohn ferne i found there without all hope of being able to proceed , having nor men nor mony , and in great want of other provision , insomuch as i furnished him by my cozen herbert with a hundred pounds , having supplied himselfe in wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to plimouth : and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest deane of exeter doctor sutcliffe . captaine whitney , whome i also stayed for , had a third part of his victualls to provide , insomuch as having no mony to help him withall i sold my plate in plimouth to supply him . baily i left at the isle of wight , whose arrivall i also attended here some ten or twelve daies as i remember , and what should move baily only to leave me as he did at the canaries , from whence he might have departed with my love and leave , and at his returne to do me all the wrong he could devise , i cannot conceive ; he seemed to me from the begining not to want any thing , he only desired of me some ordnance and some iron-bound caske , and i gave it him ; i never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindnesse to my knowledge : it is true , that i refused him a french shallop which he tooke in the bay of portingall outward bound , and yet after i had bought her of the french , and paid fifty crownes ready mony for her if baily had then desired her he might have had her ; but to take any thing from the french , or from any other nation , i meant it not . true it is , that as many things succeeded both against reason and our best endeavours ; so it is most commonly true , that men are the cause of their owne misery , as i was of mine , when i undertooke my late enterprise without a pardon for all my company , having heard it avowed in england before they went , that the commission i had , was granted to a man who was non ens in law , so hath the want thereof taken from me both armes and actions : which gives boldnesse to every petty companion to spread rumours to my defamation and the wounding of my reputation , in all places where i cannot be present to make them knaves and lyars . it hath been secondly objected , that i put into ireland and spent much time there , taking care to revictuall my selfe and none of the rest . certainly i had no purpose to see ireland when i left plimouth , but being encountered with a strong storme some eight leagues to the westward of scilly , in which captaine chudleyes pinace was suncke , and captaine king thrust into bristoll : i held it the office of a commander of many ships , and those of divers saylings and conditions , of which some could hull and trye , and some of them beat it up upon a tack , and others neither able to doe the one nor the other , rather to take a port and keep his fleete together , then either to endanger the losse of masts and yardes ; or to have it severed farre asunder , and to be thrust into divers places . for the attendance of meeting them againe at the next randezvous , would consume more time and victuall , and perchance the weake ships might be set upon , taken , or disordered , then could be spent by recovering a harbour , and attending the next change of wind . that the dissevering of fleets hath beene the overthrow of many actions , i could give many examples , were it not in every mans knowledge . in the last enterprize of worth , undertaken by our english nation with three squadrons of ships , commanded by the earle of essex , the earle of suffolke and my selfe , where was also present the earle of southampton , if we being storme-beaten in the bay of alcashar or biscaye had had a port under our lee , that we might have kept our transporting ships with our men of war , we had in all likelihood both taken the indian fleet and the asores . that we staid long in ireland it is true , but they must accuse the clouds and not me , for our stay there ; for i lost not a day of a good wind : and there was not any captaine of the fleet but had credit or might have had for a great deale of more victualls then we spent there , and yet they had of me fifty beeves among them and somewhat else . for the third accusation , that i landed in hostile maner at lancerota ; certainly captaine baily had greate want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back , for i referr my selfe to mr. barney , who i know will ever justifie a truth , to whom ( when he came to me from captaine baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest ) i made this answer , that he might land them if it pleased him , or otherwise keepe them aboard , for i had agreed with the governor for a proportion of victuall which i hourely expected : and it is true , that the governor being desirous for to speake with me with one gentleman with him with their rapiers only , which i accepting , and taking with me leivetenant bradshaw , we agreed : that i should send up an english factor ( whose ship did then ride in the roade ) and that whatsoever the island could yeeld should be delivered at a reasonable rate ; i sent the english factor according to our agreement , but the governour put it off from one morning to an other , and in the end sent me word , that except i would imbarque my men which lay on the sea side , slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our provisions : i did so , but when the one halfe were gotten aboard two of our centinells forc● , one slaine and the english factor sent to tell mee that he had nothing for us , whom he still believed to be a fleet of the turks , who had lately taken and destroyed puerto sancto . hereupon all the companies would have marched toward the towne and have sackt it , but i knew it would not only dislike his majesty ; but that our merchants having a continuall trade with those islands , that their goods would have bin stayed , and amongst the rest , the poor english man riding in the road having all that he brought thither ashore , would have been utterly undone . hereof i complained to the governour of the grand canaries , whom i also desired that we might take water without any disturbance , but instead of answer , when we landed some hundred men , far from any habitation , and in a desart place of the island , where we found some fresh water , there ambush was layd , and one fisher of sir iohn fernes ship wounded to death , and more had been slain had not captaine thornhurst and master robert hayman my sonnes lievtenant , two exceeding valiant gentlemen , who first made head against them , seconded by sir warham sentleger and my sonne with halfe a dozen more , made sorty of them runne away . from hence because there was scarcity of water , we sayled to gomarrah , one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the islands and the best port : the towne being seated upon the very wash of the sea , at the first entrance of our ships , they shot at us , and ours at them , but as soone as i my selfe recovered the harbour , and had commanded that there should be no more shooting , i sent a spaniard a shore ( taken in a barque which came from cape blanke ) to tell the governour that i had no purpose to make warr with any of the spanish kings subjects , and if any harme were done by our great ordnance to the towne , it was his fault , which by shooting first gave the occasion . he sent me for answer that he thought we had beene the tu●kish fleet , which destroyed puerto sancto , but being resolved by the messenger that we were christians and english , and sought nothing but water , he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take , if he might be assured that we would not attempt his towne-houses , nor destroy the gardens and fruits ; i returned him answer that i would give him my faith , and the word of the king of great brittaigne my soveraigne lord , that the people of the town and island should not loose so much as one orange or a grape w●thout paying for it , i would hang him up in the market-street . now that i kept my faith with him , and how much he held himselfe bound unto me : i have divers of his letters to shew , for he wrote unto me every day and the countesse being of an english race a stafford by mother , and of the house of horn by the father , sent me divers presents of fruits , sugar , and ruske : to whom i returned because i would not depart in her debt ) things of greater value ; the old earle at my departure wrot a letter to the spanish ambassador here in england how i had behaved my selfe in those islands . there i discharg'd a barke of the grand canaries taken by one of my pinnaces coming from cape-blank in africa , and demanding of him what prejudice he had recieved by being taken , he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of sixe duckers , for which i gave him eight . from the canaries , it is said that i sayled to cape de verte knowing it to be an insec●ious place , by ●eason whereof i lost so many of my men ere i recovered the indies ; the truth sis that i came no nerer to cape de vert then bravo , which is one hundred and sixty leagues off ; but had i taken it in my way , falling upon the coast or any other part of guiana , after the raine , there is as little danger of insection as in any other part of the world , as our english that trade in those parts every yeare doe well know ; there are few places in england or in the world neere great rivers which run through low grounds or neare moorish or marsh grounds , but the people inhabiting neare , are at some time of the yeare subject to feaver● , witnes woollwich in kent and all down the rivers on both sides , other infection there is not found ei●her in the indies or in af●rica , except it be when the easterly wind or breefes are kept off by some high mountaines from the v●llies , w●erby the ayre wanting motion doth become exceeding unhealthfull as at nomber de dios and elsewhere . but as good successe admitts no examination , so the contrary allows of no excuse , how reasonable or just soever . sir francis drake , mr. iohn winter and iohn tomas , when they past the streights of malegan , mee●ing with a storme which drove winter back , which thrust iohn thomas upon the islands to the south where he was cast away , and sir francis nere a small island upon which the spaniards landed their cheins & murderers , from baldivia , and he found there phillip an indian who told him where he was and conducted him to baldivia , wher he took his first prize of treasure and in that ship he found a pylot called john grege who guided him all that coast , in which he possest himselfe of the rest , which pylot because he should not rob him of his reputation and knowledge in those parts ( desisting the intreaties and teares of all his company ) he set him a shore upon the island of altegulors to be by them devoured . after which passing by the east-indies , he returned into england , and notwithstanding the peace between us and spaine , he enjoyed the riches he brought , and was never so much as called to accompt for cutting off douly his head at porte st. iulian having neither marshall law nor other commission availeable . mr. candish having past all the coasts of chyle and peru , and not gotten a farthing , when he was without hope , and re●dy to shape his course by the east homewards , met a ship which came from the phillippines at calestorvia , a thousand pounds to a nutshell . these two in these two voyages were the children of fortune , and much honored ; but when sir francis drake in his last attempt might have landed at cruces , by the river of chyagre within eight miles of panama , he notwithstanding se● the troups on land at nomber de dios and received the repu●se aforesaid , he dyed for s●rrow . the same successe had candish in his last passage towards the streights . i say that one and the same end they both had , to wit drake and candish , when chance had left them to the tryall of their owne vertues . for the rest i leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge , by what neglect or errour of mine , the gold mine in guiana which i had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed , for after we had refreshed our selves in galleana , otherwise in the first discovery called poet howard , where we tarried captaine hastins , captaine pigott , and captaine snedall , and there recovered the most part of our sicke men . i did lmbarque sixe compani●s of fifty to each company in five shipps , to wi● , the encounter , commanded by captaine whitney , in the conside●e by captaine woollastone , into two ●●yboats of my owne , commanded by captaine samuell king , and captaine robert smith , in a carvill which companies had for their leaders captaine charles parker , captaine north , my sonne , captaine thornhurst , captaine penjuglous lievtenant , and captaine chudlyes lievtenant prideux . at the tryangle islands i imbarked the companies for orrenoque between which and calliana i lay a ground twenty four houres , and if it had not been faire weather we had never come off the coast , having not above two fathome and a halfe of water : eight leagues off from whence , i directed them for the river of surniama , the best part of all that tract of land between the river ama●o●es and orrenoque , there i gave them order to trim their boates and barges ; and by the indians of that place to understand the state of the spaniards in orrenoque , and whither they had replanted or streng●hened themselves upon the entrances or elsewhere ; and if they found any indians there , to send in the little flyboate or the carvill into the river of dis●ebecke , where they should not faile to find pilots for orrenoque , for with our great ships we durst not aproach the coast we having been all of us a ground , and in danger of leaving our bands upon the shoules before wee recovered the tryangle islands as aforesaid ; the biggest shipp that could enter the river was the encounter , who might be brought to eleven foote water upon the bar , we could never understand neither by keymis , who was the first of any nation that had entered the maine mouth of orrenoque nor by any of the masters or marriners of our fleet , which had traded there ten or twelve yeares for tobaccho : for the chudley when she came nere the entrance , drawing but twelve foote , found her selfe in danger and bore up for trinidado . now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why i my selfe had not gone up with the companies i sent , i desire hereby to give them satisfaction , that besides my want of health and strength , and having not recovered my long and dangerous sicknesse , but was againe fallen into a relapse , my ship stoalde and layd a ground at seaventeene foote water , 7 leagues of the shore , so as the mr. nor any of my company durst adventure to come neare it , much lesse to fall between the shoules on the south side of the rivers side , and sands on the north side called puncto anegado , one of the most dangerous places in all the indies : it was therefore resolved by us all , that the fi●e greater ships should ride at puncto gallo in trinidado , and the five lesser should enter the river , for it whitney and woollaston at eleven foote lay a ground three daies in passing up , in what case had i been which drew seaventeene foote , a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of ordnance , besides this impossibility , neither would my sonn nor the rest of the captaines and gentlemen have adventured themselves the river ( having but one moneths victualls and being thrust together a hundred of them in a smale flyboate ) had not i assured them that i would stay for them at trinidado , and that no force should drive me thence , except i were suncke in the sea or set on fire by the spanish gallions , for that they would have ad●entured themselves upon any other mans word or resolution , it were ridiculous to beleive . having in t●is sort resolved upon our enterprise , and having given instructions , how they should proceede before and ●f●er their entrance into orrenoque , keymis having undertaken to disco●er the myne with six or eight persons in sir iohn fernes shallop , i better bethinking my selfe and misliking his determination gave him this order , viz. keymis , whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into orrenoque to passe to the myne with my cousen harbert and six musketteers , and to that end you desired to have sir iohn fernes sh●llop , i doe not allow of that course , because you cannot land so secretly but that some indians on the river side may discover you , who giving knowledge of your passage to the spaniards you may be cut off before you can recover your boa●e , i doe therefore advise you to suffer the captaines and the companies of ●●e english ●o passe up to the westward of the mountaine aio , from whence you have no l●sse then three mi●es to the myne , and to lodge and encam●e between the spanish towne and you , if there be any to●n neer it , that bei●g so s●●●red you may make try all what depth and br●dth the myne ●o●ds , and whe●●er or no it answer our ●o●es . and if you find it royall , and the spaniards begin to warre up●n you , then let the serjeant major repell them i● i● be in his power , and drive them as f●r ●s he can . but if you find that the myne be not so rich as it may perswade the holding of it , and draw on a second supply , then shall you bring but a ba●ket or two to satisfy his majesty , that my designe was not imaginatory but true , though not answerable to his majesties expectation , for the quantity of which i never gave assurance , nor could . on the other side , if you shall find that any great number of souldiers be newly sent into orrenoque , as the cassique of caliana told us that there were , and that the passages be already forc'd so that without manifest perill of my sonne , your selfe , and other captaines , you cannot passe toward the myne , then be well advised how you land , for i know ( that a few gentlemen excepted ) what a scumme of men you have , and i would not for all the world receive a blow from the spaniards to the dishonour of our nation ; i my selfe for my weaknes cannot be present , neither will the company land except i stay with the ships , the gallioones of spaine being daily expected . pigott the sergeant-major is dead . sir warrham my leiftenant , without hope of life , and my nephew your sergeant-major now but a young man : it is therefore no your judgement that i rely whom i trust god will direct for the best . let me heare from you as soone as you can , you shall find me at puncto gallo dead or alive , and if you finde not my ships there , yet you shall find their ashes ; for i will fire with the gallioones if it come to extreamity , but runne away i will never . that these my instructions were not followed , was not my fault , but it seemes that the sergeant-major , keymis and the rest were by acci●ent forced to change their first resolution , and that finding a spanish towne or rather a village , set up twenty mile distant from the place where antonio berro the first governour by me taken in my first discovery who had attēpted to plant to meet some two leagues to the westward of the mine : they agreed to land and encamp between the myne and the towne , which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was , and meaning to rest themselves on the rivers side ●●ll the next day , they were in the night set upon and charged by the spaniards , which being unlooked for , the common sort of them were so amazed , as had not the captaines and some other valiant gentlemen made a head and encouraged the rest , they had all been broken and cut in pieces . to repell this force putting themselves in order , they charged the spaniards , and following them upon their retreat they were ready to enter the town , ere they knew where they were , and being then charged againe by the governour , and foure or five captaines which lead their companies ; my sonne not tarrying for my musketiers run up in the head of a company of pikes , where he was first shot , and pressing upon a spanish captaine called erinetta with his sword ; erinetta taking the small end of his musket in his hand strucke him on the head with the stock and feld him , whom againe iohn plesington , my sonnes serjeant , thrust through with his halbert , at which time also the governour diego palmeque and the rest of the spanish captaines being slaine , and their companies divided , they betooke themselves into a house , or hold adjoyning to the market place , where they slew and wounded the english at their pleasure , so as we had no way to save our selves ; but by firing those houses adjoyning , which done all the spaniards ran into the bordering woods , and hills , keeping the english still waking with perpetuall alarums . the town such as it was being in this sort possest . keymis prepared to discover the myne , which at this time he was resolved to doe , as appeareth by his letter to me of his owne hand writing hereafter inserted ; he tooke with him captaine thornhurst , master william herbert , sir iohn hambden , and others , but at his first approach neer the banke where he meant to land , he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his company , hurt six others , and wounded captaine thornhurst in the head , of the which he languished three months after . keymis his letter dated the eight of ianuary from orrenoque . all things that appertaine to humane condition in that proper natare and sence , that of fate and necessity belongeth unto them , maketh me choose rather with griefe to let you know from me this certaine truth then uncertainties from others ; which is , viz. that had not this extraordinary valour and forwardnesse , which with the constant vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath expressed these words . ( lord have mercy upon me and prosper your enterprise ) leade them all on , when some began to pause and recoyle shamefully : this action had neither been attempted as it was , nor performed as it is with his surviving honour . this indian pilot whom i have sent , if there be occasion to use his service in any thing will prove sufficient and trusty : peter andrewes whom i have sent with him can better certify your lordship of the state of the towne , the plenty , the condition of our men , &c. then i can write the same . we have the governours servant prisoner that waited on him in his bed-chamber , and knows all things that concerned his master . we find there are foure refiners houses in the towne ; the best houses of the towne . i have not seen one piece of coyne , or bullyon , neither gold or silver ; a small deale of plate only excepted . captain whitney and woollastone are but now come to us , and now i purpose ( god willing ) without delay to visit the myne , which is not eight miles from the towne , sooner i could not goe by reason of the murmurings , the discords and vexations , wherewith the serjeant major is perpetually tormented and tyred , having no man to assist him but my selfe only , things are now in some reasonable order , and so soone as i have made tryall of the myne , i will seeke to come to your lordship , by the way of the river . to goe and to search the channels ( that if it be possible ) our ships may shorten their course for trinidado , when time serves , by those passages ; i have sent your lordship a parcell of scattered papers ( i reserve a carte loade ) one roule of tobacco , one tortoyse , and some oranges and limmons , praying god to give you strength and health of body , and a mind armed against all extreamities . i rest ever to be commanded this 8. of january , 1617. your lordships keymis . now it seemes that the death of my son , fearing also ( as he told me when he came to trinidado ) that i was either dead of my first sicknesse , or that the news of my sonnes death would have hastened my end , made him resolve not to open the myne , to the which he added for excuse , and i thinke it was true , that the spaniards being gone off in a whole body , lay in the woods betweene the myne and their passage , that it was impossible , except they had bin beaten out of the country , to passe up the woody and craggy hills without the losse of those commanders which should have lead them , who had they been slaine , the rest , would easily enough have bin cut in pieces in their retreate ; for being in possession of the towne , which they guarded with the greatest part of three companies , they had yet their handfull to defend themselves from fireing , and the daily and nightly alarums , wherewith they were vexed . he also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any companies at the myne , for want of victuall , which from the towne they were not able to carry up the mountaine their companies being divided ; he therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the spaniards , themselves neither being able to worke it , nor possesse it then to excuse himselfe to the company , said that he could not find it ; all which his fancies when i received , and before divers of the gentlemen disavowed his ignorance , for i told him that a blind man might find it , by the marks which himself had set down under his hand , and that i told him that his care of loosing so many men in passing through the woods , was but fained , for after my sonne was slaine , i knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving , and therefore had he brought to the king but one hundred weight of the oare though with the losse of one hundred men , he had given his majesty satisfaction , preserved my reputation , and given our nation encouragement to have returned this next yeare , with greater force and to have held the country for his majesty to whom it belonged , and of which himselfe had given the testimony , that besides the excellent ayre , pleasantnesse , healthfulnesse , and riches : it hath plenty of corne , fruits , fish , fowle , wild and tame , beeves , horses , sheepe , hogs , deeres , coneys , hares , tortoyses , armadiles , wanaes , oyles , hony , wax , potatoes , suger canes , medicaments , balsamum , simples , gums , and what not ; but seeing he had followed his owne advice , and not mine , i should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his majesty , and the state , i should be glad of it , though for my part he must excuse me to justify it , that he , if it had pleased him , though with some losse of men might have gone directly to the place : with that he seemed greatly discontent , and so he continued divers dayes ; afterward he came to me in my cabbin , and shewed me a letter which he had written to the earl of arundell , to whom he excused himself , for not discovering of the myne : using the same arguments , and many others which he had done before , and prayed me to allow of his apology ; but i told him that he had undone me by his obstinacy , and that i would not favour or collour in any sort his former folly . he then asked me , whether that were my resolution , i answered , that it was : he then replyed in these words , i know not then sir what course to take ; and went out of my cabbin into his own , in which he was no sooner entred , but i heard a pistoll goe off . i sent up ( not suspecting any such thing as the killing of himselfe ) to know who shot a pistoll , keymis himself made answer lying on his bed , that he had shot it off , because it had been long charged , with which i was satisfied ; some half houre after this , the boy going into his cabbin , found him dead , having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart , and his pistoll lying by him , with which it appeared that he had shot himselfe , but the bullet lighting upon a rib , had but broken the rib and went no further . now he that knew keymis , did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution , and a man so far from caring to please or satisfie any man but my selfe , as no mans opinion from the greatest to the least could have perswaded him to have laid violent hands on himselfe , neither would he have done it , when he did it , could he have said unto me , that he was ignorant of the place , and knew no such myne ; for what cause had i then to have rejected his excuses , or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge ; thus much i have added , because there are some puppies which have given it out , that keymis slew himselfe because he had seduced so many gentlemen and others with an imaginary myne ; but as his letter to me the 8. of ianuary proves that he was then resolved to open it , and to take off all these kinds of objections ; let captaine charls parker , captaine george ralegh and captaine king all living and in england ; be put to their oaths whether or no keymis did not confesse to them comming down the river , at a place where they cast anker , that he could from that place have gone to the myne in two hours , i say then that if the opening of the myne had bin at that time to any purpose ; or had they had had any victualls left then , to bring them away , or had they not been hastned by seeing the king of spaines letters before they came to my hands , which i am assured keymis had seene who delivered them to me , whereof one of them was dated at madrill the 17 of march before i left the river of thames , and with it , three other dispatches with a commission for the strengthning of orrenoque with 150 souldiers , which should have come downe the river from the new kingdome of granada ; and one other 150 from puerto rico with ten pieces of ordnance which should have come up the river from the entrance , by which two troupes they might have bin inclosed , i say had not the rest seene those dispatches ; and that having stayed in the river above two months , they feared the hourely arrivall of those forces , why had they not constrained keymis to have brought them to the myne , being as himselfe confesses within two houres march . againe , had the companies commanders but pincht the governours man whom they had in their possession , he could have told them of two or three gold mynes and a silver myne not above foure miles from the towne , and given them the names of their possessors ; with the reason why they forbare to worke them at that time , and when they left off from working them , which they did aswell because they wanted negroes , as because they feared least the english , french , or dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened , having not sufficient strength to defend themselves ; but to this , i have heard it said since my returne , that the governours man was by me perswaded , being in my power , to say that such mynes there were , when indeed there was no such thing , certainly they were but silly fooles , that discovered this subtilty of mine , who having not yet by the long calenture that weakened me , lost all my wits which i must have done , if i had left my reputation in trust with a malato , who for a pot or two of wine , for a dozen of hatchets , or a gay suite of apparell would have confessed , that i had taught him to speake of mynes , that were not in rerum natura , no i protest before the majesty of god , that without any other agreements or promises of mine , then well usage , he hath discovered to me , the way to five or sixe of the richest mynes which the spaniards have , and from whence , all the masse of gold that comes into spaine in effect is drawne . lastly , when the ships were come downe the river as farre as carapana's country ( who was one of the naturall lords ) and one that reserved that part of guiana to her maje . hearing that the english had abandoned st. thome , and left no force in the country , which he hoped they would have done , hee sent a great canooe with store of fruits and provisions to the captains , and by one of his men which spake spanish , having as it seemed bin long in their hands ; hee offered them a rich gold myne in his own country , knowing it to be the best argument to perswade their stay , and if it please them to send up any one of the english to view it , he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe returne . master leake , master moleneux and others offering themselves , which when the greater part refused ( i know not by what reason lead ) he sent againe , leaving one of his men still aboard to entreate them to tarry but two dayes , and he himselfe would come to them , and bring them a sample of the oare : for he was an exceeding old man , when i was first in the country some twenty foure yeares since , which being also neglected , and the ships under saile ; he not withstanding sent a boat after them to the very mouth of the river in hope to perswade them : that this is true , witnesse captaine parker , captaine leake , master stresham , master maudict , master moleneux , master robert hamon , master nicholes , captaine king , peter andrews , and i know not how many others ; but besides his offer also , there hath not been wanting an argument though a foolish one ; which was that the spaniards , had employed the indians with a purpose to betray our men , but this treason had been easily prevented , if they had stayed the old mans comming ; who would have brought them the gold oare aboarde their ships , and what purpose could there be of treason when the guianians offered to leave pledges six for one , yea one of the indians which the english had aboarde them , whom they found in fetters when they tooke the towne of st. thome could have told them , that the cassique which sent unto them to shew them the gold myne in his country , was unconquered ; and are enemies to the spaniard , and could also have assured them , that this cassique had gold mynes in his country . i say then , that if they would neither force keymis to goe to the myne , when he was by his owne confession , within two houres march of it ; to examine from whence these two ingots of gold which they brought me , were taken , which they found laid by for kings quinto or fifth part ; or those small pieces of silver , which had the same marks and stamps ; if they refused to send any one of the fleete into the country to see the mynes which the cassique carapana offered them ; if they would not vouchsafe to stay two days for the comming of carapana himselfe , who would have brought them a sample of the gold oare , i say , that , there is no reason ●o lay it to my charge , that i carryed them with a pretence of gold , when neither keymis nor my selfe knew of any in those parts : if it had bin to have gotten my liberty , why did i not keep my liberty when i had it , nay why did i put my life in manifest peril to forgo it ? if i had had a purpose to have turned pyrate , why did i oppose my self against the greatest number of my company , and was there by in danger to be slaine or cast into the sea because i refused it ? a strange fancy had it been in me to have perswaded my sonne whom i have lost , and to have perswaded my wife to have adventured the 8000. l. which his majesty gave them for sherbone , and when that was spent , to perswade my wife to sell her house at micham , in hope of inriching them by the mynes of guiana ; if i my self had not seene them with my owne eyes ; for being old and weakely , thirty years in prison , and not used to the ayre to travell and to watching , it being ten to one that i should ever have returned , and to which by reason of my violent sicknesse , and the long continuance thereof , no man had any hope , what madnesse could have made me undertake this journey but the assurance of the myne , thereby to have done his majestie service , to have bettered my country by the trade , and to have restored my wife and children their states ; they had lost for that , i have refused all other ways or means , for that i had a purpose to have changed my master , and my country , my returne in the state i did returne may satisfie every honest and indifferent man . an unfortunate man i am , and it is to me a greater losse then all i have lost , that it pleaseth his majestie to be offended for the burning of a spanish towne in guiana ; of which these parts bordering the river orrenoque , and to the south as farre as the amazones doth by the law of na●ions belong to the crowne of england , as his majestie was well resolved when i prepared to goe thither , otherwise his majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there ; for i set it downe under my hand that i intended that enterprise and nothing else , and that i meant to enter the country by the river of orrenoque ; it was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the state here nor the spanish ambassadour who knew it aswell as i , that i pretended the journy of guiana which he alwaies held to be a pretence ; for he said it to master secretary windode and to others of my lords ; that if i meant to sayle to guiana , and had no intent to invade any part of his majesties west indies nor his fleets , i should not need to strengthen my selfe as i did , for i should worke any myne there , without any disturbance and in peace , to which i made answer , that i had set it under my hand to his majest. that i had no other purpose , nor meant to undertake any thing else ; but for the rest , that sir iohn haukins in his journey , to st. iohn de loa , notwithstanding that he had leave of the spanish king to trade in all parts of the west indies , and having the plate fleete in his power , did not take out of it one ounce of silver , but kept his faith and promise in all places , was set upon by don henrico de martines whom he suffered ( to save him from perishing ) to enter the porte ; upon martins faith , and enterchanged pledges delivered , he had iesus of lubeck a ship of her majesties of a 1000 tun burnt ; had his men slain which hee left on the land ; lost his ordnance , and all the treasure which he had got by trade ; what reason had i to goe unarmed upon the ambassadours promises , whose words and thoughts that they were one , it hath wel appeared since then , aswell by the forces which he perswaded his master to send to guiana to encounter me , and cut me off there ; as by his persecuting of me since my returne ; who have neither invaded his masters indies , nor his fleet , whereof he stood in doubt . true it is , that the spaniards cannot endure that the english nation should looke upon any part of america , being above a fourth part of the whole knowne world ; and the hundred part neither possessed by the spaniards , nor to them knowne , as acosta the jesuit in his description of the west indies doth confesse , and well know to be true : no though the king of spaine can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered , then the popes donation ; for from the straits of megellan to the river of plate , being a greater territory then al that the spaniards possesse in peru or chile , and from cape st. augustines to trinidado being a greater ex●ent of land then all which he possesses in nova spaine , or elsewhere , they have not one foote of ground in their possession , neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their owne knowledge . in orrenoque they have lately set up a wooden towne , and made a kind of a forte , but they have never been able either to conquer the guianians ; nor to reconcile them , but the guianians before their planting , they did willingly resigne all that territory to her majesty , who by me promised to receive them , and defend them against the spaniards ; and though i were a prisoner for this last fourteene years , yet i was at the charge every yeare , or every second yeare , to send unto them to keepe them in hope of being relieved . and as i have said before the greatest of the naturall lords , did offer us a rich myne of gold in his owne country in hope to hold us there ; and if this usurped possession of the spaniards be a sufficient bar to his majesties right ; and that thereby the king of spaine calls himselfe king of guiana , why might he not aswell call himselfe duke of brittaine , because hee tooke possession of blewett , and built a forte there ; and calls himselfe king of ireland ; because he tooke possession at smerike and built a forte there . if the ambassadour had protested to his majesty that my going to guiana before i went would be a breach to the peace , i am perswaded that his majesty if he had not bin resolved that guiana had been his would have stayed me , but if it be not thought to be a breach of peace not for the going thither ( for that cannot be ) because i had no other intent , and went with leave ; but for taking and burning of a spanish towne in the country , certainly , if the country be the king of spains , it had been no lesse a breach of peace to have wrought any myne of his , and to have rob'd him of his gold ; then it is now cald'd a breach of peace to take a towne of his in guiana and burne it , and with as good reason might i have bin called a thiefe and a robber of the king of spaine , if the country be not his majesties , as i am now pursued for the invasion ; for either the country is the king of spains or not the kings ; if it be the kings , i have not then offended ; if it be not the kings , i must have perished , if i had but taken gold out of the mynes there , though i had found no spaniards in the country . for conclusion , if we had had any peace with the spaniards in those parts of the world ; why did even those spaniards , which were now encountered in guiana , tye six and thirty english men out of master walls ship of london and mine back to back , and cut their throats , after they had traded with them a whole month , and came to them a shore ; having not so much as a sword , or any other weapon , among them all , and if the spaniards to our complaints made answer , that there was nothing in the treate against our trading in the indies , but that we might trade at our perill ; i trust in god that the word perill shall ever be construed to be indifferent to both nations ; otherwise we must for ever abandon the indies , and loose all our knowledge , and our pylotage of that part of the world : if we have no other peace then this ; how can there be a breach of peace , which e're the spaniards with all nations , and all nations with them may trade upon their guard ? the readiest way that the spaniards ambassadour could have taken , to have stayed me from going to guiana ; had bin to have discovered the great practises which i had with his master against the king my soveraigne lord in the first yeare of his majesties reigne of great brittaine , for which i lost my estate and lay thirteene years in the tower of london , and not to urge my offences in guiana ; to which his master hath no title other then his sword , is with which to this day , he hath not conquered the least of these nations , and against whom contrary to the catholick profession , his captains have entertained , and doe entertaine whole nations of canniballs ; for in a letter of the governours to the king of spaine of the eighth of iuly : he not only complaineth that the guianians are in armes against him , but that ever those indians which under their noses live , doe in despight of all the kings edicts trade with los flamnicos & engleses , enemicos , with the flemish , and english enemies , never once naming the english nations but with the epitheton of an enemy . but in truth the spanish ambassadour hath complained against me to no other end , then to prevent my complaints against the spaniards . who landing my men in a territory appertaining to the crowne of england ; they were invaded and slaine before any violence offered to the spaniards ; and i hope that the ambassadour doth not esteeme us for so wretched and miserable a people , as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance ; howsoever , i have said it already , and i will say it againe ; that if guiana be not his majesties , the working of a myne there ; and the taking of a towne there ; had been equally perillous , for by doing the one , i had rob'd the king of spaine and bin a thiefe ; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace . a letter of sir walter rawleigh to my lord carevv touching guiana . because i know not whether i shall live , to come before the lords , i have for his majesties satisfaction here set downe as much as i can say , either for mine owne defence , or against my selfe , as things are now construed . it is true , that though i acquainted his majesty with my intent to land in guiana , yet i never made it knowne to his majesty that the spaniards had any footing there ; neither had i any authority by patent , to remove them from thence , and therefore his majesty had no interest in the attempt of saint thome by any foreknowledge in his majesty . but knowing his majesties title to the country to be best , and most christian , because the naturall lords did most willingly acknowledge queene elizabeth to be their soveraigne , who by me promised to defend them from the spanish cruelty , i made no doubt but i might enter the land by force , seeing the spaniards had no other title but force , ( the popes donation excepted ) considering also that they had got a possession there divers yeares since my possession for the crowne of england , for were not guiana his majesties , then might i aswell have bin questioned for a thiefe , for taking the gold out of the king of spains mynes , as the spaniards doe now call me a peace breaker ; for , from any territory that belongs to the king of spaine , it is no more lawfull to take gold , then lawfull for the spaniards to take tinne out of cornewall , were this possession of theirs a sufficient bar to his majesties right , the kings of spain may as well call themselves dukes of brittaine , because they held blewet , and fortified there ; and kings of ireland because they possessed smereck and fortified there , and so in other places . that his majesty was well resolved of his right there , i make no kind of doubt , because the english both under master charls leigh and master harecourt had leave to plant and inhabite the country . the orrenoque it selfe , had long ere this had 5000. english in it , i assure my selfe , had not my employment at cales , the next yeare after my returne from guiana , and after that our journy to the islands hindered me , for those two years after with tirones rebellion , made her majesty unwilling that any great number of ships or men should be taken out of england , till that rebellion were ended , and lastly , her majesties death , my long imprisonment gave time to the spaniards to set up a towne of sticks covered with leaves of trees upon the banke of orronoque , which they call st. thome , but they have neither reconciled nor conquered any of the cassiques or naturall lords of the country , which cassiques are still in armes against them , as by the governours letter to the king of spaine , may appeare : that by landing in guiana there can be any breach of peace , i thinke it ( under favour ) impossible , for to breake peace where there is no peace , it cannot be ; that the spaniards give us no peace there , it doth appeare by the kings letters to the governour , that they should put to death all those spaniards and indians that trade , con los engleses enemigos with english enemies : yea those very spaniards which we encountred at st. thome , did of late years murther six and thirty of master hales men of london , and mine , who landed without weapon , upon the spaniards faith to trade with them , master thorne also in tower-street in london besides many other english were in like sort murthered in orrenoque , the yeare before my deliverie out of the tower . now if this kind of trade be peaceable , there is then a peaceable trade in the indies , betweene us and the spaniards , but if this be cruell warre and hatred , and no peace , then there is no peace broken by our attempt ; againe , how doth it stand with the greatnesse of the king of spaine , first to call us enemies , when he did hope to cut us in pieces , and then having failed , to call us peace breakers : for to be an enemy and a peace breaker in one and the same action is impossible . but the king of spaine in his letters to the governour of guiana , dated at madrill the 29 of march , before we left the thames , calls us engleses enemigos , english enemies . if it had pleased the king of spaine to have written to his majest. in seaven months time , for we were so long in preparing , and have made his majesty know , that our landing in guiana would draw after it a breach of peace , i presume to thinke , that his majesty would have staied our enterprise for the present . this he might have done with lesse charge , then to leavy three hundred souldiers and transport ten pieces of ordnance from portarico , which souldiers added to the garrison of st. thome : had they arrived before our comming , had overthrowne all our raw companies , and there would have followed no complaints . for the maine point of landing neer st. thome , it is true , that we were of opinion , that we must have driven the spaniards out of the towne , before we could passe the thick woods upon the mountaines of the myne , which i confesse i did first resolve upon , but better bethinking my selfe , i reserved the taking of the towne , to the goodnesse of the myne , which if they found to be so rich , as it might perswade the leaving of the garrison , then to drive the spaniards thence , but to have burnt was never my intent , neither could they give me any reason why they did it , upon their returne i examined the serjeant-major and keymis why they followed not my last directions for the triall of the myne before the taking of the towne , and they answered me , that although they durst hardly , goe to the myne leaving a garrison of spaniards , between them and their boats , yet they offended their latter directions , and did land , betweene the towne and the myne . and that the spaniards without any manner of parley set upon them unawares , and charged them , calling them perros ingleses , & by skirmishing with them , they drew them on to the very entrance of the town before they knew where they were , so that if any peace had bin in those parts , the spaniards first brake the peace , and made the first slaughter , for as the english could not but land to seeke the myne , being come thither to that end , so being first reviled , and charged by the spaniards , they could doe no lesse then repell force by force ; lastly it is a matter of no small consequence to acknowledge that wee have offended the king of spaine by landing in guiana . for first it weakens his majesties title to the country or quits it ; secondly , there is no king that hath ever given the least way to any other king or state in the traffick of the lives or goods of his subjects , to wit in our case , that it shall be lawfull for the spaniards tomurther us , either by force or treason , and unlawfull for us to defend our selves and pay them with their owne coyne , for this superiority and inferiority is a thing which no absolute monarch ever yeilded to , or ever will . thirdly , it shews the english bears greater respect to the spaniard , and is more doubtfull of his forces , then either the french or dutch is , who daily invade all parts of the indies with not being questioned at their returne , yea at my owne being at plimouth , a french gentleman called flory went thence with foure saile , and three hundred land men , with commission to land and burne , and to sack all places in the indies that he could master , and yet the french king hath married the daughter of spaine . this is all that i can say , other then that i have spent my poore estate , lost my sonne , and my health , and endured as many sorts of miseries , as ever man did , in hope to do his majesty acceptable service ; and have not to my understanding committed any hostile act , other then entrance upon a territory belonging rightly to the crowne of england , where the english were first set upon and slaine by the usurping spaniards , i invaded no other parts of the indies , pretended by the spaniards . i returned into england with manifest perill of my life , with a purpose not to hold my life , with any other then his majesties grace , and from which no man , nor any perill could disswade me ; to that grace , and goodnesse , and kinglynesse i referre my self , which if it shall find that i have not yet suffered enough , it yet may please to adde more affliction to the remainder of a wretched life . sir walter rawleigh his ansvver to some things at his death . i did never receive any direction from my lord carew to make any escape , nor did i ever tell stukely any such thing . i did never name my lord hay and my lord carew to stukeley in other words or sence , then to my honourable friends , among other lords . i did never shew unto stukely any letter , wherein there was 10000 named or any one pound , only i told him , that i hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his absence . i never had commission from the french king , i never saw the french kings hand or seale in my life . i never had any plot or practise with the french directly or indirectly , nor with any other prince or state unknowne to the king . my true intent was to goe to a myne of gold in guiana , it was not fained , but it is true , that such a myne there is within three miles of st. thome , i never had in my thought to goe from trinidado , and leave my companies to come after to the savage island , as hatby fearne hath falsly reported . i did not carry with me an hundred pieces , i had with me sixty , and brought back neer the said number , i neve● spake to the french manering any one disloyall word , or dishonourable speech of the king ; nay if i had not loved the king truly , and trusted in his goodnesse somewhat too much , i know that i had not new suffered death . these things are most true as there is a god , and as i am now to appeare before his tribunall seate , where i renounce all mercy , and salvation , if this be not the truth . at my death w. r. finis . sir walter raleigh's observations, touching trade & commerce with the hollander, and other nations, as it was presented to k. james wherein is proved, that our sea and land commodities serve to inrich and strengthen other countries against our owne ... observations, touching trade & commerce with the hollander, and other nations raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47319 of text r9825 in the english short title catalog (wing k391). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 65 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 46 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47319 wing k391 estc r9825 12147673 ocm 12147673 55005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47319) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55005) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 109:3) sir walter raleigh's observations, touching trade & commerce with the hollander, and other nations, as it was presented to k. james wherein is proved, that our sea and land commodities serve to inrich and strengthen other countries against our owne ... observations, touching trade & commerce with the hollander, and other nations raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. vaughan, robert. james i, king of england, 1566-1625. [8], 80 p. : port. printed by t.h. and are to be sold by william sheeres ..., london : 1653. portrait engraved by ro. vaughan. reproduction of original in yale university library. "the seat of government": p. 65-71; "observations concerning the causes of the magnificency and opulency of cities": p. 73-76; "safety for defence of the people and their goods": p. 77-80. eng great britain -commerce. great britain -commercial policy. a47319 r9825 (wing k391). civilwar no sir walter raleigh's observations, touching trade & commerce with the hollander, and other nations, as it was presented to k. james. wherein raleigh, walter, sir 1653 11702 245 0 0 0 0 0 209 f the rate of 209 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-08 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-09 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-10 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-11 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-11 chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tam marti , quam mercurio . the ho.ble and learned knight sr. walter raleigh . ro vaughan 〈◊〉 sir walter raleigh's observations , touching trade & commerce with the hollander , and other nations , as it was presented to k. james . wherein is proved , that our sea and land commodities serve to inrich and strengthen other countries against our owne . with other passages of high concernment . london , printed by t. h. and are to be sold by william sheeres , at the sign of the 3 〈◊〉 , over against the north door of s. 〈◊〉 , 1653. the printer to the reader . reader : thou hast here presented to thy view , a most rare and excellent piece , both for judgement and experience , by a most incomparable hand , shewing the cōmodities of all christian nations , their traffique with one another , together with their severall merchandizes , as also the value of their severall coins . it was in the beginning of k. james his time presented un●…o him , and being at that time laid aside , in regard of more urgent affairs , it was ( after divers years ) again presented ; but though then wanting a good prosecutor , the authour being taken away by death , it was carefully preserved by the hands of a very learned gentleman , my singular good friend , untill this time : who esteeming very highly of so rich a jewell as this , was very hardly perswaded to suffer the same to be exposed to publique view . but by my extraordinary solicitation , and for that i was very sorry the world should be deprived of so excellent a piece , and for the benefit of this nation , in regard of the 〈◊〉 commodities for trade and traffique , which other countries want , and do receive from us , as also what benefit our own merchants might make , to their more far advantage , and to the setting many thousands of our poor people on work , he was the more willingly induced to hearken to divulging of the same . wherin what benefit thou shalt find from hence ( which i know to bee exceeding great ) thou must assuredly acknowledge the same to proceed from him who hath so freely imparted it to thee for thy great benefit and satisfaction . let me intreat thee therefore ( good reader ) to peruse it over , and i doubt not but thou shalt find extraordinary profit and contentment . and in the perusall whereof , consider likewise with thy selfe , what an innumerable benefit might have been raised since these few observations were presented , had they been carefully put in execution , for the great good , and infinitely enriching of this nation , the mighty encrease of shipping and m●…rriners ; the neglect of which , or the like good observations , hath been the occasion of the height of other petty states , and the impoverishing of our owne , as sad experience tels us . as also what infinite vast sums of treasure hath been gained by s●…rangers fishing upon our coasts , which fish hath been carried all the world over , as also divers other of our land-commodities , to the great inriching of them that have none of their owne , and a great scan●…ll to our nation , so that scarce the name of our owne commodites is attributed unto us . i heartily wish , that those who governe our sterne would but take notice hereof , and accordingly apply such wholsome remedies as their wisdomes should think meet , for prevention of so far grown a mischiefe , and for the future to hearken to these or the like directions , which would make our nation infinitely flourish , and abate the insolencies of such as have beene sheltred and grown rich and potent by the only means of this nation . thus ( gentle reader ) desiring , and heartily wishing the good and welfare of my countrey , i have sent this s●… all piece ( though great in worth ) into the world , for thy benefit , wishing thee to accept it with as good a heart as it is presented , by him who is thine to serve thee . t. h. m●…y it please your most excellent majesty . according to my ●…ie , i am imboldned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yourmajesty in minde , that about fourteen or fifteen yeares ●…ast , i presented you a book of such extraordinary importance , for honour and profit of your majestie and posteritie , and doubting that it hath been laid asid●… and not considered of , i am incouraged ( under your majesties pardon ) to present unto you one more , consisting of five propositions , neither are they grounded upon vaine or idle grounds , but upon the fruition of those wonderfull blessings , wherewith god hath indued your majesties sea and land ; by which means , you may not only inrich and fill your coffers , but also increase such might and strength ( as shall appeare , if it may stand with your majesties good liking to put the same in execution in the true and right forme : ) so that there is no doubt but it will make you in short time a prince of such power so great , as shall make all the princes your neighbours , as well glad of your friendship , as fearfull to offend you . that this is so , i humbly desire that your majestie will vouchsafe to peruse this advertisement with that care and judgement which god hath given you . most humbly praying your majesty , that whereas i presented these five propositions together , as in their own natures , 〈◊〉 depending one of another , and so linked together , as the distraction of any one wil be an apparant maim and disabling to the rest . that your majesty would be pleased that they may not be separated , but all handled together jointly and severally by commissioners , with as much speed and secrecy as can be , and made fit to be reported to your majesty , whereby i may be the better able to performe to your highnesse that which i have promised and will performe upon my life , if i be not prevented by some that may seek to hinder the honour and profit of your majestie for their own private ends . the true ground , course , and forme herein mentioned shall app●…are how other countries make themselves powersull and rich in all kindes , by merchandize , manufactory , and sulnesse of trade , having no commodities in their own countrey growing to do it withall . and herein likewise shall appear how easie it is to draw the wealth and strength of other countries to your kingdome , and what royall , rich , and plentifull means god hath given this land to do it ( which cannot be denied ) for support of trafficque and continuall imployment of your people for replenishing of your majesties coffers . and if i were not fully assured to improve your native commodities , with other traffick , three millions of pounds more yearly then now they are , and to bring not only to your majesties coffers within the space of two or three years near two millions of pounds ; but to increase your revenues many thousands yearly , and to please and greatly profit your people , i would not have undertaken so great a work : all which wil grow by advancement of all kind of merchandizing to the uttermost , thereby to bring manufactory into the kingdome , and to set on worke all sorts of people in the realm , as other nations do , which raise their greatnesse by the abundance of your native commodities : whilst we are parling and disputing whether it be good for us or not . may it please your most excellent majesty . i have diligently in my travels observed how the countreys herein mentioned doe grow potent with abundāce of all things to serve themselves and other nations , where nothing groweth , and that their never dried fountains of wealth , by which they raise their estate to such an admirable height , as that they are at this day even a wonder to the world , proceedth from your 〈◊〉 seas and lands . i thus moved , began to dive into the depth of their policies and circumventing 〈◊〉 , wh●…reby they drain and still covet to exhaust the wealth and coin of this kingdome , and so with our owne commodities to weaken us , and finally beat us quite out of trading in other countreys ; i found that they more fully obtained these their purposes by their convenient priviledges , and settled constitutions , then england with all the lawes , and superabundance of hombred commodities which god hath vouchsafed your sea and land : and these , and other mentioned in this booke , are the urgent causes that provoked me in my love and bounden duty to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and my countrey , to addr●…sse my former books to your princely hands and consiideration . by which priviledges they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabite amongst them , which makes them p●…pulous , and there they make store-houses of all forraign commodities , where with upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish forrain countries with plentie of those 〈◊〉 , which before in time of plenty they ingrossed , & brought home from the same places , wch doth greatly augment power & treasure to their state , besides the common good in setting their poore and people on worke . to which priviledges they adde smailnesse of custome , and lib●…rty of trade , which maketh them florish , and their countrey so plentifull of all kinde of coyne and commodities , where little or nothing groweth , and their merchants so florish , that when a losse cometh they scarce feel it . to bring this to pass , they have many advantages of us , the one is , by their fashioned ships called boye●…s , hoybarks , hoyes , and others , that are made to hold great bulke of merchandize , and to saile with a few men for profit : for example , though a english ship of two hundred tuns , and a holland ship , or any other of the petty states of the same burthen be at danske , or any other place beyond the seas , or in england , they do serve the merchant better cheap by one hundred pounds in his fraight , than we can , by reason hee hath but nine or ten marriners , and we neare thirty ; thus he saveth twenty mens meat and wages in a voyage , and so in all other their ships , according to their burden , by which means they are fraighted wheresoever they come , to great profit , whilst our ships ly still & decay , or go to newcastle for coales . of this their smallnesse of custome inwards and outwards , we have daily experience ; for if two 〈◊〉 ships , or two of any other nation bee at burdeaux , both laden with wine of three hundred tuns a p●…ce , the one bound for holland , or any other petty states , the other for 〈◊〉 , the merchant shall p●…y about nine hundred pound custome here , and other duties , when the other in holland , or any other petty states , shall be cleared for lesse then fifty pound , and so in all other wares and 〈◊〉 accordingly , which draw●…s all nations to traffick with them ; and although it seems but small duties which they receiv●… , yet the multitudes of all kind of commodities and coyne that is brought in by 〈◊〉 and others , and carried out by themselves and others , is so great , that they receive more custome and du●…ies to the state , by the greatnesse of their commerce in one yeare , then england doth in two years ; for the one hundredth part of commoditi●…s are not spent in holland , but vented into other countries , which maketh all the countrey merchants , to buy and s●…ll , and increase ships and 〈◊〉 to transport them . my travells and meaning is not to diminish ( neither hath been ) your majesties revenues , but exceedingly to increase them , as shall appeare , and yet please the people , as in other parts they do . notwithstanding , their excises brings them in great revenues , yet whosoever will adventure to 〈◊〉 but for six tuns of wine , shall be free of excise in his owne house all the yeere long ; and this is done of pu●…pose to annimate and increase m●…rchants in their countrey . and if it happen that a trade bestopped by any forraign nation , which they heretofore 〈◊〉 had , or 〈◊〉 of any good trading which they never had , they will hinder others , and s●…ek either by favour , money , or force , to 〈◊〉 the gap of traffick for advancement of trade amongst themselves , and imployment of their people . and when there is a new course or trade erected , they give free custome inwards and outwards , for the better maintenance of navigation , and incouragement of the people to that businesse . thus they and others gleane the wealth and strength from us to themselves , and these reasons following procures them this advantage of us . 1. the merchant staplers which make all things in abundance . by reason of their store-houses continually replenished with all kinde of commodities . 2. the liberty of free traffick for strangers to buy and sell in holland , and other countreys and states , as if they were free-borne , maketh great int●…rcourse . 3. the small duties levied upon merchants , drawes all nations to trade with them . 4. their fashioned ships continually fraighted before ours by reason of their few marriners , and great bulke , serving the merchant cheap . 5. their forwardnesse to further all manner of trading . 6. their wonderfull imployment of their busses for fishing , and the great returns they make . 7. their giving free custome inwards and outwards , for any new erect●…d trade , by means whereof they have gotten already almost the sole trade into their hands . all nations may buy and sell freely in france , and there is free custome outwards twice or thrice in a yeare , at which time our merchants themselves doe make their great sales of english commodities , and doe buy and lade their great bulke of french commodities to serve for the whole yeare ; and in rochell , in france , and in britain , free custome all the yeare long , except some small toll , which makes great traffick , and maketh them flor●…sh , in denmarke to inc●…urage and inrich the merchants , and to increase ships and marriners , free custome all the yeare long for their owne merchants , except one m●…neth between bartholomew tide and micha●…lmass . the haunce townes have advantage of us , as holland , and other petty states have , and in most things imitate them , which makes them exceeding rich and plentifull of all kind of commodities and coyne , and so strong in ships and marriners , that some of their towns have neare one thousand sail of ships the marchandiz●…s of france , portugall , spaine , italy , turkey , east and west indies , are transported most by the hollanders and other petty states into the east and north-east k●…ngdomes of pomerland , spruceland , poland , denmark , sweathland , leisland , and germany , and the merchandizes brought from the last mentioned kingdomes , being wonderfull m●…ny , are likewise by the holland●…rs and other petty states most transported into the southern and westerne dominions , and yet the situation of e●…gland lyeth far better for a store-house to serve the southern east and north-east regions , than theirs doth , and hath far better meanes to doe it , if we will bend our course for it . no sooner a dearth of f●…sh , wine , or corn here , and other merchandize , 〈◊〉 forth with the embdoners , hamburgers , a●…d hollanders , out of their store-houses lade fifty , or one hundred ships , or more , dispersing themselves round about this kingdome , and carry away great store of coyne and wealth for little commodity in those times of dearth , by which meanes they suck our common-wealth of their riches , cut down our merchants , and decay our navigation , not with their naturall commodities which groweth in their own countries , but the merchandizes of other countreys and kingdomes . therefore it is farre more easier to serve themselves , hold up our merchants , and increase our ships and 〈◊〉 , and strengthen the kingdome , and not onely keep our money in our owne r●…alme , which other nations still rob us of , but bring in theirs who carrie ours away , and make the banke of coyne and store-house to serve other nations as well and far better cheap than they . amsterdam is never without seven hundred thousand quarters of corn , besid●…s the plenty they daily vent , and none of this groweth in their owne countrey : a dearth in england , france , spaine , italy , portugall , and other places , is truly observed to inrich holland seven yeeres after , and likewise the petty states . for example , the last dearth six years p●…st , the hamburgers , embdeners , and hollanders out of their store-houses furnished this kingdom , and from southampton , exeter , and bristow , in a yeare and a halfe they carri●…d away near two hundred thousand p●…unds from these parts onely ; then what great quantitie of coyns was transported round about your kingdome from every port towne , and from your city of london , and other cities cannot be esteemed so little as two millions , to the great decay of your kingdom , and impoverishing your people , discredit to the company of merchants , and dishonour to the land , that any nation that have no corne in their owne countrey growing , should serve this famous kingdome , which god hath so inabled within it selfe . they have a continuall trade into this kingdome with five or six hundred ships yeerly , with merchandizes of other countreys and kingdomes , and store them up in store-hous●…s here untill the prices rise to their mindes , and we trade not with fif●… ships into their countrey in a yeare , and 〈◊〉 said number are about thi●… r●… every 〈◊〉 winde for the most ●…rt to lade coales and other 〈◊〉 . unlesse there be a scarcity 〈◊〉 dearth , or high prices , all merchants doe forbeare that place wh●…re great impositions are laid upon the merchandize , and those places slenderly shipp●…d , ill serv●…d and at deer ra es , and oftentimes in scarci●…y , and want imployment for the people ; and those petty states finding truly by experience that small duti●… imposed upon m●…rchandize draw●…th all trafficke unto them , and free liberty for strangers to buy and sell doth make continua'l mart ; therefore what excizes or impositions are laid upon the common-people , yet they still ease , uphold and maintaine the merchants by all possible meanes , of purpose to draw the wealth and strength of christendom to themselves ; whereby it appeareth though the duties be but small , yet the customes for going out and comming in doth so abound , that they increase their revenues greatly , and make profit , plenty , and imployment of all sorts by sea and land to serve 〈◊〉 and other nations , as is admirable to behold : and likewise the great commerce which groweth by the s●…me meanes , inableth the common people to bear their burthen laid upon them , and yet they grow rich by reason of the great commerce and trade , occasioned by their convenient priviledges , and commodious consti●…utions . there was an intercourse of traffick , in genoa , and there was the flower of commerce , as appeareth by their antient records , and their sumptuous buildings , for all nations traded with merchandize to them , and there was the store-house of all italy and other places ; but after they had set a great custome of xvi . per cent . all nations left trading with them , which made them give themselves wholly to usury , and at this day wee have not three ships go●… there in a yeare : but to the contrary , the duke of florence builded ligorn , and set small custome upon merchandize , and gave them great and pleasing priviledges , which hath made a rich and strong city with a florishing state . furthermore touching some particulars needfull to be considered , of the mighty huge fishing that ever cou'd be heard of in the world , is upon the coasts of england , scotland , and ireland ; but the great fishery is in the low-countries , and other petty states , wherewith they serve themselves and all christendome , as shall appear . in four towns in the east kingdoms within the sound , quinsbrough , elbing , statten , and dausick , there is carried and vented in a yeere , between thirty or forty thousand last of herrings sold but at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is about 620000. l. and we none . besides , denmark , norway , sweathen , leifland , rie , nevill , the narve , and other port townes within the sound , there is carried and vented above 10000. lasts of herrings sold at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is 170000. pounds ; more yeerly in such request are our herrings there , that they are oftentimes sold for 20. 24. 30. and 36. pound the last , and we send not one barrell into all those east countreys . the hollanders sent into russia neare fifteen hundred lasts of herrings , sold about thirty shillings the barrell , amounteth to 27000. pound , and we but about twenty or thirty lasts . to stoade , hambrough , breame , and embden upon the river of elve , weaser , and embs , is carried and vented of fish and herrings about 6000. lasts , sold about fifteen or sixteen pound the last , is 100000 l. and wee none . cleaveland , gulickland , up the river of rhine to cullen , frankford , or the maine , and so over all germany is carried and vented of fish and herrings neare 22000. lasts , sold at twenty pound the last , is 440000. l. and we none . up the river of m z●… , leigh , mastrith , vendlow , sutphin , deventer , campen , swoole , and all over lukeland is carried and-vented 7000. lasts of herrings , sold at twenty pound the last is 140000 pound , and wee none . to gelderland , artois , henault , brabant , flanders , up the river of antwe●…p , all over the arch dukes countreys , is carried and vented between eight or nine thousand lasts sold at eighteen pound the last is 171000 l. and we none . the hollanders and others carried of all sorts of herrings to roane only in one yeere , 〈◊〉 all other parts of france , 50000. lasts of herrings sold at twenty pound the last , is 100000 l. and wee not one hundred last thither : they are sold often times there for twenty , and four and twenty , and thirty pou●…d the last . between christmass and lent , the duties for fish and herrings came to 15000 crownes at roane only that y●…re , the la●… q●…n 〈◊〉 ; sir thomas parrie was agent there then , and s. savors his man knowes it to be true , who handled the businesse for pulling down the impositions then , what great summes of money came to all in the port townes to inrich the french kings coffers , and to all the kings and states throughout christendome to inrich their coffers ; besides the great quantity vented to the straights , and the multitude spent in the low-countries , where there is likewise sold for many a hundred thousand pou●…d more yeerly , is necessary to be remembred ; and the stream to be turned to the good of this kingdom , to whose sea coasts god onely hath sent and given these great blessings and multitude of riches for us to t●…ke , howsoev●…r it bath been neglected to the hurt of this kingdome , that any nation should carry away out of this kingdome yearely great 〈◊〉 of money for fis●… taken in our seas , and sold againe by them to us , which must needs be a great dishonor to our nation , and hindrance to this realm . from any port towne of any kingdome within christendome , the bridgemaster or the wharemaster for twenty sh●…llings a yeare will deliver a tr●…e note of the number of l●…sts of herrings brought to their wharfes , and their pric●…s commonly they are sold at , but the number brought to d●…nske , cullen , rotterdam , and ●…sen is so great , as it will cost three , four , or five pound for a true note . the abundance of corne groweth in the east kingdomes , but the great store-houses for graine to serve christendome and the heathen countries in time of dearth , is in the low-countreyes , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth th●…y doe inrich themselves seven yeares after , imploy their people and get great fraights for their ships in other countries , and we not one in that course . the mighty vineyards and store of salt is in france and spaine ; but the great vintage and staple of salt is in the low-countreyes , and they send neare one thousand saile of ships with salt and wine onely into the east kingdomes yearly , besides other places , and we not one in that course . the exceeding groves of wood are in the east kingdomes , but the huge piles of wainscot , clapboard , firdeale , masts , and timber is in the low-countreyes , where none groweth , wherewith they serve themselves , and other parts , and this kingdome with those commodities ; they have five or six hundred great long ships continually using that trade , and we none in that course . the wool , cloath , lead , tin , and divers other commodities are in england , but by meanes of our wool and cloath going out ruff , undrest , and undied , there is an exceeding manufactory and 〈◊〉 in the low-countreys , wherewith they serve themselves , and other n●…tions , and advanceth greatly the imployment of their people at home , and 〈◊〉 abroad , and puts downe ours in forrain parts , where our m●…rchants trade unto , with our own commodities . we send into the e●…st kingdomes yeerly but one hundred sh●…ps , and our trade chie●…ly dependeth upon three towns , e●…binge , kingsborough , and danske , for making our sails , and buying their commodities sent into this realme at dear rates , which this kingdome bears the burthen of . the low-countreyes send into the east kingdomes yeerly about three thousand ships , trading into every city and port town , taking the advantage , and venting their commodities to exceeding profit , and buying and lading their ships with plenty of those commodities , which they have from every of those townes 20. per cent . better cheap then we by reason of the 〈◊〉 of the coyne , and their fish yeelds ready money , which greatly advanceth their traffick , and dec●…yeth ours . they send into france , spaine , portugall , italy , from the east kingdomes that passeth through the sound , and through your narrow seas , yearly of the east countrey commodities about two thousand ships , and wee none in that course . they trade into all cities , and port towns in france , and we chiefly to five or six . they traffick into every city and port town round about this land , with five or six hundred ships yearly , and we chiefly but to three townes in their countrey , and but with forty ships . notwithstanding the low-countryes have as many ships and vessells as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of christen●…om h●…ve , let e●…gland be o●… , and build 〈◊〉 yeere neer one thousand ship●… , and not a timber tree growing in their owne countrey , and that also all their home-bred commodities that grow in their land in a yeere , ( 〈◊〉 then one hundred good ships are able to carry them away at one time , ) yet they handle the matter so for setting them all on worke , that th●…ir traffick with the haunce towns exc●…ds in shipping all christendom . we have all things of our owne in superabundance to increase traffick , and timber to build ships , and commodities of our owne to lade about one thousand ships and 〈◊〉 at one time , ( besides the great fishing ) and as fast as they have made their voyages might re-lade againe , and so yeare after yeare all the year long to continu●… , yet our ships and marriners d●…cline , and traffick and merchants daily decay . the main●… bulke and mass of 〈◊〉 from whence they raise so many mi●…lions yearly that inrich other kingdomes , kings and states coffers , and lik●…ise th●…ir owne people , proceedeth from your s●…s and lands , and the return of the commodities and coyne they bring home in exchange of fish and other commodities are so huge , as would require a large 〈◊〉 apart ; all the amends they make us is , they beat us out of trade in all parts with our own commodities . for instance , we had a great t●…e in russia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p●…st we s●…nt st●… of 〈◊〉 sh●…ps to trade in those p●…s , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p●…st we s●…t o●…●…t f●… and this last yeare two or three ; 〈◊〉 to the contrary the 〈◊〉 about twenty years 〈◊〉 traded 〈◊〉 with two ships on●…ly , yet now they are increas●…d to about thirty or forty , and one of their ships is as great as two of ours , and at the same time ( in their troubles there ) that we decreased , they increased , and the chiefest commodities they carry with them thither , is , english cloath , herrings taken in our seas , english lead and pewter made of our tin , besides other commodities ; all which wee may doe better then they . and although it be a cheap countrey , and the trade very gainfull , yet we have almost brought it to nought , by 〈◊〉 trading , joynt-stock , and the merchants banding themselves one ag●…nst ●…r . a●…●…o 〈◊〉 s●… w●… us●…d to have 8. or 9. 〈◊〉 s●…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a f●…sh n●… to wa●… us●… , and this yeare but one , and so per rato●…y 〈◊〉 in all kinde of ●…shing and marchandizing in all 〈◊〉 by r●…ason they spare no cost , 〈◊〉 ny no priviledges that may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of trad●… & 〈◊〉 . now if it please , and with your majesties good liking stand , to take notice of these things , which i have conceived to bee fit for your majesties consideration , which in all humblenesse ( as duty bindeth me ) i doe tender unto your majestie , for the unfained zeale i bear to the advancement of your honour and profit , and the generall good of your subjects , it being apparent that no three kingdomes in christendome can compare with your majesty for support of traffick , and continually imployment of your people within themselves , having so many great meanes both by sea and land to inrich your coffers , multiply your navie , inlarge your traffick , make your kingdomes powerfull , and your people rich ; yet through idlenesse they are poore , wanting imployment , many of your land and coast townes much ruinated , and your kingdome in need of coyn , your shipping , traffick , and marriners decayed , whilest your majesties neighbour princes , without these meanes , abound in wealth , inlarge their townes , increase their shipping , traffick , and marriners , and finde out such imployment for their people , that they are all advantagious to their common-wealth , onely by ordaining commodious constitutions in merchandizing , and fulnesse of trade in manufactory . god 〈◊〉 blest your m●…jesty with incomparable benefits : as with copper , lead , iron , tin , alum copperas , 〈◊〉 , f●…lls , and divers other native commodities , to the numb●…r of about one hundred , ●…d other 〈◊〉 vendible to the 〈◊〉 of about one thousand , ( as shall 〈◊〉 ) besides corne , whereof gr●…at quantity of b●… is made , and most 〈◊〉 by strangers , as also wool , whereof 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 forth 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 loath or 〈◊〉 , and cloath 〈◊〉 undr●…st and undied , which doth imploy a●…d 〈◊〉 n●…r fif●…y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 parts your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wanting th●… 〈◊〉 in england , many of them 〈◊〉 inforced to live in great want , and s●…k it beyond the seas . col●…s which doth imploy hundreds of 〈◊〉 ships yearly to 〈◊〉 them out of this king●…me , whilest we doe not imploy 〈◊〉 ships in that 〈◊〉 . i on 〈◊〉 , which is a jewell of great 〈◊〉 , far mo●…e than it is accounted , by reason that no other countrey could ever attaine unto it , although they have 〈◊〉 it with great charge . your majesty hath timber of your owne for 〈◊〉 of sh●…ps , and 〈◊〉 plenty to lad●… th●…m , which 〈◊〉 other 〈◊〉 want , yet your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in shipping , 〈◊〉 , and marriners . these inconveniences happen by three causes especially . 1. the unprofitable course of merchandizing . 2. the want of course of full manufactory of our home-bred commodities . 3. the undervaluing of our coynes , contrary to the rules of other nations . for instance . the merchant adventurers by overtading upon credit , or with money taken up upon exchange , whereby they lose usually ten or twelve , and sometimes fifteen or sixteen per cent . are inforced to make sale of their cloaths at under-rates , to keep their credit , whereby cloaths being the jewell of the land , is undervalued , and the marchant in short time eaten out . the merchants of ipswich whose trade for e●…ing is c●…fly 〈◊〉 fine cloaths , and som●… few 〈◊〉 c●…ths all died and drest within 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do for the most part , buy their fine cloaths upon time , and by r●…on they go so much upon cred●… , th●…y are inforced ( not being able to stand upon their markets ) to sell , givi●…g fifteene or eighteene moneths day of payment for their cloaths . ●…d having sold them , they then pr●…sently sell their bills so taken for c●… , allowing after the rate of 〈◊〉 or fifteen , and somtimes twenty per cent . which money they imploy forth with in wares at 〈◊〉 prices , and lose as much more that way by that time their wares be sold at hom●… : thus by over-running themselves up●… credit , they disable 〈◊〉 and others , inhancing the prices of forraign 〈◊〉 , and pu●…ling down the rates of our owne . the west c●…untry m 〈◊〉 that trade with cloaths into 〈◊〉 ●…r sp●…n , do usual y imploy th 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( you●…g men of sm●…ll 〈◊〉 who 〈◊〉 cu●…ing combining of the 〈◊〉 and sp●…nish m 〈◊〉 , are 〈◊〉 , that when all customs and charges be accompted , their masters shall hardly 〈◊〉 t●… 〈◊〉 moneys . as for 〈◊〉 out of france , th●…r silver and gold is so 〈◊〉 rate●… , that ou●… m 〈◊〉 c●…t 〈◊〉 it home . 〈◊〉 to great loss●… ; therefore the ●…nch merchants set higher rates upon their commodities , which we must either buy deare , or let our mo●…s lie dead there a long tim●… , u●…ill we may 〈◊〉 imploy the same . the 〈◊〉 merchants of york , hull and newcastle , trade onely in white k●…s and 〈◊〉 , dozz●…ns , and 〈◊〉 m 〈◊〉 be his adventure 〈◊〉 so sm●…l , doth for the most part , send over an 〈◊〉 y●…h unfit for 〈◊〉 z●…g , which br●…ngeth to th●… 〈◊〉 great 〈◊〉 ; but to his 〈◊〉 and common 〈◊〉 great 〈◊〉 ; for they 〈◊〉 their goods be 〈◊〉 , go to 〈◊〉 str●…r , and ●…uy such 〈◊〉 of iron ●…ax , co●… , 〈◊〉 other 〈◊〉 , as they 〈◊〉 bound to 〈◊〉 th●…i ships 〈◊〉 , which ships 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to relade within th●… w●…s , or a moneth , and do give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the merchant 〈◊〉 asketh , because he gives them credit , and lets them ship away their iron , flax , and other commodities , before they have sold their kersies , and other commodities , by which meanes extraordinary deere commodities are returned into this realme , and the servant also inforced to s●…ll his cloaths underfoot , and often times to losse , to keep his c●…dit , and to make payment for the goods before shipped home , having so●… twenty day●…s , or a moneths respite to sell the cloaths , and to give the merchant satisfaction for his i●…on , flax , and other wares ; by which extremities our homebred commodities are abased . touching manufactory . there hath been about fourscore thousand undrest and undied cloaths yearly transported . it is therefore evident , that the kingdome hath been yeerly deprived of about 400000 l. within this five and fifty years , which is near twenty millions that would have been gained by the labour of poor workmen in that time , with the merchants gains for bringing in dying stuffs , and return of cloaths drest and died , with other benefits to the realme , besides exceeding inlarging of trafficke , and increase of ships and marriners . there would have been gained in that time about three millions by increase of custome upon commodities returned for cloaths drest and died , and for dying stuffs , which would have more plentifully been brought in and used for the same . there hath been also transported in that time yearly by bayse , northerne and devonshire kersies white , about 50000 cloaths , counting three 〈◊〉 to a cloath , whereby h●…h b●…n lost about five millio●…s by those s●…s of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 time , which w●…uld have com●… to 〈◊〉 workmen for 〈◊〉 ●…ur , with the customes for dying stuff and the peoples profit f●…r bringing them in , with 〈◊〉 of other 〈◊〉 and fraights for shiping . b●…yse are transported white into amsterdam , and being there drest and died , are shipped into spain , portugal , and other kingdomes , where they are sold in the name of flemish baize , setting their owne town seale upon them , so that we lose the very name of our home-bred commodities , and other countreys get the r●…putation and profit there of : lamentable it is , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ld be deprived of so 〈◊〉 millions , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of c●…th 〈◊〉 of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naturall 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should be driven ●…o 〈◊〉 s●…ll advantage of 〈◊〉 and profit to your 〈◊〉 and people and so much impr●…v d and 〈◊〉 by strangers , considering that god hath in●…d , and 〈◊〉 your m●…sty power to advance 〈◊〉 and dying , and transporting of 〈◊〉 your cloaths , within a yeare or two ; i speake it knowingly , to shew how it may be done 〈◊〉 , lawfully and approved to be honourable , s●…asable , and profitable . all the companies of your land transport their cloaths drest and died , to the good of your kingdome , except the merchant adventurers , whereby the eastland and turkey merchants , with other companies , do increase your majesties customes by bringing in , and spending dying stuffs , and setting your people on worke , by dressing before they transport them ; and they might increase far more custome to your majesty , and make much more profit to themselves , and this realme , and set many thousands of poore people more on worke for dressing and dying , and likewise imploy more ships and marriners , for bringing in dying stuffs , were it not for the merchant adventurers , who transport their cloaths white , rough , undrest , and undied , into the low-countreys , where they sell them to the strangers , who afterwards dresse , die , and stretch them to such unreasonable lengths , contrary to our law , that they prevent and fore stall our markets , and crosse the just prohibitions of our state and realme , by their agents and factors lying in divers places with 〈◊〉 cloaths , to the great decay of this kingdome in generall , and discredit of our cloaths in particular . if the accompt were truly known , it would be found that they make not cleare profit , onely by cloath transported rough , undrest , and undied , sixty thousand pounds a yeare : but it is most apparant your majesty in your customes , your merchants in their sales and prices , your subjects in their labours , for lack of not dressing and dying , your ships and marriners in not bringing in of dying stusfs , and spending of allum , is hindred yearly neer a million of pounds , so that trade is driven to the great hindrance of your majesty and people , by permiting your native commodities to passe rough , undrest , and undied , by the merchant adventurer . touching fishing . the great sea businesse of fishing doth imploy neare twenty thousand ships , and vessells , and four hundred thousand people are imployed yearly upon your coast of england , scotland , and ireland , with sixty ships of war , which may prove dangerous . the hollanders onely have about three thousand ships to fish withall , and fifty thousand people are imployed yearly by them upon your majesties coasts of england , scotland , and ireland . these three thousand fishing ships and vessels of the hollanders , doth imploy near nine thousand other ships and vessels , and one hundred and fifty thousand persons more by sea and land to make provision to dress and transport the fish they take , and returne commodities , whereby they are inabled , and do build yeerly one thousand ships and vessells , having not one timber tree growing in their owne countrey , nor home-bred commodities to lade one hundred ships , and yet they have twenty thousand ships and vessells , and all imployed . king henry the seventh , desirous to make his kingdomes powerfull and rich by increase of ships and mar●…ners , and imployment of his people , sent unto his sea-coast townes , moving them to set up the great and rich fishing , with promise to give them needfull priviledges , and to furnish them with loanes of money , if need were , to incourage them , yet his people were slack . now since i have traced this businesse , and made mine indeavours knowne unto your majesty , your noblemen , able merchants , and others , ( who having set down under their hands for more assurance ) promised to disburse large sums of money for the building up of this great and rich large sea-city , which will increase more strength to your land , give more comfort , and doe more good to all your cities and townes , than all the companies of your kingdome , having fit and needfull priviledges for the upholding and strengthning of so weighty and needfull a businesse . for example , twenty busses built and put into a sea-coast towne where there is not one ship before there must be to carry , re-carry , transport , and make provision for one busse three ships ; likewise every ship setting on worke thirty severall trades and occupations , and foure hundred thousand persons by sea and land , insomuch as three hundred persons are not able to make one fleet of nets in foure moneths for one busse , which is no small imployment . thus by twenty busses are set on work near eight thousand persons by sea and land , and an increase of above one thousand marriners , and a fleet of eighty saile of ships to b●…long to one towne , where none were before to take the wealth out of the sea to inrich and strengthen the land , only by raising of twenty busses . ●…en what good one thousand , or two thousand will doe , i leave to your majesties consideration . it is worthy to be noted , how necessary fishermen are to the common-wealth , and how needfull to be advanced and cherished , viz. 1. for taking gods blessing out of the sea to inrich the realm , which otherwise we lose . 2. for setting the people on worke . 3. for making plenty and cheapnesse in the realm . 4. for increasing of shipping , to make the land powerfull . 5. for a continuall nurcery for breeding and increasing our m●…riners . 6. for making imployment of all sorts of people , as blinde , lame , and others by sea and land from ten or twelve years upwards . 7. for inriching your majesties coff●…rs , for merchandizes returned from other countreyes for fish and 〈◊〉 . 8. for the increase and inabling of merchants , which now dr●…p and daily decay . touching the coyne . for the most part , all monarchies and free states , both heathen and christian , as turkey barbery , france , poland , and others , do hold for a rule of never-failing profit , to keep their coyne at higher rates within their own territories , than it is in other kingdomes . the causes . 1. to preserve the coyne within their owne territories . 2. to bring unto themselves the coyne of forraigne princes . 3. to inforce merchant strangers to take their commodities at high rates , which this kingdom beares the burthen of . for instance . the king of barbafy perceiving the trade of christian merchants to increase in his kingdome , and that the returnes out of his kingdomes was most in gold , whereby it was much inhanced , raised his ducket ( being then currant for three ounces ) to fo●…e , five , and six ounces ; neverthelesse it was no more worth in england , being so raised , then when it went for three ounces . this ducket currant for three ounces in barbery , was then worth in england seven shillings and six pence , and no more worth , being raised to six ounces , since which ( time adding to it a small piece of gold ) hee hath raised it to eight , and lastly to ten ounces , yet at this day it is worth but ten shillings , and one penny , notwithstanding your majesties late raising of your gold . having thus raised his gold , he then devised to have plenty of silver brought into his kingdome , raised the royall of eight , being but two ounces to three , and three pence h●…lf penny , which caused great plenty of silver to be brought in , and to continue in his kingdom . france . the english jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings in merchandizing . the french crowne for seven shillings and six pence . also the king hath raised his silver foure sowce in the crowne . north-holland . the double jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings sterling . the english shilling is there eleven stivers , which is two shillings over in the pound . poland . the king of poland raised his hungary ducket from 56 to 77½ polinsh groshes , and the rich dollor from 36 to 47 and ½ groshes , the reich dollor worth in poland 47 and ½ groshes , is by account valued at 6 s. 4 d. sterling , and here in england is worth but 4 s. 7 d. the hungary ducket 77 is worth by account in poland 10 s. 4 d. and in england is worth but 7 s. 10 d the jacobus of england here currant for 22 s. in poland 24 s. at the rate of 7 s. 10 d. for the hungary ducket . now to turne the stream and riches raised by your majesties native commodities into the naturall channell , from whence it hath been a long time diverted ; may it please your majesty to consider these points following . 1. vvhether it bee not fit that a state-merchant be setled within your dominions , which may both dispose more profitably of the riches thereof , and incounter pollicies of merchant strangers , who now go beyond us in all kinde of profitable merchandizing . 2. whether it be not necessary that your native commodities should receive their full manufactory by your subjects within your dominions . 3. whether it be not fit the coales should yeeld your majesty and subjects a better value , by permitting them to pasle out of the land , and that they be in your subjects shipping only transported . 4. whether it be not fit your majesty presently raise your coyne to as high rates , as it is in the parts beyond the seas . 5. whether it be not necessary that the great sea-business of fishing be forthwith set forward . if it please your m●…jesty to approve of these considerations , and accordingly to put them in a right course of execution , i assure my selfe ( by gods help ) in short time your majesties customes , and the continuall commings into your coffers , will be exceedingly increased , your ships and marriners trebled , your land and waste townes ( which are now run out of gates ) better replenished , and your people imployed , to the great inriching and honour of your kingdome , with the applause , and to the comfort of all your loyall subjects . may it please your majesty . i have the rather undergone the paines to looke into their pollicies , because i have heard them professe they hoped to get the whole trade and shipping of christendome into their owne hands , as well for transportation , as otherwise for the command and master of the seas , to which end i finde that they do daily increase their traffick , augmenting their shipping , multiplying their marriners , strength , and wealth in all kindes , whereat i have grieved the more , when i considered how god hath in●…ed this kingdome above any three kingdomes in christendom with divers varieties of home-bred commodities , which others have not , and cannot want , and indued us with su●…dry other meanes to continue and maintaine trade of me●…andizing and fishing beyond them all , whereby we might prevent the deceivers , ingrosse the commodities of the ingrossers , inrich our felves , and increase our navigation , shipping , and marriners , so as it would make all nations to vaile the bonnet to england , if we would not be still wanting to our selves in imployment of our people . which people being divided into three parts , two parts of them are meere spenders and consumers of a common-wealth , therefore i aime at these points following . to allure and incourage the people for their private gaine , to be all workers and erecters of a common-wealth , to inrich and fill your majesties coffers by a continuall comming in , and make your people wealthy , by meanes of their great and profitable trading and imployment . to vent our home-bred commodities to farre more reputation , and much more profit to the king , the merchant , and the kingdome . to returne the merchandizes of other countries at farre cheaper rates than now they are , to the great good of the realme in generall . to make the land powerfull by increasing of ships and marriners . to make your peoples takings in generall to be much mo●… every day , than now they are , which by gods help , will grow continually more and more by the great concourse and commerce that will come by setled 〈◊〉 and convenient priviledges , as in other p●…ts they doe by this their great freedome of trade . all this , and much more is done in other 〈◊〉 , where no hing grow●…th , so that of nothing they make great things , then how much more mighty things might we make , where so great abundance , and variety of home bred commodities , and rich materialls growes , for your people to worke upon , and other plentifull means to doe that withall , which other nations neither have , nor cannot want , but of necessity must be furnished from hence ? and now whereas our meichandizing is wild , utterly confused , and out of frame , as at large appeareth , a state-merchant will roundly and 〈◊〉 bring all the premises to 〈◊〉 , fill your h●…vens with ships , those ships with marriners , your kingdom fu'l of merchants , their 〈◊〉 f●…ll of out landish commodities , and your coff rs full of coyne , as in other parts th●…y doe , and your 〈◊〉 shall have just cause to hold 〈◊〉 happy memory , that your majesty was the 〈◊〉 of so profitable , praise-worthy , and renowned a worke , being the true philosophers stone to make your majesty a rich and potent king , and your subjects happy people , onely by setling of a state-merchant , whereby your people may have fulnesse of trade and manufactory , and yet hold both honourable and profitable government without breakings of companies . and for that in the setling of so weighty a businesse many things of great consequence m●…st necessarily fall into consideration ; i humbly pray that your m●…jesty may be pleased ( for the bringing of this great service to light ) to give me leave to nominate the commissioners , and your majesty to give them power to call before them such men as they shall thinke fit to conferre with upon oath , or otherwise , as occasion shall offer ; that the said commissioners with all speed , for the better advancement of this honourable and profitable work , may prepare , and report the same unto your majesty . your majesties most loyall and true-hearted subject . the seat of government . that the seat of government is upheld by the two great pillars thereof , viz. civill justice , and martiall policy , which are framed out of husbandry , merchandize , and gentry of this kingdome . they say , that the goodliest cedars which grow on the high mountains of libanus , thrust their roots between the clifts of hard rocks , the better to beare themselves against the strong storms that blow there . as nature hath instructed those kings of trees , so hath reason taught the kings of men to root themselves in the hardy hearts of their faithfull subjects . and as those kings of trees have large tops , so have the kings of men large crowns , whereof as the first would be soone broken from their bodies , were they not under-borne by many branches , so would the other easily totter , were they not fastened on their heads , wi●…h the strong chaines of civill justice , and martiall discipline . 1. for the administration of the first , even god himselfe hath given direction , judges and officers shalt thou make , which shall judge the people with righteous judgment . 3. the second is grounded on the first lawes of the world and nature , that force is to be repelled by fo●…ce . yea moses in the 20. of exodus , and elsewhere , hath delivered us many law●…s and polices of warre . but as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both , so have we heard of the decline and r●…ine of many kingdoms and states long before our day●…s ; for that policy hath never yet prevailed ( though it hath served for a short season ) where the counterfeit hath been sold for the naturall , and the outward shew and formality for the substance . of the emperor cha●…les the fourth , the writers of that age witnesse , that he used but the name of justice and good order , being more learned in the law , than in doing right , and that hee had by farre , more knowledge than conscience . certainly the unjust magistrate that fancieth to himselfe a sollid and untransparable body of go●…d , every ordinary wit can vitrifie , and make transparant pierce , and discern their corruptions ; howsoever , because not daring , they cover their knowledge , but in the meane while it is also true , that constrained dissimulation , either in the proud heart , or in the oppressed , either in publike estates , or in private persons , where the fear of god is not prevalent , doth in all the leisure of her lurking , but sharpen her teeth , the voluntary being no lesse base , than the forced malitious . thus it fared between the barons of england , and their kings , betweene the lords of switzerland , and their people , betweene the sicilians , and the french , betweene the dolphine and john of burgoign , between charles the ninth , and the french protestants , and between henry the third , his successor , and the lords of guise ; and hereof in place of more particulars , the whole world may serve for examples . it is a difficult piece of geography , to delineate , and lay out the bounds of authority ; but it is easie enough to conceive the best use of it , and by which it hath maintained : it selfe in lasting happinesse , it hath ever acquired more honour by perswading , than by beating ; for as the bonds of reason and love are immortall , so do all other chains or cords , both rusty and rot noble parts of their owne royall and politick bodies . but we will forbeare for a while to stretch this first string of civill justice ; for in respect of the first sort of men , to wit , of those that live by their owne labour , they have never been displeased where they have beene suffered to injoy the fruit of their owne travells , meum & tuum , mine and thine is all wherein they seek the certainty and protection . true it is , that they are the fruit . trees of the land , which god in deuteronomie commanded to be spared , they gather honey , and hardly injoy the wax , and breake the ground with great labour , giving the best of their graine to the easefull and idle . for the second sort , which are the merchants , as the first feed the kingdome , so do these inrich it , yea their trades , especially those which are forcible , are not the least part of our martiall policy , as hereafter proved ; and to do them right , they have in all ages and times assisted the kings of this land , not only with great sums of money , but with great fleets of ships in all their interprises beyond the seas . the second have seldome or never offended their princes , to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions , hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other nations give them but the commission of reprisall , they will either right themselves , or sit downe with their own losse without complaint . 3. the third sort , which are the gentry of england , these being neither seated in the low●…st grounds , and thereby subject to the biting of every beast , nor in the highest mountaines , and thereby in danger to bee ●…orne with tempest ; but the valleyes between both , have their parts in the inferiour justice , and being spread over all , are the garrisons of good order throughout the realm . observations concerning the causes of the magnificency and opulency of cities . that the onely way to civillize and reforme the savage and barbarous lives , and corrupt manners of such people , is , 1. to be dealt withall by gentle and loving conversation among them , to attaine to the knowledge of their language , and of the multitude of their speciall discommodities , and inconveniences in their manner of living . 2. the next is to get an admired reputation amongst them , upon a solid and true foundation of piety , justice , and wisdome , conjoyned with fortitude and power . 3. the third is , discreetly to possesse them with a knowledge of the condition of their owne estate . thus orpheus , and amphion were said to draw after them the beasts of the field , &c. and this must be first wrought by a visible representation of the certainty , truth , and sincerity of these , together with the felicity of a reformed estate . all which is but to give foundation , bottom , and firm footing unto action , and to prepare them to receive wholesome and good advice , for the future profit and felicity of themselves and their posterity . for the more commodious effecting of this reformation in a rude and barbarous people , they are to be perswaded to withdraw and unite themselves into severall colonies ; that by an interchangeable communication and commerce of all things may more commodiously be had , and that they may so live together in civility , for the better succour and welfare of one another : and thereby they may more easily be instructed in the christian faith , and governed under the magistrates and ministers of the king , or other superiour power , under whom this reformation is sought ; which course the stoick tells , that thesius took , after he had taken upon him the government of the athenians , whereby he united all the p ●…ple into one city , that before lived dispersedly in many villages . the like is put in practice at this day by the portugalls , and jesuits , that they may with lesse difficulty and hindrance reform the rough behaviour and savage life of the people of brazeel , who dwell scattered and dispersed in caves and cottages made of boughs and leaves of the palm-trees . alexander the great , built more than seventy cities ; seleucus built three cities , called appanice , to the honour of his wife ; and five called laodicea , in memory of his mother ; and five called 〈◊〉 , to the honor of himself . safety for defence of the people and their goods , in and near the towne . in the situation of cities , there is to be required a place of safty , by some naturall strength , commodiousnesse for navigation and conduct , for the attaining of plenty of all good things , for the sustenance and comfort of mans life , and to draw trade and intercourse of other nations , as if the same be situate in such sort , as many people have need to repaire thither for some naturall commodity , or other of the countrey , which by traf●…k and transportation of commodities , whereof they have more plenty then will supply their owne necessity , or for receiving of things , whereof they have scarcity . and much better will it be , if the place afford some notable commodity of it selfe , from whence other nations may more readily , and at better rate attain the same . likewise , and withall , be so fertile , pleasant , and healthfull of it selfe , that it may afford plenty of good things , for the delight and comfort of the 〈◊〉 . in former times , great nations , kings , and potentates have indured sharp conflicts , and held it high policy , by all meanes to increase their cities , with multitudes of inhabitants . and to this end the romans ever furnished themselves with strength and power , to make their neighbour people , of necessity , willing to draw themselves to rome to dwell , and overthrow their townes and villages of mean strength , downe to the ground . so did they for this cause utterly destroy many cities , bringing alwayes the vanquished captives to rome , for the augmentation of that city . romulus , after a mighty fight with the sabines , condescended to peace , upon condition that tacius their king should come withall their people to dwell at rome : tacius did accept , and made choice of the capitoll , and the mount quitinalis for his seat and pallace . the same course held tamberlaine the great , whereby he inlarged the great sarmacauda , still bringing unto it the richest and wealthiest citizens he had subdued . and the ottomans , to make the city constantinople rich and great , brought to it many thousand families , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the 〈◊〉 cities 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great from 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the first from cairo , and so●…n from 〈◊〉 . authority and necessity , without the consideration of the conveniences and 〈◊〉 of situation above-mentioned , are of small m●…ment in the 〈◊〉 of a city , thereby only it would be unlikely , either to grow or 〈◊〉 in magnificency or opul●…ncy ; for if profit , height , and delight , go n●… companions therewith , no authority or necessity can retain much people or wealth . but if the pl●…ce whereupon a city is to be founded , be commodious for the aforesaid conveniences , which help greatly for the felicity of this life , then no doubt , the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same , whereby it may , by the help of arts and 〈◊〉 , in time become magnificent and glorious . finis select observations of the incomparable sir walter raleigh relating to trade, commerce, and coin, as it was presented to king james : wherein is proved that our money, our sea and land commodities serve to enrich and strengthen other countries against our own ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1696 approx. 74 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57605 wing r189 estc r9430 12384267 ocm 12384267 60807 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57605) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60807) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:29) select observations of the incomparable sir walter raleigh relating to trade, commerce, and coin, as it was presented to king james : wherein is proved that our money, our sea and land commodities serve to enrich and strengthen other countries against our own ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [3], 12 p. printed for j.s., and are to be sold by r. baldwin ..., london : 1696. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -commerce. 2002-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-02 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-02 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion select observations of the incomparable sir walter raleigh , relating to trade , commerce , and coin. as it was presented to king james . wherein is proved ; that our money , our sea and land commodities , serve to enrich and strengthen other countries against our own . with other matters of the highest moment for the publick welfare . london ; printed for j. s. and are to be sold by r. baldwin , near oxford-arms-inn in warwick-lane , mdcxcvi . preface to the reader . the worth and excellency of these learned observations , are such , that 't is wisht they were treasur'd up in the breast and memory of our grave senators , being a subject worthy of their profound consideration , and a jewel of far greater value in the english crown , than the whole produce of the indies . the name of the author stamps it standard proof against all the efforts and false allays of counterfeits , who slily , under the masque of publick service , have insinuated their gilded notions , and essayed to make their sophistical positions , pass for current reason . 't is for this cause that now this incomparable author interposes , whom the world knows to have been free from partiality and self-interest ; and that what he then advised , was from unfeigned sincerity of heart , and the great love he bore to his king and country , and grounded on the unerring rules of experience ; the truth and excellency of whose judgement , is further confirmed by demonstration of almost a hundred years additional experience ; and the non-observance of these golden rules , have only made us so wise as to know the nation to be in so much more a worse condition than it was in his time . i write not this from a belief , that any thing i do , will or can add an attom to the universally celebrated memory and honour of this admirable person , ( no , i have not that vanity ) no more than i believe the greatest mome can detract from the truth and authority of his positions . i have presumed to add some things , grounded on the same hypothesis , relating to our present circumstances , wherein , if i have err'd , i submit to the censure of better judgments . j. s. may it please your most excellent majesty . according to my duty , i am emboldened to put your majesty in mind , that about fifteen years past , i presented you a book of such extraordinary importance , for the honour and profit of your majesty and posterity ; and doubting that it hath been laid aside and not consider'd of , i am encourag'd ( under your majesties pardon ) to present unto you one more , consisting of five propositions : neither are they grounded upon vain or idle grounds , but upon the fruition of those wonderful blessings wherewith god hath endued your majesty's sea and land , by which means , you may not only enrich and fill your coffers , but also encrease such might and strength ( as shall appear , if it may stand with your majesties good liking to put the same in execution in the true and right form : ) so that there is no doubt but it will make you in short time a prince of such power , and so great , as shall make all the princes your neighbours , as well glad of your friendship , as fearful to offend you . that this is so , i humbly desire that your majesty will vouchsafe to peruse this advertisement with that care and judgment which god hath given you . most humbly praying your majesty , that whereas i presented these five propositions together , as in their own natures , jointly depending one of another , and so linked together , as the destruction of any one will be an apparent maim and disabling to the rest ; that your majesty would be pleased that they may not be separated , but all handled together jointly and severally by commissioners , with as much speed and secrecy as can be , and made fit to be reported to your majesty , whereby i may be the better able to perform to your majesty that which i have promised and will perform upon my life , if i be not prevented by some that may seek to hinder the honour and profit of your majesty , for their own private ends. the true ground , course and form herein mentioned , shall make appear how other countries make themselves powerful and rich in all kinds , by merchandize , manufactory , and fulness of trade , having no commodities in their own country growing to do it withal . and herein likewise shall appear how easie 't is to draw the wealth and strength of other countries to your kingdom , and what royal , rich , and plentiful means god hath given this land to do it ( which cannot be denied ) for support of traffick and continual employment of your people , for replenishing of your majesties coffers : and if i were not fully assur'd to improve your native commodities , with other traffick , three millions of pounds more yearly than now they are , and to bring not only to your majesties coffers within the space of two or three years , near two millions of pounds , but to encrease your revenues many thousands yearly , and to please and greatly profit your people , i would not have undertaken so great a work ; all which will grow by advancement of all kind of merchandizing to the uttermost , thereby to bring manufactory into the kingdom , and to set on work all sorts of people in the realm , as other nations do , which raise their greatness by abundance of your native commodities , whilst we are parling and disputing whether it be good for us , or not . may it please your most excellent majesty . i have diligently , in my travels observed how the countries herein mentioned do grow potent , with abundance of all things to serve themselves and other nations , where nothing groweth , and that their never dried fountains of wealth , by which they raise their state to such an admirable height , as that they are at this day even the wonder of the world , proceedeth from your majesties seas and lands . i thus moved , began to dive into the depth of their policies , and circumventing practices , whereby they drain , and still covet to exhaust the wealth and coin of this kingdom , and so with our own commodities to weaken us , and finally beat us quite out of trading in other countries ; i found that they more fully obtained these their purposes by their convenient privileges , and settled constitutions , than england with all the laws and super-abundance of home-bred commodities , which god hath vouchsafed your sea and land : and these , and others mentioned in this book , are the urgent causes that provoke me in my love and bounden duty to your majesty and my country , to address my former book to your princely hands and consideration . by which privileges they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabit amongst them , which makes them populous , and there they make store-houses of all foreign commodities , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish foreign countries with plenty of those commodities , which before in time of plenty they ingrossed and brought home from the same places , which doth greatly augment power and treasure to their state , besides the common good in setting their poor , and people on work. to which privileges , they add sinallness of custom , and liberty of trade , which maketh them flourish and their country so plentiful of all kind of coin and commodities , where little or nothing groweth , and their merchants so flourish , that when a loss cometh they scarce feel it . to bring this to pass they have many advantages of us , the one is by their fashioned ships called boyers , hoy-barks , hoys , and others that are made to hold great bulk of merchandize , and to sail with a few men for profit ; for example , tho' an english ship of 200 tuns , and a holland ship , or any other of the states of the same burthen be at dantzick , or any other place beyond the seas , or in england , they do serve the merchant better cheap by one hundred pounds in his freight , than we can , by reason he hath but nine or ten mariners , and we near thirty ; thus he saveth twenty mens meat and wages in a voyage , and so in all other ships according to their burthen ; by which means they are freighted wheresoever they come , to great profit , whilst our ships lye still and decay , or go to new-castle for coals . of this their smallness of custom inwards and outwards , we have daily experience : for if two english ships , or two of any other nation be at burdeaux , both laden with winc , of 300 tuns apiece , the one bound for holland , or any other of the states , the other for england , the merchant shall pay about 900 l. custom here , and other duties , when the other in holland , or any other of the states , shall be cleared for less than 50 l. and so in all other wares and merchandizes accordingly , which draws all nations to traffick with them : and altho' it seems but small duties which they receive , yet the multitudes of all kind of commodities that is brought in by themselves and others , and carried out by themselves and others , is so great , that they receive more custom and duties to the state , by the greatness of their commerce in one year , than england doth in two years ; for the one hundredth part of commodities are not spent in holland , but vented into other countries , which maketh all the country merchants , to buy and sell and encrease ships and mariners to transport them . my travels and meaning is not to diminish ( neither hath been ) your majesties revenues , but exceedingly to encrease them , as shall appear , and yet please the people , as in other parts they do . notwithstanding their excizes bring them in great revenues , yet whosoever will adventure to burdeaux , but for six tun of wine , shall be free of excize in his own house all the year long ; and this is done on purpose to animate and encrease merchants in their country . and if it hap pen that a trade be stopt by any foreign nation , which they heretofore usually had , or hear of any good trading , which they never had , they will hinder others , and seek either by favour , money , or force , to open the gap of traffick for advancement of trade amongst themselves , and employment of their people . and when there is a new course or trade erected , they give free custom inwards and outwards , for the better maintenance of navigation , and encouragement of the people to that business . thus they and others glean the wealth and strength from us to themselves ; and these reasons following procure them this advantage of us . 1. the merchant-staplers , which make all things in abundance , by reason of their store-houses continually replenish'd with all kinds of commodities . 2. the liberty of free traffick for strangers to buy and sell in holland , and other countries and states , as if they were free-born , maketh great intercourse . 3. the small duties levied upon merchants , draw all nations to trade with them . 4. their fashion'd ships continually freighted before ours , by reason of their few mariners , and great bulk , serving the merchant cheap . 5. their encouragement to further all manner of trading . 6. their wonderful employment of their busses for fishing , and the great returns they make . 7. their giving free custom inwards and outwards , for any new erected trade , by means whereof they have already engrossed almost the sole trade of europe into their hands , and have daily since this worthy author made these observations , made further encroachments , to the great enriching of their state. furthermore all nations may buy and sell freely in france , and there is free custom outward twice or thrice in a year , at which time our merchants themselves do make their great sales of english commodities , and do buy and lede their great bulk of french commodities to serve for the whole year ; and in rochel in france , and in britany , free custom all the year long , except some small toll , which makes great traffick , and makes them flourish . in denmark to encourage and enrich the merchants , and to encrease shipping and mariners , grant free custom all the year long for their own merchants , except one month between bartholomew-tide and michaelmass . the haunce towns have advantage of us , as holland , and other states have , and in most things imitate them , which makes them exceeding rich and plentiful of all kind of commodities and coin , and so strong in shipping and mariners , that some of their towns have near one thousand sail of ships . the merchandizes of france , portugal , spain , italy , turky , east and west indies , england and ireland , are transported most by the hollanders and other states into the east and north-east kingdoms of pomerania , spruceland , poland , denmark , norway , sweedland , leifland , and most places of germany , russia , &c. and the merchandizes brought from these kingdoms and provinces , being wonderful many , are likewise by the hollanders and the other states most transported into the southern and western dominions , as france , spain , italy , portugal , england , ireland , &c. and yet the situation of england lieth far better for a store-house to serve the south-east and north-east kingdoms , than theirs doth , and hath far better means to do it , if we will apply our selves to it . no sooner a dearth of fish , wine , or corn here , and other merchandize , but forthwith the embdeners , hamburgers , and hollanders , out of their stores and magazines , lade one or two hundred ships , or more , dispersing themselves round about this kingdom , and carry away great store of coin and valuable wealth , as is our lead and tin , &c. for little commodity in those times of dearth , by which means they drain our kingdom of their riches , cut down and under-sell our merchants , and decay our navigation ; but not with commodities of their native growth , but the merchandizes of other countries and kingdoms . therefore 't is far more easie for your majesties kingdom to serve our selves and others , to encourage our merchants in their profitable trading , encrease our shipping and mariners , and strengthen your kingdom , and not only keep our money in our own realm , which other nations still rob us of , but bring in theirs , who carry ours away , and make the bank of coin and magazines of all stores to serve other nations as well and far better cheap than they . amsterdam is never without seven hundred thousand quarters of corn , besides the plenty they daily vent , and little or none of this groweth in their own country : a dearth in england , france , spain , italy , portugal , and other places , is truly observed to enrich holland seven years after , and likewise the petty states . for example , the last dearth six years past , the hamburgers , embdeners , and hollanders , out of their store houses furnished this kingdom ; and from southampton , exeter , and bristol , in a year and half they carried away near two hundred thousand pounds from these parts only ; then what great quantity of coin was transported round about your kingdom from every port-town , and your city of london , and other citties , cannot be esteemed so little as two millions , to the great detriment of your kingdom , and impoverishment of your people , discredit to the company of merchants , and great dishonour and shame of the nation , that a state that hath little or no corn in it of their own country growth , should serve this famous and plentiful kingdom , which god hath so blest and enabled for the support of it self and others . they have a continual trade into this kingdom , with five or six hundred ships yearly ( but now augmented to a far greater number ) with merchandizes of other countries and kingdoms , and store them up in their magazines till the prices rise to their minds , and we trade not with fifty ships into their country in a year , ( and not much encreased at this time ) and the same number are about this kingdom every easterly wind , for the most part , to lade coals and other merchandize . unless there be a scarcity , or dearth , or high prices , all merchants do forbear that place where great impositions are laid upon the merchandize , and those places are slenderly shipt , ill served , and at dear rates , and oftentimes in scarcity , and want employment for the people ; and those petty states finding truly by experience , that small duties imposed upon merchandize draw all traffick unto them , and free liberty for strangers to buy and sell doth make continual mart ; therefore what excises or impositions are laid upon the common people , yet they still easily uphold and maintain the merchants by all possible means , of purpose to draw the wealth and strength of christendom to themselves ; whereby it appeareth , though the duties be but small , yet the customs for exportation and importation do so abound , that they greatly encrease their revenues , and make profit , plenty and employment of all sorts by sea and land , to serve themselves and other nations , to the admiration of the whole world : and likewise the great commerce which groweth by the same means , enableth the common-people patiently to bear their burthen laid on them , who by their constant employ and commerce , grow rich even in a time war of , by their convenient and encouraging privileges , and commodious constitutions . there was an intercourse of traffick to genoa , and there was the flower of commerce , as appeareth by their ancient records , and their sumptuous buildings , for all nations traded with merchandize to them , and there was the store-house of all italy and other places ; but after they had set a great custom of 16 per cent. all nations left trading with them , which made them give themselves wholly to usury ; and at this day we have not three ships go thither in a year ; but on the contrary , the duke of florence built legorn , and set small customs upon the merchandize , and gave them great and pleasing privileges , which hath made a rich and strong city , with a flourishing state. furthermore , there are some particulars needful to be consider'd , that the greatest fishing the world has produced , is on the coast of england , scotland and ireland ; nevertheless the great fishery is in the low-countries , and other petty states , wherewith they serve themselves and all christendom , as shall appear . in four towns in the east kingdoms within the sound , viz. quinbrough , elbing , stetten , and dantzick , there are carried and vented in a year , between thirty or forty thousand last of herrings fold but at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is about six hundred and twenty thousand pounds , and we none . besides , denmark , norway , sweden , leifland , rie , nevil , the narve , and other port towns within the sound , there is carried and vented above ten thousand last of herrings , sold at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is a hundred and sixty thousand pound more yearly : in such request are our herrings there , that they are often sold for 20 , 24 , 30 , and 36 pounds the last , and we send not one barrel into all those east countries . the hollanders send into russia near fifteen hundred lasts of herrings , sold at about 30 shillings the barrel , amounteth to twenty seven thousand pounds , and we but about twenty or thirty lasts . to stroad , hambrough , breamen , and embden , upon the river elbe , vveaser , and embs , are carried and vented of fish and herrings , about six thousand lasts , sold at about fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , or more , is a hundred thousand pounds , and we none at all . cleaveland , gulickland , up the river rhine to collen , frankfort , on the maine , and so over all germany , is carried and vended fish and herrings near twenty two thousand lasts , sold at 20 pounds the last , is four hundred and forty thousand pounds , and we none . up the river maze to leige , mastricht , vendlow , zutphen , davanter , campen , swoole , and all over liefland is carried and vented seven thousand lasts of herrings , sold at twenty pound the last , is a hundred and forty thousand pounds ; and we none . to gilderland , artois , hanault , brabant , flanders , up the river of antwerp , all over the arch dukes countries , are carried and vended between eight or nine thousand lasts , sold at eighteen pounds the last , is a hundred and sixty thousand pounds ; and we not a half penny worth . the hollanders and others carried of all sorts of herrings to roan only in one year , besides all other parts of france , fifty thousand lasts of herrings , sold at 20 pounds the lasts , is one million of pounds ; and we not one hundred last thither : they are sold often there for 24 and 30 pound the last . between christmas and lent , the duties for fish and herrings came to fifteen thousand crowns at roan , only that year the late queen deceased : sir thomas parrie was then agent there , and s. savors his man knows it to be true , who handled the business for pulling down the impositions . then what great sums of money came the duties to of all his port towns , to the great enriching the french kings coffers , and to the great enrichment of many other kings and states throughout christendom , and the great quantities vended in the streights , besides what is spent in the low countries , amounting to many a hundred thousand pounds yearly , ought not to be forgot , and the stream to be turn'd to the good of this kingdom , to whose sea-coasts god only hath sent and given these great blessings , and multitude of riches for us to take , however it hath thus long been neglected to the great damage and dishonour of this kingdom , that any nation should yearly carry away out of this realm great masses of mony , for fish taken in our own seas , and sold again by them to us , which must needs be a great loss and hinderance to this nation . from the port town of any kingdom in christendom , the bridgemaster or the whafsinger for twenty shillings a year will deliver a true note of the number of lasts of herrings brought to their wharfs by us , and the prices they are sold at ; but the number brought to danzick , collen , rotterdam , and enchusen , &c. is so great , as it will cost more than three , four , or five pounds for a true note . the abundance of corn groweth in the east kingdoms , but the great store-houses for grain to serve all christendom , and the heathen countries in time of dearth , is in the low countries , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth they do inrich themselves seven years after , employ their people , and get great freights for their ships in other countries , whilst we have none in that course . the mighty vineyards and store of salt is in france and spain , but the great vintage and staple of salt is in the low countries , and they send yearly near one thousand sail of ships with salt and wine only into the east kingdoms , yearly besides other places , and we not one in that course or trade . the exceeding groves of wood are in the east kingdoms , but the huge piles of wainscot , clapbord , fir-deal , masts , and timber is in the low countries , where none grow , wherewith they serve themselves , and other parts , and this kingdom with those commodities . they have five or six hundred great long ships continually using that trade , and we but a few . the wool , cloth , lead , tin , and divers other commodities are in england , but by means of our wool and cloth going out ruff , undrest , and undy'd ; there is an exceeding manufactory and drapery in the low-countries , wherewith they serve themselves and other nations , and advance greatly the imployment of their people at home , and traffick abroad , & put down ours in foreign parts , where our merchants trade unto , with our own commodities . we send into the east kingdoms yearly but one hundred ships , and our trade chiefly depends upon three towns , viz. elbing , kingsborough and dantzick , for making our sails , and buying their commodities , sent into this realm at dear rates , which this kingdom bears the burden of . our trading to these parts , and some others , is much improved since , but still may bear nigh the same proportion . the low-countries send into the east kingdoms yearly about 3000 ships , trading into every city and port-town , taking the advantage , and venting their commodities to exceeding profit , and buying and lading their ships with plenty of those commodities , which they have from every of those towns 20 per cent. better cheap than we , by reason of the difference of coin ; and their fish yields ready money , which greatly advanceth their traffick , and decayeth ours . they send into france , spain , portugal , italy , from the east kingdoms that passeth through the sound , and through your narrow seas , yearly of the east country commodities , about 2000 ships , and we none in that course . they trade into all cities and port-towns in france , and we chiefly but to five or six . they traffick into every city and port now round about this land , with five or six hundred ships yearly , and we chiefly but to three towns in their country , and but with forty ships . notwithstanding the low-countries have as many ships and vessels as eleven kingdoms of christendom have , let england be one , and build every year near 1000 ships , and not a timber tree growing in their own country , and that all their home-bred commodities that grow in their land in a year , ( less than one hundred good ships are able to carry them away at one time , ) yet they handle the matter so well for setting them all on work , & that their traffick with the hanse-towns exceeds in shipping all christendom . we have all things of our own in superabundance to increase traffick , and timber to build ships , and commodities of our own to lade about 1000 ships and vessels at one time , ( besides the great fishing ) and as fast as they have made their voyages might relade again , and so year after year , and all the year long to continue ; and yet our ships and mariners decline , and traffick and merchants daily decay . the main bulk and mass of herrings , from whence they raise so many millions yearly that inrich other kingdoms , kings and states coffers , and likewise their own people , proceedeth from your majesties seas and lands , and the return of the commodities and coin they bring home in exchange of fish , and other commodities , are so great , as would require a large discourse apart ; all the amends they make us is , they beat us out of trade in all parts with our own commodities . for instance , we had a great trade in russia seventy years , and about 14 years past we sent store of goodly ships to trade in those parts , and three years past we sent out but four , and this last year two on three : but on the contrary the hollanders about twenty years since traded thither with two ships only , yet now they are increased to about thirty or forty ( and at this time to many more ) and one of their ships is as big as two of ours , and at the same time ( in their troubles there ) that we decreased in trade they greatly increased , ( the same may now fitly be applyed to the present circumstances that the war hath not improverisht them , but their trade greatly increased thereby , and the great advantage they have of us in the east-india trade , and others , is obvious ) but the chiefest commodities they carry with them to russia , is english cloth , heilings taken in our seas , english lead , and pewter made of our tin , besides other commodities ; all which we may do better and cheaper than they , if we knew the value of our own commodities , and would apply our selves to do it . and altho' it be a cheap country , and the trade very gainful , yet we have almost brought it to naught , by disorderly trading , joint stocks ( now called stock-jobbing ) and the merchants banding themselves one against an other . so likewise we used to have eight or nine great ships to go continually a fishing to ward house , and this year but one , and so pro rata they out do us in all kind of fishing and merchandizing in all countries , by reason they spare no cost , nor deny any priviledges that may incourage the advancement of trade and manufactory . now if it please , and with your majesties good liking stand , to take notice of these things , which i have conceived to be fit for your majesties consideration , which in all humbleness ( as duty bindeth me ) i do tender unto your majesty for the unfeigned zeal i bare to the advancement of your honour and profit , and the general good of your subjects ; it being apparent that no three kingdoms in christendom can compare with your majesties for support of traffick , and the continual imployment of your people within themselves , having so many great means both by sea and land to enrich your coffers , multiply your naval strength , enlarge your traffick , make your kingdoms powerful , and your people rich ; yet through idleness they are poor , wanting imployment , many of your land and coast towns much ruinated , and your kingdom in great need of coin , your shipping , traffick and mariners decay , whilst your majesties neighbouring princes , without these means , abound in wealth , inlarge their towns , increase their shipping , traffick , and mariners , abound in coin , and find out such imployment for their people , that they are all advantagious to their common wealth , and this only by ordarining commodious constitutions in merchandizing , and fullness of trade in manufactory , and the effectual keeping their coin at home . god hath blessed your majesty with incomparable blenefits . as with copper , lead , iron , tin , allum , copperas , saffron , fells , and divers other native commodities , to the number of about one hundred , and other manufactories vendible to the number of about one thousand , besides corn , whereof great quantity of beer is made , and most transported by strangers , as also wool , whereof much is shipped forth unwrought , and cloth and stuffs transported undrest and undied , which doth employ and maintain near fifty thousand people in foreign parts ; your majesties people wanting the imployment in england , many of them being inforced to live in great want , and seek it beyond seas . coals which do imploy hundreds of strangers ships yearly to transport them out of this kingdom , which we only ought to do whilst we do not employ twenty ships in in that course . iron ordinance , which is a jewel of great value , far more than it is accounted , by reason that no other country could ever attain unto it , altho they have assayed with great charge . your majesty hath timber of your own for building of ships , and commodities plenty of your own growth , and manufactories to lade them , which commodities other nations want , nor cannot well be without , and yet your majesties people decline in shipping , mariners , traffick , &c. these inconveniences happen by three causes especially , viz. 1. the unprofitable course and method of merchandizing . 2. the want of compleat and full manufactory of our home bred commodities . 3. and chiefly the undervaluing of our coins , contrary to the rules of other nations . for instance . the merchant adventurers by overtrading upon credit , or with money taken upon exchange , whereby they lose usually ten or twelve , and sometimes fifteen or sixteen per cent. are inforced to make sale of their cloths at under rates , to keep their credit , whereby cloths being the jewel of the land , are undervalued , and the merchant in short time eaten out . the merchants of ipsovich , whose trade for elbing is chiefly for fine cloths , and some few sorting cloths , all died and drest within our land , do for the most part , buy their fine cloths upon time , and by reason they go so much upon credit , they are enforced ( not being able to stand upon their markets ) to sell , giving fifteen or eighteen months time of payment for their cloths , and having sold them , they then presently sell their bills , so taken for cloth , allowing after the rate of fourteen or fifteen , and sometimes twenty per cent , which mony they imploy forthwith in wares at excessive prices , and lose as much more that way , by that time their wares be sold at home . thus by over-running themselves upon credit , they disenable themselves and others , inhanceing the price of foreign commodities , and pulling down the rates of our own . the west country merchants that trade with cloths into france , or spain , do usually employ their servants , ( young men of small experience ) who the by cunning combining of french and spanish merchants , are so entrapped , that when all customs and charges be accompted for , their masters shall hardly receive their principal moneys . as for returns one of france , their silver and gold is so highly valu'd that our merchants cannot bring it home , but to great loss ; therefore the french merchants set higher rates upon their commodities , which we must either buy dear , or let our money lie dead there a long time , until we may conveniently employ the same . the northern merchants of york , hull , and newcastle , trade only in white kersies and colour'd dozens , and every merchant , be his adventure neverso great , doth for the most part send over an unexperienc'd , youth , unfit for merchandizing , which bringeth to the stranger great advantages , but to his master and common-wealth great loss and hindrance ; for they before their goods be landed , go to the stranger , and buy such quantities of iron , flax , corn , and other commodities , as they are bound to lade their ships withal , which ships they engage themselves to re-lade within three weeks or a month , and do give the price the merchant-stranger asketh , because he gives them credit , and lets them ship away their iron , flax , and other commodities , before they have sold their kersies , and other commodities , by which means extraordinary dear commodities are return'd into this realm , and the servant also inforc'd to sell his cloths under rate , and often times to loss , to keep his credit , and to make payment for the goods before shipt home , having some twenty days or a months respit to sell the cloths , and to give the merchant satisfaction for his iron , flax , and other wares ; by which extremities our home-bred commodities are abased . touching manufactory . there have been about 80000 undrest and undied cloths yearly transported . it is therefore evident , that the kingdom hath been yearly deprived of 400000 pound within this five and fifty years , which is near twenty millions , that would have been gain'd by the labours of poor workmen in that time , with the merchants gains for bringing in of dying stuffs , and return of cloths drest and died , with other benefits to the kingdom , besides the exceeding encrease of traffick , ships , and mariners . there would have been gained in that time about three millions , by encrease of custom upon commodities return'd for cloths drest and died , and for dying stuffs , which would have more plentifully been brought in and used for the same . there hath been also transported in that time yearly by bays , northern and devonshire kersies white , about fifty thousand cloths , counting three kersies to a cloth , whereby hath been lost about five millions by those sorts of cloths in that time , which would have come to poor workmen for their labour , with the customs for dying materials , and the merchants profit for bringing them in , with returns of other commodities and fraighting of ships . bays are transported white into amsterdam , and being there drest and died , are shipe into spain , portugal , and other kingdoms , where they are sold in the name of flemish bays , setting their own town seal upon them , so that we lose the very name of our home-bred commodities , and other countries get the reputation and profit thereof : most deplorable it is that this kingdom should be deprived of so many millions above-mention'd , and that our native commodities of cloth , ordain'd of god for the natural profit and good of your subjects , being so royal and rich in it self , should be driven to so small advantage of reputation and profit to your majesty and people , and so much improv'd , and intercepted by strangers , considering that god hath enabled , and given your majesty , power to advance dressing and dying , and transporting of all your cloths , within a year or two ; i speak it knowingly , to shew it may be done laudably , lawfully , and approved to be honourable , feasable , and profitable . all the companies of your land transport their cloths drest and died , to the good of your kingdom , except the merchant-adventurers , whereby the eastland and turky merchants , with other companies , do encrease your majesties customs by bringing in , and spending dying stuffs , and setting your people on work , by dressing before they transport them ; and they might encrease far more custom to your majesty , and make much more profit to themselves , and this nation , and set many thousands of poor people more on work for dressing and dying , and likewise employ more ships and mariners for bringing in dying stuffs , were it not for the merchant-adventurers , who transport their cloths white , rough , undrest and undied , into the low-countries , where they sell them to the stranger , who afterwards dress , die , and stretch them to such unreasonable lengths , contrary to our law , that they prevent and forestall our markets , and cross the just prohibitions of our state and realm , by their agents and factors lying in divers places with our own cloths , to the great decay of this kingdom in general , and discredit of our cloths in particular . if the accompt were truly known , it would be found that they make clear profit , only by cloth transported rough , undrest and undied , 60000 l. a year : but it is most apparent your majesty in your customs , your merchants in their sales and prices your subjects in their labours , for want of not dressing and dying , your ships and mariners in not bringing in of dying stuffs , and spending of allom , are hindred yearly near a million of pounds , so that trade is driven in to the great damage & hindrance of your majesty and people , by permitting your native commodities to pass rough , undrest , and undied , by the merchant-adventurer . touching fishing . the great sea business of fishing doth imploy near 20000 ships , and vessels , and 400000 people are imployed yearly upon your coast of england scotland , and ireland , with 60 ships of war , which may prove dangerous . the hollanders only have about 3000 ships to fish withall , and 50000 people are imployed yearly by them upon your majesties coasts of england , scotland , and ireland . these three thousand fishing ships and vessels of the hollanders , do imploy near 9000 other ships and vessels , and 150000 persons more by sea and land , to make provision to cure and transport the fish they take , and return commodities , whereby they are inabled , and do build yearly 1000 ships and vessels , having not one timber tree growing in their own country , nor home bred commodities to lade 100 ships , and yet they have 20000 ships and vessels , and all imployed . king henry the 7th desirous to make his kingdoms powerful and rich , by encrease of ships and mariners , and employment of his , people , sent unto his sea coast towns , moving them to set up the great and rich fishing , with promise to give them needful privileges , and to furnish them with loans of money , if need were , to encourage them , yet his people were slack . now since i have traced this business , and made my endeavours known unto your majesty , your noble men , able merchants , and others , ( who having set down under their hands for more assurance ) promised to disburst large sums of money , for the building up of this great and rich large sea city , which will increase more strength to your land , give more comfort , and do more good to all your cities and towns , than all the companies of your kingdom , having fit and needful priviledges , for the upholding and strengthening of so weighty and needful a business . for example , 20 busses built and put into a sea coast town where there was not one ship before ; there must be to carry , recarry , transport , and make provision for one buss , three ships ; likewise every ship setting on work 30 several trades and occupations , and 8000 persons by sea and land , insomuch as 300 persons are not able to make one fleet of nets in four months for one buss , which is no small employment , with increase of a thousand mariners , and a fleet of 80 sail of ships to belong to one town , where none were before , to take the wealth out of the sea , to enrich and strengthen the land , and this only by raising of 20 busses . then what good one thousand , or two thousand will do , i leave to your majesties consideration . it is worthy to be noted , how necessary fishermen are to the common wealth , and how needful to be advanced and cherished , viz. 1. for taking gods blessing out of the sea to enrich the realm , which otherwise we lose . 2. for setting the people on work. 3. for making plenty and cheapness in the kingdom . 4. for the encrease of shipping , to make the land formidable against its enemies . 5. for a continual nursery for breeding and the encreasing of seamen . 6. for making imployment for all sorts of people , as blind , lame , and others by sea and land , from ten or twelve years and upwards . 7. for enriching your majesties coffers , for merchandize returned from other countries for fish and herrings . 8. for the encrease and enabling of merchants , which now droop and decay , to the great loss of the nation . touching the coin. for the most part , all monarchies and free states , both heathen and christian , as turkey , barbary , france , poland , and many others , do hold for a rule of never failing profit , to keep their coin at higher rates within their own territories , than it is in other kingdoms . and for these causes , 1. to preserve the coin within their own territories . 2. to bring unto themselves the coin of foriegn princes . 3. to enforce merchant strangers to take their commodities at high rates , for want of which this kingdom bears the burthen . for instance . the king of barbary perceiving the trade of christian merchants to increase in his kingdom , and that the returns out of his kingdom were most in gold , whereby it was much enhanced , raised his ducket ( being then current for three ounces ) to four , five , and six ounces ; nevertheless it was no more worth in england , being so raised , than when it went for three ounces . this ducket current for three ounces in barbary , was then worth in england 7 shillings and 6 pence , and no more , being raised to 6 ounces , since which time ( adding to it a small piece of gold ) he hath raised it to 8 , and lastly to 10 ounces , yet at this day it is worth but 10 s. and one peny , notwithstanding your majesty's late raising of your gold. having thus raised his gold , he then devised to have plenty of silver brought into his kingdom , and by the same policy raised the royal of 8 , being but two ounces , to 3 s. and 3 d. half peny , which caused great plenty of silver to be brought in , and continue in his kingdom . and it were to be wisht that we might follow the good example of this advantagious policy in this juncture , when by the same method we have brought great plenty of gold into the kingdom , and if we pursue it , ( by advancing the value of our silver ) may not only keep what we already have , but also cause great plenty to be brought in and kept here , when we have it . france . the english jacobus goeth for 1 l. 3 s. in merchandizing . the english crown for 7 s. and 6 d. also the king hath rais'd his silver four sols in the crown . north holland . the double jacobus goeth for 1 l. 3 s. sterling . the english shilling is there 11 stivers , which is two shillings over in the pound . poland . the k. of poland raised the hungarian ducket from 56 to 77 ½ polonish groshes , and the rix-dollar from 36 to 47 and ½ groshes , the rix-dollar worth in poland 47 , and ½ groshes , is by account in poland 10 s. and 4 d. and in england is worth but 7 s. and 10 d. the jacobus of england here current ( at that time ) for 1 l. 2 s. in poland 1 l. 4 s. at the rate of 7 s. 10 d. for the hungarian ducket . some additional remarks and observations relating to coin and trade . 1. that nation can only be in a prosperous estate , that hath a proportionable quantity of silver or gold to ballance the strength and trade of its neighbouring nations . 2. that whilst the current cash of this kingdom can be converted into bullion , and so made a trading commodity ( as hath been practis'd this hundred years ) 't will either be convey'd to the best market , or wrought in to plate at home , notwithstanding the utmost rigour and vigilancy , to the great and daily consumption of the coin , and detriment of the nation . that it is evident , notwithstanding those great sums coin'd in the two last reigns , 't was no sooner made than converted into a trading commodity ( some inconsiderable sums excepted , that hapt not into hucksters hands ) and if from the like causes the same scarcity of mill'd mony should happen at any time hereafter ( which god forbid ) tho morally 't is not impossible for the reason above alledged , and as a part bears to the whole ( that without raising the value of our coin ) the nation may totally be drain'd of it , and may possibly be then at too great a distance to be had for calling for ; and were there no more silver now in the nation , than the standard mony that has past the trading hands of merchants and goldsmiths , the nation were in a deplorable and irreparable condition . 3. that what custom makes the medium , measure or reward of labour , industry , and commerce , is universally call'd money , and ought not to be convertible to a trading commodity to the publick damage and diminution of the species , be it what it will : for the stamp of authority on a brass farthing for its currency , for 12 d. would with submission , better accommodate and suit the conveniency of our domestick commerce , than the paucity of our glorious silver species , as our present circumstances demonstrate . that 't is a truth beyond contradiction , that the goodness and excellency of the spanish coin ( tho dispersed thro' all parts of the trading world ) hath not been a means to enrich that kingdom , nor the little esteem'd value of the current cash of the hollanders , a means to impoverish them . that raising the value of our coin , is the only certain means to keep it in the nation , to make us a rich and thriving state , to recover our lost trade , and the best bulwark and defence against all the attacks of our enemies . that diminishing the quantity , or raising the value of our standard coin is equivalent ; but at this juncture 't is humbly thought more advantagious tolessen the weight , by reason the nation would be at less expence to make it good , as also being more commodious for commerce and tale , when even parts of a pound as before , than when fractional , as must be if the value of the ancient standard weight be advanced . that raising the value of our coin , will be a dishonour to the nation , seems an empty notion , if profit be join'd with it . that our silver coin ought to bear a higher value at home , than elsewhere , as well to bring it home , as we have already done the gold , and to keep it here , as also encourage the bringing in of bullion , which is now much wanted . that contrary to the policy of nations , our standard coin is of greater value in all places than at home ( spain only excepted ) for which reason we bring spanish mony hither , and for the same reason our mony is transported to other places , to the great impoverishment of the nation . that gold and silver is the commanding species , and if we export more than we import , the nation is so much a loser ; and tho as a gentleman observes , if we yearly send out commodities to the value of 400000 ounces of silver more than the commodities we bring home from abroad cost us there , is 100000 l. every year clear gain , which must come home in mony or bullion , and be a real encrease of our wealth , and will stay here as he is pleased to think . this over ballance of trade , so much talk'd fallacy , and may be a great loss to the nation ; for example , if 400000 ounces of silver or commodities be exported , and the worth of 800000 ounces of unprofitable commodities imported , viz. as french and port wines , silks and linen , wrought , and many other things that are all expended and comsum'd here at home , the nation is so far from gaining 100000 l. that 't is 200000 l. the worse , viz. 100000 l. sent out of the nation , and the 100000 l. which is the over ballance , is gain'd from the publick treasure and stock of the kingdom into private hands , which will again be sent abroad to the same loss : now the true cause why the hollanders have acquir'd such great riches by trade , is ( as the excellent sir walter observes ) an over ballance of trade truly stated , that is ; they import of commodities 100 times the quantity of what themselves expend , and the rest is again transported to divers countries , and brings them in gold and silver , to their great and real profit , whereas we scarcely export the hundredth part of what is imported , and if we should send all the silver in the nation abroad , and have treble the value return'd in unnecessary commodities , which we spend and consume at home , pray what would the nation get by this over ballance of trade , being depriv'd of all its silver ? the same gentleman observes , that if a million of bullion , was yearly imported from spain , it would not encrease our wealth ; this seems a paradox , for there is not a necessity that it should again be exported , nor that our money should be of more intrinsick value , or less price than the rest of our neighbours , and consequently we may keep it at home as well as they do , and need not send out a 100000 l. of our own money with it , as he is pleased to say we must . the same author further remarks , that the true liberty the hollanders have of exporting their mony , does not empoverish them ; but on the contrary they are rich , and the severe penalties the spaniard imposes on those that export their coin , does not prevent their great want of mony. this i take to be a convincing argument of the necessity of raising our coin ; for the great allay and exteinsick value of the dutch coin , as effectually secures it from exporting , as the clipping of our coin has kept it at home , and the goodness of he spanish money transports it to all parts of the world , which demonstrates the invalidity of any law that can be made to the contrary , to the great diminution of their money , and impoverishment of their people . he farther adds , that raising the denomination , or value of our coin , will not bring one grain of silver the more into england . this is denying it's day when the sun shines ( and begging the gentleman's pardon ) he might with as much truth have said , and as easily been believ'd , that the advance of guineas hath not brought one guinea more into the kingdom than was here four years ago . the further objections against raising the value of our coin , 't is humbly thought will also prove a fallacy , and by this dilemma we will attempt to unlock the mystery . the ancient standard of our coin hath been advantage or disadvantage to the kingdom . if an advantage , why should we alter it ? if a disadvantage , why should it not be alter'd ? that the standard of our coin hath been advantagious to the publick , will be a task too difficult for themost cunning sophisterto prove . the contrary is in great part already demonstrated , but for further confirmation , 't is observable , that according to mr. lowndes's accompt from the mint , there was coin'd from the 1st of q. eliz. to the beginning of k ch. iis . reign , more than 15 millions of pounds sterling , and in the two last reigns , and since , we 'll suppose 7 millions , that is 22 millions of silver coin in specie , besides great quantities of bullion that hath been imported and exported . now the question is what is become of all this treasure . 't is true , that some part of it is made into plate ; and it had been well in the present circumstances we are in , if it had all been so , and there is thought to be in the kingdom 5 millions lest of coin good and bad , of the 22 millions , the rest is gone by the over ballance of an unprofitable trade , for 1000 l. sent to burdeaux advances at first hand more than 25 per cent. and though a double value of wine return , yet we are so much the poorer for it , if expended here , and 1000 such merchants would rob the publick stock of 100000 l. yearly ; and tho they pay great sums for customs , 't is not with the money they bring in , and more laudable and profitable ways for the publick good ; and his majesties encrease of customs might be introduced , and all the profit we can expect by this french commodity for 100000 l. yearly exported is , that possibly at last , we may find a way to make salt-peter of it . a catalogue of the names of most foreign coins with their value here as bullion , and their particular allay ; wherein it plainly appears how much better our standard coin is , than the coin of all europe , spain only excepted . value here .   oun. dw . oun. dw .   s. d.   flanders or spanish duckatoon , is better 0 04 ½ 5 06   mexico real , is standard , 0 00   4 04 ½ sevil real , is better , 0 01   4 04 ½ holland dollar , is worse , 0 08   4 04   lyon dollar , is worse , 2 03   3 04 ½ rix-dol . of the emp. is worse , 0 07 ½ 4 05 ¼ old cardecu is worse , 0 01   1 06 ¼ french lew. or crow . is worse , 0 00 ½ 4 04 ¼ doub . milrez of portu . is worse , 0 01 ½ 3 09 ¼ sing . milrez of portu . is worse , 0 01   1 09   s. mark of venice , is worse , 0 01 ½ 2 06   doub . d. stivers skil . and gilders . is worse , 4 06   0 00   crols dollar is worse , 0 12   4 02 ½ zealanu dollar , is worse , 2 00   2 03   old philip dollar , is worse , 1 00   5 00   ferdinan . dollar , 1623 , is worse , 0 12 ½ 4 03   pr. of oran . dol. 1624 , is worse , 0 10 ½ 4 03 ¼ leopoldus dol. 1624 , is worse , 0 09 ½ 4 03 ¼ rodolph . dol. 1607 , is worss , 0 10   4 04   maximilian dol. 1616 , is worse , 0 04 ½ 4 04 ¼ danish dollar , 1620 , is worse , 0 13   2 11 ¼ portugal teston , is worse , 0 01   1 02 ¼ quar. of a new fr. lew. is worse , 0 00 ½ 1 01   the allay of our standard is 11 oun . 2 wt . silver , 18 d wt . of allay , that is in an oun . 1 d. ½ . note the ounce is 5 s. and peny weight is 3 pence . the use that may be made of this catalogue of coins , is first , that no coin but spanish can be brought hither to advantage , nor can any other money be made bullion , and brought hither , but with great loss ; and for this reason they keep it at home . that tho all the above foreign coins have a greater allay , and so much worse than ours , yet their extrinsick value is raised above ours , and the spanish money , for a spanish duckatoon , whose intrinsick value , is nigh double a dutch duckatoon , yet goes for no more there than 63 stivers , as their own does ; and 't is worth remarking , that an english crown , whose intrinsick value is 6d . better than a french crown , and in holland current for 55 stivers , when the fr. crown is current at 67 ½ stivers , and yet have but few of them neither , the reason is plain , the advance the fr. have made on their crown of 72 , 73 , 74 , sols and more now , and since all princes have a prerogative of raising their coin when it suits with their interest , and we find it practically done by all the rest of the thriving world , without those chimerical whimsies , and inconveniences , our dreamers would bewitch the world to believe , for they value the english and spanish coin at no greater price , because they can have it so , and they give so much more for the french because they can't have it without . by this table may be found how much of any of these species our standard coin will make , and thereby find the advantage all countries will have by melting our mony down : and can it reasonably be thought , that what is carried out will ever return , when in some places , 100 l. of our standard coin will make nigh 200 l. current of the country , and in other places some what less ; for don 't we melt down the sp. mony here , to make our own , to far less advantage . and if we send over silver with privilege to coin their species ; 't is so much loss to the nation and never can return , but raising the value of our coin , not withstanding great sums sent out of the country , will as effectually return again , as all the dutch mony did , that was brought over hither . nor will there be any loss by foreign exchange , when our commodities are valu'd accordingly , and at worst cannot stand in competition with the inconveniences the nation hath labour'd under for many years , when the greatest part of our trade was carry'd on by mony generally so abased , that 10 s. would scarcely weigh a crown piece , according to the value 't is now proposed to be made at . and then no such great damage and wrong , or inconveniency was talk'd of , nor so much as thought on to have been done to the landlords in their rents , &c. as some endeavour now to insinuate , will be the issue of making the coin so much better than it was at that time . that this kingdom can never be drain'd or exhausted of the riches of its native produce , and excellency of its manufactories , nor prejudic'd by any other means , but under valuting our coin and commodities , by which we are out-done and under-rated in all markets ; tho we have a continual spring of natural product , as lead , tin , allom , wool , &c. and other materials for manufactory , yet by reason of the scarcity of gold & silver species amongst us , our people have been unemploy'd and empoverish'd , and our manufactory greatly decay'd , and attempted to be carry'd into other countries , to almost the ruin of our nation , had not god almighty put this opportunity into our hands , for regaining our lost trade , gold and silver ; the plenty whereof amongst our selves would greatly encrease , manufactory to the great encouragement of trade and people in general . though raising the value of coin to so high a pitch as is hoped ours may be , might prejudice a nation that have little or no natural product ' , and manufactory , but their commodities fetcht from other countries , and consequently might be drained of all they have , by those that have most mony , and so ruined , not being able to supply themselves again with the same quantities , for what the other was sold for , nor having native product or manufactory to set themselvs on work ; but that is not our case . experience demonstrates that notwithstanding the good intention of all our laws , yet many of them have failed in answering the ends proposed , particularly the late act , to prevent melting down and exportation of coin , where oath and penalty was imposed , and yet no person was accused thereon , tho' many thousands pounds are supposed to have been exported since that act. wherefore 't is evident that all laws and penalties tho of life and goods to prevent exportation of coin or bullion , would be invalid & of no effect , if the coin can be made bullion , and will yield a better price abroad than at home . that those trades only deserve encouragement that bring in gold and silver , and such profitable commodities , that by manufactory and exporting may bring it in ; and those justly merit discouragement that bring in unprofitable commodities , as wines , silk , &c. which are expended and consumed here without profit , and this to be done by laying great impositions on them brought hither , and effectually made to sell them at under rates . that the french have done the confederates more mischief by the silver and gold they have exhausted from this kingdom , for 35 years last past , than with his armies and fleets ; and the same methods he has taken to keep his coin , possibly might prove as prejudicial to him if executed by us , as the loss of a land battle , for he that is strongest in purse , is strongest in power , and hath the longest sword , and may give laws to his enemies : and 't is observable , that before our mill'd mony was made , there was great scarcity of silver in france , haing little trade with spain , and their usual payments were then in a worse species . and yet to the great loss & dishonour of the kingdom , that trade is still continued , and will be whilst the back-door of portugal is open ; and there is now as great plenty of fr. wines sold , as when we had open trade with france , notwithstanding the act of prohibition , to the great prejudice of his majesties customs , and the nation in general , and this under the name of port , tho i have heard it disputed whether the whole produce of oporto can furnish a dozen of our best taverns with what they expend under that name . that contrary to the policy of nations , we raise the value of our own product , and manufactory amongst our selves , which ought only to be advanced when exported by the imposition of publick authority ; by this means the rise of guineas would be no loss if we now keep them here , by selling little more abroad of any commodity , than when they went for 1 l. 1 s. 6 d. that the burthen of this war would not be grievous to the nation , were but the prices of our native and necessary commodities regulated , having little need of foreign assistance ; but by the covetous and arbitrary sway of great traders , and without just cause the poor are pincht , and over-rated in their bread , cloths , coals , soap , candles , and in short , in all things , as if we had nothing of our own growth , but all were brought from the indies : nor is it a small inconveniency they suffer by abuse in exchange for farthings . that what impositions are laid on sugars , salt , coals , spirits , tobacco , east-india goods , vinegars , &c. whatsoever imported , we our selves only pay for it , whereas if our impositions were levied on our native product and manufactory exported , others would bear a part and must pay for it . that the french refugees may be servicable to the government , by forming them into colonies in ireland , where is want of people , and store of waste ground to plant mul-berries and make a silk-work there , and to be dyed and manufactured here . now to turn the stream and riches raised by your majesties native commodities , into the natural channel , from whence it hath been a long time diverted , may it please your majesty to consider these points following . 1. whether it be not fit that a state merchant be settled within your dominions , which may both dispose more profitably of the riches thereof , and incounter policies of merchant strangers , who now go beyond us in all kind of profitable merchandizing ? 2. whether it be not necessary that your native commodities should receive their full manufactory by your subjects within your dominions ? 3. whether it be not sit that coals should yield your majesties and subjects a better value , by permitting them to pass out of the land , and that they be in your subjects shipping only transported ? 4. whether it be not sit your majesty presently raise your coin to as high rates as it is in any parts beyond seas ? 5. whether it be not necessary that the great sea business of fishing be forthwith set forward ? if it please your majesty to approve of these con siderations , and accordingly to put them in a right course of execution , i assure my self ( by gods help ) in a short time your majesties customs , and the continual comings into your coffers , will be exceedingly encreased , your ships and mariners trebled , your land and wast towns ( which are now run out of gates ) better replenished , and your people employed , to the great enriching and honour of your kingdom , with the applause , and to the comfort of all your loyal subjects . may it please your majesty . i have rather undergone the pains to look into their policies , because i have heard them prosess they hoped to get the whole trade and shipping of christendom into their own hands , as well as for trasportation , as otherwise for the command and mastery of the seas , to which end i find that they do daily encrease their traffick , augmenting their shipping , multiplying their mariners , strength and wealth in all kinds , whereat i have grieved the more , when i consider how god hath endued this kingdom above any three kingdoms in christendom , with divers varieties of home bred commodities , which others have not , and cannot want , and induced us with sundry other means to continue and maintain trade and merchandizing , and fishing beyond them all , whereby we might prevent the deceivers , ingross the commodities of the ingrossers , enrich our selves , and increase our navigation , shipping and mariners , so as it would make all other nations vail the bonet to england , if we would not be still wanting to our selves in imployment of our own people ; which people being divided into three parts , two of them are meer spenders and constiniers of a common-wealth ; therefore i aim at these points following . to allure and encourage the people for their private gain , to be all workers and encreasers of a common-wealth , to enrich and fill your majesties coffers by a continual coming in and make your people wealthy , by means of their great end profitable trading and imployment . to vent our home-bred commodities to far more reputation , and much more profit to the king the merchant , and the kingdom . to return the merchandizes of other countries at far cheaper rates than now they are ; to the great good of the realm in general . to make the land powerful by increasin of ships and mariners . to make your peoples takings in general to be much more every day than now they are , which by gods help , will grow continually more and more by the great concourse and commerce that will come by settled constitutions and convenient privileges , as in other ports they do by this their great freedom of trade . all this and much more is done in other countries , where nothing groweth , so that of nothing they make great things . then how much more mighty things might we make , where so great abundance and variety of home-bred commodities , and rich materials grow , for your people to work upon , and other plentiful means to do withal , which other nations neither have , nor cannot want , but of necessity must be furnished from hence . and now whereas our merchandizing is wild , utterly confused , and out of frame , as at large appeareth , a state merchant will roundly and effectually bring all the premises to pass , fill your havens with ships , those ships with mariners , your kingdom full of merchants , their houses full of out-landish commodities , and your coffers full of coin , as in other parts they do , and your people shall have just cause to hold in happy memory , that your majesty was the beginner of so profitable , praise worthy , and renown'd a work , being the true philosophers stone to make your majesty a rich and potent king , and your subjects a happy people , only by settling of a state merchant , whereby your people may have fullness of trade and manufactory , and yet hold both honourable and profitable government , without breaking companies . and for that in settling of so weighty a business , many things of great consequence must necessarily fall into consideration , i humbly pray that your majesty may be pleased ( for the bringing of this great service to light ) to give me leave to nominate the commissioners , and your majesty give them power to call before them such men as they shall think fit to confer with upon oath , or otherwise as occasion shall offer ; that the said commissioners with all speed for the better advancement of this honourable and profitable work , may prepare , and report the same to your majesty . your majesties most loyal and true hearted subject , w. r. finis . the arraignment and conviction of sr vvalter rawleigh, at the kings bench-barre at winchester. on the 17. of november. 1603. before the right honorable the earle of suffolke, lord chamberline, the earle of devon-shire, lord henry howard, lord cecill, lord wotton, sir john stanhope lord chiefe justice of the common-pleas, popham and andrewes, justice gaudy, justice warberton, sir william wade, commissioners. / coppied by sir tho: overbury. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25867 of text r206249 in the english short title catalog (wing a3744). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25867 wing a3744 estc r206249 99865423 99865423 117663 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25867) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117663) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 68:e435[19]) the arraignment and conviction of sr vvalter rawleigh, at the kings bench-barre at winchester. on the 17. of november. 1603. before the right honorable the earle of suffolke, lord chamberline, the earle of devon-shire, lord henry howard, lord cecill, lord wotton, sir john stanhope lord chiefe justice of the common-pleas, popham and andrewes, justice gaudy, justice warberton, sir william wade, commissioners. / coppied by sir tho: overbury. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. overbury, thomas, sir, d. 1684. [2], 38 p. printed by william wilson, for abel roper at the sun over against st. dunstons church in fleetstreet, london : anno dom. 1648. annotation on thomason copy: "aprill: 12th.". reproduction of the original in the british library. proceedings against sir walter rawleigh knight, at the kings bench-barre, in westminster, the 28. of october, 1618 -sir walter rawleigh's lettet [sic] to the king the night before his death -a copy of sir walter rawleighs letter to his wife, the night before his death. eng raleigh, walter, -sir, 1552?-1618 -trials, litigation, etc. -early works to 1800. trials (treason) -england -early works to 1800. a25867 r206249 (wing a3744). civilwar no the arraignment and conviction of sr vvalter rawleigh, at the kings bench-barre at winchester. on the 17. of november. 1603. before the righ raleigh, walter, sir 1648 14467 3 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 allison liefer sampled and proofread 2002-06 allison liefer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the arraignment and conviction of sr walter rawleigh , at the kings bench-barre at winchester . on the 17. of november . 1603. before the right honorable the earle of suffolke , lord chamberline , the earle of devonshire , lord henry howard , lord cecill , lord wotton , sir iohn stanhope lord chiefe justice of the common-pleas , popham and andrewes , justice gaudy , justice warberton , sir william wade , commissioners . coppied by sir tho: overbvry . london , printed by william wilson , for abel roper at the sun over against st. dunstons church in fleetstreet . anno dom. 1648. the arraignement and conviction of sir walter rawleigh , at the kings bench barre at winchester 17. novemb. 1603. after that sir walter rawleigh was brought to the barre , hee sate upon a stoole within a place made of purpose for the prisoner to be in , and expected the comming of the lords : during which time he saluted divers of his acquaintance with a very steadfast and chearefull countenance . when the commissioners were all assembled , having stood up a while hee desired the marshall to aske leave of the lords that hee might sit , which was presently granted . then the court proceeded in his arraignment according to the ordinary course ; unto which sir walter did orderly and willingly dispose himselfe : as the jury was culled to the booke , he was asked whether hee would challenge any of the gentlemen impanelled for his jury , hee said hee knew none of them , but hoped they were honest men , and so desired the court to take their choyce of them . the jury being sworne , who were sir ralph conisbie , sir thomas fowler , sir edward peacock , sir william rowe knights . henry goodier , roger vvood , thomas vvalker , thomas vvhitby esquiers . thomas higate , robert kempton , iohn chawkie , robert brumley gentlemen . the inditement was red by the clearke of the crowne office , the effect whereof was as followeth . that he did conspire and goe about to deprive the king of his government , and to raise up sedition within the realme , to alter religion , and to bring in the romish superstition , and to procure forraigne enemies to invade the kingdomes . that the lord cobham , the ninth of june last , did meet with the said sir walter rawleigh : cobham was then in durham house in the parish of st. martins in the fields , and then and there had conference with him how to advance arabella steward to the crowne and royall throne of this kingdome , and that then and there it was agreed ; that cobham should treate with aremberge , ambassadour from the archduke of austria , to obtaine of him 600 , thousand crownes to bring to passe their intended treasons : it was agreed that cobham should go to albert the archduke , to procure him to advance the pretended title of arabella , from thence knowing that albert had not sufficient meanes to maintaine his owne army in the lowcountreys : cobham should go into spaine to procure the king to assist and surther her pretended title . it was also agreed the better to effect all these conspiracies that arabella should write three letters , one to the archduke , another to the king of spaine , and another to the duke of savoy , and promising three things ; first , to establish firme peace betwixt england and spaine ; secondly , to tolerate the romish and popish superstition ; thirdly , to be ruled by them for the contriving of the marriage , and for the effecting of these trayterous purposes , cobham should returne by the isle of jersey , and should find sir vvalter rawleigh captaine of the said isle of jersey there , and take counsell of him for the distributing of the foresaid crownes as the occasions and discontentment of the subjects should give cause and way : and further that cobham and his brother brooke did meete on the ninth of june last , and cobham told brooke all the treasons , to which treasons brooke gave his assent , and did joyne himselfe to all these : and after on the thursday following cobham and brook did trayterously speake these words . that there would never be a good world in england , till the king and his cubs ( meaning his royall issue ) were taken away , and the more to disable and deprive the king of his crowne , and to confirme the said cobham in his intents , rawleigh did trayterously publish a booke falsely written against the most just and royall title of the king , knowing the said book to be written against the king , which book cobham afterwards received of him ; and further for the better effecting of these trayterous purposes , and to establish the said brook in his intents , cobham did deliver the said booke to him on the fourteenth of june , and on the sixteenth of june for the accomplishment of the said conference and by the trayterous instigations of rawleigh , did move brook to incite arabella to write to the three foresaid princes to procure them to advance her title , & that she , after that she had obtained the crowne , should performe three things , viz. to establish a firme peace betwixt england and spaine ; secondly , to tolerate the popish religion with impunitie ; thirdly , to be ruled by them three in the contracting of marriage by their assent : and for the better effecting of these treasons cobham upon the 17. of june by the instigation of rawleigh did write letters to count aremberge and delivered the said letters to one mathew de lawrencie , who delivered them to the count for the attaining of 600000. crownes , which money by other letters aremberge did promise to performe payment of , and those letters cobham did receive on the 18. of june , then did cobham promise rawleigh that when hee should have received that money , he would deliver 8000. crownes to him , to which motion he did consent . and afterwards cobham offered brooke , that when he should have received that money , hee would give 10000. crownes thereof to him , to which motion brooke did assent . master serjeant heale opened the matter , and delivered the effect of the inditement ; in whose speech this was observed , that he charged sir walter to have intended the intitling of the lady arabella steward to the crowne , who he said had no more title thereunto than he had himselfe , and further said after a little pause , that hee for his owne part did disclaime and renounce all title thereunto . whereat sir walter rawleigh smiled . the serjeant concluding mr. atturney cooke began , and with a long disourse amplified ( with vehement words and actions ) the severall treasons whereof sr walter stood indited , wherein hee so farre moved sir walter that hee many times offered to make answer for himselfe before the court would give him leave ; protesting mr atturney told him newes hee never heard of before , and that his memory ( by reason of his sicknesse ) was so feeble that he could not remember so many circumstances as mr. atturney tired him withall ; but mr. atturney pressed the lords that the kings evidence ought not to be broken , or dismembred , whereby it might loose much of its grace and vigor : notwithstanding it was yeelded , when m. atturney came to his proofe , sir walter rawleigh should have leave to answer his severall points as they were objected : in mr. atturney divers things were observed which were said and used in his narration or evidence . some captiously noted that hee said this treason did tend not onely to the overthrow of true religion and destruction of all our soules , but even to the losse of our goods , lands , and lives : but it seemeth hee meant reciprocally : others thought him full of impertinent phrases and complements , and specially when hee spake of the kings issue or of the lords , after hee said hee would say nothing of them , then hee would presently fall into grosse and palpable adulation of them to their faces : but in their commendations he spake nothing but truth : some noted his care and diligence in delivering to the people that the king said he would loose lands , crowne , & life before he would suffer a tolleration or alterration in religion ; and that to these traytors ( for cobham and gray were upon the bye ) he had done nothing rigorously , nothing unnaturally : nothing precipitatly , not rigorously , because no torture used : not unnaturally , because the brother was not pressed ( further then he would ) to accuse his brother : not precipitatly because of the long time his gracious majesty had promised before hee would bring them to their arraignment : this was much to the satisfaction of the people , but this he was commanded to deliver : all the assembly could have wished that hee had not behaved himselfe so violently and bitterly , nor used so great provocation to the prisoner : which the better sort imputed to his zeale in the kings service , and to the passion which overwhelmed him in the cause of his countrey : as when he brake forth into these and the like speeches : this horrible and detestible traytor , this maine traytor ( for the rest were upon the bye ) this instigator and seducer to treasons , he that hath a spanish heart , you are an odious man , see with what a whorish forehead he defends his faults : this is he that would take away the king and his cubbs , o abominable traytor : but many that prejudicate of mr. atturneys nature would hardly bee perswaded but those speeches proceeded out of the insolency of his owne disposition given to tryumph upon poore delinquents , and men in misery , honest men have reason to thinke the best : and as the atturney was noted , so was the carriage of rawleigh most remarkable , first to the lords ( principally to my lord cecill ) humble , yet not prostrate ; dutifull , yet not dejected , for in some cases he would humblie thanke them for gratious speeches , in other acknowledge that their honours said true , as in relating some circumstances : and in such points wherin he would not yeeld unto them , he would crave pardon , and with reverence urge them , and answer them , as in points of law , or essentiall matters of fact ; towards the jurie affible , but not fawning , not in dispaire nor beleeving , but hoping in them carefully perswading them with reasons , not distemperately importuning them with conjurations ; rather shewing love of life then feare of death . towards the kings councell patient , but not insensibly neglecting , not yeelding to imputations layd against him in words , and it was wondred that a man of his heroick spirit could be so valiant in suffering , that he was never overtaken in passion : but when it was insinuated that it was said that it would never bee well till the king and his cubbs were taken away , hee said that mr. atturney used him basely , barbarously , and rigorously , and that hee was abase slave and a wretch that spake the words , but hee received comfort in these base words of mr. atturney for he hoped that it should be the worst he should be able to doe against him . the accusation may be said to be of two parts , viz. personall against the king , and publikely against the state and quiet of the realme . both high treason , the personall treason was of two sorts . the first a conspiracy against the kings life : the second a practise to disable the kings title to the crowne of england . to prove that rawleigh intended the kings death , the confession of george brooke was enforced , who said that his brother my lord cobham told him that he and my lord gray were but upon the bye , but the said cobham and sir vvalter rawleigh were upon the maine for it , and should never be well till the king and his cubbs were taken away . and further said that he thought in his conscience that the said speech of the kings cubbs proceeded from rawleigh . and it was further declared , that the confession of george brooke was enforced , and not voluntarily made , untill sir griffin markham , and watson the priest had vouched him for the knowledge of some farther purpose , than the surprizing of the king . to this sir walter answered that george brook would say anything of him , but he thanked god he never spake with him ; for if he had spoken but five words he perceived that it had been enough . then my lord cecil said that indeed he thought that george brook had a spleen to sir walter , but his brother my lord cobham and he were good friends , and therefore he could not tell whither he hated rawleigh so much as to do his brother so great a displeasure , and said , that my lord cobham might if he did practice ( as himselfe confessed ) with spaine , give sir walters name in to credit him withall , as a man that favoured him , and on whom he did presume more than he had reason . to prove that rawleigh practised to scandalize his majesties title to the crowne . my lord cobhams confession was produced , that sir walter delivered him a booke concerning the kings title , but told him withall , that it was a very foolish book which he delivered to his brother george to consider of , and george brook confessed that his brother gave him such a book , whereof he read onely the titles of the chapters , containing matter against the kings title and line . and it was not omitted by the attourney , that this booke was delivered upon occasion of my lord cobhams discontentment . rawleigh confessed that he had such a booke which he never read , but it was intitled , a defence of the queenes proceedings against mary queene of scotland , and constantly denyed that he delivered it to my lord cobham , but that my lord cobham tooke it out of his study ( if he had any such of his ) without his knowledge , he protested : here my lord henry howard signified that my lord cobham was asked in his examination whither sir vvalter gave him the booke , or that he took the same ? and he said that sir walter gave it him : but that since he had told some ( who were againe with him ) that whereas he had said that sir walter gave him the booke , the truth was he took the same of himselfe out of his study when he was asleepe . then my lord cecil asked sir walter , where he had the book ; and he said he tooke it out of my late lord treasurer burleighs study after he was dead . my lord cecil desired to know whither out of that which was left to him or to his brother ? and he said out of that which was in my lord treasurers house in the strand . whereupon my lord cecil published , that after his fathers death , sir vvalter desired to search for some cosmographycall descriptions of the west-indies which he thought werein his study , and were not to be had in print , which he granted , and said he would as soon have trusted sir walter as any man : though since ( for some infirmities of sir vvalters ) the bonds of his affection had been crackt , & yet reserving his duty to the king his master ( which he could not despence withall in his service ) hee swore by god he loved him , and found a great conflict in himselfe , in that so compleat a member in a common-wealth was fallen away . but he must needs say that sir vvalter used him discourteously to take the book away and not to acquaint him therewith : neverthelesse he said he need not to make any apology in the behalfe of his father , considering how usuall and necessary a thing it is for councellors and those in his place to intercept and keep all such kinde of writings , for whosoever should now search his study ( or at least his cabinet ) should like enough finde all the famous libells that ever were made against the queene that dead is : and shall also finde divers made against the king our soveraigne lord that now is , since his coming to the crowne : sir vvalter said that the book was a manuscript , and had noted in the beginning with my lord treasurers owne hand , this is the book of one rob. snag , and affirmed that as my l. cecil had said , he thought a man might finde also in his house all the libells that had been made against the late queene : but m. attourney said that he was no privy councellor , nor he hoped never should be : my lord cecil answered that he indeed was no councellor of state , yet he had been often called to consultation : sir vvalter thought it a very severe interpretation of the law to bring him within the compasse of treason onely for this book written so long agone as it was , whereof no man had read more than the titles of the chapters : and which was burned by george brook without his privity ; admitting that he had delivered it to my lord cobham , not advancing , nor approving the same , but discommending it , as cobhams first confession was ; and he put this case , if he should come to my lord cecil ( as oft he had done ) and finde a searcher with him with a packet of libells , and my lord let him have one or two to peruse , this he hoped was no treason . to prove this treason against the state and common-weale my lord cobhams confessions were read to this effect . that it was agreed between sir vvalter rawleigh and him that my lord cobham should deale with count aremberg to procure six hundred thousand crownes , that count aremberge did promise to satisfie his request , to the intent to advance the title of arabella : and that it was likewise concluded that cobham should ( under pretence of travelling ) goe into the low-countries , into france , and spaine , and carry three letters from the lady arabella to the arch-duke , to the duke of savoy and to the king of spaine to obtaine the said summe of crownes , and thereby to promise three things unto the princes . first that there should be a peace concluded with spaine . secondly , that there should be a toleration of religion in england . lastly that she would not marry but by the direction of the said princes . and that she should come back by iersey , and there he should meet with sir vvalter rawleigh and then they would agree how to dispose the mony to discontented persons ( whereof he thought he should finde many at his returne ) and that sir vvalter should have a great number of crownes from the said count aremberge , and that sir vvalter thought that the best course to trouble england was to cause division in scotland : and my l. cobham further accused sir walter , to have b in the only instigator of him to all these treasons . and one mat. de lawrencie , a merchant of antwerp that was used between count aremberge , and my l. cobham , confessed that sir walter rawleigh supped with my lord cobham one night when he came to my lord cobhams house , and that they three went alone to sir walter rawleighs house in the strand by water , and that the said mathew de lawrencie delivered a letter to my lord cobham from count aremberge at durham-house , and immediately sir walter went up with my lord cobham into his chamber , and mathew de lawrencie tarried below : sir walter confessed that he knew very well , that mathew de lawrencie held intelligence betweene count aremberg , and my lord cobham , and so did the lords of the councell know , that it had been so these seaven yeares by licence of the queene : but that he knew to what purpose it was now of late he denied , other then he took it to have been concerning the businesse of the peace with spaine , for that my lord cobham said that his brother george brook was very loath to accuse him , sir walter proceeded , and asked , whither my lord cobham had accused him or confessed any such thing . it was answered that my lord cobham had been asked whither he had spoken any such thing concerning his said brothers unwillingnesse , and he would make no other answer but that he had : however he said it proceeded out of a discontented minde from the said george brook , which m. attourney said was a confession of their pretence in law . then sir vvalter rawleigh , said that if my lord cobham had accused him as they alledged , he ought to renew his accusation to his face , that so he might not be massacred by heersay , and affirmed it was sir nicolas throgmortons case . there was further urged against sir vvalter for intending to make away the king the testimony of one that had been lately at sea , who was in the court in a blew cassock and deposed . that being at lisbone not long after the coming in of the king into england , a portugall gentleman asked him whence he was , and said of of england : then he asked whither our king were crowned or not , and he answered he hoped so by this time , whereupon the portugall said that my lord cobham and and sir vvalter rawleigh would make him away before it were long , sir vvalter made light of this rumour and of the witnesse , and said that he thought it might be so ; for that my lord cobham knowing that he had written a book and presented it to the king , to move his minde not to make his peace with spaine , hearing him one day at his table dispute very violently against the peace , told him in his gallery presently after , he need not be so much against the peaces , for he should have seven thousand crownes to labour for it , and that he thought it to be a toye nor knew how to deserve it , yet his answer was let me see the mony , and then i will answer you to the purpose . and my lord cobham told him further , that he would offer a great summe of mony to my lord cecill and to my lord of northumberland to the same end , but he disswaded him from it , and told him , they would hate him as long as they live for it . and sir vvalter said further , that the occasion of my lord cobhams accusation was this viz. when as sir walter perceived by the lords that they had the said mathew de lawrencie in jealousie to do some bad offices between count aremberge and my lord cobham ( who as he thought was justly condemned upon these advertisements ) that he observed my lord cobham that night ( when my lord cobham brought him home to his house ) to go back past his owne stayres towards his countesses lodgings , with the said mathew de lawrencie , as if he had been very sorry to have parted with him . then he writ to my lord cecil to signifie to him that in his judgement if he apprehended mathew de lawrencie presently , it might be a means that he might intercept their intelligence ( perhaps not yet ripe ) and if otherwise mat. de lawrencie might perchance be shuffled away , and so left it to his lordships consideration : and afterwards my lord cobham had constantly denied these matters upon his examination , this letter was shewed unto him as though sir walter had induced him to all the inconveniences he had fallen into , which after he had read , he desired to read it againe . and upon assurance it was sir walters letter , in a great passion he brake forth into these speeches ; oh villaine ! oh vile traytor ! hath he used me thus ? nay then i will tell you all , and thereupon in madnesse and perswasion of the wrong that sir walter had done him , he delivered the right accusation , the substance whereof was not denied , though m. attourney noted that he considered of a second time before he entred into passion , sir walter appealed to all that knew my lord cobham , that he was as passionate a man as lived , and said , that in his choller he had accused his friends of greater matters than these , and had been sorry for it afterwards . the kings councel replyed that the confession of george brook of the foresaid speeches of my lord cobham touching himselfe , and sir walter , for a further plot than they two by any way could excuse , must stand good in law , in that those speeches were uttered ( as it appeared ) before those matters came out , and before my lord cobham had conceived the spleene against sir walter upon the sight of this letter . and further produced my lord cobhams confession . that sir walter after his first being before the lords , did write unto him the said cobham , that he had been examined of many things concerning him , but he had cleared him in all : now the lords protested that all this while he was not asked one question touching my lord cobham , and therefore the attourney inferred that he writ this out of a fearefull and guilty conscience , to confirme my lord cobham in his deniall , against he should be examined : sir walter hereupon declared that my lord cobham put him in trust to passe the inheritance of certain fee farme lands for him , and gave divers jewells of great value for his security , which were in his bosome at the time of his apprehension , and that my lord cobham had a cabinet worth thirty pound , which master attourney should have had for his favour : and that at his returne from the lords with private restraint to his owne house ; my lord cobhams footman came to him to know what was done in the businesse : and he unwilling to have it knowne that he was restrained , dispatched the footman , saying he would write to his lord , and so did by captain kemish . besides for that which he writ of the said businesse , and acquainted my lord cobham that he had been examined , and that he had cleared his lordship : he did write so in this regard , that though he were not examined of my l. cobham , yet he talking with my lord cecil , and his lordship telling him he was glad there were no more in the action than there appeared , and that he hoped such a one was not in , s. walter said that my lord cobham was absolutely cleer : and my lord cecill replyed he did hope so , and thought no lesse : all which was said in regard my lord cobham was thought to be discontented . but afterwards my lord cecil said , sir vvalter you have kemish against you who carried the letter and toare out that sheet , which concerned the lords of the councell ( for so was my lord cobhams confession ) and he hath been offered the rack for it , but what he has confessed , i as yet know not : answer was made by sir vvilliam vvade , that kemish had confessed he carried a letter , and knew nothing at all of the contents and that indeed he was told that he deserved himselfe to be put to the rack for it : well said sir vvalter the rackkeeper was called for , was he not ? sir vvilliam vvade said , that it was privately reported , that kemish had his masters letter back from my lord cobham , but sir vvalter confessed no such matter . but concerning that he was charged withall , for practising to make a combustion in scotland , he confessed the words of my lord cobhams accusation to this effect , that he thought the best course to trouble england , was to cause sedition in scotland , and said that he had thought so any time these twenty yeeres , and so it had been also held by the wisest men in this kingdome : and he had delivered his opinion to be such divers times to the lords of the councell , and he thought that there were few there but were of his opinion : sir vvalter also offered to the consideration of the iury , that my lord cobham had not subscribed his accusation ; then the lords requested my lord cheife iustice to deliver whether subscriptions were necessary by the law , and my lord chiefe iustice said they were not : nay said sir walter , pardon me my lord , for this , by your lordships favour , i take to be the course of examination in this kinde . after that the examinate hath confessed , and his confession is written , it is all read over againe distinctly and deliberately to him , that he may be sure to say nothing but truth : and then in confirmation that it is undoubtedly true , and that he will stand thereunto , he is to subscribe the same . now my lords , if my l. cobham did accuse me thus rashly out of his passion , and afterwards when he had read it againe , began to relent , and ( with sorrow for the wrong he had done me ) refuse to set his hand thereunto , then i say my lords i have reason to take hold of it : and it is well knowne to you my lord cecil , and my lord of northampton , how he hath recanted his accusation , moreover he hath most penitently sorrowed for this injury he hath done me , and could never be quiet in his conscience till he had purged me . master atturney said , that in my lord cobhams accusation there were many things , that he had recanted , but there was no essentiall point prenominated , which he had recanted : and my lord cecil said , that the reason , that my lord cobham gave , why he would not subscribe , was , because he thought he was priviledged by his degree : wherein he appealed to my lord chiefe justice , who answered that it was a great contempt to refuse to subscribe , but it did not appeare that thereupon he did subscribe . then master atturney delivered that it was sir walters policy to have but one witnesse , because he thought that one witnesse could not condemne him . sir walter thereupon furiously started up , and said to him , master atturney , you must not thinke that all that maketh for me is policy , and all that maketh against me is plain , and god revealeth it . i were well fitted for justice , if you should come to be my judg , what indifferency is there in this my lord chiefe justice ? remember i beseech your lordship the statute of the first of edward the sixth ●ath this that no person shall be condemned of treason unlesse he be accused by two lawfull accusers , and those to be brought before the party , if they belong to england . and remember too the statute of the 13 of the queen . no man shall be arraigned of treason , without the oath of two sufficient and lawfull witnesses brought face to face . my lord chiefe justice said , the statute of the first of edward the sixth , was repealed by the first and second of philip and mary , and reduced all tryall of treason to the course of the common-law . and that the statute of the thirteenth of elizabeth extended to such offences as were mentioned in the said act to be committed against the queene that dead is . and that all was now put to the common-law , and that by the common-law one witnes was sufficient concerning presumption , some of the judges said : that by the law a man might be condemned without a witnesse , onely upon presumption . as if the king ( whom god defend ) should be slaine in his chamber , and one is seene to come forth of the chamber with his sword bloody being drawne , were not this evident both in law and opinion without further inquisition ? and my lord chief justice said that one witnes accusing himself too , was very great testimony ; especially in this case . for it was not to be imagined that my lord cobham would do himselfe so much harme , as to adventure the losse of his honour , lands of so great worth , and his life , for any spleene to sir walter , unlesse the matter were true , and therfore the accusation was very strong against sir walter . note that the treasons against queen elizabeth , which by the statutes of the thirteenth of her raigne were to be proved by the oath of two witnesses , were death or bodily harme intending to death , imagined against her , levying of warres within or without the realme against her , plots to depose or deprive her , publishing her to be a tyrant , heretick , infidell , schismatick , vsurious , &c. sir walter proceeded and urged , that though these statutes lived not , yet he knew very well the reason of these statutes and equity of them lived still . but howsoever i am sure ( said hee ) the law of god liveth for ever . and you shall finde it in deutronomy in the seventeenth chapter . in ore duorum aut trium testium peribit qui intersicitur . nemo occidatur uno contra se dicente testimonium . and in the nineteenth chapter . non stabit unus testis contra aliquem : quicquid illud peccati , et facinoris fuerit . sed in ore duorum aut trium testium stabit omne verbum . divers other places of the old testament are to this purpose , confirmed by our saviour too in the eighteenth of mark , and the eight of iohn , and by saint paul , corinth 2. 13 , and by the whole consent of the scripture . and if the common-law be as brookes saith ( who was a great lawyer ) then there ought to be two witnesses : for he saith a tryall is by verdict , and by witnesse , wherein my lord chiefe justice said he was deceived . but said he you tell me of one witnesse , let me have him . prove these practises by one witnesse , and i will confesse my selfe guilty to the king in a thousand treasons . i stand not upon the law , i defie the law , if i have done these things i desire not to live : whether they be treasons by the law or no . let me have my accuser brought to my face , and if he will maintaine it to my face , i will confesse my judgement . here my lord chief justice being required to signifie his opinion of the law in this case , he said it was not the law to have the witnesse brought to his face , considering he accused himselfe also : to the which the rest of the judges agreed sir walter replyed , it was not against or contrary to the law : howsoever i do not expect it of duty : and yet i say you should deale very severely with me if you should condemne me and not bring my accuser to my face . remember a story of fortescue a reverend chief justice in this kingdome ; tells of a judge in this kingdome that condemned a woman for murthering her husband , upon the presumption or testimony of one witnesse ( as it seemed ) and after she was burned , a servant of the mans that was slaine ( being executed for the same fault ) confessed that he slew his master himselfe , and that the woman was innocent . what did the judge then say to fortescue , touching the remorse of his conscience for proceeding upon such slender proof , quod nunquam de hoc facto animam in vita sus ipse purgaret . that he could never be at peace of conscience whilest he lived , although he but gave consent upon the verdict of the jury . but my lords for the matter which i desire , remember too the story of susanna : daniel thought the judges fooles because they would condemn a daughter of israel without asking the witnesse a question : why then my lords , let my accuser be brought , and let me aske him a question , and i have done : for it may be it will appeare out of his owne tale , that his accusation cannot be true , or he will be discovered by examination . but yet principally my lords remember what is said in the xix . of deutronomy , si steterit testis mendax contra hominem accusans cum prevaricatione , stabunt ambo , quorum causa est ante dominum , in conspectu sacerdotum , et judicum , qui fuerint in diebus illis . and i will tell you , master atturney , if you condemne me upon bare inferences , and will not bring my accuser to my face : you try me by no law but by the spanish inquisition . if my accuser were dead , or not within the land , it were something . but my accuser lives , and is in the house , and yet you will not bring him to my face . about this time my lord cecil asked him , if he would take issue upon these points upon my lord cobhams testimony : if my lord cobham would now justifie under his hand his accusation , and it might be that he would ( by the advice of the lords ) joyne issue with him , sir vvalter made no direct answer thereunto , but still besought them to bring his accuser to his face . my lord cecil then replyed , sir walter , it cannot be granted you : you have heard your selfe that the law will not dispense with it . it may not be forgotten that before rawleigh had been so importunate to have his accuser brought to his face , he used very probable reasons to the jury to satisfie them , how silly and foolish an enterprise this was , whereof he was accused , and how unlikely a thing it was that he should enter into it . first , said he that i should make choice of my lord cobham of any man living : a man of no following , nor of no force ; that i should dreame of disturbing of the state , now every body was so glad of the kings comming , and of unexpected peace : and now the state was greater , and stronger than ever it was . that i should be so simple to expect mony from spaine : for i knew how much that kings revenue was impared , and his treasure intercepted . i also knew well that where he had usually in his havens , 6 or 7 score sayle of ships , now he had not six or seaven sayle of ships : i knew well too that his jesuites begged from door to door in spaine : and i knew well that the king of spaine was bankrupt , as was protested by most of the merchants of christendome : and could i imagine then that in his poverty he could disburse six or seven hundred thousand crowns ? or if he had been in case , could i thinke it so easy a matter , to obtaine such a sum of mony of the spaniard ? do princes so easily now a dayes part with such masses of mony ? i knew that the queene of england disbursed no mony to the states of the low-countryes ( though it were partly for her owne security ) before she had the brill and flushing in pawne . i knew likewise shee disbursed no mony into france ( though for the like occasion ) till shee had new-haven in pawne , and afterwards more warme security : nay , the citizens of london would not lend their queene money , till they had her lands in pawne . what pawne had we to give the king of spaine ? what did we offer him ? or how could we invent to offer to him the letter of an arabella , whom he could not chuse but know to be of no following , what a mockery is this ? what would i make my selfe ? a cade ? a kett ? a jack-straw ? against these probabilities , the presumptions before alledged , were laid altogether , to fortify my lord cobhams accusation , in the ordering whereof master atturney shewed great wisdome and care in his majesties businesse . and whereas sir walter had urged , that it was not likely the king of spaine would be so easily perswaded to provoke the king of england to a warre , considering his bad fortune in six or seaven enterprises against this state , and what he had lost by warre with england : master atturney said he was so much the more likely to desire revenge , and to entertaine the least hope thereof . but rawleigh answered : all you suspitions , and inferences , are but to fortify my lord cobhams accusation ; my lord cobham is the onely man that doth accuse me . my lord cobham lives and is in the house , let him maintaine his accusation to my face . my lord cobham hath confessed himfelfe guilty , he is meerly at his majesties mercy : and without doubt shall highly offend the king , if he go back from his word , wherein he hath abused his majesty , and so is to looke for no mercy , but shall surely dye . on the other side he hath accused me to instigate and draw him into these treasons , and if it be so , then i have been the overthrow of him , his honour , estate and all . he is a man of a most revengeful nature , as all the world knowes , who would he be more willingly revenged on , then on him vvho hath been his utter overthrovv ? why then my lords if he vvill not displease the king in hope of mercy and compassion ( vvhich is his onely plea ) if he will be revenged on the man that brought him to all this , that hath ruinated him and his house , then will he justifie his accusation to my face , then good my lords let us be brought face to face . my lord of northampton replyed , sir walter you have heard it cannot be granted you , pray importune us no longer . no longer said rawleigh ? it toucheth ( my lord ) upon my life which i value at as high a rate as you do yours . at last sir walter was asked , whither he would say any more . then he directed his speech to the gentlemen of the jury , saying , you have heard the proofs , i pray you consider that these men ( meaning master atturney and the rest of the lawyers ) do usually defend very bad causes every day in the courts against men of their owne profession , as able as themselves : & if they can do so , what may they do with me , that never studied the law till i came into the tower of london : that have been practised in other affaires , and am weake of memory and feeble as you see , for he was faine to have pen and inke to helpe his memory in the long speeches that were made against him . but remember the godly saying of saint augustine , si judicaveritis tanquam jam judicandi estis . if you would be content to be judged upon suspitions and inferences , if you would not have your accusation suscribed by your accuser . if you would not have your accuser brought to your face ( being in the same house too ) where you are arraigned , if you would be condemned by an accusation of one recanted and truly sorrowfull for it , if you in my case would yeeld your bodyes to torture , loose your lives , your wives , and children , and all your fortunes upon so slender proof . then am i ready to suffer all these things . now after master serjeant phillips had made a very long repetion of all the accusation . master atturney asked sir walter againe whither he would say any more . rawleigh answered if he would say any thing he would answer him . master atturney told him the kings councell must speake last . nay by your leave ( said he ) he that speakes for his life shall speake last . are you contented said master atturney that the jury shall go together : yea , in gods name said sir walter . then master atturney entred into a speech to this effect : now iesus christ shall be glorified , iesus christ shall have a great victory this day , as great as when it was said vicisti galilee . now sir walter i will prove you to have a spanish heart . see with what a vvhoorish forehead he hath defended his fault : he hath deceived my poore lord cobham as eve was deceived with an apple , by a letter in an apple , and hath seduced this poor lord to write i know not what to him against his conscience : but he could not sleepe quietly till he had revealed the truth of it to the lords , and voluntarily of himself written the whole matter to them with his owne hand but yesterday , vvhich i vvill read vvith a loud voice though i be not able to speake this sennight after : and so pulled my lord cobhams letter out of his pocket , vvhich vvas in effect thus to the lords , vizt. that sir walter had vvritten a letter to him a weeke before to intreat him for gods sake , to signifie unto him by his letter that he had vvronged him in his accusation , and told him that the lords had appointed to meet at master atturneys house , to consider of his cause : and that it vvas better to be constant in deniall than to appeale to the king , and that he should take heed of preachers by my lord of essexes example . novv it vvas ( vvrites my lord cobham ) no time to dissemble , and therefore he protested unto their lordships before god and angels : that the accusation of sir walter vvas substantially true . and further confessed that sir walter had dealt with him since the queenes death to procure him a pension from spaine , to give intelligence vvhen any thing vvas intended by england against them . this letter vvas vvonderfully esteemed by master attourney and most effectually applyed vvith many quaint phrases against sir walter , vvho ansvvered nothing to those speeches vvhich vvere personall , having said before , that they vvere used onely to bring him into detestation of the vvorld , but spake to this effect . novv it shall appeare that my lord cobham , is an unworthy , base , silly , simple poore soule . master atturney said , is my lord so poore ? yea , ( said he ) in spirit . would to god you were so ( quoth master atturney : ) sir walter proceeded ; i will tell you the troth . it is true i got a poore fellow in the tower , to cast up a letter tyed to an apple ( for so cobhams letter was conveyed ) in at my lord cobhams window , when the lievtenant was at supper , ( which i was loath to have spoken of , least the lieutenant should be blamed , but all the lieutenants in the world could not have helpt it ) wherein i intreated him for gods sake to do me right , and to right the truth unto me : because i knew not whither i should be arraigned before him or no : and hereupon he writt to me how he had wronged me : and herein i did nothing that was dishonest for ought i know ; but i sent him a letter againe , ( because i heard he should be arraigned first ) and desired him to publish my innocence at his arraignment ; but that notwithstanding he writ unto me againe , which letter i have now about me ( being all my hope ) and i beseech your lordships to peruse it . master atturney would not have it read , but said , my lord cecill marre not a good cause , my lord cecill replyed , master atturney , you are more peremptory then honest , you must not come heer to shew me what to do . then sir walter desired my lord cecil perticularly to read it , because he knew my lord cobhams hand , which at his request my lord cecil did . the letter was to this purpose . that whereas my lord cobham did not know whither he or sir walter should be first arraigned , and because the bloud of sir walter , and undoing of him , his posterity should not be required at his hands at the last day . therefore he did by this letter confesse , that he had wronged sir walter in his former accusation , and that sir walter was innocent of any such practises , and this was true as he hoped to be saved : hereupon sir walter desired the jury to consider what a man this was , and what his testimony was , yet if it were worth any thing . the protestations which he had made to cleare him , were more violent then those which he had made against him . and the reason that might draw my lord cobham to vvrite this last letter in accusation of him , were greater then could be alledged to perswade him to write the letter in his excuse : here my lord cheife justice desired my lord cecil , and my lord of northampton to satisfie the jury , that there was no condition of favour promised to my lord cobham for writing this last letter : which they both did protest to their knowledge . nay said sir walter i dare say your lordshipps would not offer it . but my lord cobham received a letter from his wife , that there was no way to save his life but to accuse me : which was said upon the going together of the jury . concerning the matter in my lord cobhams letter of standing to his deniall , and to admit no preachers by the misfortune of my lord of essex ; and his desire of a pension from spaine . i protest to god said sir walter they are false like as the rest . saving that this i do confesse ; that my l. cobham offered me a pension , and i ( alas my lords ) loath to cast him away , and being confident that i had disswaded him from those humours , did conceale it . but that ever i dealt with him for any such pension is most untrue . and for the meeting of the lords at mr. atturnies house , he heard so he protested by happe by a child of his . after all this , the jury went together and staid above halfe an houre , and returned with their verdict , guilty . then my lord cheife justice asked what he could say why judgement should not be given upon him . hee said he knew the court was to give judgement after their verdict , and so was willing my lord should proceede . then my l. chiefe justice pronounced judgement against him in this manner , viz. sir walter rawleigh , you are to be conveied to the place from whence you came , and from thence to the place of execution , and there to bee hanged till you are halfe dead , your members to be out off , your bowells to be taken out , and cast into the fire before your face ( you being yet alive ) your head to bee cut off , your quarters to be divided into foure parts , to be bestowed in foure severall places , and so ( said my lord cheife justice ) lord have mercy upon your soule . sir walter upon this , humbly desired , that the king might know the proofes against him . and that hee did persist in his loyalty , notwithstanding the said verdict ( which he would pray his said jury might never answer for ) and further said , the death of him and my lord cobham should witnesse betweene them . only he craved pardon for concealing my lord cobhams offer to him . and humbly besought the king to have compassion on him , hee was a poore gentleman and had a poore wife , and a poore child , raw , and unbrought up : he had much forgotten his duty in concealing my lord cobhams fault . so judgement being given as aforesaid , and he having talked a while with the lords in private , went back with the sheriffe to the prison , with admirable erection , yet in such sort , as a condemned man should doe . the proceedings against sir walter rawleigh knight , at the kings bench barre , in westminster , the 28. of october , 1618. together with his execution at westminster , on the 29 of october anno the 16. iacobi regis &c. upon wednesday the 28 of october , anno. dom. 1618. the lievtenant of the tower according to a warrant to him directed , brought sir walter rawleigh from the tower , to the kings bench barre at westminster : where the recordes of his arraignment at winchester was opened ; and he demanded , why execution should not be done upon him , according to the judgement therein pronounced against him . to which he began in way of answer , to justifie himself in his proceedings in the late voyage , but the lord chiefe justice silenced him therein , saying , there was no other matter there in question , but concerning the judgement of death , that formerly hath been given against him , the which the kings pleasure was , upon some occasions best knowne to himselfe , to have executed , unlesse he could shew good cause to the contrary . unto which sir walter rawleigh said , that he was told by his councell , that in regard his majestie since the said judgement , had been pleased to imploy him in his service , as by commission he had done , it made void the said judgment , and was a verification unto him . but the lord chiefe justice told him , that he was therein deceived , and that the opinion of the court was to the contrary . wherewith he was satisfyed , and desired that some reasonable time , might be allowed him to prepare him selfe for death . but it was answered him , that the time appointed was on the morrow , and that it was not to be doubted , but that he had prepared himselfe for death long since . and i am glad said the l. chief justice , that you have given the world so good satisfaction of your religion , as by some bookes published by you , you have . and so master atturney generall , requiring in the kings behalfe , that execution might be done upon the prisoner , according to the foresaid judgement . the sheriffs of middlesex , were commanded for that purpose , to take him to their custody , who presently carryed him to the gate-house . from whence , the next morning , betweene the sheriffs of middlesex sir walter rawleigh was brought to the old palace , in westminster , where a large scaffold was erected for the execution . whereupon , when he came with a cheerfull countenance , he saluted the lords , knights and gentlemen , there present . after which , a proclamation was made for silence , and he addressed himselfe , to speake in this manner . i desire to be borne withall , for this is the third day of my feaver , and if i shall shew any weaknesse , i beseech you to attribute it to my mallady , for this is the hour in which it is wont to come . then pawsing a while , he sate , and directed himselfe towards a window , where the lord of arundel , northampton , and doncaster with some other lords , and knights , sat and spake as followeth , i thanke god of his infinite goodnesse , that he hath brought me to die in the light , and not in darknesse , ( but by reason , that the place where the lords , &c. sate ) was some distance from the scaffold , that he perceived they could not well hear him , he said , i will straine my voice , for i would willingly have your honours heare me . but my lord of arundel said , nay , we will rather come downe to the scaffold , which he and some others did . where being come , he saluted them severally , and then began againe to speake as followeth , viz. as i said , i thanke god heartily , that he hath brought me into the light to dye , and that he hath not suffered me to dye in the darke prison of the tower , where i have suffered a great deale of misery , and cruell sicknesse , and i thanke god , that my feaver hath not taken me at this time , as i prayed to god it might not . there are two maine points of suspition that his majestie as i heare , hath conceived against mee . to resolve your lordships wherein his majesty cannot be satisfied , which i desire to cleer , and to resolve your lordships off : one is , that his majesty hath been informed , that i have often had plotts with france , and his majesty had good reason to induce him thereunto . one reason that his majesty had to conjecture so , was , that when i came back from guyana , being come to plymouth , i endeavoured to go in a barke to rochell , which was , for that i would have made my peace , before i had come to englande ; another reason was , upon my flight , i did intend to fly into france , for the saving of my selfe , having had some terror from above . a third reason is , his majesty had reason to suspect , was the french agents coming to me , besides it was reported that i had a commission from the frech king , at my going forth , these are the reasons that his majesty had , as i am informed to suspect me . but this i say , for a man to call god to witnesse , to a falshood at the hour of death , is farre more grievous and impious , and that a man that so doth cannot have salvation , for he hath no time of repentance , then what shall i expect , that am going instantly to render up my account . i do therefore call god to witnesse , as i hope to be saved , and as i hope to see him in his kingdom , which i hope i shall within this quarter of this houre , i never had any commission from the french king , nor never saw the french kings hand writing in all my life , neither know i that there was a french agent , nor what he was , till i mett him in my gallery at my lodging unlooked for , if i speake not true , o lord let me never enter into thy kingdome . the second suspition was , that his majesty had been informed , that i should speake dishonorably , and disloyally of my soveraigne ; but my accuser was a base french man , a runnagate fellow , one that hath no dwelling , a kinde of a chymicall fellow , one that i knew to be persideous , for being by him drawne into the action of fearing my selfe at winchester , in which i confesse my hand was toucht , hee being sworne to secrecie over night revealed it the next morning . but this i speake , now what have i to doe with kings ; i have nothing to doe with them , neither doe i feare them ; i have onely now to doe with my god , in whose presence i stand , therefore to tell a lye , were it to gaine the kings favour , were vaine : therefore , as i hope to be saved at the last judgement day , i never spake dishonorably , disloyally , or dishonestly of his majesty in all my life ; and therefore i cannot but thinke it strange , that that frenchman being so base and meane a fellow should be so farr credited as he hath been . i have dealt truely , as i hope to be saved , and i hope i shall be beleeved : i confesse , i did attempt to escape , i cannot excuse it , but it was onely to save my life . and i doe likewise confesse , that i did faigne my selfe to be ill disposed and sick at salisbury , but i hope it was no sinne , for the prophet david did make himselfe a foole , and suffered spittle to fall down upon his beard , to escape from the hands of his enemies , and it was not imputed unto him : so , what i did , i intended no ill , but to gaine and prolong time till his majesty came , hoping for some commiseration from him . but i forgive this french-man and sir lewis stewkelye withall my heart , for i have received the sacrament this morning of master deane of westminster , and i have forgiven all men , but that they that are persideous , i am bound in charity to speake , that all men may take heede of them . sir lewis stewkeley , my keeper and kinsman , hath affirmed that i should tell him , that my lord carewe , and my lord of doncaster heer , did advise me to escape , but i protest before god , i never told him any such thing , neither did the lords advise me to any such matter : neither is it likely that i should tell him any such thing , of two privy-councellors : neither had i any reason to tell him , or he to report it ; for it is well knowne , he left me 6,7,8,9 and 10 dayes together alone , to go whither i listed , whilest he rod himselfe about the countrey . he further accused me , that i should shew him a letter whereby , i did signifie unto him , that i would give him ten thousand pounds for my escape ; but god cast my soule into everlasting fire , if i made any such profer of 10000 pounds , or 1000 , but indeed i shewed him a letter , that if he would go with me , there should be order taken for his debts when he was gone , neither had i 10000 pound to give him , for if i had had so much , i could have made my peace better with it otherwayes , then in giving it to stewkeley . further , when i came to sir edward pelhams house , who had been a follower of mine , and who gave me good entertainment . he gave out , that i had there received some dramme of poyson , when i answered him that i feared no such thing , for i was well assured of them in the house , and therefore wisht him to have no such thought ; now god forgive him for i do , and i desire god to forgive him , i will not onely say , god is a god of revenge ; but i desire god to forgive him , as i do desire to be forgiven of god . then looking over his noate of remembrance , well said he , thus farre i have gone , a little more , a little more , and i will have done by and by . it was told the king that i was brought per-force into england , and that i did not intend to come againe ; but sir charles parker , m. trefham , m. leake , and divers know how i was dealt withall by the common-souldiers , which were 150 in number , who mutined , and sent for me to come into the ship to them , for unto me they would not come , and there was i forced for to take an oath , that i would not go into england , till that they would have me ; otherwise they would have cast me into the sea , and therewithall they drove me into my cabbin , and bent all their forces against me . now after i had taken this oath , with wine , and other things , such as i had about me , i drew some of the cheifest to desist from their purposes ; and at length , i perswaded them to goe into ireland , which they were willing unto , and would have gone into the north parts of ireland , which i disswaded them from , and told them that they were red-shankes that inhabited there , and with much adoe , i perswaded them to go into the south parts of ireland , promising them to get their pardons , and was forced to give them 125 pound at kinsall , to bring them home , otherwise i had never got from them . i heare likewise , there was a report , that i meant not to go to guyana at all , and that i knew not of any myne , nor intended any such thing or matter , but onely to get my liberty , which i had not the wit to keep . but i protest it was my full intent , and for gold , for gold for the benefit of his majesty , and my selfe , and of those that ventured , and went with me , with the rest of my countreymen : but he that knew the head of the myne would not discover it , when he saw my sonne was slaine , but made away himselfe . and then turning to my earle of arundel , he said , my lord , being in the gallery of my ship , at my departure , i remember your honor took me by the hand , and said , you would request one thing of me , which was , that whither i made a good voyage or a bad , i should not fayle , but to returne againe into england , which i then promised you , and gave you my faith i would , and so i have . to which my lord answered and said , it is true , i do very well remember it , they were the very last words i spake unto you . another slander was raised of me , that i would have gone away from them , and left them at guyana . but there was a great many worthy men , that accompanied me alwayes , as my serieant major , george rawleigh and divers others , which knew my intent was nothing so . another opinion was held of me , that i carried with me to sea , 16000 peeces , and that vvas all the voyage i intended , onely to get mony into my hands . as i shall ansvver it before god , i had not in all the world in my hands or others to my use , either directly or indirectly , above a hundred pound , whereof when i went i gave my wife 25 pounds thereof , but the error thereof came as i perceived , by looking over the screvenors bookes , where they found the bills of adventure arising to a great sum , so raised that false report . onely i will borrow a little time of m. sheriffes to speake of one thing , that doth make my heart to bleed , to heare that such an imputation should be layd upon me , for it is said , that i should be a persecutor of the death of the earle of essex , and that i stood in a window over against him , when he suffered , and puffed out tobacco in disdaine of him , god i take to witnesse , i shed teares for him when he died , and as i hope to looke god in the face hereafter , my lord of essex did not see my face , when he suffered , for i was a farre off in the armory , where i saw him , but he saw notme . i confesse indeed i was of a contrary faction , but i know my lord of essex was a noble gentleman , and that it would be worse with me when he was gone ; for i got the hate of those which vvishad me well before , and those that set me against him , afterwards set themselves against me , and was my greatest enemies , and my soule hath many times been grieved , that i was not nearer him vvhen he died ; because as i understood aftervvards , that he asked for me at his death , to have been reconcyled unto me . and these be the materiall points i thought good to speake of , and i ame novv at this instant , to render up an account to god , and i protest as i shall appeare before him , this that i have spoken is true , and i hope i shal be beleeved then a proclamation being made , that all men should depart the scaffold , he prepared himselfe for death : giving away his hat , his cap , vvith some mony , to such as he knevv , that stood neer him . and then taking his leave of the lords , knights , gentlemen , and others of his acquaintance , and amongst the rest , taking his leave of my lord of arundel , he thanked him for his company , and intreated him to desire the king that no scandalous vvriting to defame him , might be published after his death , saying further unto him , i have a long journey to go , and therefore i vvill take my leave and then putting off his doublet , and govvne , he desired the headsman to shevv him the axe , vvhich not being suddenly granted unto him , he said i prethee , let me see it , dost thou thinke that i am afraid of it , so it being given unto him , he felt along upon the edge of it , and smiling , spake unto m. sheriffe saying , this is a sharpe medecine , but it is a physitian that will cure all diseases . then going to and fro upon the scaffold on every side , he intreated the company to pray to god to give him strength . then having ended his speech , the executioner kneeled downe and asked him forgivenesse , the which laying his hand upon his shoulder he forgave him . then being asked , which way he would lay himself on the block , he made answer and said , so the heart be streight it is no matter which way the head lyeth : so laying his head on the block , his face being towards the east , the headsman throwing downe his owne cloak , because he would not spoyl the prisoners gowne , he giving the headsman a signe when he should strike , by lifting up his hands , the executioner strook of his head , at two blowes , his body never shrinking nor mooving , his head was shewed on each side of the scaffold , and then put into a red leather bag , and his wrought velvet gowne throwne over it , which was afterwards conveyed away in a mourning coach of his ladyes . sir walter rawleigh's letter to the king the night before his death . the life which i had most mighty prince , the law hath taken from me , and i am now but the same earth and dust out of which i was made . if my offence had any proportion with your majesties mercy i might despaire , or if my deserving had any quantity with your majesties unmeasurable goodnesse i might yet have hope , but it is you that must judge and not i , name , blood , gentility , or estate i have none ; no not so much as a being , no not so much as a vitam planta : i have onely a penetent soule in a body of iron , which mooveth towards the load-stone of death , and cannot be withheld from touching it , except your majesties mercy turne the point towards me that expelleth . lost i am for hearing of vain man , for hearing only and never beleeving nor accepting : and so little account i made of that speech of his , which was my condemnation ( as my forsaking him doth truly witnesse ) that i never remembred any such thing , till it was at my tryall objected against me . so did he repay my care , who cared to make him good , which i now see no care of man can effect . but god ( for my offence to him ) hath laid this heavy burthen on me , miserable and unfortunate wretch that i am . but for not loving you ( my soveraigne ) god hath not layd this sorrow on me : for he knowes ( with whom i am not in case to lye ) that i honored your majesty by same , and loved and admired you by knowledge , so that whither i live or dye , your majesties loving servant i will live and die . if now i write what seemes not well favoured ( most mercifull prince ) vouchsafe to asscribe it to the councell of a dead heart , and to a minde that sorrow hath confounded . but the more my misery is , the more is your majesties mercy ( if you please to behold it ) and the lesse i can deserve , the more liberall your majesties gift shall be : herein you shall onely imitate god , giving free life : and by giving to such a one from whom there can be no retribution , but onely a desire to pay a lent life with the same great love ; which the same great goodnesse shall bestow on it . this being the first letter , that ever your majesty received from a dead man : i humbly submit my selfe to the will of god my supream lord , and shall willingly and patiently suffer whatsoever it shall please your majestie to afflict me withall , walter rawleigh . the copy of sir walter rawleighs letter to his wife , the night before his death . you shall now receive ( my deare wife ) my last words in these my last lines . my love i send you that you may keep it when i am dead , and my cou●cell that you may remember it when i am no more i would not by my will present you with sorrowes ( deare besse ) let them go into the grave with me and be buried in the dust . and seeing that it is not gods will that i should see you any more in this life , beare in patiently , and with a heart like thy selfe . first i send you all the thankes which my heart can conceive , or my words can reherse for your many travailes , and care taken for me , which though they have not taken effect as you wished , yet my debt to you is not the lesse : but pay it i never shall in this world . secondly , i beseech you for the love you beare me living , do not hide your selfe many dayes , but by your travailes seeke to helpe your miserable fortunes , and the right of your poor childe . thy mourning cannot availe me , i am but dust . thirdly you shall understand , that my land was conveyed bona fide to my childe : the writings were drawne at midsummer was twelve months , my honest cosen brett can testify so much , and dolberry too , can remem●er somewhat therein . and i trust my blood will quench their malice that have cruelly murthered me : and that they will not seek also to kill thee and thine with extreame poverty . to what friend to direct thee i know not , for all mine have left me in the true time of tryall . and i perceive that my death was determined from the first day . most sorry i am god knowes that being thus surprised with death i can leave you in no better estate . god is my witnesse i meant you all my office of wines or all that i could have purchased by selling it , halfe my stuffe , and all my jewels , but some one for the boy , but god hath prevented all my resolutions . that great god that ruleth all in all , but if you can live free from want , care for no more , the rest is but vanity . love god , and begin betimes to repose your selfe upon him , and therein shall you finde true and lasting riches , and endlesse comfort : for the rest when you have travelled and wearied your thoughts , ver all sorts of worldly cogitations , you shall but sit downe by sorrow in the end . teach your son also to love and feare god whilst he is yet young , that the feare of god may grow with him , and then god will be a husband to you , and a father to him ; a husband and a father which cannot be taken from you . baily oweth me 200 pounds , and adrian 600 in iersey i also have much owing me besides . the arrearrages of the wines will pay , your debts . and howsoever you do , for my soules sake , pay all poore men . when i am gone , no doubt you shall be sought too , for the world thinkes that i was very rich . but take heed of the pretences of men , and their affections , for they last not but in honest and worthy men , and no greater misery can befall you in this life , then to become a prey , and afterwards to be despised . i speake not this ( god knowes ) to disswade you from marriage , for it will be best for you both in respect of the world and of god . as for me i am no more yours , nor you mine , death hath cut us asunder : and god hath divided me from the world , and you from me . remember your poore childe for his fathers sake , who chose you , and loved you in his happiest times . get those letters ( if it be possible ) which i writ to the lords , wherein i sued for my life : god is my witnesse it was for you and yours that i desired life , but it is true that i disdained my self for begging of it : for know it ( my deare wife ) that your son is the son of a true man , and who in his owne respect despiseth death and all his mishapen & ugly formes . i cannot write much , god he knows how hardly i steale this time while others sleep , and it is also time that i should separate my thoughts from the world . begg my dead body which living was denied thee ; and either lay it at sherburne ( and if the land continue ) or in exeter-church by my father and mother ; i can say no more , time and death call me away , the everlasting , powerfull , infinite , and omnipotent god , that almighty god , who is goodnesse it selfe , the true life and true light keep thee and thine : have mercy on me , and teach me to forgive my persecutors and accusers , and send us to meet in his glorious kingdome . my deare wife farewell . blesse my poore boy . pray for me , and let my good god hold you both in his armes . written with the dying hand of sometimes thy husband , but now alasse overthrowne ; walter rawleigh . finis . the prince, or, maxims of state written by sir walter ravvley ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57525 of text r23010 in the english short title catalog (wing r179). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 85 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57525 wing r179 estc r23010 12492505 ocm 12492505 62401 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57525) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62401) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e132, no 41) the prince, or, maxims of state written by sir walter ravvley ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [6], 46 p. [s.n.] london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng political science -early works to 1800. a57525 r23010 (wing r179). civilwar no the prince, or maxims of state· written by sir walter ravvley, and presented to prince henry: raleigh, walter, sir 1642 15360 101 5 0 0 0 0 69 d the rate of 69 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true and liuely portraiture of the honourable and learned knight sr walter ralegh . the prince , or maxims of state . written by sir walter ravvley , and presented to prince henry . sapere & silere . london , printed , mdcxlii . the contents . of government . of policy . of monarchy . of aristocraty , or senatory state . of free state , or popular state . of tyranny . of olygarchy , or the government of a few . of a common-wealth . of causes of states , and common-wealths in generall . of founding a state . of causes preserving a state or common-wealth . of mysteries or sophismes . of axioms or rules of preserving a state . rules for preserving of a kingdome . hereditary . conquered . kingdomes hereditary are preserved at home by the ordering of a prince . kingdomes new gotten , or purchased by force , are preserved by 10. rules . rules politique of tyrants . sophismes of a barbarous and professed tyranny . sophismes of the sophisticall , or subtill tyrant to hould up his state . of preservation of an aristocraty . of preservation of an olygarchy , by sophismes . rules . of conversion of states in generall . causes of conversions of states are of two sorts : generall and particular . particular causes of conversion of state , are of two sorts . of sedition . causes of sedition are of two sorts . of alteration without violence . a method , how to make use of the booke before , in the reading of story . old age is not ever unfit for publique government . example of the like practise in charles the fif● . of observation for the affirmative and the negative . of defence for david in marrying abishag . politicall nobility . of adoniah aspiring to the kingdome . observations . of wayes of such as aspire to the kingdome , and marke● to discerne them . of government . government is of two sorts . 1. private of himselfe . sobriety . of his family ; called oec●nomy . 2. publique of the common-wealth ; called policy . a man must first governe himselfe , ere he be fit to governe a family : and his family , ere hee bee fit to beare the governement in the common-wealth . of policy . policy is an art of government of a common-wealth , and some part of it according to that state , or form● of government wherein it is setled for the publique good . state , is the frame or set order of a common-wealth , or of the governours that rule the same , specially of the chiefe and soveraigne governour that commands the rest . the state or soveraignty consisteth in 5. points . 1. making or annulling of lawes . 2. creating and disposing of magistrates . 3. power over life and death . 4. making of warre , or peace . 5. highest or last appeale . where these 5. a●e , either in one or in more , there is the state . these 5. points of state rest either in ; 1. one monarchy or kingdome . 2. some few chiefe of men for vertue and wisedome , called an aristocra●y . 3. many , called a free state or a popular state . these three sorts of government have respect to the common good , and therefore are iust and lawfull states . these 3. degenerate into 3. other governements . 1. monarchy . 2. aristocraty . 3. popular estate . into 1. tyrany . 2. oligarchy , or government of a few , rich or able . 3. common-wealth or government of all the common & baser sort , and therefore called a common wealth , by an vsurped nickname . these all respect there owne , and not the publique good , and therefore are called bastard governements . 1. monarchy . a monarchy , or kingdome , is the governement of a state by one head , or chiefe , tending to the common benefit of all . monarchies or kingdomes are of 3. sorts touching the right or possession of them ; viz. 1. hereditary , by discent , as the english , french , &c. 2. elective , by suffrage of the other orders , or some of them , as the p●l●nian . 3. mixt , or of both kinds ; viz , by discent yet not tyed to the next of bloud , as the ancient jewish state . monarchies are of 2. sorts touching their power or ●uthority : viz. 1. intier . where the whole power of ordering all state matters , both in peace and warre , doth by law and custome appertaine to the prince , as in the english kingdome , where the prince hath power to make lawes , league and warre , to create magistrates ; to pardon life : of appeale , &c. though to give a contentment to the other degrees , they have a sufferage in making lawes ; yet ever subject to the princes pleasure , nor negative will . 2. limited , or restrained that hath no full power in all the points or matters of state , as the military king that hath not the soveraignty in time of peace , as the making of lawes &c. but in warre onely as the poloni●● kings . 2. aristocraty or senatory state . an aristocraty is the government of a common-wealth by some competent number of the better sort , preferred for wisedome and other vertues for the publique good . aristocraties are of 3. sorts , viz , where the senators are chosen , for 1. vertue , riches , and the common good , as the venetian . 2. vertue and the publique good without respect of wealth , as sometimes the roman when some of the senatours , were fetched from the plough , and some from the schooles . 3. vertue and wealth , more respecting their private , then the publique good which inclineth towards an oligarchy , or the government of the richer or nobler sort , as in rome towards the end . 3. free state or popular state . the popular state is the government of a state by the choiser sort of people , tending to the publique good of all sorts ; viz. with due respect of the better , nobler , and richer sort . in every iust state , some part of the government is , or ought to bee imparted to the people ; as in a kingdome , a voice or sufferage in making lawes ; and sometimes also , in levying of armes ( if the charge bee great , and the prince forced to borrow helpe of his subjects ) the matter rightly may bee propounded to a parliament , that the taxe may seeme to have proceeded from themselves . so consultations , and some proceedings in judiciall matters may in part bee referred to them . the reason , least seeing themselves to be in no number , nor of reckoning , they mislike the state or kind of government : and where the multitude is discontented , there must needs bee many enemies to the present state . for which cause , tyrants ( which allow the people , no manner of dealing in state matters ) are forced to bereave them of their wits and weapons , and all other meanes , whereby they may resist , or amend themselves , as in rusheland , turkey , &c. 4. tyranny . a tyranny is the swarving , or distorting of a monarchy , or the government of one tending not to the publique good , but the private benefit of himselfe , and his followers . as in the russe and turkish government , where the state and wealth of other orders are employed onely to the uphoulding of the greatnesse of the king , or emperour . this is the worst of all the bastard states , because it is the perverting of the best regiment , to wit , of a monarchy , which resembleth the soveraigne government of god himselfe . 5. obligarchy , or the government of a few . an oligarchy is the swarving , or the corruption of an aristocraty ; or the government of some few that are of the wealthier or nobler sort , without any respect of the publique good . the chiefe end of these governours is their owne greatnesse and enriching . and therefore there manner is to prepare fit meanes to uphold their estates . this state is not wholly so bad , as is the tyra●nny , and yet worse then the common-wealth , because it respecteth the good of a few . 6. common-wealth . a common-wealth is the swarving or depravation of a free or popular state , or the government of the whole multitude of the base and poorer sort , without respect of the other orders . these two states , to wit ; the oligarchy and common-wealth , are very adverse the one to the other , and have many bickerings and dissentions betweene them . for that the richer or nober sort suppose a right of superiority to appertaine unto them in every respect , because they are superiour , but in some respects onely , to wit , in riches , birth , parentage , &c. on the other side , the common people suppose , there ought to bee an equality in all other things , and some state matters ; because they are equall with the rich or noble , touching their liberty , whereas indeed neither the one nor the other are simply equall or superiour as touching government and fitnes thereunto , because they are such , to wit , because they are rich● noble , free , &c. but because they are wise , vertuous valiant &c. and so have fit parts to governe a state . these severall states are sometimes mixed and interwrought one with the other , yet ever so , as that the one hath the preheminent predomination over the other , as in the humours and complections of the body . so in the roman state , the people had their plaebiscita , and gave the sufferage in the election of magistrates : yet the senate ( as the state stood ) for the most part swayed the state , and bare the chiefe rule . so in the venetian state , the duke seemeth to represent a monarch , and , the senate to bee his councell : yet the duke hath no power in state matters , but is like a head set on by art that beareth no braine . and so that state is senatoricall or , aristocraticall . causes of states and common-wealths in generall . causes of states or of common-wealths are of 3. sorts , viz. 1. founding or setling a state where to bee considered . 2. preserving a state . 3. changing and alltering a state . 1. measure . 2. parts and their qualities . founding a state . in founding a state are to bee considered 2. things . 1. proportion . 2. parts . proportion is a just measure or mediocrity of the state , whereby it is framed and kept in that order , as that neither it exceed nor bee defective in his kind ; to wit , so that a monarch bee not to monarchicall , nor strict , or absolute , as the russe kings ; nor aristocraticall , that is over-mated ; or ecclipsed by the nobility , as the scottish kingdome ; but ever respective to the other degrees . that an aristocraty bee not to magnificent nor intier to it selfe , but communicate with the people some commodities of state or government as the venetian , and sometimes the roman allowed the people to elect certaine magistrates out of themselves , to have a tribune , to make plaebiscita &c. so a free state or common-wealth that it bee not over popular , viz. that it depresse not to much the richer , wiser , nor learneder sort ; but admit them to offices with a caution out of the rules and misteries of that state . that they seeke no alteration of the present state . the reason , because the moderate states in their severall kindes ( as all other things that observe the meane ) are best framed for their continuance , because they give lesse cause of grudge , envy , and affecting the wealth , honour , and liberty which they see in others , that governe the state ; and so are lesse subject to stirres , and commotions , and easiest kept in their present state wherein they are set . parts . the parts of the state , or those magistrates that beare place or sway in the publique government . parts or partakers of publique government , are 1. counsell or senate , which consulteth of all matters pertaining to warre and peace , magistrates , &c. in admitting of whom there ought to bee a more speciall care that they bee men expect in matter of policy , because it is their trade and vocation , as men use to choose pilots and masters of shippes such as know the art of navigation , and not husbandmen &c. and so the contrary . 2. magistrates and officers which are to bee executioners of that which is consulted and found to bee expedient for the common-wealth , wherein are to bee observed the kinds of magistrates , that they bee such as fit that kind of government ; the time of their continuance , and the manner of their election or appointing , by whom , out of whom , and in what manner they be choosen . 3. iudges ; to determine in civill and criminall matters , where are to bee observed , out of whom they are to bee chosen ; what kinds are necessary , and the manner of judgement and judiciall proceeding . i● magistrates are to be observed , 1. kindes of magistrates , as 1. civill . 2. ecclesiasticall . 1. superiour , which are to bee such and of that kind as agree with the state ; as consuls for a yeare , and not perpetuall dictatours in a senatory state . preators and censors that oversee manners and orders of the people . for a kingdome lieutenants of shires , marshals , masters of horse , admirals , &c. inferiour , as conservatours of peace , constables , &c. overseers of youth , that take care of their education for civill and warlike exercise . clarkes of the market that provide for the quantity and prize of victuall . ediles for buildings , streets , bounds . quaestours or treasurours to keepe and despence the publique treasury . actuaries or recorders , which keepe the publique records . gaolers , to keepe prisons , and prisoners . surveyours of woods and fields , &c. as bishops , or pastours , elders , wardens . 2. time of magistrates , whereof some are perpetuall , some for a time , viz. , for more yeares ; a yeare , halfe a yeare , according to the necessity of the common-wealth , and not perpetuall ; or at least not hereditary in a kingdome . yearely in an aristocracy , or halfe yearely in a free state . 3. manner of choise , by whom and how to bee chosen , where especially they are to bee chosen by sufferage , and not by lot . causes preserving a state or common-wealth . in preserving of states , two things required . 1. misteries or sophis●es . 1. generall to all states . 2. particular for every severall state . 2. rules or actioms . 1. generall for all states . 2. particular for every state . mysteries or sophismes . mysteries or sophismes of state , are certain● secret practizes , either for the avoiding of danger ; or averting such effects as tend to the preservation of the present state , as it is set or founded . state mysteries are of 2. sorts . 1. generall : that pertaine to all states ; as first , to provide by all meanes , that the same degree or part of the common-wealth doe not exceed both in quantity and quality . in quantity as that the number of the nobility , or of great persons , be not more then the state or common-wealth can-beare . in quality , as that none grow in wealth , liberty , honours , &c. more then that is meet for that degree ; for as in weights , the heavier weights beare downe the skale ; so in common-wealths , that part or degree that excelleth the rest in qu●lity and quantity , overswayeth the rest after it , whereof follow alterations and conversions of state . secondly , to provide by all meanes , that the middle sort of people exceed both the extreames ( viz. ) of nobility and gentry , and the base , rascall and beggerly sort . for this maketh the state constant and firme , when both the extreames are tied together by a middle sort , as it were with a band , as for any conspiracy of the rich and beggerly sort together , it is not to bee feared . to these two points , the particular rules or sophismes of every common-wealth are to bee applied . 2. particular : that serve for preservation of every common-wealth in that forme of state , wherein it is setled as in a kingdome . that the nobility may bee accustomed to beare the government of the prince , especially such as have their dwelling in remote places from the princes eye , it is expedient to call them up at certaine times to the princes court under pretence of doing them honour , or being desirous to see and enjoy their presence ; and to have their children , especially their eldest , to bee attendant upon the prince , as of speciall favour towards them and theirs , that so they may bee trained up in duty and obedience towards the prince , and bee as hostages for the good behaviour and faithfull dealing of their parents , especially if they bee of any suspected note . to that end , serves the persian practize in having a band or traine of the satrapaes children ; and other nobles to attend the court which was well imited by our traine of henchm●n , if they were of the nobler sort . againe , sometimes to borrow smale summes of his subjects , and to pay them againe , that hee may after borrow greater summes and never pay : so in an oligarchy , least it decline to a popular state , they deceive the people with this and the like sophismes ( viz. ) they compell their owne sort , to wit , the rich men by great penalties to frequent their assemblies for choosing of magistrates , for provision of armour , warlike exercise , making an execution of lawes , &c. by that meanes seeming to beare a hard hand over the richer ; but to suffer the poorer and meaner sort to bee absent , and to neglect those assemblies under pretence , that they will no● draw them from their businesse and private earnings : yet withall to cite thither some few of them ( viz. ) so many as are easily over-matched by the richer sort , to make a shew , that they would have the people , or poorer sort partakers likewise of those matters , yet terrifying those that come to their assemblies with the tediousnesse of consultations , greatnesse of fines , if they should mi●doc . to the end to make them unwilling to come againe , or to have to doe with those consultations ; by which meanes the richer sort doe still governe the state with the people● liking and good contentment . axioms . axioms or rules of preserving the state , are 1. generall , that serve for all common-wealths . 2. particular , that serve for every severall state . generall rules . 1. the first and principall rule of policy to bee observed in all states is to professe , and practize , and maintaine the true worship and religion of almighty god , prescribed unto us in his word , which is the chiefe end of all government . the axiom , that god bee obeyed simply without exception , though hee command that which seemeth unreasonable , and absurd to humane policy , as in the iewes common-wealth , that all the men should repaire yearely to one place to worship god foure times , leaving none to defend their coast ; though being beset with many enemies . not to sow the seventh yeare , but to suffer the ground to rest untilled without respect or feare of famine , &c. 2. to avoid the causes of conversions , whereby states are overthrowne that are set downe in the title of conversions ; for that common-wealths ( as naturall bodies ) are preserved by avoiding that which hurteth the health and state thereof , and are so cured by contrary medicines . 3. to take heed , that no magistrate bee created or continued contrary to the lawes and policy of that state . as that in a senate , there bee not created a perpetuall dictator , as caesar in rome . in a kingdome , that there bee no senate or convention of equall power with the prince , in state matters ; as in poland . 4. to create such magistrates as love the state as it is setled , and take heed of the contrary practize , as to advance popular persons in a kingdome , or aristocraty . and secondly , to advance such as have skill to discerne what doth preserve , and what hurteth or altereth the present state . 5. to that end to have certaine officers to pry abroad , and to observe such as doe not live and behave ●hemselves in fit sort , agreeable to the present state ; but desire rather to bee under some other forme or kind of government . 6. to take heed that magistracies bee not sold for money , nor bribe in their offices , which is specially to bee observed in that common-wealth which is governed by a few of the richer sort : for if the magistrate gaine nothing but his common fees , the common sort and such as want honour take in good part , that they bee not preferred , and are glad rather that themselves are suffered to intend private businesse . but if the magistrate ●uy and sell matters , the common people are do●bly grieved , both because they are debarred of those preferments and of that gaine which they see to grow by them , which is the cause that the germaine olygarchies continue ●o firme , for both they suffer the poorer sort to grow into wealth , and the richer sort are by that meanes freed , and secured from being under the poore . 7. to take heed that the state as it is setled and maintained bee not over strict , nor exceed in his kind ; ( viz. ) that a kingdome be not too monarchicall ; nor a popular state bee too popular : for which cause it is good , that the magistrates sometimes yeeld of his right touching honour , and behave themselves familiarly with those that are equall unto them in other parts , though inferiour for place and office ; and sometimes popularly with the common people , which is the cause that some common-wealths , though they bee very simply and unskilfully set ; yet continue firme , because the magistrates behave themselves wisely , and with due respect towards the rest that are without honour ; and therefore , some kind of moderate popularity , is to bee used in every common-wealth . 8. to take heed of small beginnings , and to meet with them even at the first , as well touching the breaking and altering of lawes , as of other rules which concerne the continuance of every severall state . for the disease and alteration of a common-wealth doth not happen all at once but growes by degrees , which every common wit cannot discerne , but men expert in policy . 9. to provide , that that part bee ever the greater in number and power which favours the state , as now it stands . this is to bee observed as a very oracle in all common-wealths . 10. to observe a meane in all the degrees , and to suffer no part to exceed ; or decay overmuch . as first for pre●erments , to provide that they bee rather small and short , then great and long ; and if any bee growne to overmuch greatnesse , to withdraw or diminish some part of his honour . where the sophismes are to bee practized ( viz. ) to doe it by parts and degrees ; to doe it by occasion or colour of law , and not all at once . and if that way serve not , to advance some other , of whose vertue and faithfulnesse , wee are fully assured , to as high a degree , or to greater honour : and to bee the friends and followers of him that excelleth , above that which is meet . as touching wealth , to provide , that tho●e of the middle sort ( as before was said ) bee more in number ; and if any grow high , and overcharged with wealth , to use the sophismes of a popular state ; ( viz. ) to send him on embās●ages , and forram● negotiations , or employ him in some office that hath great charges and litle honour , &c. to which end the edelishi● served in some common-wealths . 11. to suppresse the factions and quarrels of the nobles , and to keepe other that are yet free from joyning with them in their partakings and factions . 12. to encrease or remit the common taxes and contributions , according to the wealth , or want of the people and common-wealth . if the people bee increased in wealth , the taxes and subsidies may bee increased . if they bee poore , and their wealth diminish , specially by dearth , want of traffique , &c. to forbeare taxes and impositions , or to take litle . otherwise grudge and discontentments must needs follow . the sophismes that serve for impositions are these , and other of like sort , to pretend businesse of great charge , as warre , building of ships , making of havens , castles , fortifications , &c. for the common defence ; sometimes by lotteries and like devises , wherein some part may bee bestowed , the rest reserved for other expences ; but princely dealing needs no pretences . 13. to provide that the discipline and training of youth of the better sort bee such as agreeth with that common-wealth : as that in a kingdome , the sonnes of noble-men to bee attendant at the court , that they may bee accustomed to obedience towards the prince : in the senatory state , that the sonnes of the senatours bee not idly , no● over daintily brought up , but well instructed and trained up in learning tongues and martiall exercise ; that they may bee able to beare that place in the common-wealth , which their father held , and contrary wise in a popular state . 14. to take heed , least their sophismes , or secret practizes for the continuance and maintenance of that state bee not discovered , least by that means they refuse and disappoint themselves , but wisely used and with great secreflie . particuler rules . rules and axiomes for preserving of a kingdome ; hereditary . conquered . kingdomes hereditary are preserved at home by the ordering . 1. himselfe ; ( viz. ) by the tempering and moderation of the princes power , and prerogative . for the lesse and more temperate , their power and state is ; the more firme , and stable is their kingdome and government , because they seeme to be further off from a master-like and tyrannicall empire ; and lesse unequall in condition to the next degree ; to wit , the nobility , and so lesse subject to grudge and envy . 2. nobility ; ( viz. ) by keeping that degree and due proportion , that neither they exceed not in number more then the realme or state can beare , as the scottish kingdome , and sometime the english , when the realme was overcharged with the numbers of dukes , earles , and other nobles ; whereby the authority of the prince was ecclipsed , and the realme troubled with their factions and ambitions . nor that any one excell in honour , power or wealth , as that hee resemble another king within the kingdome ; as the house of lancaster within this realme . to that end not to load any with too much honour or preferrement , because it is hard even for the best and worthiest men to beare their greatnesse and high fortune temperately , as appeareth by infinite examples in all states . the sophismes for preventing or reforming this inconvenience , are to bee used with great caution and wisedome . if any great person bee to bee abated , not to deale with him by calumniation , or forged matter , and so to cut him off without desert , especially if hee bee gratious among the people after the machivilian policy , which besides the injustice , is an occasion many times of greater danger towards the prince . nor to withdraw their honour all at once , which maketh a desperate discontentment in the party , and a commiseration in the people , and so greater love , if hee bee gratious for his vertue and publique service . nor to banish him into forraine countries , where hee may have oportunity of practizing with forraine states , whereof great danger may ensue , as in the examples of coriolanus , henry the fourth , and such like . but to use these , and the like sophismes : ( viz. ) to abate their greatnesse by degrees , as david , ioabs , iustinian , bellisarius , &c. to advance some other men to as great or greater honour , to shadow or over-mate the greatnesse of the other . to draw from him by degrees his friends and followers , by preferrements , rewards , and other good and lawfull meanes ; especially , to bee provided that these great men bee not employed in great or powerfull affaires of the common-wealth , whereby they may have more oportunity , to sway the state . 3. people : ( viz. ) so to order and behave himselfe , that hee bee loved and reverenced of the people . for that the prince need not greatly feare home-conspiracies , or forraine invasion , if hee bee firmely loved of his owne people . the reason , for that the rebell can neither hope for any forces for so great enterprise ; no● any refuge being discovered and put to flight , if the multitude affect their prince : but the common people being once offended hath cause to feare every moving , both at home and abroad . this may bee effected by the prince , if hee use meanes and art of getting the favour of the people , and avoid those things that breed hatred and contempt : ( viz. ) if hee s●●me as a ●utor , or a father to love the people and to protect them , if hee maintaine the peace of his kingdome ; for that nothing is more popular , nor more pleasing to the people then is peace . 4. if hee shew himselfe oftentimes gratiously , yet with state , and majesty to his people , and receive complaints of his suppliants , and such like . 5. if hee sit himselfe sometimes in open courts and place of justice , that hee may seeme to have a 〈◊〉 of justice among his people . if hee bestow many benefits and graces upon that city which hee maketh the seat of his empire , and so make it sure and faithfull unto him , which is fit to bee in the middle of his kingdome , as the heart in the middle of the body , or the sunne in the middle of heaven , both to divide himselfe more easily into all the parts of his dominions ; and least the furthest parts at one end move , whilest the prince is in the other . if hee goe in progresse many times to see his provinces , especially those that are remote . 6. if hee gratifie his courtiers and attendants in that sort , and by such meanes as that hee may seeme not to pleasure them with the hurt and injury of his people , as with monopolies , and such like . 7. if hee commit the handling of such thing● as procure envy , or seeme grievous to his ministers , but reserve those things which are gratefull and well pleasing to himselfe , as the french kings , who for that purpose● as may seeme , have erected their court at paris , which 〈◊〉 the prince from grudge and envy , both with the nobles and the people . 8. if hee borrowes sometimes summes of money of his people , though hee have no need , and pay the same 〈◊〉 without defalcation of any part by his exchequer or other officers . 9. if hee avoid all such things as may breed hatred or contempt of his person , which may bee done , if hee shew himselfe not too light , inconstant , hard , cruell , e●●eminate , fearefull , and dastardly , &c. but contrariwise , religious grave , just , valiant , &c. whereby appeareth the false doctrine of the machivilian policy ; with feare , the better meanes , to keepe the people in obedience , then love , and reverence of the people towards the prince . 9. if the prince bee well furnished with warlike provision , which is to bee rumored and made knowne abroad : if it bee knowne , that hee is revereneed and obeyed by his people at home . 10. if hee provide so much as lieth in him , that his neighbour kingdomes grow not overmuch in power and dominion ; which if it happen , hee is to joyne speedily with other princes , which are in like danger to abare that greatnesse , and to strengthen himselfe and the rest against it . an overfight of the christian princes towards the king of spaine . 11. if hee get him intelligencers by reward , or other meanes , to detect or hinder the de●ignes of that prince , with whom hee hath differences , if any thing bee intent●ed against his state . or at least have some of his owne lydging abroad about that princes court , under colour of embassage , or some other pretence ; which must bee men of skill and dexterity to serve for that turne . 12. to observe the lawes of his conntrey and not to encounter them with his prerogative , nor to use it at all where there is a law , for that it maketh a secret and just grudge in the peoples hearts , especially if it tender to take from them their commodities , and to bestow them upon other of his courtiers and ministers . 13. to provide especially that that part which favoureth the state as it standeth● bee more potent , then the other that favoureth it not , or desireth a change . 14. to make specially choyce of good and sound men to beare the place of magistrates , especiall of such as assist the prince in his councels , and policies , and not to leane overmuch to his owne advise , contrary to the rule of machivill , who teacheth that a prince can have no good councell except it bee in himselfe ; his reason , because if hee use the councell of some one ; hee is in danger to bee overwrought and supplanted by him : and if hee councell with more , then hee shall bee distracted with the differences in opinion . as if a prince of great , or meane wisedome could not take the judgement of all his counsellours in any point of policy , or of so many as himselfe thinketh good , and to take it either by word or in wr●ting ; and himselfe then in private peruse them all , and so after good 〈◊〉 mature deliberation make choice of the best , without any destraction or binding himselfe to the direction of one . for the proverbe is true , that two eyes see more then one ; and therefore , the advises and consultations of a senatory state is compared by some to a feast , or dinner , where many contribute towards the shot , by which meanes they have more variety of dishes , and so better fare : and yet every man may make choice of that dish that serveth him best for his health and appetite . 15. the prince himselfe is to sit sometimes in place of publique justice , and to give an experiment of his wisedome and equity , whereby great reverence and estimation is gotten , as in the example of solomen ; which may seeme the reason , why our kings of england had their kings bench in place of publique iustice , after the manner of the ancient kings that sate in the gate ; where for better performing of this princely duty , some speciall causes may bee selected , which may throughly bee debated and considered upon by the prince in private , with the helpe and advise of his learned counsell , and so bee decided publiquely , as before is said , by the prince himselfe ; at least the prince is to take accompt of every minister of publique iustice , that it may bee knowne , that hee hath a care of iustice , and doing right to his people , which makes the iusticers also to bee more carefull in performing of their d●ties . 16. to bee moderate in his taxes , and impositions ; and when need doth require to use the subjects purse , to doe it by parliaments , and with their consents , making the cause apparant unto them , and shewing his unwillingnesse in charging them . finally , ●o to use it , that it may seeme rather an offer from his subjects , then an exaction by him . 17. to stop small beginnings , unto this end to compound the dissentious that arise amongst the nobles , with caution that such as are free , bee not drawne into parts , whereby many times the prince is endangered , and the whole common-wealth set in a combustion ; as in the example of the barons warres , and the late warres of france , which grew from a quarrell betwixt the guision faction and the other nobility . 18. to stirre up the people , if they grow secure and negligent of armour and other provision for the common-wealth , by some rumour or feare of danger at-home , to make them more ready when occasion requireth . but this seldome to bee used least it bee supposed a false alarme , when there is need indeed . 19. to have speciall care , that his children , especially the heire apparent , have such bringing up as is meet for a king ( viz. ) in learning , specially of matters pertaining to state , and in marshall exercise , contrary to the practize of many princes , who suffer their children to bee brought up in pleasure , and to spend their time in hunting &c. which by reason o● their defects afterwards is a cause of mis-government and alteration of state . 2. kingdomes new gotten , or purchased by force , are preserved by these meanes . 1. first , if they have beene subjects before to his ancestours , or have the same tongue , manners , or fashions as have his owne countrey , it is an easie matter to retaine such countries within their obedience , in case the princes bloud of the said countrey bee wholly extinct . for men of the same quality , tongue , and condition , doe easily shole and combine themselves together , so much the rather if the people of that countrey have served before and were not accustomed to their owne liberty , wherein specially is to bee observed , that the lawes and customes of that purchased countrey bee not altered nor innovated , or at least it bee done by litle and litle . so the burgundians and acquitaines were annexed to france . the rea●on● because partly they have bin accustomed to serve ; and partly , for that they will not easily agree about any other to bee their prince , if the blo●d royall bee once extinguished . as for the invasion of a forraine countrey , whereunto the prince hath no right , or whereof the right heir is living ; it is not the part of a ju●t civill prince , much lesse a prince christian to enforce such a countrey ; and therefore , the machivilian practizes in this case to make sure worke by extinguishing wholly the bloud royall i● le●d , and impertinent : the like is to bee said , of murthering the natives , or the greatest part of them , to the end hee may hold the rest in sure possession . a thing not onely against christian religion : but inhumane iustice , cruell , and barbarous . 2. the safest way is , ( supposing a right ) that some good part of the natives bee transplanted into some other place , and our colonies consisting of so many as shall bee thought meet be planted there in some part of the province , castles , forts , and havens , seised upon , and more provided in fit places , as the manner was of the babylonian monarch which transplanted 10. tribes of the iewes : and of the romans in france , germany , britany , and other places . the reason : 1. for that otherwise forces of horse and foote , are to bee maintained within the province which cannot bee done without great charge . 2. for that the whole province is troubled and grieved , with removing and supplying the army with victuals , carriages , &c. 3. for that collonies are more sure and faithfull then the rest . as for the natives that are removed from their former seates , they have no meanes to hurt , and the rest of the natives being free from the inconvenience , and fearing that themselves may bee so served , if they attempt any thing rashly , are content to bee quiet . the turkes practize in asia , where the chiefe grounds and dwellings are possessed by the souldiours , whom they call timariotae . that the prince have his seat and his residence in his new purchase , especially for a time , till things bee well setled ; especially if the province bee great and large , as the turke in greece . the reasons : 1. because the presence of the prince availeth much to keepe things in order , and get the good will of his new subjects . 2. they conceive that they have ref●ge by the princes presence , if they bee oppressed by the lieutenants and inferiour governours : where it will bee convenient for the winning the peoples hearts , that some examples bee made of punishing of such as have committed any violence or oppression . 3. because being present hee seeth and heareth what is thought and attempted ; and so may quickly give remedy to it , which being absent , hee cannot doe , or not doe in time . 3. if the prince himselfe cannot bee present to reside , then , to take heed that the charge of governing , on new purchases bee committed to such as bee sure men , and of other meet quality , that depend wholly upon the princes favour ; and not to natives , or other of their owne subjects , that are gratious there for their nobility , or vertue ; especially if the province bee great , and somewhat farre distant , which may soone seduce the unsetled affections of those new subjects . as for such governours as depend wholly upon the princes favour being not bor●● , but created noble , they will not so easily suffer themselves to bee wonne from their du●y ; and in case they would revolt , yet they are not able to make any great strength , for that the people obey them but as instruments and ministers to keepe them in subjection , and not for any good will . 4. to have the children of the chiefe noble men , and of greatest authority , hostages with them in safe keeping ; the more the better : for that no bound is stronger , then that of nature to containe the parents and allies in obedience , and they the rest . 5. to alter the lawes , but by degrees one after another , and to make other that are more behovefull for the establishing of the present government . 6. to keepe the people quiet and peaceable and well affected so much as may bee , that they may seeme , by being conquered , to have gotten a protectour , rather then a tyrant ; for the common-people if they enjoy peace , and bee not distracted , nor drawne from their businesse , nor exacted upon beyond measure are easily contained under obedience● yet notwithstanding , they are to bee dis-used from the practise of armes , and other exercises which encrease conrage , and bee weakened of armour , that they have neither spirit nor will to rebell . 7. if there bee any faction in the countrey , to take to him the defence of the better , and stronger part , and to combine with it , as caesar in france . 8. to looke well to the borders and confining provinces , and if any rule there of great , or equall power to himselfe , to joyne league with some other borderers , though of lesse strength to hinder the attempts ( if any should bee ) by such neighbour prince . for it happeneth often , that a countrey insested by one neighbour prince calleth in another of as great or greater power to assist , and rescue it from the other that invadeth it ; so the romans were called into greece by the aet●lians ; the saxons by the britaines , the danes by the saxons . 9. to leave their titles and dignities to the natives , but the command and authority wholly to his owne . 10. not to put much trust , nor to practise to often the sophisimes of policy , especially those that appertaine to a tyrannicall state , which are soone detected by men of judgement , and so bring discredit to the prince , and his policy among the wiser and better sort of his subjects , whereof must needs follow very evill effects . the sophisimes of tyrants , are rather to bee knowne , then practized , ( which are for the supporting of their tyrannicall states , ) by wise and good princes , and are these , and such like as follow . rules politique of tyrants . rvles practised by tyrants are of 2. sorts : viz. 1. barbarous and professed , which is proper to those that have got head , and have power sufficient of themselves without others helpes , as in the turkish and russe government . 2. sophisticall and dissembled ; as in some s●tes , that are reputed for good and lawfull monarchies , but inclining to tyrannies , proper to those which are not yet setled nor have power sufficient of themselves ; but must use the power and helpe of others , and so are forced to bee politique sophisters . 1. sophisimes of a barbarous and professed tyranny . 1. to expell and banish out of his countrey all honest meanes , whereby his people may attaine to learning , wisedome , valour , and other vertues , that they might bee fit for that estate and servile condition . for that in these two , learning , and martiall exer●ise , effect two things most dangerous to a tyranny : ( viz. ) wisedome and valour . for that men of spirit and understanding can hardly endure a servile state . to this end to forbid learning of liberall arts , and martiall exercise ; as in the russe governement , so iulian the apostata dealt with the christians . contrarywise , to use his people to base occupations , and mechanicall arts , to keepe them from idlenesse , and to put away from them all high thoughts , and manly conceits , and to give them a liberty of drinking drunke , and of other base and lewd conditions that they may bee sotted , and so made unfit for great enterprizes . so the aegyptian kings dealt with the hebrewes ; so the russe emperour with his russe people● and charles the fifth with the netherlanders , when hee purposed to enclose their priviledges , and to bring them under his absolute government . 2. to make sure to him and his state , his military men by reward , liberty , and other meanes , especially his guard , or praetorian band ; that being partakers of the spoile and benefit , they make like that state , and continue firme to it ; as the turke his ianizaries , the russe his boyarent , &c. 3. to unarme his people of weapons , money , and all meanes , whereby they may resist his power ; and to end , to have his set & ordinary exactions , viz. once in two , three , or foure yeares ; and sometimes yearely , as the turke , and russe ; who is wont to say , that his people must bee used as his flock of sheep : viz. their fleece taken from them , least it overlade them , and grow too heavy ; that they are like to his beard , that the more it was shaven , the thicker it would grow . and if there bee any of extraordinary-wealth to borrow of them in the meane while , till the taxe come about , or upon some devised matter to con●iscate their goods , as the common practise is of the russe and turke . 4. to bee still in warres , to the end , his people may need a captaine ; and that his forces may be kept in practise , as the russe doth yearely against the tartar , polonian , and sweden , &c. 5. to cut off such as excell the rest in wealth , favour , or nobility , or bee of a pregnant , or spiring wit , and so are fearefull to a tyrant , and to suffer none to hold office , or any honour , but onely of him ; as the turke his bashaes , and the russe his r●ezzes . 6. to forbid guilds , brotherhoods , feastings , and other assemblies among the people , that they have no meanes or oportunity to conspire or conferre together of publique ma●ters , or to maintaine love amongst themselves , which is very dangerous to a tyrant , the russes practise . 7. to have their beagl●s , or listners in every corner , and parts of the realme , especially in places that are more suspect , to learne what every man saith , or thinketh , that they may prevent all attempts , and take away such as mislike their state . 8. to make schisme and division among his subjects , ( viz. ) to set one noble man against another , and one rich man against another , that through faction and disagreement among themselves , they may bee weakened , and attempt nothing against him ; and by this meanes entertaining whisperings and complaints , hee may know the secrets of both parts , and have matter against them both , when need requireth . so the russe made the faction of the zemsky and the oppress●ie . 9. to have strangers for his guard , and to entertaine parasites , and other base and servile fellowes , not too wise , but yet subtill , that will bee ready for reward to doe and execute what hee commandeth , though never so wicked and unjust . for that good men cannot flatter , and wise men cannot serve a tyrant . all these practises and such like , may bee contracted into one or two , ( viz. ) to bereave his subjects of will and power to doe him hurt , or to alter the present state . the use is caution , not imitation . 2. sophismes of the sophisticall , or subtill tyrant to h●ld up his state . 1. to make a shew of a good king by observing a temper and mediocrity in his government , and whole course of life ; to which end it is necessary , that this subtill tyrant bee a cunning polititian , or a machivilian at the least , and that hee bee taken so to bee , for that it maketh him more to bee feared and regarded , and is thought thereby not not unworthy for to governe others . 2. to make shew not of severity , but of gravity , by seeming reverent , and not terrible in his speech , and gesture , habite , and other demeanour . 3. to pretend care of the common-wealth ; and to that end to seeme loath to exact tributes and other charges ; and yet to make necessity of it , where none is , to that end to procure such warre as can bring no danger towards his state , and that might easily bee compounded , or some other chargeable businesse ; and to continue it on , that hee may continue his exaction and contribution so long as hee list . and thereof to employ some part in his publique service , the rest to hoord up in his treasury , which is sometimes practised even by lawfull princes ; as edward the fourth in his warres against . france , when having levied a great summe of money throughout his realme , especially of the londoners , hee went over seas , and returned without any thing doing . 4. sometimes to give an accompt by open speech and publique writing of the expense of such taxes and impositions as hee hath received of his subjects , that hee may so seeme to bee a good husband , and frugall , and not a robber of the common-wealth . 5. to that end , to bestow some cost upon publique buildings ; or some other worke for the common good , especially upon the ports , forts , and chiefe cities of his realme , that so hee may seeme a benefactour , and to have a delight in the adorning of his countrey , or doing some good for it . 6. to forbid feastings and other meetings , which increase love , and give oportunity to conferre together of publique matters , under pretence of sparing cost for better uses . to that end , the curfieu bell was first ordained by william the conquerour to give men warning to repaire home at a certaine houre . 7. to take heed , that no one grow to bee over great , but rather many-equall great , that they may envy and contend one with another ; and if hee resolve to weaken any of this sort , to doe it warily and by degrees , if quite to wrack him and to have his life , yet to give him a lawfull triall after the manner of his countrey ; and if hee proceed so farre with any of great power and estimation as to doe him contumely or disgrace , not to suffer him to escape , because contumely and disgrace are things contrary unto honour , which great spirits doe most desire , and so are moved rather to a revenge for their disgrace , then to any thankfulnesse , or acknowledging the princes favour for their pardon or dismission ; true in athiests , but not in true christian nobility . 8. to unarme his people , and store up their weapons under pretence of keeping them safe , and having them ready when service requireth , and then to arme with them , such and so many as hee shall thinke meet , and to commit them to such as are sure men . 9. to make scisme or division under hand among his nobility , and betwixt the nobility and the people , and to set one rich man against another , that they combine not together , and that himselfe by hearing the griefes and complaints may know the secrets of both parts , and so have matter against them both , when it listeth him to call them to an accompt . 10. to offer no man any contumely or wrong , specially about womens matters , by attempting the chastity of their wives or daughters , which hath beene the ●●●e of many tyrants , and conversion of their states . as of tarquinius , by brutus , appius , by virginius , pisistratus , by harmodius , alexander medices duke of florence , aloisus of placentia , rode●icus king of spaine , &c. 11. to that end to bee moderate in his pleasures , or to use them closely that hee bee not seene ; for that men sober or watchfull , or such as seeme so , are not lightly subject to contempt , or conspiracies● of their owne . 12. to reward such as achieve some great or commendable enterprize , or doe any speciall action for the common-wealth in that manner as it may seeme , they could not bee better regarded , in case they lived in a free state . 13. all rewards and things gratefull to come from himselfe but all punishments , exaction● and 〈…〉 gs ; ungratefull to come from his officers and publique ministers ; and when hee hath effected what hee would by them , if hee see his people discontented withall , to make them a sacrifice to pacifie his subjects . 14. to pretend great cure of religion and of serving of god , ( which hath beene the manner of the wickedest tyrants ) for that people doe lesse feare any hurt from those , whom they thinke vertuous and religious , nor attempt lightely to doe them hurt , for that they thinke that god protects them . 15. to have a strong and sure guard of forraine souldiours , and to bind them by good turnes , that they having at least , profit , may depend upon him , and the present state ; as caligula , the german guard , where the nobility are many and mighty . the like is practifed by lawfuls kings , as by the french king . 16. to procure that other great persons bee in the same fault , or case with them , that for that cause● they bee forced to desend the tyrant , for their owne safety . 17. to take part , and to joyne himselfe with the stronger part ; if the common people , and meane degree bee the stronger to joyne with them ; if the rich and noble , to joyne with them . for so that part with his owne strength will bee ever able to over match the other . 18. so to frame his manners and whole behaviour , as that hee may seeme , if not perfectly good , yet tollerably evill , or somewhat good , somewhat bad . these rules of hipocriticall tyrants are to be known , that they may bee avoided and meet withall , and no drawne into imitation . preservation of an aristocraty . rvles to preserve a se●atory state , are partly taken from the common axioms , and partly from those that 〈◊〉 a kingdome . preservation of an olygarchy ; by sophisimes . rules . 1. in consultations and assemblies abo●● publique affaires so to order the matter , that all may have liberty to frequent their common assemblies and councels : but to impose a fine upon the richer sort if they omit that duty . on the other side to pardon the people , if they absent themselves , and to beare with them under pretence , that they may the better intend their occupations , and not bee hindred in their trades and earnings . 2. in election of magistrates and officers : to suffer the po●●er sort to vow and abjure the bearing of office under colour of sparing them ; or to enjoyne some great charge as incident to the office , which the poore cannot beare . but to impose some great fine upon those that bee rich , if they refuse to beare office , being elect unto it . 3. in judiciall matters : in like manner to order that the people may be absent from publique trials , under pretence of following their , businesse . but the richer to bee present , and to compell them by fines to frequent the court . 4. in warlike exercise and armes , that the poore bee not forced to have armour , horse , &c. under pretence of sparing their cost , nor to bee drawne from their trades by ma●tiall exercises ; but to compell the richer sort to ke●pe their proportion of armour , horse , &c. by excessive fines , and to exercise themselves in warlike matters , &c. 5. to have speciall care of instructing their children in liberall arts , policy , and warlike exercise , and to observe good order and discipline . for as popular states are preserved by the frequency and liberty of the people , so this government of the richer is preserved by discipline and good order of governours . 6. to provide good store of warlike furniture , especially of horse , and horsemen ; and of armed men , viz. ●●ke , &c. which are proper to the gentry ; as shot and light furniture are for a popular company . 6. to put in practise some points of a popular state , viz. to lade no one man with too much preferrement ; to make yearely or halfe yeares magistrates , &c. for that the people are pleased with such things , and they are better secured by this meanes from the rule of one . and if any grow to too much greatnesse , to abate him by the sophis●●● fit for this state . 7. to commit the offices and magistracies , to those that are best able to beare the greatest charges for publique matters , which both tendeth to the conservation of this state , and pleaseth the people , for that they ●●ape some releife and benefit by it . 8. to the same end to contract marriages among themselves , the rich with the rich , &c. 9. in some things which concerne not the points and matters of state as electing magistrates making lawes , &c. to give an equality , or sometimes a preferment to the common-people , and not to doe , as in some olygarchies they were wont , viz. to sweare against the people , to su●presse and bridle them ; but rather contrary , to minister an oath at their admission , that they shall doe no wrong to any of the people ; and if any of the richer offer wrong to any of the commons , to shew some example of servere punishment . for other axioms that preserve this state , they are to bee borrowed , from those other rules that tend to the preserving of a popular and tyrannicall state ; for the strict kind of olygarchy is kinne to a tyranny . preservation of a popular state ; sophismes . rules or axioms . 1. in publique assemblies and consultations , about matters of state , creating of magistrates , publique justice , and exercise of armes , to practise the contrary to the former kind of government , to wit , an olygarchy . for in popular states , the commons and meaner sort are to bee drawne to those assemblies , magistracies , offices , warlike exercises , &c. by mulcts and rewards , and the richer sort are to bee spared , and not to be forced , by fine , or otherwise , to frequent these exercises . 2. to make shew honouring and reverencing the richer men , and not to sweare against them , as the manner hath beene in some popular states ; but rather to preferre them in all other matters , that concerne not the state and publique government . 3. to elect magistrates from among the commons , by lot , or ballating , and not to choose any for their wealths sake . 4. to take heed , that no man beare office twice , except it bee military , where the pay , and salery , &c. is to bee reserved in their owne hands , to bee disposed of by a common councell , &c. and to see that do man bee to highly preferred . 5. that no magistracy bee perpetuall , but as short , as may bee , to wit , for a yeare , halfe yeare , &c. 6. to compell magistrates , when their time expireth to give an accompt of their behaviour and government , and that publiquely before the commons . 7. to have publique saleries and allowance for their magistrates , judges , &c. and yearely dividence for the common-people , and such as have most need among them . 8. to make iudges of all matters , out of all sorts , so they have some aptnes to performe that duty . 9. to provide that publique iudgements and trials , bee not frequent ; and to that end to inflict great fines and other punishments upon pettifoggers and dilatours , as the law of requitall ; &c. because for the most part the richer and nobler , and not the commons are indited and accused in this common-wealth , which causeth the rich to conspire against the state ; whereby , many times , the popular state is turned into an olygarchy , or some other government . hereto tendeth that art of civill law , made against accusers and calumniatours : ad senatos consultum turpilianu● , lib. 1. di calumniatoribus . 10. in such free states as are popular , and have no revenue , to provide that publique assemblies bee not after : because they want salery for pleaders and oratours ; and if they bee rich ; yet to bee wa●y . that all the revenew bee not divided amongst the commons . for , that this distribution of the common revenue among the multitude is like a purse or barrell without a bottom . but to provide , that a sufficient part of the revenue bee stored up for the publique affaires . 11. if the number of the poore encrease too much in this kind of state , to send some abroad out of the cities into the next country places , and to provide , above all , that none doe live idly , but bee set to their trades . to this end , to provide that the richer men place in their farmes and coppiholds , such decayed citizens . 12. to bee well advised what is good for this state , and not to suppose that to bee fit for a popular state , that seemeth most popular ; but that which is best for the continuance thereof . and to that end , not to lay into the exchequer , or common treasury , such goods as are confiscate , but to store them up as holy and consecrate things , which except it bee practised , confiscations , and fines of the common people would bee frequent , and so this state would decay by weakening the people . conversion of states in generall . conversion of a state , is the declining of the common-wealth , either to some other forme of government , or to his full and last period appointed by god . causes of conversions of states , are of two sorts : generall and particular . generall , ( viz. ) 1. want of religion ●viz . of the true knowledge , and worship of god , prescribed in his word ; and notable sinnes that proceed from thence in prince and people , as in the examples of saul , vzziah , the iewish 〈◊〉 ; the foure monarchies , and all other . 2. want of wisedome , and good councell , to keepe the state , the prince , nobles and people in good temper , and d●● proportion , according to their severall orders and degrees . 3. want of iustice , either in administration ( as ill lawes , o● ill magistrates ) or in the execution , as rewards not given where they should bee , or there bestowed where they should not be , or punishments not inflicted where they should be . 4. want of power and sufficiency 〈◊〉 maintaine and defend it selfe ; viz of provision , as armour , money , captaines , souldiours , &c. execution when the mea●es or provision is not used , or ill used . 2. particular : to bee noted and collected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the contraries of those rules that are prescribed for the preservation of the common-wealths . particular causes of conversion of state , are of two sorts . 1. forraine : by the overgreatnesse of invasion of some forraine kingdome , or other state of meane power , having a part within our owne , which are to bee prevented by the providence of the chiefe , and rules of policy for the preserving of every state . this falleth out very seldome for the great difficulty to overthrow a forraine state . 2. domestique : sedition or open violence by the stronger part . alteration without violence . sedition . sedition is a power of inferiours opposing it selfe with , force of armes against the superiour power , quasi diti● secedens . causes of sedition are of two sorts . 1. generall . liberty .   riches . vvhen they , that are of equall quality in a common-wealth , or doe take themselves so to bee , are not regarded equally in all , or in any of these 3. or when they are so unequall in quality , or take themselves so to be , are regarded but equally , or with lesse respect , then those that bee of lesse defect in these 3. things , or in any of them . honour .   1. in the chiefe : covetuousnesse or oppression , by the magistrate or higher power , ( viz. ) when the magistrates , especially the chiefe encreaseth his substance and revenue beyond measure , either with the publique or ( private calamity , whereby the governours grow to quarrell among themselves as in olygarchies ) or the other degrees conspire together , and make quarrell against the chiefe , as in kingdomes : the examples of wat tyler , iarke straw , &c. 2. in the chiefe : injury , when great spirits , and of great power are greatly wronged and dishonoured , or take themselves so to bee , as coriolanus , cyrus minor , earle of warwick . in which cases the best way is to decide the wrong . 3. preferment , or want of preferment ; wherein some have overmuch , and so wax proud and aspire higher : or have more or lesse , they deserve as they suppose ; and so in envy , and disdaine seeke innovation by open faction , so caesar ; &c. 4. some great necessity or calamity ; so xerxes after the foile of his great army . and senacheris after the losse of 185. in one night . 2. p●rticular . 1. envy , when the chiefe exceed the medio●●ity before mentioned , and so provoketh the nobility , and other degrees , to conspire against him ; as brutus cassius , &c. against caesar . 2. feare , viz. of danger , when one or more dispatch the prince , by secret practise or force to prevent his owne danger , as artabanus did xerxes . 3. lust or lec●ery , as tarquinius superbus , by brutus ; pisistratinde , by armodius , appius by virginius . chiefe . 4. contempt ; for vile quality and base behaviour , as sardanapalus , by arbaces ; dionisiu● the younger by dion . other degrees . 5. contumely ; when some great disgrace is done to some of great spirit who standeth upon his honour and reputation , as caligula , by chaereas . other degrees . 6. hope of advancement , or some great profit , as mithidrates , an●barsanes . alteration without violence . causes of alteration without violence are ; 1. excesse of the state ; when by degrees , the state groweth from that temper and mediocrity , wherein it was , or should have bee setled , and exceedeth in power , riches and absolutnes in his kind , by the ambition & covetousnesse of the chiefes , immoderate taxes , and impositions , &c. applying all to his owne benefit without respect of other degrees , and so in the end changeth it selfe into another state or forme of government , as a kingdome into a tyranny , an olygarchy into an aristocraty . 2. excesse , of some one or more in the common-wealth ; viz. when some one , or more , in a common-wealth grow to an excellency or excesse above the rest , either in honour , wealth , or vertue ; and so by permission and popular favour , are advanced to the soveraignty : by which meanes , popular states grow into olygarchies ; and olygarchies , and aristocraties into monarchies . for which cause , the athenians and some other free states made their lawes of ostrocismos to banish any for a time that should excell , though it were in vertue , to prevent the alteration of their state ; which because it is an unjust law , t' is better to take heed at the beginning to prevent the meanes , that none should grow to that hight and excellency , then to use so sharp and unjust a remedy . finis . a method , how to make use of the booke before , in the reading of story . david being seventy yeares of age , was of wisedome , memory , &c. sufficient to governe his kingdome ; 1. reg. chap. 1. old age is not ever unfit for publique government . david being of great yeares , and so having ● cold , dry , and impotent body , married with abishag a faire maide of the best complection through his whole realme , to revive his body and prolong his life● 1. reg. chap. 1. verse 3. example of the like practise in charles the fifth . david being old and impotent of body by the 〈◊〉 of his nobles and phisitions , married a young maide called abishag , to warme and preserve , his old body . observation . vvhether david did well in marrying a maide ; and whether it bee lawfull for an old decayed and impotent man to marry a young woman ; or on the other side , for an old-worne , and decrepite woman to marry a young and lusty man . for the affirmative . arg. the end of marriage is society and mutuall comfort ; but there may bee society and mutuall comfort in a marriage betwixt an old , and young party . ergo 't is lawfull . answ. society and comfort is an use and effect of marriage ; but none of the principall end is of marriage , which are : 1. procreation of children , and so , the continuance of mankind . 2. the avoiding of ●ornication . as for comfort and society , they may bee betwixt man and man , women and women where no marriage is● and therefore no proper ends of marriage . the negative . arg. 1. that conjunction which hath no respect to the right and proper ends , for which marriage was ordained by god , is no lawfull marriage . but the conjunction betwixt an old impotent , and young party hath no respect to the right end , for which marriage , was ordained by god . therefore it is no lawfull marriage . 2. no contract , wherein the party contracting , bindeth himselfe to an impossible condition , or to doe that which hee cannot doe , is good , or lawfull . but the contract of marriage by an impotent person with a young party bindeth him to an impossible condition to doe , that which hee cannot doe ( viz. ) to performe the duties of marriage ; therefore it is unlawfull . for the same ca●se , the civill law determineth a nullity in these marriages , except the woman know before the infirmity of the man , in which case she can have no wrong , being a thing done with her owne knowledge and consent , because volenti ne fit injuria : — in legem iulian . de adulteriis leg. si uxor &c. it provideth further for the more certainty of the infirmity , that three yeares bee expired before the dissolution of the marriage , because that men , that have beene infirme at the first , by reason of sicknesse , or some other accident , afterwards proved to bee sufficient : de repudiis leg. in causis . defence for david in marrying abishag . 1. it was rather a medicine then a marriage , without any evill or disordered affection . 2. it was by the perswasion of his nobles and phisitians . 3. it was for the publique good to prolong the life of a worthy prince . 4. it was with the knowledge and consent of the young maid , who was made acquainted with the kings infirmity , and to what end shee was married unto him ; who if shee did it for the common good , and for duties sake , having withall the guift of continency , shee is to bee commended ; if for ambition , or some vaine respect , it is her owne , and not davids fault . politicall nobility . adoniah aspiring to the kingdome . first , tooke the advantage of davids affection and kindnesse towards him , and made him secure of any ill dealing . secondly , of his age and infirmities , disabling his father as unfit for government . thirdly , blazed his title , and right to the crowne . fourthly , got him chariots , horsemen , and footemen , and a guard to make shew of state . fiftly , being a comly and goodly person , made a popular shew of himselfe , and his qualities . sixtly , joyned to himselfe in faction ioab , the generall of the army , who was in displeasure for murdering of abner and amasa , and feared that david would supply benajah into his place , and so was discontented . and abiather the high priest , that was likewise discontented with david , for the preferrement of zadoch . seventhly , had meetings with them , and other his confederates , under a pretence of a vow and offering at the fountaine of raguell , in the confines of iudaea . eightly , made a shew of religion by sacrificing ; &c. ninthly , made himselfe familiar with the nobles and people , and entertained them with feasting . tenthly , drew into his part the chiefe officers of the court , and servants to the king , by rewards , familiarity , &c. elevently , disgraced and abased the competitour , and such as hee knew , would take part with him , and concealeth his ambition , and purpose from them . twelftly , had ionathan a favorite of the court , and neere about the king to give him intelligence , if any thing were discovered , and moved at the court , whilest himselfe was in hand about his practize . observations . wayes of such as aspire to the kingdome , and markes to discerne them . first , they wind into the princes favour , by service , officiousnesse , flattery , &c. to plant him in a good opinion of their loyalty and faithfulnesse , thereby to make him secure of their practises . 2. they take advantage of the princes infirmities , age , impotency , negligence , sexe , &c. and worke upon that by disabling the prince , and secret detracting of his person and government . 3. they blaze their title , and claime to the crowne , ( if they have any ) with their friends , and favourers . 4. they provide them in secret of extraordinary forces and furniture for the warres , make much of good souldiours , and have a pretence ( if it bee espied ) of some other end , as for the kings honour , or service , and to bee in readines against forraine enemies , &c. 5. they make open shew of their best qualities and comlines of their person ( which though it bee vaine as a dumbe shew , it is very effectuall to winne the liking of the popular sort , which according to the rule of the election of kings , in the bees common-wealth ; thinke that fo●ma est digna imperare ) activity , nobility , ancestry ; &c. 6. to have their blazers abroad to set out their vertues , and to prepare their friends in every province . 7. to draw into their part , and make sure unto them , of the chiefe peeres , & men of best quality , such as are mightiest , and most gratious with the souldiours , and the military men , and most subtill and politique , especially such as bee ambitious , and discontent with the state . 8. to have meetings f●r conference under some pretence of some ordinary ●a●●er in some convenient place , not to● neere , nor too farre of , but where friends may best resort and assemble unto them without suspition . 9. to take up a shew and pretence of religion more then before , and beyond the practise of their former life . 10. they use popular curtesie ( which in a great person is very effectuall ) feasting , liberality , gaming , &c. 11. to bee over liberall , and winne to them by guifts , familiarity , &c. the chiefe officers of the court , and governours of shires . 12. to have some neere about the prince , to keepe them in credite , and remove suspition , if any rise . 13. to disgrace such as they know to bee sure and faithfull to the prince , and present state , or to the competitour , and to bring them into contempt by slander , detraction , and all meanes they can , and to conceal● the designes from them , least they bee discovered before they bee ripe . 14. to have some spie neere about the prince , to advertise them if any inckling of suspition arise whilest themselves are practising . note the practises of absolon : 2. sam. chap. 16. and of cyrus minor , in xenophon : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} cap. 1. politicall prince . david being a most worthy and excellent prince for wisedome , valour , religion , and justice , and so highly deserving of the common-wealth , yet growne into age , grew withall into contempt , ●nd had many , both of his nobles and common-people , that fell from him ; first with absolon , then with adoniah , who affected the kingdome and rebelled against him : for remedy whereof , hee stirred up himselfe to publique actions which might shew his vigour and sufficiency to mannage the affaires of his kingdome . 1. after the victory against absolon , hee forced himselfe to forbeare mourning , and shewed himselfe to his discontented army , when all were like to fall from him , for his unreasonable sorrow and lamentation for his sonne . 2. after the victory , hee caused a generall convention to bee assembled of the whole nation , to bring him home with honour to ierusalem , which was a renewing and re-establishing of him ; 2. sam. 19. 12. 3. hee gave an experiment of his power and authority , by deposing a person of great authority and estimation , to wit , ioab , generall captaine of the army , and advancing amasa to his place . 4. hee sent kind messengers to ierusalem , and to other chiefe and head townes , and speciall men of iude● , his contributes , putting them of their alliance with him , with these words , that they were of his owne flesh and bloud , with protestation of his speciall love and affection towards them , to provoke them with like kindnesse and affection towards him . 5. hee assembled a parliament of his whole realme , and tooke occasion upon the designing of his successour , to commend unto them the succession of his house , and the continuance and maintenance of gods true worship and religion , then established , and gave a grave and publique charge to his successour , now designed , touching the manner of his government , and maintaining o● religion , 1. chron. 12. 13. 6. hee shewed his bounty and magnificence in congesting matter for the building of the temple , as gold , silver , brasse , &c. and caused it to bee published and made known to the parliament and whole nation , 1. chron. 22. 13. 7. hee revived the church government , and set it in a right order , assigning to every church officers his place and function . 8. hee suppressed the faction of adoniah , and ordained solomon his successour ; 1. reg. 1. 22. by these meanes . hee retained his majesty and authority in his old age , as appeareth by th'effect ; for that being bedred , hee suppressed the faction of adoniah , ( which was growne mighty , and was set on foote ) with his bare commandement , and signification of his pleasure , and so hee died in peace . finis . maxims of state written by sir walter raleigh ; whereunto is added his instructions to his sonne, and the son's advice to his aged father. prince raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57483 of text r9131 in the english short title catalog (wing r174). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 92 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57483 wing r174 estc r9131 12383728 ocm 12383728 60797 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60797) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:25) maxims of state written by sir walter raleigh ; whereunto is added his instructions to his sonne, and the son's advice to his aged father. prince raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [9], 78 p. : port. printed by w. bentley, and are to be sold by w. shears ..., london : 1650. first published in 1642 as: the prince, or, maxims of state. reproduction of original in british library. imperfect: filmed copy lacks all after "maxims". eng political science -early works to 1800. political science -quotations, maxims, etc. a57483 r9131 (wing r174). civilwar no maxims of state. written by sir walter raleigh. whereunto is added his instructions to his sonne; and the son's advice to his aged father. raleigh, walter, sir 1650 15784 333 5 0 0 0 0 214 f the rate of 214 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sr. walter ralegh kt. maxims of state . written by sir walter raleigh . whereunto is added his instructions to his sonne ; and the son's advice to his aged father . london , printed by w. bentley , and are to be sold by w. shears , at the sign of the bible , over against the north door of pauls . 1650. the contents . page . of government . 1 of policie . 2 of monarchie . 3 of aristocracie , or senatory state . 5 of free state , or popular state . 6 of ●yranny . 7 of olygarchie , or the government of a few . ibid. of a common-wealth . 8 of causes of states , and common-wealths in general . 10 of founding a state . ibid. of causes preserving a state or common-wealth . 15 of mysteries or sophisms . ibid. of axioms or rules of preserving a state . 19 rules for preserving of a kingdom . hereditary . 25 rules for preserving of a kingdom . conquered . 25 kingdoms hereditary are preserved at home by the ordering of a prince . ibid. kingdoms new gotten , or purchased by force , are preserved by 10. rules . 35 rules politick of tyrants . 41 sophisms of a barbarous and professed tyranny . 42 sophisms of the sophistical , or subtile tyrant , to hold up his state . 46 of preservation of an aristocracie . 52 of preservation of an olygarchie , by sophisms . ibid of preservation of an olygarchie , by rules . ibid of conversion of states in general . 59 causes of conversions of states are of two sorts : general and particular . ibid. particular causes of conversion of state , are of two sorts . 60 of sedition . 61 causes of sedition are of two sorts . ibid. of alteration without violence . 64 a method , how to make use of the book before● in the reading of the storie . 67 old age is not ever unfit for publick government . ibid. example of the like practice in charls the fifth . 68 of observation for the affirmative and the negative . ibid. of defence for david in marrying abishag . 70 political nobility . of adoniah aspiring to the kingdom . 71 observations . of ways of such as aspire to the kingdom , and marks to discern them . 73 political prince . 75 the table of the chapters contained in sir walter raleigh's instructions to his son . chap. page . virtuous persons to be made choice of for friends . 1 i. great care to be had in the choosing of a wife . 4 ii. wisest men have been abused by flatterers . 10 ●v . private quarrels to be avoided . 11 ● . three rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate . 17 vi . what sort of servant● are most fit to be entertained . 20 vii . brave rags wear soonest out of fashion . 2● viii . riches not to be sough● by evil means . ibid● ix . what inconvenience happen to such as deligh● in wine . 2● x. let god be thy protectour and directour in all the actions . 2● maxims of state . of government . government is of two sorts . 1. private , of himself . sobrietie . of his family ; called o●●onomie . 2. publick , of the common-wealth ; called poli●ie . a man must first govern himself , e're he be fit to govern a family : and his family , e're he be fit to bear the government in the common-wealth . of policie . policie is an art of government of a common-wealth , and some part of it according to that state , or form of government wherein it is setled for the publick good . state , is the frame or set order of a common-wealth , or of the governours that rule the same , specially of the chief and sovereign governour that commandeth the rest . the state or sovereignty consisteth in 5. points . 1. making or anulling of laws . 2. creating and disposing of magistrates . 3. power over life and death . 4. making of war , or peace . 5. highest o● last appeal . where these five are , either in one or in more , there is the state . these five points of state , rest either in , 1. one monarchie or kingdom . 2. some few chief men for virtue and wisdom , called an aristocracie . 3. many , called a fr●e-state , or popular state . these three sorts of government have respect to the common good , and therefore are just , and lawful states . these 3. degenerate into 3. other governments . viz. 1. monarchie , 2. aristo●racie , 3. popular est●t , into 1. tyrannie . 2. oligarchie . 3. common-wealth o● government of all the common and baser sort , and therefore called a common-wealth by an usurped nick-name . these all respect their own , and not the publick good , and therefore are ●ailed bastard governments . i. monarchie . a monarchie , or kingdom , is the government of a state by one head , or chief , tending to the common benefit of all . monarchie , or kingdoms , are of three sorts touching the right , or possession of them ; viz. 1. hereditarie , by de●cent , as the english , french , &c. 2. elective , by suffrage of the other orders , or some of them , as the polonian . 3. mixt , or of both kinds ; viz. by descent , yet not tyed to the next of bloud , as the ancient iewish state . monarchies are of two sorts touching their power or authority ; viz. 1. intire . where the whole power of ordering all state matters , both in peace and war , doth by law and custom appertain to the prince , as in the english kingdom , where the prince hath power to make laws , league , and w●r ; to create magistrates ; to pardon life : of appeal , &c. though to give a contentment to the other degrees , they have a suffrage in making laws , yet ever subject to the princes pleasure , nor negative will . 2. limit●d or restrained , that hath no full power in all the points o● matters of state , as the military king that hath not the sovereignty in time of peace , as the making of laws , &c. but in war onely , as the polonian kings . ii. aristocracie , or senatorie state . an aristocracie is the government of a common-wealth by some competent number of the better sort , preferred for wisdom and other virtues for the publick good . aristocracies are of three sorts , viz. where the senatours are chosen , for 1. virtue , riches , and the common good , as the venetian . 2. virtue and the publick good without respect of wealth , as sometimes the roman , when some of the senatours were fetched from the plough , and some from the schools . 3. virtue and wealth , more respecting their private , than their publick good , which inclineth towards an oligarchie , or the government of the richer or nobler sort , as in rome towards the end . iii. free-state , or popular sta●e . the popular state is the government of a state by the choiser sort of people , tending to the publick good of all sorts ; viz. with due respect of the better , nobler , and richer sort . in every iust state , some part of the government is , or ought to be imparted to the people ; as in a kingdom , a voice or suffrage in making lawes ; and sometimes also , in levying of arms ( if the charge be great , and the prince forced to borrow help of his subjects ) the matter rightly may be propounded to a parliament , that the tax may seem to have proceeded from themselves . so consultations , and some proceedings in judicial matters , may in part be referred to them . the reason , least seeing themselves to be in no number , nor of reckoning , they mislike the state , or kind of government : and where the multitude is discontented , there must needs be many enemies to the present state . for which cause , tyrants , ( which allow the people , no manner of dealing in state matters ) are forced to bereave them of their wits and weapons , and all other means whereby they may resist , or amend themselves , as in a●shland , ●urk●y , &c. iv. tyranny . a tyranny is the swerving , or distort●g of a monarc●ie , or the governm●●● of one , tending not to the publick good , but the private benefit of himself , and his followers . as in the russe and turkish government , where the state and wealth of other o●●ers , are employed onely to the upholding of the greatness of the king or emperour . this is the worst of all the basta●d states , because it is the perverting of the best regiment , to wit , of a monarchie , which resembleth the sovereign government of god himself . v. oligarchie , or the government of a few . an oligarchie is the swerving , or the corruption of an aristocracie ; or the gov●●nment of some few , that are of the wealthier or nobler sort , without a●y respect of the publick good . the chief end of these gover●●●●s , is , their own greatness and enriching . and therefore their manner is , to prepare fi● mean● to uphold their esta●es . this st●te is not wholly so bad , as is the tyrannie , and yet worse than the commo●-wealth , because it respecteth the good of a few . vi . common-wealth . a common-wealth is the swerving or depravation of a f●ee , or popular state , or the government of the whole multitude of the base and poorer sort , without respect of the other orders . these two states , to wit ; the olig●●chie , and common-wealth , are very adve●se the one to the other , and have many b●ckerings between them . for that the richer or nobler sort , suppose a right or superiority to appertain unto them in every respect , because they are superiour , but in some re●pects onely , to wit , in riches , birth , parentage , &c. on the other side , the common-people suppose , there ought to be an equality in all other things , and some state matters ; because they are equal● with the rich or noble , touching their lib●●tie , whereas indeed neither the one nor the other are simply equal or superiour , as touching government and fitness thereunto , because they are such , to wit , because they are rich , noble , free , &c. but because they are wise , virtuous , valiant , &c. and so have fit parts to govern a state . these several states are sometimes mixed , and inter wrought one with the other , yet ever so , as that the one hath the preheminent predomination over the other , as in the humours and complexions of the body . so in the rom●n state , the people had their plehis●●ta , and gave the suffrage in the election of magistrates : yet the senate ( as the state stood ) for the most part swayed the state , and bare the chief rule . so in the ven●tian state , the duke seemeth to represe●● a mon●rch , and the s●nate to be his counc●l : yet the duke hath no power in state matt●rs , but is like a head set on by art , that heareth no brain . and so that state is s●natorical or aristocratical . causes of states & common-wealths in general . causes of states or of commō-wealths are of 3. sorts , viz. 1. founding , or setling a state where to be considered . 1. measure . 2. parts , & their qualities . 2. preserving a state . 3. changing , and altering a state . founding a state . in founding a state are to be considered 2. things . 1. proportion . 2. parts . proportion , is a just measure or mediocritie of the state , whereby it is framed and kept in that order , as that neither it exceed nor be defective in his kind , to wit , so that a monarch b● not too monarchical , nor strict , or absolute , as the ●usse kings ; nor aristocratical , that is over-mated or eclipsed by the nobility , as the scottish kingdom , but ever respective to the other degrees . that aristocratie be not to magnificent nor intire to it self , but communicate with the people some commodities of state or government , as the v●netian , and sometimes the roman allowed the people to elect certain magistrates out of themselves , to have a tribune , to make plebiscita , &c. so a free-state or common-wealth that it be not over popular , viz. that it depress not to much the richer , wiser , nor learneder sort ; but admit them to offices with a caution out of the rules and mysteries of that state . that they seek no alteration of the present state . the reason , because the moderate states in their several kinds ( as all other things that observe the mean ) are best framed for their continuance , because they give less cause of grudge , envy , and affecting the wealth , honour , and libertie which they see in others that govern the state ; and so are less subject to stirs and commotions , and easiest kept in their present state wherein they are set . parts . the parts of the state , or those magistrates that bear place or sway in the publick government . parts or partakers of publick government , are 1. councel or senate , which consul●eth of all matters pertaining to war and peace , magistrates , &c. in admitting of whom there ought to be a more special care , that they may be men expert in matter of policie , because it is their trade and vocation , as men use to chuse pilots , and masters of ships , such as know the art of navigation , and not husband-men , &c. and so the contrary . 2. magistrates and officers , which are to be executioners of that which is consulted , and found to be expedient for the common-vvealth , wherein are to be observed , the kinds of magistrates , that they be such as fit that kind of government ; the time of their continuance , and the manner of their election or appointing , by whom , out of whom , and in what manner they be chosen . 3. iudges ; to determine in civil , and criminal matters , where are to be observed , out of whom they are to be chosen ; what kinds are necessary , and the manner o●iudgement , and iudicial proceeding . in magistrates are to be observed . 1. kinds of magistrats as , 1. civil 1. superiour , which are to be such & of that kind as agree with the state , as consuls for a year , and not perpetual dictatours in a senatorie state . praetors , & censors , that oversee manners & orders of the people . for a kingdom lieutenant of shires , marshals , masters of horse , admirals , &c. inferiour , as conservatous of peace , constables , &c. overseers of youth , that take care for their education for civil & warlike exercise . clarks of the market that provide for the quantity , and price of victual . ediles for buildings , streets , bounds . questours , or treasurers , to keep and dispence the publick treasury . a●●uaries , or reco●ders , which keep the publick records . ga●l●rs , to keep prisons and prisoners . surveyours of woods and fields , &c. 2. ecclesiastical . 1. as bishops or pastours , elders , wardens . 2. time of magistrates , whereof some are perpetual , some for a time , viz. for more years , a year , half a year , according to the necessity of the common-wealth , and not perpetual ; or at least not hereditary in a kingdom . yearly in an aristocracie , or half yearly in a free-state . 3. manner of choise , by whom and how to be chosen , where especially they are to be chosen by suffrage , and not by lot . causes preserving a state , or common-wealth . in preserving of states , 2. things required . 1. mysteries , or sophisms . 1. general to all states . 2. particular , for every several state . 2. rules , or actions . 1. general , for all states . 2. particular , for every state . mysteries , or sophisms . mysteries , or sophisms of state , are certain secret practises , either for the avoyding of danger , or averting such effects as tend to the preservation of the present state , as it is set or founded . state mysteries are of two sorts . 1. general : that pertain to all states ; as first , to provide by all means , that the same degree , or part of the common-wealth , do not exceed both in quantity and q●ality . in quantity , as that the number of the nobility , or of great persons , be not more , than the state or common-wealth can beare . in quality , as that none grow in wealth , liberty , honours , &c. more than it is meet for that degree ; for as in weights , the heavier weights bear down the scale : so in common-wealths , that part or degree that excelleth the rest in quality , and quantity , overswayeth the rest after it , whereof follow alterations , and conversions of state . secondly , to provide by all means , that the middle sort of people exceed both the extreams , ( viz. ) of nobility and ge●t●y , and the base rascal , and begarly sort . for this maketh the state constant and firm , when both the extreams are tied together by a middle sort , as it were with a band , as for any conspiracy of the rich and beggarly sort together , it is not to be feared . to these two points , the particular rules or sophisms of every common-wealth , are to be applied . 2. particular : that serve ●or preservation of every common-wealth , in that form of state wherein it is setled as in a kingdom . that the nobility may be accustomed to bear the government of the prince , especially such as have their dwelling in remote places from the princes eye , it is expedient to call them up at certain times to the princes court , under pretence of doing them honour , or being desirous to see , and enjoy their prese●ce ; and to have their children , especially their eldest , to be attendant upon the prince , as of special favour towards them and theirs , that so they may be trained up in duty and obedience towards the prince , and be as hostages for the good behaviour , and faithfull dealing of their parents , especially , if they be of any suspected note . to that end serves the pe●si●● practise , in having a band , or train of the s●trapa's children , and other nobles to attend the court ; which was well imitated by our train of h●n●●men , if they were of the nobler sort . again , sometimes to borrow small sums of his subjects , and to pay them again , that he may after borrow greater sums and never pay : so in an oligarchy , least it decline to a popular state , they deceive the people with this and the like sophisms , ( viz. ) they compel their own sort , to wit , the rich men , by great penalties , to frequent their assemblies for choosing of magistrates , for provision of armour , warlike exercises , making an execution of laws , &c. by that means seeming to bear a hard hand over the richer , but to suffer the poorer , and meaner sor● to be absent , and to neglect those assemblies und●r pretence , that they will not draw them from their business , and private earnings , : yet withall to cite thither some few of them , ( viz. ) so many as are easily over matched by the ●icher sort , to make a shew , that they would have the people or poorer sort , partakers likewise of those matters , yet terrifying those that come to their assemblies , with the tediousness of consultations , greatness of fines , if they should mis-do , to the end , to make them unwilling to come again , or to have to do with those consultations ; by which means , the richer sort do still govern the state , with the peoples liking , and good contentment . axioms . axioms or rules of preserving the state are , 1. g●neral , that serve for all common-wealths . 2. particular , that serve for every several state . general rules . 1. the first and principal rule of policie to be observed in all states , is to profess , and practise , and maintain the true worship and religion of almighty god prescribed unto us in his word , which is the chief end of all government . the axio● , that god be obeyed simply without exception , though he command that which seemeth unreasonable , and absurd to humane policy ; as in the iews common-wealth , that all the men should repair yearly to one place to worship god four times , leaving none to defend their coast , though being beset with many enemies . not to sow the seventh year , but to suffer the ground to rest untilled without respect or fear of famine , &c. 2. to avoid the causes of conversions , whereby states are over-thrown , that are set down in the title of conversions ; for that common-vvealths ( as natural bodies ) are preserved by avoiding that which hurteth the health and state thereof , a●d are so cured by contrary medicines . 3. to take heed , that no magistrate be created or continued contrary to the laws and policy of that stat● . as that in a s●nate , there be no● created a perpetual dict●tor , as caesar in rome . in a kingdom , that there be no senate , or convention of equal power with the prince in state matters , as in poland . 4. to create such magistrates as love the state as it is setled , and take heed of the contrary practise , as to advance popular persons in a kingdom , or a●istocracie . and secondly , to advance such as have skill to discern what doth preserve , and what hurteth or altereth the present stat● . 5. to that end to have certain of●icers to p●y abroad , and to observe such as do not live and behave themselves in sit sort , agreeable to the present state , but de●●e rather to be under some other form , or kind of government . 6. to take heed that magistracies be not sold for money , nor bribe in their offices , which is specially to be observed in that common-wealth which is governed by a few of the richer sort ; for if the magistrate gain nothing but his common fees , the common sort , and such as want honour , take in good part that they be not preferred , and are glad rather that themselves are suffered to intend private business . but if the magistrate buy and sell matters , the common people are doubly grieved , both because they are debar'd of those preferments , and of that gain they see to grow by them , which is the cause that the germ●in oligarchi●s continue so firm ; for both they suffer the poorer sort to grow into wealth , and the richer sort are by that means freed , and secured from being under the poor . 7. to take heed that the state , as it is setled and maintained , be not overstuct , nor exceed in his kind ; ( viz. ) that a kingdom be not too monarchical , nor a popular state too popular : for which cause it is good , that the magistrates sometimes yield of his right touching honour , and behave themselves familiarly with those that are equal unto them in other parts , though inferiour for place and office ; and sometimes popula●ly with the common people , which is the cause that some common-wealths , though they be very simply , and unskilfully set , yet conti●●e ●●rm , because the magistrates behave thems●lves wi●ely , and with due re●pect towards the r●st that are without honour ; and therefore ●ome kind of modera●● popularity is to be used in every ●ommon-wealth . 8. to take heed of small beginnings , and to meet with them even at the first , as well touching the breaki●g and altering of lawes , as of other rules which concern the continuance of every several state . for the disease and alteration of a common-wealth , doth not happen all at once , but grows by degrees , which every common wit cannot discern , but men expert in policie . 9. to provide , that that part be ever the grea●er in number and power , which favours the s●ate as now ●t sta●ds . this is to be observed as a ve●y oracle in all common-weal●hs . 10 to observe a mean in all the degrees , and to suffer no pa●t to exceed , or decay over much . as first for p●efe●ments , to provide that they be rather small and short , than great and long ; and if a●y be grown to overmuch greatness , to withdraw or diminish some part of his honour . where the sophisms are to be practised ( viz. ) to do it by parts and degrees ; to do it by occasion , or colour of law , and not all at once . and if that way serve not , to advance some other , of whose virtu● and faithfulness , we are fully assur●d , to as high a degree , or to a greater honour ; and to be the friends and followe●s of him that excelleth , above that which is meet . as touching wealth , to provide , that those of the middle sort ( as before was said ) be more in number ; and if any grow high , and overcharged with wealth , to use the so●●isms of a po●ula● state , viz. to send him on embassages , and forreign negotiations , or imploy him in some office that hath g●●at charges , and little honour , &c. to which end , the edil●ship served in some common-wealths . 11. to suppress the factions , and quarrels of the nobles , and to keep other that are y●● free from joyni●g with them in their partakings and factions . 12 to increase or remit the common taxes and contributions , according to the wealth , or want of the people and common-wealt● . if the people be increased in wealth , the taxes and subsidies may be increased . if they be poor , and their wealth diminish , specially by dearth , want of traffick , &c. to forbear taxes and impositions , or to take little . otherwise grudge and discontentments must needs follow . the sophisms that serve for imposi●itions , are these , and other of like sort , to pretend business of great charge , as war , building of ships , making of havens , castles , fortifications , &c. for the common defence ; sometimes by lotteries and like devises , wherein some part may be bestowed , the rest reserved for other expences ; but princely dealings needs no pretences . 13 to provide that the discipline & training of youth of the better sort be such as agreeth with that common-wealth : as that in a kingdom , the sons of noble men to be attendant at the court , that they may be accustomed to obedience towards the prince : in the senatory state , that the sons of the senatours be not idly , nor over daintily brought up , but well instructed and trained up in le●rning , tongues , and martial exercise ; that they may be able to bear that place in the common-wealth , which their father held , and contrariewise , in a popular state , 14. to take heed , least their sophisms , or secret practises for the continuance and maintenance of that state , be not discovered ; least by that means they refuse and disappoint themselves , but wisely used , and with great secrecie . particular rules . rules and axioms , for preserving of a kingdom . hereditary . conquered . kingdoms hereditary , are preserved at home by the ordering , 1. himself , viz. by the tempering and moderation of the princes povver and prerogative . for the less and more temperate their povver and state is , the more firm , and stable is their kingdom and governm●nt ; because they seem to be further off from a master-like , and tyrannical empire ; and less unequal in condition to the next degree , to wit , the nobility , and so less subject to grudge and envy . 2. nobility ; viz. by keeping that degree and due proportion , that neither they exceed in number more than the realm , or state can bear , as the scottish kingdom , and sometime the english , when the realm was overcharged with the number of dukes , earls , and other nobles ; whereby the authori●y of the prince was eclipsed , and the realm troubled with their factions and ambitions . nor that any one excel in hono●r , power , or wealth , as that he resemble another king within the kingdom , as the house of lancaster within this realm , to that end , not to load any with too much hono●r or preferment , because it is hard even for the best , and worthiest men , to bear their greatness , and high fortune tempera●ely , as appeareth by infinite examples in all states . the sophism for preventing , or reforming this inconvenience , are to be used with great caution and wisdom . if any great person be to be abated , not to deal with him by calumniation , or forg●d matter , & so to cut him off without desert , especially if he be gratious among the people , after the machiavilian policie , which besides the injustice , is an occasion many times of greater danger towards the prince . nor to withdraw their honour all at once , which maketh a desperate discontentment in the party , and a commiseration in the peole , and so greater love , if he be gracious for his virtue , and publick service . nor to banish him into forreign countries , where he may have opportunity of practising with forr●ign states , whereof great danger may ensue , as in the example of coriolanus , henry the fourth , and such like . but to use these , and the like sophisms , viz. to abate their greatness by degrees , as david ioabs , iustinian bellisarius , &c. to advance some other men to as great , or greater honour , to shadow , or over-mate the greatness of the other . to draw from him by degrees his friends , and followers by prefe●ments , rewa●ds , and other good and lawfull means ; especially , to be pr●vided that these great men be not imployed in great or powerfull affairs of the common-wealth , whereby they may have more opportunity to sway the state . 3. people , viz. so to order and behave himself , that he be loved , and reverenced of the people . for that the prince need not greatly fear home-conspiracies , o● forreign invasion , if he be firmly loved of his own people . the reason , for that the rebel can neither hope for any forces for so great enterprise , nor any refuge , being discovered and put to flight , if the multitude affect their prince : but the common people being once offended , hath cause to fear every moving , both at home and abroad . this may be effected by the prince , if he use means and art of getting the favour of the people , and avoid those things that breed hatred & contempt ; viz. if he seem as a tutor , or a father to love the people , and to protect them , if he maintain the peace of his kingdom ; for that nothing is more popular , nor more pleasing to the people , than is peace . 4. if he shew himself oftentimes graciously , yet with state and majesty to his people , and receive complaints of his suppliants , and such like . 5. if he sit himself sometimes in open courts , and place of iustic● , that he may seem to have a care of justice among his people . if he bestow many benefits and graces upon that city , which he maketh the seat of his empire , and so make it sure and faithfull unto him , which is fit to be in the middle of his kingdom , as the hear● in the middle of the body , or the sun in the middle of heaven , both to divide himself more easily into all the parts of his dominions ; and least the furthest parts● at one end move , whilest the prince is in the other . i● he go in progress many times to see his provinces , especially , those that are remote . 6. if he gratifie his courtiers and att●n●ants in that ●ort , and by such means , as that he may seem not to pleasure them with the hurt and injury of his people , as with monopolies , and such like . 7. if he commit the handling of such things as procure envy , or seem grievous to his ministers , but reserve those things which are gratefull , and well pleasing to himself , as the french kings , who for th●t purpose , as may seem , have erected their court at paris , which acquitteh the prince from grudge and ●nvy , both with the nobles and the p●ople . 8. if he borrows sometimes sums of money of his people , though he have no need , and pay the same justly without defalca●ion of any part by his exchequer , or other officer . 9. if he avoid all such things as may breed ●atred , or contempt of his person , which may be done , if he shew himself not too light , inconstant , hard , cruel , ●sfeminate , fearfull , and dastardly , &c. but contrarywise , religious , grave , iust valiant , &c. whereby appeareth the false doctrine of the machiavilian policie , with far the betmeans to keep the people in obedience , than love , and reverence of the people towards the prince . 10 if the prince be well furnished with warlike provision , which is to be rumoured , and made known abroad : if it be known , that he is reverenced , and obeyed by his peoples at home . 11. if he provide so much as lyeth in him , that his neighbour kingdoms grow not over much in power and dominion ; which if it happen , he is to joyn speedily with other princes , which are in like danger to abate that greatness , and to strengthen himself and the rest against it . an oversight of the christian princes towards the king of spain . 12. if he get him intelligencers by reward , or other means , to detect or hinder the designs of that prince , with whom he hath differences , if any thing be intended against his state . or at least have some of his own lydging abroad , about that princes court , under colour of embassage , or some other p●etence ; which must be men of skill and dexterity to serve for that turn . 13. to observe the laws of his countrey , and not to encounter them with his pr●rogative , nor to use it at all where there is a law , for that it maketh a secret and just grudge in the peoples hearts , especially if it tender to take from them ●●●ir commodities , and to bestow them upon other of his courtiers and ministers . 14. to provide especially , that that part , which favoureth the state as it standeth , be more potent , than the other which favoureth it not , or desireth a change . 15. to make special choice of good and sound men to bear the place of magistrates , especially , of such as assist the prince in his counsels , and policies , and not to lean over much to his own advise , contrarie to the rule of machiavil , who teacheth , that a prince can have no good counsel , except it be in himself ; his reason , because if he use the counsel of some one , he is in danger to be over-wrought , and supplanted by him ; & if he counsel with more , then he shall be distracted with the differences in opinions . as if a prince of great , or mean wisdom , could not take the iudgement of all his counsellorurs in any point of policie , or of so many as the himself thinketh good , and to take it either by word , or in writing ; and himself then in private peruse them all , and so after good and mature deliberation , make choice of the best , without any distraction or binding himself to the direction of one . for the proverb is true , that two eyes see more than one ; and therefore the advises , and consultations of a senatory state , is compared by some to a feast , or dinner , where many contribute towards the shot , by which means they have more variety of dishes , and so better fare ; and yet every man may make choice of that dish , that serveth him best ●or his health and appeti●e . 16. the prince himself is to sit sometimes in place of publique justice , and to give an experiment of his wisdom and equity , whereby great reverence and estimation is gotten , as in the example of solomon , which may seem the reason , why our kings of england had their kings bench in place of publick justice , after the manner of the ancient kings that ●ate in the gate ; where for better performing of this princely duty , some special causes may be selected , which may throughly be deba●ed and considered upon by the prince in private , with the help and advise of his learned councel , and so be decided publickly , as before is said , by the prince himself ; at least , the prince is to ●ake accomp● of every minister of publick justice , that it may be known , that he hath a care of justice , and doing right to his people , which makes the justic●rs also to ●e more ●●reful in performing of their duties . 17. to be moderate in his taxes , and impositions ; and when need doth require to use the subjects purse , ●o do it by parliaments , and with their consents , making the cause apparent unto them , and shewing his unwillingness in charging them . finally , so to use it , that it may seem rather an offer from his subjects , than an exaction by him . 18. to stop small beginnings ; unto ●his end to compound the dissentions ●hat arise amongst the nobles , with caution , that such as are free be not drawn into parts , whereby many times the prince is endangered , and the whole common-wealth set in a combustion ; as in the example of the barons wars , and the late wars of france , which grew from a quarrel betwixt the guision faction , and the other nobility . 19. to stir up the people , if they grow secure , and negl●gent of a●mour , and other provision for the common-wealth , by some rumour or fear of danger at home , to make more ready when occasion requireth . but this seldom to be used , least it be supposed a false alarm , when there is need indeed . 20. to have special care , that his children , especially , the heir apparent , have such bringing up as is meet for a king , viz. in learning , specially of matters pertaining to state , and in martial exercise , contrary to the practise of many princes , who suffer their children to be brought up in pleasure , and to spend their time in hunting , &c. which by reason of their defects , afterwards is a cause of mis-government and alteration of state . ii. kingdoms new gotten , or purchased by force , are preserved by these means . 1. first , if they have been subjects before to his ancestours , or have the same tongue , manners , or fashions , as have his own countrey , it is an eas●● matter to retain such countries within their obedience , in case the princes bloud of the said countrey be wholly extinct . for men of the same quality , tongue , and condi●ion , do easily shole , and combine thems●lves together , so much the rather , if the people of that countrey have served before , and were not accustomed to their own lib●r●y , wherein specially is to be observed , that the laws and customs o● that purchased countrey be not altered nor innovated , or at least it be done by little and little . so the ●urgundians and acquitains were annexed to france . the reason , because partly they have been accustomed to serve , and partly , for that th●y will not ●asily agree about any other to be their prince , if the bloud royall be once extinguished . as for the invasion of a forreign coutrey , whereunto the prince hath no right , or whereof the right heir is living , ; it is not the part of a just civil prince , much less a prince christian to enforce such a countrey ; and therefore , the machiavilian practises in this case , to make sure work by extinguishing wholly the bloud royal , is lewd and imper●inent : the like is to be said of murthering the natives , or the greatest part of them , to the end he may hold the rest in sure posession . a thing not onely against christian religion , but it is inhumane injustice , cruel , and barbarous . 2. the safest way is , ( supposing a right ) that some good part of the natives be transplanted into some other place , and our colonies , consisting of so many as shall be thought meet , be planted there in some part of the province , castles , forts , and havens , seized upon and more provided in fit places , as the manner was of the babylonian monarch , which transplanted 10. iews : and of the romans in france , tribes of the germany , br●tany , and other places . the reason : 1. for that otherwise forces of horse and foot , are to be maintained within the province , which cannot be done without great charge . 2. for that the whole province is ●roubled and grieved with removing and supplying the army with victuals , carriages , &c. 3. for that colonies are more sure and faith●ul , than the rest . as for the natives that are removed from their former ●ears , they have no means to hurt , and the rest of the natives being free from the inconvenience , and fearing that themselves may be so served if they attempt any thing rashly , are content to be quiet . the turks practise in asia , where the chief grounds and dwellings are posessed by the souldiers , whom they call , timariotae . that the prince have his seat and his residence , in his new purchase , especially , for a time , till things be well setled ; especially , if the province be great and large , as the turks in greece : the reason ; 1. because the presence of the prince availeth much to keep things in order , and get the good will of his new subjects . 2. they conceive that they have refuge by the princes presence , if they be oppressed by the lieutenants , and inferiour governours : where it will be convenient for the winning the peoples hearts , that some example be made of punishing of such as have committed any violence or oppression . 3. because being present , he seeth and heareth what is thought and attempted ; and so may quickly give remedy to it , which being absent , he cannot do , or not do in time . 4. if the prince himself cannot be present to reside , then , to take heed that the charge of governing , or new purchases be committed to such as be sure men , and of other meet quality , that depend wholly upon the princes favour , and not to natives , or other of their own subjects , that are gracious ●or their nobil●●y , or virtue ; especially , if the province be great , and somewhat far distant , which may soon seduce the unsetled affections of those new subjects . as for such governours , as depend wholly upon the princes favour , being not born , but created noble , they will not so easily suffer themselves to be won from their duty , and in case they would revolt , yet they are not able to make any great strength , for that the people obey them but as instruments and ministers , to keep them in subjection , and not for any ill will . 4. to have the children of the ch●e● noble men , and of greatest authority , hostages with them in safe keeping , the more the better : for that no bound is stronger , than that of nature , to contain the parents and alies in obedience , and they the rest . 5. to alter the laws but by degrees one after another , and to make other that are more behovefull for the establishing of the present govern●ment . 6. to keep the people quiet and peaceable , and well affected so much as may be , that they may seem by being conquered , to have gotten a protectour , rather than a tyrant ; for the common-people , if they enjoy peace , and ●e not distracted nor drawn from their business , nor exacted upon beyond measure , are easily con●ained under obedience ; yet notwithstanding , they are to be dis●used from the practise of arms , and other exercises which increase courage , and ●e weakened of armour , that they have neither spi●it , ●or will to rebel . 7. if the●e be any ●action in the countrey , to take to him the defence of the better and stronger part , and to combine with it , ●as caesar in fra●●e . 8. to look well to the borders , and confining provinces , and if any rule there of great , or equal power to him●elf , to joyn league with some other borderers , though of less strength , to hinder the attempts ( if any should be ) by such neighbour prince . for it happeneth often , tha● a countrey in●e●ted by one neighbour p●ince , ●calleth in another , of as great , o● greater power , to assist , and rescue it from the other that invadeth it ; so the romans were called into greece , by the aetolians ; the saxons , by the britains , the danes , by the saxons . 9. to leave their ti●les and dignities to the natives , but the command and authority , wholly to his own . 10. not to put much trust , nor to practise to often the sophisms of policy , especially those that appertain to a tyrannical state , which are soon de●ected by men of judgement , and so bring discredit to the prince , and his policy among the wiser , and better sort of his subjects , whereof must needs follow very ill effects . the sophisms of tyrants , are rather to be known , than practised , ( which are for the supporting of their tyrannical states , ) by wise and good princes , and are these , and such like as follow . rules politick of tyrants . rvles practised by tyrants are of 2. sorts . viz. 1. barbarous , and pro●essed , which is proper to those that have got head , and have power sufficient of themselves , without others help , as in the tu●kish , and russe government . 2. so●histical , and dissembl●d ; as in some states that are repu●ed for good and lawfull monarchies , but inclining to tyrannies , proper to those which are not yet ●●tled , nor have power sufficient of themselves ; but must use the power and help of others , and so are forced to be politick soph●st●●s . i. sophisms of a barbarous and professed tyranny . to expel and banish ou● of his countrey all ho●est means , whereby his people may a●tain to learning , wisdom , valour , and other virtues , that they might be fit for that estate , and ●ervile condition . for that these two , learning , and martial exercise , effect two things most dangerous to a tyranny : viz. wisdom , and valour . for that men of spirit and understanding , can hardly endure a servile state . to this end , to forbid learning of li●eral arts , and martial exercise ; as in the rus●e government , so iulian the apo●tata dealt with the christians . contrarywise , to use his people to base occup●tions , and mechanical arts , to keep them from idleness , and to put away from them all high thoughts , and manly conceits , and to give them a liberty of drinking drunk , and of other base and lewd conditions that they may be sotted , and so made unfit for great enterprises . so the egyptian kings dealt with the heb●ews ; so the russe emperour with his russe people : and charles the fifth with the neth●rlanders , when he purposed to enclose their priviledges , and to bring them under his absolute government . 2. to make sure to him , and his state , his military men by reward , liberty , and other means , especially , his guard , or praetorian ●and ; that being partakers of the spoil and benefit , they make like that state , and continue firm to it ; as the turk , his ianizaries ; the russe , his boyarens , &c. 3. to unarm his people of weapons , money , and all means , whereby they may resist his power ; and to that end , to have his set and ordinary exactions , viz. once in two , three , or four years , and sometimes yearly , as the turk and russe ; who is wont to say , that his people must be used as his flock of sheep , viz. their fle●c● taken from them , least it overlade them , and grow too heavy ; that t●ey are like to his beard , that the more it was shaven , the thicker it would grow . and if there be any of extraordinary wealth , to borrow of them in the mean while , till the tax come about , or upon some devised matter , to confiscate their goods , as the common practise is of the russe and tu●k . 4. to be still in wars , to the end , his people may need a captain ; and that his forces may be kept in practise , as the russe doth yearly against the tartar , pol●nian , and sweden , &c. 5. to cut off such as excel the rest in wealth , favour , or nobil●ty ; or be of a pregnant , or a spiring wit , & so are fearfull to a tyrant , and to suffer none to hold office , or any honour , but onely of him ; as the turk , his bas●●●s ; and the russe , his ●u●zzes . 6. to forbid guild● , brotherhoods , feastings , and other assemblies among the people , that they have no means or oportunity to conspire , or confer together of publick matters , or to maintain love amongst themselves , which is very dangerous to a tyrant , the russes practise . 7. to have their beagles , or listeners in every corner , and parts of the realm ; especially , in places that are more suspect , to learn what every man saith , or thinketh , that they may prevent all attempts , & take away such as mislike their state . 8. to make schism , and division among his subjects , viz. to set one noble man , against another , and one rich man against another , that through faction & disagreement among themselves , they may be weakened , and attempt nothing against him , and by this means entertaining whisperings , and complaints , he may know the secrets of both parts , and have matter against them both , when need requireth . so the russe made the faction of the ze●●ky , and the oppress●nie . 9. to have strangers for his guard , and to entertain parasites , and other base and servile fellows , not too wise , and yet subtile , that will be ready for reward to do and execute what he commandeth , though never so wicked and unjust . for that good men cannot flatter , and wise men cannot serve a tyrant . all these practises , and such like , may be contracted into one or two , viz. to bereave his subjects of will and power to do him hurt , or to alter the present state . the use is caution , not imitation . ii. sophisms of the sophistical , or subtile tyrant , to hold up his state . 1. to make shew of a good king , by observing a temper and mediocritie in his government , and whole course of life ; to which end , it is necessary , that this subtile tyrant , be a cunning polititian , or a machiavilian at the least , and that he be taken so to be , for that it maketh him more to be feared and regarded , and is thought thereby , not unworthy for to govern others . 2. to make shew not of severity , but of gravity , by seeming reverent , and not terrible in his speech , and gesture , and habite , and other demeanour . 3. to pretend care of the common-wealth ; and to that end , to seem loath to exact tributes , and other charges ; and yet to make necessity of it , where none is : to that end , to procure such war as can bring no danger toward his state , and that might easily be compounded , or some other chargeable business ; and to continue it on , that he may continue his exaction and contribution so long as he list . and thereof to imploy some in his publick service , the rest to hoord up in his treasury , which is sometimes practised even by lawfull princes , as edward the fourth in his wars against france , when having levied a great sum of money throughout his ●ealm , especially of the londoners , he went over seas , and returned without any thing doing . 4. sometimes to give an account by open speech , and publick writing , of the expence of such taxes and impositions , as he hath rec●ived of his ●ubjects , that he may so seem to be a good husband , and frugal , and not a robber of the common-wealth . 5. to that end , to bestow● some cost upon publick buildings , or some other work for the common good , especially upon the ports , forts , and chief cities of his realm , that so he may seem a benenefactour , and have a delight in the adorning of his countrey , or doing some good for it . 6. to forbid feastings , and other meetings , which increase love , and give opportunity to confer together of publick matters , under pretence of sparing cost for better uses , to that end , the curfieu bell was first ordained by william the● conquerour , to give men warning to repair home at a certain hour . 7. to take heed that no one grow to be over-great , but rather , many equally great , that they may envy , and contend one with another ; and if he resolve to weaken any of this sort , to do it warily , and by degrees ; if quite to wreck him , and to have his life , yet to give him a lawfull tryal , after the manner of his countrey ; and if he proceed so far with any of great power and estimation , as to do him contumely , or disgrace , not to suffer him to escape , because contumely and disgrace , are things contrary unto honour , which great spirits do most desire , and so are moved rather to a revenge for their disgrace , than to any thankfulness , or acknowledging the princes favour for their pardon or dismistion ; true in atheists , but not in true christian nobilitie . 8. to unarm his people , and store up their weapons , under pretence of keeping them safe , and having them ready when service requireth , and then to arm with them , such and so many as he shall think meet , and to commit them to such as are sure men . 9. to make schism or division under hand among his nobility , and betwixt the nobility and the people , and to set one rich man against another , that they combine no● together , and that himself by hearing the grieff and complaints , may know the secrets of both parts , and so have matter a●ainst them both , when it listeth him to call them to an account . 10. to offer no man any contumely or wrong , specially , about womens mat●ers , by attempting the chastity of their wives or daughters , which hath been he ruin of many tyrants , and conversion of their states . as of ●arquinius , by brutus , appius , by virginius , pisistratus , by harmodius , alexander medices , duke of florence , aloisus of placentia , rodericus , king of spain , &c. 11. to that end , to be moderate in his pleasures , or to use them closely , that he be not seen ; for that men sober , or watchfull , or such as seem so , are not lightly subject to contempt , or conspiracies of their own . 12. to reward such as atchieve some great or commendable enterprize ; or do any special action ●or the common-wealth , in that manner as it may seem , they could not be better regarded , in case they lived in a free-state . 13. all rewards and things gratefull , to come from himself , but all punishments , exactions , and things ungratefull , to come from his officers , & publick ministers ; and when he hath effected what he would by them , if he see his people discontented withall , to make them a sacrifice to pacifie his subjects . 14. to pretend great care of religion , and of serving god , ( which hath been the manner of the wickedest tyrants ) for that people do less fear any hurt from those , whom they think virtuous and religious , nor attempt likely to do them hurt , for that they think that god protects them . 15. to have a strong & sure guard of forreign souldiers , and to bind them by good turns , that they having at least profit , may depend upon him , and the present state ; as c●ligula , the german guard , where the nobility are many and mighty . the like is practised by lawfull kings , as by the french king . 16. to procure that other great persons bee in the same fault , or case with them , that for that cause they be forced to defend the tyrant , for their own safetie 17. to take part , and to joyn himself with the stronger part ; if the common people , and mean degree be the stronger , to joyn with them ; if the rich and noble , to joyn with them . for so that part with his own strength , will be ever able to overmatch the other . 18. so to frame his manners & whole behaviour , as that he may seem , if not perfectly good , yet tolerably evil , or somewhat good , somewhat bad . these rules of hypocritical tyrants , are to bee known , that they may be avoyded , and met withall , and not drawn into imimitation . preservation of an aristocracie . rules to preserve a senatory state , are partly taken from the common axioms , and partly from those that preserve a kingdom . preservation of an oligarchie , by sophisms . rules . 1. in consultations and assemblies , about publick affairs , to order the matter , that all may have liberty to frequent their common assemblies , and councels , ; but to impose a fine upon the richer sort , if they omit that duty . on the other side , to pardon the people , if they absent themselves , and to bear with them under pretence , that they may the better intend their occupations , , and not be hindered in their trades , and earnings . 2. in election of magistrates , and officers : to suffer the poorer sort to vow , and abjure the bearing of office , under colour of sparing them , or to enjoyn some great charge , as incident to the office , which the poor cannot bear . but to impose some great fine upon those , that be rich , if they refuse to bear office , being elect unto it . 3. in judicial matters : in like manner to order , that the people may be absent from publick trials , under pretence of following their business . but the richer to be present , and to compel them by fines , to frequent the court . 4. in warlike exercise and arms : that the poor be not forced to have armour , horse , &c. under pretence of sparing their cost , nor to be drawn from their trades by martial exercises ; but to compel the richer sort to keep their proportion of armor , horse , &c. by excessive fines , and to exercise themselves in war-like matters , &c. 5. to have special care of instructing their children in liberal arts , policie , and warlike exercise , and to observe good order and discipline . for as popular states are preserved by the frequencie , and liberty of the people , so this government of the richer , is preserved by discipline , and good o●der of governours . 6. to provide good store of war-like furniture , especially of horse , and horse-men , and of armed men , viz. pike , &c. which are proper to the gentry , as shot , and light furniture , are for a popular companie . 7. to put in practise some points of a popular state ; viz. to lade no one man with too much preferment ; to make yearly , or half years magistrates , &c. for that the people are pleased with such things , and they are better secured by this means from the rule of one . and if any grow to too much greatness , to abate him by the sophisms fit for this state . 8. to commit the offices and magistracies , to those that are best able to bear the greatest charges for publick matters , which both tendeth to the conservation of this state , and pleaseth the people , for that they reap some relief , and benefit by it . 9. to the same end , to contract marriages among themselves , the rich with the rich , &c. 10. in some things which concern not the points , and matters of state , as electing magistrates , making laws , &c. to giv● an equality , or sometimes a preferment to the common people , and not to do , as in some oligarchies they were wont ; viz. to swear against the people , to suppress and bridle them ; but rather contrary ; to minister an oath at their admission , that they shall do no wrong to any of the people ; and if any of the richer offer wrong to any of the commons , to shew some example of severe punishment . for other axioms that preserve this state , they are to be borrowed from those other rules that tend to the preserving of a popular , and tyrannical state ; for the strict kind of oligarchie , is kin to a tyranny . preservation of a popular state ; sophisms . rules or axioms . 1. in publick assemblies and consultations about matters of state , creating of magistrates , publick justice , and exercise of arms , to practise the contrary to the former kind of government , to wit , an oligarc●ie . for in popular states , the commons and meaner sort are to be drawn to those assemblies , magistrates , offices , war-like exercises , &c. by mulcts and rewards , and the richer sort are to be spared , and not to be forced by fine , or otherwise , to frequent these exercises . 2. to make shew of honouring and reverencing the richer men , and not to swear against them , as the manner hath been in some popular states ; but rather to preferre them in all other matters , that concern not the state and publick government . 3. to elect magistrates from among the common● by lot , or ballating , and not to choose any for their wealths sake . 4. to take heed , that no mā bear office twice , except it be military , where the pay , and salary , &c. is to be reserved in their own hands , to be disposed of by a common-councel , &c. and to see that no man be too highly preferred . 5. that no magistracy be perpetual , but as short as may be , to wit , for a a year , half year , &c. 6. to compel magistrates when their time expireth , to give an accompt of their behaviour and government , and that publickly before the commons . 7. to have publick salaries and allowance for their magistrates , judges , &c. and yearly dividents for the common people , and such as have most need among them . 8. to make judges of all matters out of all sorts , so they have some aptness to perform that duty . 9. to provide that publick judgements and trials be not frequent ; and to that end to inflict great fines and other punishments upon pettifoggers and dilators , as the law of requital , &c. because for the most part the richer and nobler , and not the commons are indited and accused in this common-wealth , which causeth the rich to conspire against the state ; whereby many times the popular state is turned into an oligarchie , or some other government . hereto tendeth that art of civil law , made against accusers and calumniatours : ad s●natus-consultum turpilianum , l. 1. de calumniatoribus . 10. in such free states as are popular , and have no revenue , to provide that publick assemblies be not after : because they want salary for pleaders and oratours ; and if they be rich ; yet to be wary , that all the revenue be not divided amongst the commons . for , that this distribution of the common revenue among the multitude , is like a purse or barrel without a bottom . but to provide , that a sufficient part of the revenue be stored up for the publick affairs . 11. if the number of the poor encrease too much in this kind of state , to send some abroad out of the cities into the next countrey places , and to provide above all , that none do live idly , but be set to their trades . to this end , to provide that the richer men place in their farms and coppiholds , such decayed citizens . 12. to be well advised what is good for this state , and not to suppose that to be fit for a popular state , that seemeth most popular ; but that which is ●est for the continuance thereof : and to that end , not to lay into the exchequer , or common-treasurie , such goods as are confiscate , but to store them up as holy and consecrate things , which except it be practised , confiscations , and fines of the common people would be frequent , and so this state would decay by weakening the people . conversion of states in general . conversion of a state , is the declining of the common-wealth , either to some other form of government , or to his full and last period appointed by god . causes of conversions of states are of two sorts : general and particular . general , ( viz. ) 1. want of religion : viz. of the true knowledge and worship of god , prescribed in his word ; and notable sins that proceed from thence in prince and people , as in the examples of saul , uzziah , the jewish state ; the four monarchies●●nd all other . 2. want of wisdom and good councel to keep the state , the prince , nobles , and people in good temper , and due proportion , according to thei● several orders and decrees . 3. want of justice , either in administration ( as ill lawes , or ill magistrates ) or in the execution , as rewards not given where they should be , or there ●estowed where they should not be , or punishments not inflicted where they should be . 4. want of power and sufficiency to maintain and defend it self ; viz. of provision , as armour , money , captains , souldiers , &c. execution , when the means or provision is not used , or ill used . 2. particular : to be noted and collected out of the contraries of those rules , that are prescribed for the preservation of the common-wealths . particular causes of conversion of states , are of two sorts . 1. forreign : by the over-greatness of invasion of some forreign kingdom , or other state of meaner power , having a part within our own , which are to ●e prevented by the providence of the chief , and rules of policy for the preserving of every state . this ●alleth out very seldom for the great diff●cul●y to overthrow a forreign state . 2. domestick : sedition or open violence by the stronger part . alteration without violence . sedition . sedition is a power of inferiours opposing it self with force of arms against the superiour power , quasi ditio secedens . causes of sedition are of two sorts . 1. general . liberty richer when they , that are of equal quality in a commō-wealth , or do take themselves so to be , are not regarded equally in all , or in any of these three . or , when they are so unequal in quality , or take themselves so to be , are regarded but equally , or with less respect than those that be of less de●ect in these three things , or in any of them . honour 1. in the chief : covetousness or oppression , by the magistrate or higher power , ( viz. ) when the magistrates , especially the chief , encreaseth his substance and revenue beyond measure , either with the publick or ( private calamity , whereby the governours grow to quarrel among themselves as in olygarchies ) or the other degrees conspire together , and make quarrel against the chief , as in kingdoms : the examples of wat tyler , iack straw , &c. 2. in the chief : injury , when great spirits , and of great power , are greatly wronged and dishonoured , or take themselves so to be , as coriolanus , cyrus minor , earl of warwick . in which cases the best way is to decide the wrong . 3. preferment , or want of preferment ; wherein some have over-much , and so wax proud and aspire higher : or have more or less , than they deserve as they suppose ; & so in envy and disda● , seek innovation by open faction , so caesar , &c. 4. some great nec●ssity or calamity ; so xerxes after the ●oil of his great army . and sena●harib after the loss of 185. in one night . 2. particular . 1. envie , when the chief exceed the mediocri●y before mentioned , and so provoketh the nobility , and other degrees , to conspire against him ; as brutus cassius , &c. against caesar . 2. fear , viz. of danger , when one or more dispatch the prince , by secret practice or force , to prevent his own danger , as artab●nus did xerxes . 3. lust or lecherie , as tarquinius superbus , by brutus ; pisistratindae , by armodius ; appius by virginius . 4. contempt ; for vile quality & base behaviour , as sardanapalus by arbaces ; dionysius the younger by dion . 5. contumely ; when some great disgrace is done to some of great spirit , who standeth upon his honour and reputation , as caligula by chaereas . 6. hope of advancement , or some great profit , as mituridates , anobarsanes . chief . other d●gr●es . other degrees . alteration without violence . causes of alteration without violence are ; 1. excess of the state ; when by degrees the state groweth from that temper and mediocrity wherein it was , or should have been setled , and exceedeth in power , riches , and absoluteness in his kind , by the ambition and covetousness of the chiefs immoderate taxes , and impositions , &c. applying all to his own benefi● , without respect of other degrees , and so in the end changeth it self into another state or form of government , as a kingdom into a tyranny , an oligarch●● into an aristocraci● . 2. excess , of some one or more in the common-wealth ; viz. when some one or more in a common-wealth grow to an excellency or excess above the rest , either in honour , wealth , or virtu● ; and so by permission and popular favour , are advanced to the sovereignty : by which means , popular states grow into oliga●chies ; and oligarchi●s and aristocracies into monarchi●s . for which cause the athenians and some other free states , made their laws of ostrocismos , to banish any for a time that should excel , though it were in virtue , to prevent the alteration of their state ; which because it is an unjust law , 't is better to take heed at the beginning to prevent the means , that none should grow to that heigth and excellency , than to use so sharp and unjust a remedy . finis . a method , how to make use of the book before , in the reading of the story . david being seventie years of age , was of wisdom , memorie , &c. sufficient to gouern his kingdom ; 1. reg. cap. 1. old age is not ever unfit for publick government . david being of great years , and so having a cold , drie , and impotent bodi● , married with abishag , a fair maid of the best complexion through the whole realm , to revive his bodie and prolong his life , 1. reg. chap. 1. verse . 3. example of the like practise in charles the fifth . david being old and impotent of bo●t● , by the advise of h●s nobles and p●isitians , marri●d a young maid call●d abishag , to warm and pres●rve his old bodi● . observation . vvh●ther david did well in m●●rying a maid ? and whether it be lawfull for an old decayed and impotent man , to marrie a young woman ; or on the other side , for an old , worn , and decrepite woman , to marrie a young and lustie man ? for the affirmative . arg. the end of marriage is societie and mutual comfort ; b●● th●r● may be soci●tie and mutual comfort in a marriage betwixt an old , and young partie ; ergo , 't is lawful . answ. societie and comfort is a cause & effect of marriage ; but none of the principal ends of marriage : which are : 1. pr●creation of children , and so the continuance o● mankind . 2. the av●iding of fornication . as for comfort and societie they may be betwixt man and man , woman and woman , where no marriage is , and therefore no proper ends of marri●ge . the negative . arg. 1. that conjunction which hath no respect to the right and proper ends , for which marriage was ●rdained by god , is no lawfull marriage . but the conjunction betwixt an old im●otent , and young partie hath no respect t● th●●●ght end , for which marriage was ordain●d by god . there●ore it is no lawful marriage . 2. no contract , wherein the part●e cont●acting , bindeth himself to an impossible condition , or to do that which he cannot do , is good or lawfull . but the contract o● marriage by an impoten● person , wit● a young partie , bindeth him to an impossible condition to do that which he cannot d● , viz. to perfo●m the duties of marriage ; therefore it is unlawfull . for the same cause , the civil law determineth a nullity in these m●r●iages , except the woman know before the infi●mitie of the man , in which case she ca● have no wrong , being a thing done with her own knowledge and cons●nt , because volenti non fit injuria : — in legem julian . de adulteriis leg. si uxor , &c. it provideth further , ●or the more certaintie of the infirmiti● , that three years be expired before the dissolution of the marriage , because that men that have been infirm at the first , by reason of sickness , or some other accident , afterwards proved to be sufficient : de repudiis leg. in causis . defence for david , in marrying abishag . it was rather a medicine , than a marriage , without any evil , or disordered aff●ction . 2. it was by the perswasion of his nobles , and phisiti●ns . 3. it was for the publick good , to prolong the life of a worthie prince . 4. it was with the knowledge and consent of the young maid , who was made acquainted with the kings infirmitie , and to what end she was married unto him ; who if she did it for the common good , and for duties sake , having withall the gift of continencie , she is to be commended ; if for ambition , or some vain respect , it is ●er own , and not davids fault . political nobilitie . adoniah aspiring to the kingdom . first , took the advantage of davids affection and kindness towards him , and made him secure of any ill dealing . secondly , of his age and infirmities , disabling his father as unfit for government . thirdly , blazed his title , and right to the crown . fourthly , got him chariots , horsemen , and footmen , and a guard to make shew of state . fifthly , being a comly , and goodly person , made a popular shew of himself , and his qualities . sixtly , joyned to himself in faction , joab , the general of the armie , who was in displeasure for murthering of abner , and amaza , and feared that david would supplie benajah in his place , and so was discontented . and abiather the high priest , that was likewise discontented with david , for the preferment of zadoch . seventhly , had meetings with them , and other his confederates , under pretence of a vovv , and offering at the fountain of raguel , in the co●●ines of judea . eightly , made a shevv of religion by sacrificing , &c. ninthly , made himself familiar vvith the nobles and people , and entertai●●d them vvith feasting . tenthly , drevv into his part the chief officers of the court , and servants to the king , by revvards , familiaritie , &c. eleventhly , disgraced and abased the competitour , and such as he knevv vvould take part vvith him , and concealeth his ambition , and purpose from them . tvvelftly , had jonathan a favorite of the court , and near about the king to give him intelligence , if any thing vvere discovered , and moved at the court , whilest himself was in hand about his practise . observations . waies of such as aspire to the kingdom , & marks to discern them . first , they wind into the princes favour by service , officiousness , flatterie , &c. to plant him in a good opinion of their loyaltie and faithfulness , thereby to make him secure of their practises . 2. they take advantage of the princes infirmities , age , impotencie , negligence , sex , &c. and work upon that by disabling the prince , and secret detracting of his state , and government . 3. they blaze their title , and claim to the crown , ( if they have any ) with their friends and favourites . 4. they provide them in secret of extraordinarie forces , and furniture for the wars , make much of good souldiers , and have a pretence ( if it be espied ) of some other end , as for the kings honour , or service , and to be in readiness against forreign enemies , &c. 5. they make open shew of their best qualities , and comliness of their persons ( which though it be vain as a dumb shew , it is very effectual to win the liking of the popular sort , which according to the rul● of the election of kings , in the bees common-wealth ; think that porma est digna imperare ) activitie , nobilitie , ancestrie , &c. 6. to have their blazers abroad , to set out their virtues , and to prepare their friends in every province . 7. to draw into their part , and make sure unto the● , of the chief p●ers , and men of best qualitie , such as are mightiest and most gracious with the souldiers , and the militarie men , and most subtile and politick , especially such as be ambitious and discontent with the state . 8. to have meetings for con●e●rence under some pretence of some ordinari● matter in some convenient place , not too near , nor too far off , but where friends may best resort and assemble unto them without suspition . 9. to take up a shew , and pretence of religion , more than before , and beyond the practise of their former life . 10. they use popular courtesie ( which in a great person is verie effectual ) feasting , liberaliti● , gaming , &c. 11. to be over liberal , and win to them by gifts , familiaritie , &c. the chief officers of the court , and governours of shires . 12 to have some near about the prince , to keep them in credite , and remove suspition , if any rise . 13. to disgrace such as they know to be sure and faithfull to the prince , and present state , or to the competitour , and to bring them into contempt by slander , detraction , and all means they can , and to ●onc●al the designs from them , least they be discovered before they be too ripe . 14. to have some spie ●●ar about the prince , to advertise them if any i●ckling of suspition arise , whilest themselves are practising . note the practises of absolom : ● sam. chap. 16. and of cy●us minor in xenophon ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . cap. 1. political prince . david being a most worthy and excellent prince for wisdom , valour , religion , and justice , and so highly deserving of the common-wealth , yet grown into age , grew withal into contempt , & had many , both of his nobles , & common people , that fell from him ; first with absolom , then with adoniah , who affected the kingdom , and rebelled against him : for remedy whereof , he stirred up himself to publick actions , which might shew his vigour and sufficiencie to mannage the affairs of his kingdom . 1. after the victorie against absolom , he forced himself to ●orbear mourning , and shewed himself to his discontented army , when all were like to fall from him , for his unreasonable sorrow and lamentation for his son . 2. after the victorie , he caused a g●n●ral convention to be ass●mbled o● the whole nation , to bring him home with honour to jerusalem , which was a renewing , and re-establishing of him . 2 sam. 19. 12. 3. he gave an experiment of his power and authoritie , by deposing a person of great authoritie and estimation , to wit , joab , general captain of the armie , and advancing amasa to his place . 4. he sent kind messengers to jerusalem , and to other chief and head towns , and speciall men of judea , his contributes , putting them of their alliance with him , with these words , that they were of his own flesh and bloud , with protestation of his special love and affection towards them , to provide them with the like kindness and affection towards him . 5. he assembled a parliament of his whole realm , and took occasion upon the designing of his successour , to commend unto them the succession of his house , and the continuance and maintenance o● gods tru● worship and religion then established , and gave a grave and publick ch●rge to his successour , now designed , touc●ing the manner of his gov●rnment , and maintaining of religion . 1. chron. 12. 13. 6. he shewed his bountie and magnificence in cong●sting matter for the building of the temple , as gold , silver , brass , &c. and caus●d it to be published and made known to the parliament and whole nation , 1. chron. 22. 13. 7 he revived the church government , and set it in a right order , assigning to ●v●ry church , officers , his place and function . 8. he suppressed the faction of ado●niah , and ordained solomon his successour , 1 reg. 1. 22. by these means , h● retained his majestie and authoritie i● his old age , as appeareth by the eff●ct ; ●o● that being bed-rid , he suppressed the fa●ction of adoniah , ( which was grow●● mightie , and vvas set on foot ) vvith h●● bare commandment , and si●nification 〈◊〉 his pleasure , and so he dyed in peace . finis . sir walter raleigh's sceptick, or speculations and observations of the magnificency and opulency of cities, his seat of government, and letters to the kings majestie, and others of qualitie : also, his demeanor before his execution. sceptick raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57589 of text r9285 in the english short title catalog (wing r186a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 90 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57589 wing r186a estc r9285 12384195 ocm 12384195 60803 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57589) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60803) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:27) sir walter raleigh's sceptick, or speculations and observations of the magnificency and opulency of cities, his seat of government, and letters to the kings majestie, and others of qualitie : also, his demeanor before his execution. sceptick raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. james i, king of england, 1566-1625. [3], 150 p. : port. printed by w. bentley, and are to be sold by w. shears ..., london : 1651. reproduction of original in columbia university library. contains several poems: p. 135-150. eng raleigh, walter, -sir, 1552?-1618. a57589 r9285 (wing r186a). civilwar no sir walter raleigh's sceptick, or speculations. and observations of the magnificency and opulency of cities. his seat of government. and let raleigh, walter, sir 1651 16757 7 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-07 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tam-marti , quam mercurio . the ho. ble and learned knight s. walter raleigh . ro : vaughan sculp sir walter raleigh's sceptick , or speculations . and observations of the magnificency and opulency of cities . his seat of government . and letters to the kings majestie , and others of qualitie . also his demeanor before his execution . london , printed by w. bentley , and are to be sold by w. shears , at the sign of the bible , over against the north door of s. pauls . 1651. sir walter raleigh's sceptick . the sceptick doth neither affirm , neither denie any position : but doubteth of it , and opposeth his reasons against that which is affirmed , or denied , to justifie his not consenting . his first reason ariseth , from the consideration of the great difference amongst living creatures , both in the matter and manner of their generations , and the several constitutions of their bodies . some living creatures are by copulation , and some without it , and that either by fire as crickets in fornaces ; or corrupt water , as gnats ; or slime , as frogs ; or dirt , as worms ; or herbs , as canker-worms : some of ashes , as beetles ; some of trees , as the worms psenas bred in the wild fig-tree ; some of living creatures putrified , as bees of bulls , and wasps of horses . by copulation many creatures are brought forth alive , as man ; some in the egg , as birds ; some in an unshapen piece of flesh , as bears . these great differences cannot but cause a divers and contrary temperament , and qualitie in those creatures , and consequently , a great diversitie in their phantasie and conceit ; so that they apprehend one and the same object , yet they must do it after a divers manner ; for is it not absurd to affirm , that creatures differ so much in temperature , and yet agree in conceit concerning one and the same object ? but this will more plainly appear , if the instruments of sence in the body be observed : for we shall find , that as these instruments are affected and disposed , so doth the imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it . that very object which seemeth unto us white , unto them which have the jaundise , seemeth pale , and red unto those whose eyes are bloud-shot . for so much then as living creatures have some white , some pale , some red eyes , why should not one and the same object seem to some white , some red , to some pale ? if a man rub his eye , the figure of that which he beholdeth seemeth long , or narrow ; is it then not likely , that those creatures which have a long and slanting pupil of the eye , as goats , foxes , cats , &c. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination , than those that have round pupils do do ? who knoweth not , that a glass presenteth the outward object smoother , or greater , according to the making of the glass ? if it be hollow , the object seemeth smaller than it is , if the glass be crooked , then the object seemeth long and narrow . and glasses there be , which presenteth the head of him that looketh in them , downwards , & the heels upwards . now then , seeing the eye which is the instrument of sight , in some living creatures is more outward , in some more hollow , in some plain , in some greater , in some less ; it is very probable , that fishes , men , lions , and dogs , whose eyes so much differ , do not conceive the self same object after the same manner , but diversly , according to the diversitie of the eye ; which offereth it unto the phantasie . the same reason holdeth in touching ; for seemeth it not absurd to think , that those creatures , which are covered with shels , those which are covered with scales , those which are covered with hairs , and those which are smooth , should all be alike sensible in touching ? and every one of them conveigh the image , or qualitie of the same object which they touch , in the very same degree of heat or cold , of driness or moisture , roughness or smoothness unto the imagination ? so might it be shewed in hearing , for how cā we think that the ear , which hath a narrow passage , and the ear , which hath an open & wide passage , do receive the same sound in the same degree ? or that the ear ; whose inside is full of hair , doth hear in the same just measure , that the ear doth whose inside is smooth ? since experience sheweth , that if we stop , or half stop our ears , the sound cometh not to us in the same manner and degree , that it doth if our ears be open ? the like may be thought of smelling , for man himself abounding with fleagm , is otherwise affected in smelling , than he is , if the parts about the head be full of bloud ; and many things afford a delightfull smell to some living creatures , which smel to other living creatures seemeth not to be so . in the taste the same reason appeareth ; for to a rough and drie tongue , that very thing seemeth bitter ( as in an ague ) which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so . divers creatures then having tongues drier , or moister according to their several temperatures , when they tast the same thing , must needs conceit it to be according as the instrument of their tast is affected , either bitter , or sweet , &c. for even as the hand in the striking of the harp , though the stroak be one , yet causeth a sound , sometimes high , sometimes base , according to the qualitie of the string that is strucken . even so one and the same outward object is diversly judged of , and conceited , according to the several and divers qualities of the instrument of sence , which conveieth it to the imagination . oyntment is pleasing to man ; but beetles and bees cannot abide it . oyl to man is profitable ; but it killeth bees and wasps . cicuta feedeth quails , and henbane sows ; but both of these hurt man . if a man eat ants he is sick ; but the bear being sick , recovereth by eating them . if then one and the very same thing to the red eye seem red , to another pale , and white to another : if one and the same thing , seem not hot or cold , drie or moist , in the same degree to the several creatures which touch it : if one and the self same sound seem more shrill to that creature which hath a narrow ear , and more base to him that hath an open ear : if the same thing , at the same time , seem to afford a pleasant and displeasant smell to divers and several creatures : if that seem bitter in tast to one , which to another seemeth sweet , that to one hurtful , which to another seemeth healthful , i may report how these things appear divers to several creatures , and seem to produce divers effects . but what they are in their own nature , whether red or white , bitter or sweet , healthfull or hurtfull , i cannot tell . for why should i presume to profer my conceit and imagination , in affirming that a thing is thus , or thus , in its own nature , because it seemeth to me to be so , before the conceit of other living creatures , who may as well think it to be otherwise in each one nature , because it appeareth otherwise to them than it doth to me ? they are living creatures as well as i , why then should i condemn their conceit and phantasie , concerning any thing , more than they may mine ? they may be in the truth and i in errour , as well as i in truth , and they err . if my conceit must be believed before theirs , great reason that it be proved to be truer than theirs . and this proof must be either by demonstration , or without it ; without it none will believe ; certainly , if by demonstration , then this demonstration must seem to be true , or not seem to be true ; if it seem to be true , then will it be a question , whether it be so indeed as it seemeth to be ; and to alleadge that for a certain proof , which is uncertain and questionable , seemeth absurd . if it be said , that the imagination of man judgeth truer of the outward object , than the imagination of other living creatures doth , & therefore to be credited above others , ( besides that which is already said ) this is easily refuted by comparing of man with other creatures . it is confessed , the dog excelleth man in smell , and in hearing , and whereas there is said to be a twofold discourse , one of the mind , another of the tongue , and that of the mind is said to be exercised in chusing that which is convenient , and refusing that which is hurtfull in knowledge , justice , & thankfulnes : this creature chuseth his food , refuseth the whip , fawneth on his master , defendeth his house , revengeth himself of those strangers that hurt him . and homer mentioneth argus , the dog of ulisses , who knew his master having been from home so many years , that at his return , all the people of his house had forgot him . this creature , saith chrysippus , is not void of logick ; for when in following any beast , he cōeth to three several ways , he smelleth to the one , & then to the second , and if he find that the beast which pursueth be not fled one of these 2 ways , he presently without smelling any further to it , taketh the third way , which , saith the same philosopher , is as if he reasoned thus , the beast must be gone either this , or this , or the other way ; but neither this nor this , ergò , the third : and so away he runneth . if we consider his skill in physick , it is sufficient to help himself ; if he be wounded with a dart , he useth the help of his teeth to take it out , of his tongue to cleanse the wound from corruption ; he seemeth to be well acquainted with the precept of hippocrates , who saith , that the rest of the foot is the physick of the foot , and therefore if his foot be hurt , he holdeth it up that it may rest ; if he be sick , he giveth himself a vomit by eating of grass , and recovereth himself ; the dog then we see is plentifully furnished with inward discourse . now outward speech is not needfull to make a creature reasonable , else a dumb man were an unreasonable creature . and do not philosophers themselves reject this as an enēie to knowledge ? & therefore they are silea when they are instructed ; and yet even as barbarous ans strange people of speech , but we understand it not , neither do we perceive any great difference in their words : but a difference there seemeth to be , and they do expres their thoughts and meanings one to another by those words . evē so those creatures , which are commonly called unreasonable , do seem to parlie one with another ; and by their speech to understand one the other . do not birds by one kind of speech call their young ones , and by another cause them to hide themselves ? do they not by their several voices express their several passions of joy , of grief , of fear in such manner , that their fellows understand them ? do they not by their voice foreshew things to come ? but we will return to that creature we first did instance in . the dog delivereth one kind of voice when he hunteth , another when he howleth , another when he is beaten , and another when he is angry . these creatures then are not void of outward speech . if then these creatures excel man in sence , & are equal to him inward & outward discourse , why should not their conceits & imaginations conveigh the outward object in as true a manner as ours ? and if so , then seeing their imaginations are divers , and they conceit it diversly according to their divers temperaments , i may tell what the outward object seemeth to me ; but what it seemeth to other creatures , or whether it be indeed that which it seemeth to me , or any other of them , i know not . but be it granted , that the judgement of man in this case , is to be preferred before the judgement of beasts ; yet in men there is great difference ; both in respect of the outward shape , and also of the temperature of their bodies : for the bodie of the scythian differeth in shape from the bodie of the indian , the reason of it ariseth ( saith the dogmatiques ) from a predominancie of humours in the one more than in the other ; and as several humours are predominant , so are the phantasies and conceits severally framed and effected . so that our countrey men delight in one thing , the indian not in that , but in another which we regard not . this would not be , if their conceits and ours were both alike , for then we should like that which they do , and they would dislike that which we would dislike . it is evident also , that men differ very much in the temperature of their bodies , else why should some more easily digest bief than shel-fish ? and other be mad for the time , if they drink wine ? there was an old woman about arbeus , which drunk three drams of cicuta ( every dram weighing sixtie barley corns , and eight drams to an ounce ) without hurt . lysis , without hurt , took four drams of poppie ; and demophon , which was gentleman-sewer to alexander , was very cold whē he stood in the sun , or in a hot bath ; but very not when he stood in the shadow . athenagoras felt no pain if a scorpion stung him . and the psilli ( a people in lybia , whose bodies are venom to serpents ) if they be stung by serpents , or asps , receive no hurt at all . the ethiopians , which inhabit the river hydaspis , do eat serpents and scorpions without danger . lothericus a chyr●●gian , at the smell of a sturgeon , would be for the time mad . andron of argos , was so little thirstie , that without want of drink , he travelled through the hot and drie countrey of lybia . tyberius cesar , would see very well in the dark . aristotle , mentioneth of thratius , who said , that the image of a man went always before him . if then it be so , that there be such differences in men , this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have , and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination ; for , if one hate , and another love the very same thing , it must be that their phantasies differ , else all would love it , or all would hate it . these men then , may tell how these things seem to them good , or bad ; but what they are in their own nature they cannot tell . if we will hearken to mens opinions , concerning one and the same matter , thinking thereby to come to the knowledge of it , we shall find this to be impossible ; for , either we must believe what all men say of it , or what some men onely say of it . to believe what all men say of one and the same thing , is not possible ; for then we shall believe contrarieties ; for some men say , that that very thing is pleasant , which other say is displeasant . if it be said we must believe onely some men , then let it be shewed who those some men are ; for the platonists will believe plato , but the epicures epicurus , the pythagorians pythagorus and other philosophers , the masters of their own sects : so that it is doubtfull , to which of all these we shall give credit . if it be said , that we must credit the greatest number , this seemeth childish , for there may be amongst other nations a greater number which denie that very point , which the greatest number with us do affirm : so that hereof nothing can certainly be affirmed . this argument seemeth to be further confirmed , if the differences of the sences of hearing , seeing , smelling , touching , and tasting be considered ; for that the sences differ , it seemeth plain . painted tables ( in which the art of slanting is used ) appear to the eye , as if the parts of them were some higher , and some lower than the other , but to the touch they seem not to be so . honey seemeth to the tongue sweet , but unpleasant to the eye : so oyntment doth recreate the smell , but it offendeth the tast. rain-water is profitable to the eyes , but it hurteth the lungs . we may tell then , how these things seem to our several sences , but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell : for why should not a man credit any one of his sences as well as the other ? every object seemeth to be presented diversly unto the several instruments of sence . an apple to the touch seemeth smooth , sweet to the smell , and to the eye yellow ; but whether the apple have one of these qualities onely , or more than these qualities , who can tell ? the organ hath many pipes , all which are filled with the same blast of wind , varied according to the capacitie of the several pipes which receive it : even so the qualitie of the apple may be but one , and that this one qualitie may be varied , and seem yellow to the eye , to the touch smooth , and sweet to the smell , by reason of the divers instruments of the sence , which apprehend this one quality diversly , it may be also , that an apple hath many qualities besides , but we are not able to conceive them all ; because we want fit means and instruments to apprehend them : for suppose that some man is born blind , and deaf , and yet can touch , smell , and tast ; this man will not think that there is any thing , which may be seen or heard , because he wanteth the sences of hearing and seeing , he will onely think there are those qualities in the object , which by reason of his three sences he conceiveth : even so the apple may have many more qualities ; but we cannot come to know them , because we want fit instruments for that purpose . if it be replied , that nature hath ordained as many instruments of sence , as there are sencible objects ; i demand , what natures ? for there is a confused controversie about the very essence of nature . some affirming it to be one thing , others another , few agreeing : so that what the qualitie of an apple is , or whether it hath one qualitie or many i know not . let a man also consider , how many things that are seperated , and by themselves appear to differ from that which they seem to be , when they are in a mass or lump ; the scrapings of the goats horn seems white , but in the horn they seem black , but in the lump white . the stone taenarus , being polished , seemeth white , but unpolished and rough , it seemeth yellow . sands being seperated , appear rough to the touch , but a great heap , soft . i may then report , how these things appear , but whether they are so indeed , i know not . sir walter raleigh's observations concerning the causes of the magnificencie and opulencie of cities . that the onely way to civilize and reform the savage and barbarous lives , and corrupt manners of such people , is , 1 to be dealt withall by gentle and loving conversation among them , to attain to the knowledge of their language , and of the multitude of their special discommodities and inconveniences in their manner of living . 2 the next is to get an admired reputation amongst them , upon a solid and true foundation of pietie , justice , and wisdom , conjoyned with fortitude and power . 3 the third is , discreetly to possess them with a knowledge of the condition of their own estate . thus orpheus and amphion , were said to draw after them the beasts of the field , &c. and this must be first wrought by a visible representation , of the certaintie , truth , and sinceritie of these , together with the felicitie of a reformed estate . all which is but to give foundation , bottom , and firm footing unto action , and to prepare them to receive wholesom and good advise , for the future profit and felicitie of themselves and their posteritie . for the more commodious effecting of this reformation in a rude and barbarous people , they are to be perswaded to withdraw and unite themselves into several colonies ; that by an interchangeable communication , and commerce of all things may more commodiously be had , and that they may so live together in civilitie , for the better succour and welfare of one another : and thereby they may more easily be instructed in the christian faith , and governed under the magistrates and ministers of the king , or other superiour power , under whom this reformation is sought ; which course the stoick tells , that thesius took , after he had taken upon him the government of the athenians , whereby he united all the people into one citie , that before lived dispersedly in many villages . the like is put in practice at this day by the portugalls , and jesuits , that they may with less difficultie and hinderance reform the rough behaviour , and savage life of the people of brazeel , who dwell scattered & dispersed in caves and cottages made of boughs and leaves of the palm-trees . alexander the great , built more than seventie cities ; seleucus built three cities , called appanice , to the honour of his wife ; and five called laodicea , in memorie of his mother ; and five called seleuciae , to the honour of himself . safetie for defence of the people and their goods , in and near the town . in the scituation of cities , there is to be required a place of safetie , by some natural strength , commodiousness for navigation , and conduct , for the attaining of plentie of all good things , for the sustenance and comfort of mans life , and to draw trade and entercourse of other nations , as if the same be scituate in such sort , as many people have need to repair thither for some natural commoditie , or other of the countrey , which by traffick and transportation of cōmodities , whereof they have more plentie than will supplie their own necessitie , or for receiving of things whereof they have scarcitie . and much better will it be , if the place afford some notable commoditie of it self , from whence other nations may more readily , and at better rate attain the same . likewise , and withall , be so fertil , pleasant , and healthfull of it self , that it may afford plentie of good things , for the delight and comfort of the inhabitants . in former times , great nations , kings and potentates have endured sharp conflicts , and held it high policie , by all means to increase their cities , with multitudes of inhabitants . and to this end the romans ever furnished themselves with strength and power , to make their neighbour-people , of necessitie , willing to draw themselves to rome to dwell , and overthrow their towns and villages of mean strength , down to the ground . so did they for this cause utterly destroy many cities , bringing always the vanquished captives to rome , for the augmentation of that citie . romulus , after a mightie fight with the sabynes condescended to peace , upon condition , that tacius their king should come with all their people to dwell at rome : tacius did accept and made choice of the capitol , and the mount quirinalis for his seat and pallace . the same course held tamberlain the great , whereby he enlarged the great sarmacauda , still bringing unto it , the richest and wealthiest citizens he had subdued . and the ottomans , to make the citie constantinople rich and great , brought to it many thousand families , especially artificers out of the subdued cities , as mahomet the great from trabizond , selim the first from caïro , and soliman from tauris . authoritie and necessitie , without the consideration of the conveniencies , and commodiousness of scituation above mentioned , are of small moment in the foundation of a citie , thereby onely it would be unlikely , either to grow or continue in magnificencie or opulencie : for if profit , height , and delight , go not companions therewith , no authoritie or necessitie , can retain much people or wealth . but if the place whereupon a citie is to be founded , be cōmodious for the aforesaid conveniences , which help greatly for the felicitie of this life ; then , no doubt , the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same , whereby it may , by the help of arts & industrie in time , become magnificent and glorious . unto the good estate , greatness , and glorie of a citie , those things hereafter mentioned do greatly avail , and are of much importance , viz. religion , which is of such force and might , to amplifie cities and dominions , and of such attractive virtue to replenish the same with people and wealth , and to hold them in due obedience , as none can be more ; for without adoration of some dietie , no common-wealth can subsist . witness ierusalem , rome constantinople , and all other cities that have been famous for the profession of religion , or divine worship . and no marvel , for there is not any thing in this world of more efficacie and force to allure and draw to it the hearts of men , than god , which is the summum bonum . he is carefully desired , and continually sought for of all creatures ; for all regard him as their last end and refuge . light things apply themselves upwards , heavy things downwards ; the heavens to revolution , the herbs to flowers , trees to bear fruit , beasts to present their kind , and man in seeking his tranquilitie and everlasting glory . but forasmuch as god is of so high a nature , as the sence and understanding of man cānot conceive it , every man directly turns himself to that place where he leaves some print of his power , or declares some sign of his assistance . and to such persons whom he seemeth more especially to have revealed himself . academies , and schools of learning , with convenient immunities and priviledges for scholars , and means for recreation for delight , are of great importance to enlarge and enrich a citie : forasmuch as men long for honour and profit , and of arts and liberal sciences some bring certain wealth to men , and some promotions and preferments to honourable functions : for by this means , not onely young men , and those that are desirous of learning and virtue in the same common-wealth , will be retained in their own countrey ; but also strangers will be drawn home to them . and the more will this be available if occasion be given to scholars and students , to rise to degrees of honour and preferment by their learned exercises , and that by the policie of the same citie , good wits be accounted of , and rewarded well : and that the same academies & schools be stored with plentie of doctours and learned men , of great fame and reputation . courts of justice , with due execution of the same in a citie , do much enable , enlarge , and enrich it ; for it fasteneth a great liking in a citie to virtuous men , and such as be wealthie , that therein they may be free , and in safetie from the violence of the oppressions of covetous and wicked men : and there will be rather resort thither to inhabit , or traffick there as occasions may minister unto them . and many others that have cause of suite will repair thither , whereas they may be sure to find judgement and justice duely executed , whereby the citie must needs be enlarged and enriched : for our lives , and a 〈…〉 ever we have are in th 〈…〉 ds of justice : so that if justice be not administered amongst men , in vain is there any societie and commerce , or any other thing can be profitable or safe ; so much is love and charitie failed , and iniquitie increased upon the face of the earth . the excellencie and multitude likewise of artificers exercising their manual arts and trades , do marvellously increase and enrich a state , whereof some are necessary , some commodious for a civil life , other some are of pomp and ornament , and other some of delicacie and curiositie 〈…〉 reof doth follow co 〈…〉 se of people that labour and work , and current money which doth enrich & supply of materials for labourers , & work-men , buying & selling , transportation from place to place , which doth imploy and increase the artificious and cunning parts of the wit of man ; and this art and exquisitness of work-manship and skill is so powerfull herein , that it far excels the simple commodities and materials that nature produceth ; and is alone sufficient of it self to make a citie or state , both magnificent and glorious : and the daily experience we have in these our days , and in former times , doth manifestly approve the same , and make evident without all contradiction . some natural benefits that a citie also may have for the excellencie of art , or work-manship of some special commodities above any other place , either through the qualitie of the water , or other matter whatsoever , or some hidden mysterie of the inhabitants in working thereof , may be a great help for the enlargement and enriching of a citie . the command of a countrie that affordeth some proper commoditie , is of it self sufficient mightily to bring a citie to great wealth , and to advance it to great power , and draweth thereby dependencie and concourse , much advantagious also , as well for the publick weal , as the private person . a citie also may be lord of much merchandize and traffick , by means of the commodious scituation to many nations , to whom it serveth and hath relation to , as ware-houses , roomth and store-houses , by reason whereof , the nations adjoyning do use to resort thereunto to make their provisions of such things . and this consisteth in the largeness of the ports , the fitness of the gulphs and creeks of the seas , in the navigable rivers and channels , and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the citie , or that come , or turn by or near it . priviledge and freedom from customs and exactions , doth greatly increase the trade , and draw inhabitants to a citie , whereby the same may become both rich and powerfull ; whereof the marts and fairs , and markets bear good witness , which are frequented with great concourse of people , tradesmen and merchants , for no other respect , but that they are there free and frank from customs and exactions . and the cities in flanders are lively testimonies hereof , where the customs are very small . by reason whereof , all such as have erected new cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it , have granted large immunities , and priviledges at the least , to the first inhabitants thereof . the like have they done that have restored cities emptied with plague , consumed with wars , or afflicted with famin or some other scourge of god . in respect whereof , freedom of cities hath been often granted to such as would , with their families , inhabit there , or would bring corn and other necessaries for provision of victual . the romans , to increase their cities , made the towns that well deserved of them ( which they after called municipia ) to be partakers of their franchises and priviledges . the first means the romans used to allure people to make their habitations rather in rome than else where , was the opening the sanctuarie , and giving libertie and freedom to all that would come unto them . in respect whereof , there flocked thither , with their goods , numbers of people that were either racked with exactions , thrust out of their habitations , or unsafe , or unsure for their lives in their own countreys for religion sake . the very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the citie of geneva : forasmuch as it hath offered entertainment to all commers out of france and italie , that have either forsaken , or been exiled their countreys for religious sake . likewise , triumphs , goodly buildings , battels on the water , fights of sword-players , hunting of wild beasts , publick shows and sights , plays solemnized with great pomp and preparation , and many other such things do draw the curious people to a citie inspeakably , which leaves behind them much treasure , and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there , than in other places . this was also the devise of rome in her infancie to enlarge her self . the causes that concern the magnificencie of a citie . to confirm a citie in her greatness , iustice , peace , and plentie are the undoubted means : for iustice assureth every man his own . peace causeth all arts and negotiations whatsoever to flourish : and plentie of food and victual , that sustaineth the life of man with ease and much contentment . to conclude , all those things that cause the greatness of a citie , are also fit to conserve the same . sir walter raleigh's seat of government . that the seat of government is upheld by the two great pillars thereof , viz. civil justice , and martial policie ; which are framed out of husbandrie , merchandize , and gentrie of this kingdom . they say , that the goodliest cedars which grow on the high mountains of libanus , thrust their roots between the clifts of hard rocks , the better to bear themselves against the strong storms that blow there . as nature hath instructed those kings of trees , so hath reason taught the kings of men , to root themselves in the hardie hearts of their faithfull subjects . and as those kings of trees have large tops , so have the kings of men large crowns ; whereof as the first would soon be broken from their bodies , were they not underborn by many branches ; so would the other easily tytter , were they not fastened on their heads , with the strong chains of civil iustice , and martial discipline . 1. for the administration of the first , even god himself hath given direction , judges and officers shalt thou make , which shall judge the people with righteous judgement . 2. the second is grounded on the first laws of the world and nature , that force is to be repelled by force . yea moses in the 20 of exodus , and else where , hath delivered us many laws and policies of war . but as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both , so have we heard of the decline and ruine of many kingdoms and states long before our days : for that policie hath never yet prevailed ( though it hath served for a short season ) where the counterfeit hath been sold for the natural , and the outward shew and formalitie for the substance . of the emperor charls the fourth , the writers of that age witness , that he used but the name of iustice and good order , being more learned in the law than in doing right , and that he had by far , more knowledge than conscience . certainly the unjust magistrate that fancieth to himself a sollid and untrasparable bodie of gold , every ordinarie wit can vitrifie , and make trasparant pierce , and discern their corruptions ; howsoever , because not daring , they cover their knowledge , but in the mean while it is also true , that constrained dissimulation , either in the proud heart , or in the oppressed , either in publick estates , or in private persons , where the fear of god is not prevalent , doth in all the leisure of her lurking , but sharpen her teeth , the voluntarie being no less base , than the forced malitious . thus it fared between the barons of england and their kings , between the lords of switzerland & their people , between the sicilians and the french , between the dolphine and iohn of burgoign , between charls the ninth and the french protestants , and between henry the third , his successor , and the lords of guise , and hereof in place of more particulars , the whole world may serve for examples . it is a difficult piece of geographie , to delineate and lay out the bounds of authority ; but it is easie enough to conceive the best use of it , and by which it hath maintained it self in lasting happiness , it hath ever acquired more honour by perswading , than by beating ; for as the bonds of reason and love are immortal , so do all other chains or cords , both rustie and rot noble parts of their own royal and politick bodies . but we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of civil iustice ; for in respect of the first sort of men , to wit , of those that live by their own labour , they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels , meum & tuum , mine and thine is all wherein they seek the certaintie and protection . true it is , that they are the fruit-trees of the land , which god in deuteronomie commanded to be spared , they gather honey , and hardly enjoy the wax , and break the ground with great labour , giving the best of their grain to the easefull and idle . for the second sort , which are the merchants , as the first feed the kingdom , so do these enrich it , yea their trades , especially those which are forcible , are not the least part of our martial policie , as hereafter proved ; and to do them right , they have in all ages and times assisted the kings of this land , not onely with great sums of money , but with great fleets of ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas . the second have seldom or never offended their princes , to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions , hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other nations , give them but the commission of reprisal , they will either right themselves , or sit down with their own loss without complaint . 3. the third sort , which are the gentrie of england , these being neither seated in the lowest grounds , & thereby subject to the biting of every beast , nor in the highest mountains , and thereby in danger to be torn with tempest ; but the valleys between both , have their parts in the inferiour justice , and being spred over all , are the garrisons of good order throughout the realm . sir walter raleigh's letters . sir walter raleigh's letter to mr secretary winwood , before his iourney to guiana . honourable sir , i was lately perswaded , by two gentlemen , my ancient friends , to acquaint your honour with some offers of mine , made heretofore for a journey to guiana , who were of opinion , that it would be better understood now , than when it was first propounded , which advice having surmounted my dispair , i have presumed to send unto your honour the copies of those letters which i then wrote , both to his majestie , and to the treasurer cecill , wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered , as the objections by him made , are briefly answered . what i know of the riches of that place , not by hear-say , but what mine eyes hath seen , i have said it often but it was then to no end : because those that had the greatest trust , were resolved not to believe it , not because they doubted the truth , but because they doubted my disposition towards themselves ; where ( if god had blessed me in the enterprise ) i had recovered his majesties favour and good opinion . other cause than this , or other suspition they never had any . our late worthy prince of wales was extream curious in searching out the nature of my offences , the queens majestie hath informed her self from the beginning , the king of denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocency , they would otherwise never have moved his majestie on my behalf . the wife , the brother , and the son of a king , do not use to sue for men suspect ; but sir , since they all have done it out of their charitie , and but with references to me alone . your honour ( whose respect hath onely relation to his majesties service ) strengthened by the example of those princes , may with the more hardness do the like , being princes to whom his majesties good estate is no less dear , and all men that shall oppugne it , no less hatefull , than to the king himself . it is true sir , that his majestie hath sometimes answered , that his councel knew me better than he did ; meaning some two or three of them . and it was indeed my infelicitie ; for had his majestie known me , i had never been here where i now am : or had i known his majestie , they had never been so long there where they now are . his majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruin , and his majesties misknowing of them , hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his estate : but they are all of them now , some living and some dying , come to his majesties knowledge . but sir , how little soever his majestie knew me , and how much soever he believed them , yet have i been bound to his majestie both for my life , and all that remains , of which , but for his majestie , nor life , nor ought else had remained . in this respect sir , i am bound to yield up the same life , and all i have for his majesties service ; to die for the king , and not by the king , is all the ambition i have in the world . walter raleigh . sir walter raleighs's letter to his wife , from guiana . sweet heart , i can yet write unto you but with a weak hand , for i have suffered the most violent calenture for fifteen days , that ever man did , and lived : but god that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities , hath also now strengthened it in the hell-fire of heat . we have had two most grievous sicknesses in our ship , of which fourtie two have died , and there are yet many sick , but having recovered the land of guiana , this 12 of november , i hope we shall recover them . we are yet two hundred men , and the rest of our fleet are reasonable strong , strong enough i hope to perform what we have undertaken , if the diligent care at london , to make our strength known to the spanish king , by his ambassadour , have not taught the spanish king to fortifie all the enterances against us ; howsoever we must make the adventure , and if we perish , it shall be no honour for england , nor gain for his majestie to loose among many other an , hundred as valiant gentlemen as england hath in it . of captain baylies base coming from us at the canaries , see a letter of kemishes to mr skory , & of the unnatural weather , storms and rains , and winds . he hath in the same letter , given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days , now hardly performed in fourtie days ; god i trust , will give us comfort in that which is to come . in passage to the canaries , i stayed at gomerah , where i took water in peace , because the countrey durst not denie it me ; i received there of an english race , a present of oranges , lemons , quinces , and pome-granates , without which i could not have lived ; those i preserved in fresh sands , and i have of them yet to my great refreshing . your son had never so good health , having no distemper in all the heat under the line . all my servants have escaped but crab and my cook , yet all have had the sickness . crofts and march , and the rest are all well . remember my service to my lord carew , and mr secretarie winwood . i write not to them , for i can write of nought but miseries : yet of men of sort , we have lost our serjeant major , captain pigott , and his lieuetenant , captain edward hastings , who would have died at home , for both his liver , spleen , and brains were rotten . my sons lieuetenant payton , and my cosin mr. hews , mr. mordant , mr. gardner , mr. haward , captain iennings the merchant , kemish of london , and the master chyrurgion , mr. refiner , mr. moor the governour of the barmoudas , our provost marsh . w. steed , lieuetenant vescie , but to mine inestimable grief , hamon and talbot . by the next i trust you shall hear better of us , in gods hands we were , and in him we trust . this bearer , captain alley , for his infirmitie of his head i have sent back , an honest valiant man , he can deliver you all that is past . cōmend me to my worthy friends at loathbury , sr. john leigh and mr. bower , whose nephew knevit is well , and to my cosin blundell , and my most devoted and humble service to her majestie . to tell you that i might be here king of the indians , were a vanitie , but my name hath still lived among them ; here they feed me with fresh meat , and all that the countrey yields , all offer to obey me . commend me to poo●carew my son . from galliana in guiana the 14 of november . sir walter raleigh's letter to sir ralph winwood . sir , as i have not hitherto given you any account of our proceedings and passages towards the indies , so have i no other subject to write of , than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befel any man : for whereas , for the first , all those that navigate between cape de verd & america , to pass between fifteen or twentie days at most , we found the wind so contrary , and which are also contrary to nature , so many storms and rains , as we spent six weeks in the passage , by reason whereof , and that in so great heat we wanted water : for at the isle prano of cape de verd , we lost our anchors and cables , and our water casks , being driven from the island with a hurlicano , and were like all to have perished . great sickness fell amongst us , and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land . the 17 of november , we had sight of guiana , and soon after came to anchor in five degrees at the river galliano , here we staid till the fourth of december , landed our sick men , set up the barges and shallops , which were brought out of england in quarters , washed our ships , and took in fresh water , being fed and cherished by the indians of my old acquaintance , with a great deal of love & respect , my self being in the hands of death these 6 weeks , & was not able otherwise to move than as i was carried in a chair , gave order to 5 small ships , to sail into orinoque , having captain kemis for their conductor towards the mynes , and in those five ships five companies of 50 under the command of captain parker , and captain north , brethren to the lord mounteagle and the lord north , valiant gentlemen , and of infinite patience for the labour , hunger , and heat which they have endured , my son had the third company , captain thornix of kent the fourth company , captain chidley , by his lieutenant , the fifth : but as my sergeant major captain piggot of the low countreys died in the former miserable passage , so my lieuetenant sir warham s. leiger lay sick without hope of life , and the charge conferred on my nephew george raleigh , who had also served long with infinite commendations ; but by reason of my absence , and of sir warhams was not so well obeyed as the enterprize required . as they passed up the river , the spaniard began the war , and shot at us both with their ordinance & muskets , whereupon the companies were forced to charge them , and soon after beat them out of the town . in the assault , my son ( more desirous of honour than safetie ) was slain , with whom ( to say truth ) all the respects of this world have taken end in me . and although these five captains had as weak companies as ever followed valiant leaders , yet were there amongst them some twentie or thirtie valiant adventurous gentlemen , and of singular courage , as of my sons company , mr. knivet , mr. hammon , mr. langworth , mr. iohn pleasington ; his officers , sir iohn hamden , mr. symon leak corporal of the field , mr. hammon the elder brother , mr. nicholas of buckingham , mr. roberts of kent , mr. perin , mr. tresham , mr. mullinax , mr. winter and his brother , mr. wray , mr. miles herbart , mr. bradshaw , capt. hall , & others . sir , i have set down the names of these gentlemen , to the end , that if his majestie shall have cause to use their service , it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient gentlemen . the other five ships staid at trinidado , having no other port capable for them near guiana . the second ship was commanded by my vice-admiral capt. iohn pennington , of whom ( to do him right ) he is one of the sufficientest gentlemen for the sea that england hath . the third by sir warham s. leiger , an exceeding valiant & worthy gentleman . the fourth by sr iohn fern . the fifth by captain chidley of devon . with these five ships i daily attended their armando of spain , which had they set upon us , our force divided , the one half in orinoque , an hundred and fiftie miles from us , we had not onely been torn in pieces , but all those in the river had also perished , being of no force at all for the sea-fight ; for we had resolved to have been burnt by their sides , had the armando arrived : but belike , they staid for us at margarita , by which they knew we must pass towards the indies : for it pleased his majestie to value us at so little , as to command me upon my alleageance , to set down under my hand the countrey , and the river by which i was to enter it , to set down the number of my men , and burthen of my ships , and what ordinance every ship carried , which being known to the spanish ambassador , and by him to the king of spain , a dispatch was made , and letters sent from madrid , before my departure out of the thames ; for his first letter sent by a barque of advise , was dated the 19 of march 1617. at madrid , which letter i have here inclosed sent to your honour , the rest i reserve , not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not . the second by the king , dated the second of may , sent also by a coronel of diego de polonieque , governour of guiana , elderedo , and trinidado . the third by the bishop of porericho , and delivered to polonieque the 15 of iuly , at trinidado . and the fourth was sent from the farmer and secretarie of his customs in the indies . at the same time , by that of the kings hand , sent by the bishop , there was also a commission for the speedie levying of three hundred souldiers , and ten pieces of ordinance to be sent from portricho , for the defence of guiana , an hundred and fiftie from nuevo remo de grando , under the command of captain anthony musica , and the other hundred and fiftie from portricho , to be conducted by c. franc. laudio . now sir , if all that have traded to the indies since his majesties time knew that the spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken , being but merchant men , what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us ? certainly they have hitherto failed grosly , being set out thence as we were , both for number , time , and place . lastly , to make an apologie for not working the myne , ( although i know his majestie expects ) whom i am to satisfie so much , as my self , having lost my son , and my estate in the enterprise , yet it is true , that the spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it , than they did the town , which by the kings instructions they might easily do , the countreys being aspera & nemosa . but it is true , that when capt. kemish found the river low , and that he could not approch the banks in most places near the myne by a mile , and where he found a discent , a volley of muskets came from the woods upon the boat , and slew two rowers , and hurt six others , and shot a valiant gentleman of captain thornix , of which wound he languisheth to this day . he , to wit , kemish , following his own advice , thought that it was in vain to discover the myne ; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return , that the companies of english in the town of s. thome were not able to defend it , against the daily and nightly assaults of the spaniards , that the passages to the mynes , were thick and unpassable woods , and that the myne being discovered , they had no men to work it , did not discover it at all : for it is true , the spaniards having two gold mynes near the town , the one possessed by pedro rodrigo de paran , the second by harmian frotinio , the third of silver , by captain francisco , for the want of negroes to work them : for as the indians cannot be constrained by a law of charls the fifth , so the spaniards will not , nor can endure the labour of those mynes , whatsoever the bragadochio , the spanish ambassador saith . i shall prove under the proprietors hand , by the custom-book , and the kings quinto , of which i recovered an ingot or two : i shall also make it appear to any prince or state that will undertake it , how easily those mynes , and five or six more of them may be possessed , and the most of them in those parts , which never have as yet been attempted by any , nor by any passage to them , nor ever discovered by the english , french , or dutch . but at kemish his return from orinoque , when i rejected his counsel and his course , and told him that he had undone me , and wounded my credit with the king past recoverie , he slew himself ; for i told him , that seeing my son was slain , i cared not if i had lost an hundred more in opening of the myne , so my credit had been saved : for i protest before god , had not capt. whitney ( to whom i gave more countenance than to all the captains of my fleet ) run from me at the granadoes , and carried another ship with him of captain wollestons . i would have left my body at s. thomes by my sons , or have brought with me out of that or other mynes , so much gold-oar , as should have satisfied the king . i propounded no vain thing ; what shall become of me i know not , i am unpardoned in england , and my poor estate consumed , and whether any prince will give me bread or no i know not . i desire your honour to hold me in your good opinion , to remember my service to my lord of arrundel and pembrook , to take some pitie on my pour wife , to whom i dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son ; and beseech you to give a copie of this to my lord carew : for to a broken mind , a sick bodie , and weak eyes , it is a torment to write many letters . i have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weakness of the indies , which if i live , i shall hereafter impart unto your honour , to whom i shall remain a faithfull servant . walter raleigh . sir walter raleigh's letter sent to his wife , copied out of his own hand-writing . i was loath to write , because i know not how to comfort you , and god knows , i never knew what sorrow meant till now . all that i can say to you is , that you must obey the will and providence of god , and remember , that the queens majestie bare the loss of prince henry with a magnanimous heart , and the ladie harrington of her son . comfort your heart ( dearest bess ) i shall sorrow for us both , i shall sorrow the less , because i have not long to sorrow , because not long to live . i refer you to mr. secretarie winwoods letter , who will give you a copie of it , if you send for it , therein you shall know what hath passed ; i have written that letter , for my brains are broken , and it is a torment for me to write , and especially of misery . i have desired mr. secretarie to give my lord carew a copie of his letter . i have clensed my ship of sick men , and sent them home ; i hope god will send us somewhat before we return . you shall hear from me if , i live , from the new-found land , where i mean to make clean my ships and revictual ; for i have tobacco enough to pay for it . the lord bless and comfort you , that you may bear patiently the death of your valliant son . this 22. of march , from the isle of christophers , yours walter raleigh . post-script . i protest before the majestie of god , that as sir francis drake , and sir iohn hawkins died heart-broken when they failed of their enterprise , i could willingly do the like , did i not contend against sorrow for your sake , in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and releive you . if i live to return , resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart . it is true that kemish might have gone directly to the myne , & meant it , but after my sons death , he made them beleive he knew not the way , and excused himself upon want of water in the river , and counterfeiting many impediments left it unfound . when he came back , i told him he had undone me , and that my credit was lost for ever ; he answered . that when my son was lost , and that he left me so weak , that he resolved not to find me alive , he had no reason to enrich a companie of rascals , who after my sons death made no account of him . he further told me that the english sent up into guiana , could hardly defend the spanish town of s. thome which they had taken , and therefore for them to pass through thick woods it was impossible , and more impossible to have victual brought them into the mountains . and it is true , that the governour diego polenego , and other four captains being slain , whereof wats slew one , plessington , wats servant , and iohn of moroccoes , one of his men , slew other two . i say five of them slain in the enterance of the town , the rest went off in a whole bodie , and took more care to defend the passages to their mynes ( of which they had three within a league of the town , besides a myne that was about five miles off ) than they did of the town it self . yet kemish at the first was resolved to go to the myne ; but when he came to the banck side to land , and had two of his men slain outright from the bank , and six other hurt , and captain thornix shot in the head , of which wound , and the accident thereof , he hath pined away these twelve weeks . now when kemish came back and gave me the former reasons which moved him not to open the myne , the one the death of my son , a second the weakness of the english , and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled ; a third that it were a follie to discover it for the spaniards ; and lastly my weakness and being unpardoned ; and that i rejected all these his arguments , and told him , that i must leave him to himself to resolve it to the king and state , he shut up himself into his cabbin , and shot himself with a pocket pistol which broke one of his ribs , and finding that he had not prevailed , he thrust a long knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died . thus much i have written to m. secretarie , to whose letters i refer you to know the truth . i did after the sealing break open the letter again , to let you know in brief the state of that business . which i pray you impart to my lord of northumberland , and silvanus scory . for the rest , there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as i was ; for being commanded upon mine alleageance to set down not onely the countrey but the very river by which i was to enter it , to name my ships number , men , and my artillerie . this now was sent by the spanish ambassador to his master the king of spain , the king wrote his letters to all parts of the indies , especially to the governour palamago of guiana , elderado , and trinidado , of which the first letter bore date 19 of march 1617 , at madrill , when i had not yet left the thames , which letter i have sent to mr secretarie . i have also other letters of the kings which i reserve , and one of the councels . the king also sent a commission to leavie three hundred souldiers out of his garrisons of unie regno de granado è portricho , with ten pieces of brass ordinance to entertain us ; he also prepared an army by sea to set upon us . it were too long to tell you how we were preserved , if i live i shall make it known ; my brains are broken , and i cannot write much , i live yet , and i told you why . witney for whom i sold all my plate my plymouth , and to whom i gave more credit and countenance than to all the captains of my fleet , ran from me at the granadoes , and wolleston with him , so as i have now but five ships , and out of those i have sent some into my fly-boat a rabble of idle rascals , which i know will not spare to wound me , but i care not . i am sure there is never a base slave in all the fleet hath taken the pain and care that i have done , that have slept so little , and travelled so much , my friends will not believe them , and for the rest i care not ; god in heaven bless you and strengthen your heart . yours walter raleigh . sir walter raleigh's letter to mr secretary winwood . sir , since the death of kemish , it is confessed by the serjeant major , and others of his inward friends , that he told them , that he could have brought them unto the myne within two hours march from the river side ; but because my son was slain , my self unpardoned , and not like to live , he had no reason to open the myne either for the spaniard or for the king ; they answered , that the king ( though i were not pardoned ) had granted my heart under the great seal . he replyed , that the grant to me was to no man , non ens in the law , and therefore of no force ; this discourse they had , which i knew not of till after his death : but when i was resolved to write unto your honour , he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the myne , i answered him i would not do it ; but if my self could satisfie the king and state , that he had reason not to open it , i should be glad of it : but for my part , i must avow that he knew it , and that he might with loss have done it ; other excuses i would not frame : he told me that he would wait on me presently , and give me better satisfaction : but i was no sooner come from him into my cabbin , but i heard a pistol go over my head , and sending to know who shot it , word was brought me that kemish shot it out of his cabbin window to cleanse it ; his boy going into his cabbin , found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him , and looking in his face saw him dead ; the pistol being but little , did but crack his rib , but turning him over found a long knife in his bodie , all but the handle . sir , i have sent into england with my cosin harbert ( a very valiant honest gentleman ) divers unworthy persons , good for nothing neither by sea nor land , and though it was at their own suit , yet i know they will wrong me in all that they can . i beseech your honour , that the scorn of men may not be believed of me , who have taken more pains , and suffered more than the meanest rascal in the ship ; these being gone , i shall be able to keep the sea until the end of august , with some four reasonable good ships . sir , wheresoever god shal permit me to arrive in any part of europe , i will not fail to let your honour know what we have done , till then , and ever i rest your honours servant w. raleigh . sir walter raleigh's letter to king james , at his return from guiana . may it please your most excellent majestie , if in my journey outward bound , i had my men murthered at the islands , and yet spared to take revenge , if i did discharge some spanish barks taken without spoil , if i forbare all parts of the spanish indies , wherein i might have taken twentie of their downs on the sea-coasts , and did onely follow the enterprize i undertook for guiana , where without any directions from me , a spanish village was burnt , which was new set up within three miles of the myne . by your majesties favour , i find no reason why the spanish ambassador should complain of me . if it were lawfull for the spaniards to murther twentie six english men , tying them back to back , and then cuting their throats , when they had traded with them a whole moneth , and came to them on the land without so much as one sword , and that it may not be lawfull for your majesties subjects , being charged first by them , to repell force by force , we may justly say , o miserable english ! if parker and metham took campeach and other places in the honduraes , seated in the heart of the spanish indies , burnt towns , and killed the spaniards , and had nothing said unto them at their return , and my self forbore to look into the indies ; because i would not offend , i may as justly say , o miserable sir walter raleigh ! if i have spent my poor estate , lost my son , suffered by sickness and otherwise a world of miseries ; if i have resisted with manifest hazard of my life , the robberies & spoils , with which my companions would have made me rich , if when i was poor , i would have made my self rich , if when i have gotten my libertie , which all men and nature it self do much prize , i voluntarily lost it , if when i was sure of my life , i rendered it again , if i might elsewhere have sold my ship and goods , and put five or six thousand pounds in my purss and yet brought her into england , i beseech your majestie to believe , that all this i have done , because it should not be said to your majestie , that your majestie had given libertie and trust to a man whose end was but the recoverie of his libertie , and who had betrayed your majesties trust . my mutiniers told me , that if i returned for england i should be undone , but i believed in your majesties goodness more than in all their arguments . sure , i am the first that being free and able to enrich my self , yet hath embraced povertie and peril . and as sure i am , that my example shall make me the last : but your majesties wisdom and goodness i have made my judges , who have ever been , and shall ever be , your majesties most humble vassal walter raleigh . sir walter raleighs's letter to his wife , after his condemnation . you shall receive ( my dear wife ) my last words in these my last lines ; my love i send you , that you may keep when i am dead , & my counsel , that you may remember it when i am no more . i would not with my will present you sorrows ( dear bess ) let them go to the grave with me , and be buried in the dust . and seeing that it is not the will of god that i shall see you any more , bear my destruction patiently , and with an heart like your self . first i send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive , or my words express , for your many travels and cares for me , which though they have not taken effect as you wished , yet my debt to you is not the less ; but pay it i never shall in this world . secondly , i beseech you , for the love you bare me living , that you do not hide your self many days , but by your travels seek to help the miserable fortunes , and the right of your poor child , your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust . thirdly , you shall understand , that my lands were conveyed ( bona side ) to my child , the writings were drawn at midsummer was twelve moneths , as divers can witness , and i trust my bloud will quench their malice who desired my slaughter ; that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extream povertie . to what friend to direct you i know not , for all mine have left me in the true time of triall . most sorrie am i , that being thus surprised by death , i can leave you no better estate , god hath prevented all my determinations , that great god which worketh all in all , and if you can live free from want , care for no more , for the rest is but a vanitie ; love god , and begin betimes , in him you shall find true , everlasting , and endless comfort , when you have travelled and wearied your self with all sorts of worldly cogitations , you shall sit down by sorrow in the end . teach your son also to serve and fear god whilest he is young , that the fear of god may grow up in him ; then will god be an husband to you , and a father to him , an husband and a father , that can never be taken from you . baylie oweth me a thousand pounds , and aryan six hundred ; in jernesey also i have much owing me . ( dear wife ) i beseech you , for my souls sake , pay all poor men . when i am dead , no doubt you shall be much sought unto , for the world thinks i was very rich ; have a care to the fair pretences of men , for no greater miserie can be fall you in this life , than to become a prey unto the world , and after to be despised . i speak ( god knows ) not to disswade you from marriage , for it will be best for you , both in respect of god and the world . as for me , i am no more yours , nor you mine , death hath cut us asunder , & god hath divided me from the world , & you from me . remember your poor child for his fathers sake , who loved you in his happiest estate . i sued for my life , but ( god knows ) it was for you and yours that i desired it : for , know it , ( my dear wife ) your child is the child of a true man , who in his own respect despiseth death and his misshapen & ugly forms . i cannot write much , ( god knows ) how hardly i steal this time when all sleep , and it is also time for me to seperate my thoughts from the world . beg my dead bodie , which living was denied you , and either lay it in sherborn or in exeter church by my father and mother . i can say no more , time and death calleth me away . the everlasting god , powerfull , infinite , and inscrutable god almightie , who is goodness it self , the true light and life , keep you and yours , and have mercy upon me , and forgive my persecutors and false accusers , and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom . my dear wife farewel , bless my boy , pray for me , and let my true god hold you both in his arms . yours that was , but now not mine own walter raleigh . sir walter raleigh's letter to prince henry , touching the model of a ship . most excellent prince , if the ship your highness intends to build , be bigger than the victorie , then her beams , which are laid overthwart from side to side will not serve again , and many other of her timbers and other stuff , will not serve , whereas if she be a size less , the timber of the old ship will serve well to the building of a new . if she be bigger she will be of less use , go very deep to water , and of mightie charge , our channels decaying every year , less nimble , less mannyable , and seldom to be used grande navio , grande fatica , saith the spaniard . a ship of six hundred tuns , will carrie as good ordinance as a ship of twelve hundred tuns , and where the greater hath double her ordinance , the less will turn her broad side twice , before the great ship can wind once , and so no advantage in that over-plus of guns . the lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish ; the lesser will come and go , leave or take , and is yare , whereas the greater is flow , unmanyable , and ever full of encumber . in a well conditioned ship , these things are chiefly required . 1. that she be strong built . 2. swift it sail . 3. stout-sided . 4. that her ports be so laid , as that she may carry out her guns all weathers . 5. that she hull and trie well . 6. that she stay well , when boarding , or turning on a wind is required . to make her strong , consisteth in the care and truth of the work-man ; to make her swift , is to give her a large run , or way forward , and so aftward , done by art and just proportion , and that in laying out of her bowes before , and quarters behind , the ship-wright be sure , that she neither sink nor hang into the water , but lie clear and above it , wherein ship-wrights do often fail , and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled . that she be stout-sided , the same is provided by a long bearing floar , and by sharing off from above water to the lower edge of the ports , which done , then will she carry out her ordinance all weathers . to make her to hull and to trie well , which is called a good sea-ship , there are two things principally to be regarded the one that she have a good draught of water , the other that she be not overcharged : and this is seldom done in the kings ships , and therefore we are forced to lye , or trie in them with our main course and mizen , which with a deep keel and standing streak , she would perform . the extream length of a ship makes her unapt to stay , especially if she be floatie and want sharpness of way forward . and it is most true , that such over-long ships , are fitter for the narrow seas in summer , than for the ocean , or long voyages and therefore an hundred foot by the keel , and thirtie five foot broad is a good proportion for a great ship . it is to be noted , that all ships sharp before , not having a long floar , will fall rough into the sea from a billow , and take in water over head and ears ; and the same qualitie have all narrow-quartered ships to sink after the tail . the high cargeing of ships , is that that brings many ill qualities it makes them extream lee-ward , makes them sink deep into the seas , makes them labour sore in foul weather , and oft-times overset . safetie is more to be respected than shews , or niceness for ease ; in sea-journeys both cannot well stand together and therefore the most necessarie is to be chosen . two decks and an half is enough , and no building at all above that , but a low masters cabbin , our masters and mariners will say , that the ships will bear more well enough ; and true it is , if none but ordinarie mariners served in them . but men of better sort , unused to such a life , cannot so well endure the rowling and tumbling from side to side , where the seas are never so little grown , which comes by high cargeing . besides those high cabbin-works aloft , are very dangerous in fight , to tear men with their splinters . above all other things , have care that the great guns be four foot clear above water when all lading is in , or else these best pieces are idle at sea ; for if the ports lie lower , and be open , it is dangerous ; and by that default was a goodly ship , and many gallant gentlemen lost , in the days of henry the eigth , before the isle of wight , in a ship called by the name of mary-rose . sir walter releigh's pilgrimage . give me my scallop shell of quiet , my staff of faith to walk upon ; my scrip of joy immortal diet ; my bottle of salvation . my gown of glorie ( hopes true gage ) and thus i le take my pilgrimage . bloud must be my bodies onely balmer , no other balm will there be given whil'st my soul , like a quiet palmer , travelleth towards the land of heaven . over the silver mountains where springs the nectar fountains , there i will kiss the bowl of bliss , and drink mine everlasting fill upon every milken hill . my soul will be adrie before , but after , it will thirst no more . i le take them first , to quench my thirst . and tast of nectars suckets , at those clear wells where sweetness dwells , drawn up by saints in chrystal buckets . then by that happy blestfull day , more peacefull pilgrimes i shall see , that have cast off their rags of clay , and walk apparelled fresh like me . and when our bottles and all we are fill'd with immortalitie . then the blessed paths wee 'l travel , strow'd with rubies thick as gravel , sealings of diamonds , saphire flowers , high walls of coral , and pearly bowers . from thence to heavens bribeless hall , where no corrupted voices brawl , no conscience molten into gold , no forg'd accuser bought or sold , no cause deferr'd , no vain-spent journey , for there , christ is the kings attorney ; who pleads for all without degrees , and he hath angels , but no fees : and when the twelve grand-million jurie of our sins , will direfull jurie , 'gainst our souls black verdicts give , christ pleads his death , and then we live , be thou my speaker [ taintless pleader , unblotted lawyer , true proceeder . ] thou would'st salvation even for alms , not with a bribed lawyers palms . and this is mine eternal plea to him that made heaven , earth , and sea , that since my flesh must die so soon , and want a head to dine next noon , just at the stroak ? , when my veins start and spread , set on my soul an everlasting head . then am i readie , like a palmer , fit to tread those blest paths which before i writ , of death and iudgement , heaven and hell , who oft doth think , must needs die well , sir walter raleigh's verses ; found in his bible in the gate-house at westminster . even such is time , which takes in trust our youth , our joys , and all we have , and pays us nought but age and dust , when in the dark and silent grave : when we have wandred all our ways , shuts up the storie of our days : and from which grave , & earth , & dust , the lord shall raise me up i trust . sir w. raleigh , on the snuff of a candle the night before he died . cowards fear to die , but courage stout , rather than live in snuff , will be put out . sir walter raleigh's speech immediately before he was beheaded . upon simon and iudes day , the lieuetenant of the tower had a warrant to bring his prisoner to the kings-bench in westminster-hall , where the attorney general demanded execution , according to the judgement pronounced against him at winchester , the lord chief justice caused the indictment , verdict , and judgement to be read , and after asked him , what he could say , why he should not die according to the law ; his answer was , that this fifteen years he had lived by the meer mercy of the king , and did now wonder how his mercy was turned into justice , he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his majesties displeasure , and did hope , that he was clear from that judgement by the kings commission in making him general of the voyage to guiana , for ( as he conceived ) the words , to his trustie and welbeloved subject , &c. did in themselves imply a pardon . but master attorney told him , these words were not sufficient for that purpose . whereupon he desired the opinion of the court , to which the lord chief justice replied , it was no pardon in law . then began sir walter raleigh to make a long description of the events and ends of his voyage , but he was interrupted by the chief justice , who told him , that it was not for any offence committed there , but for his first fact that he was now called in question , and thereupon told him , that seeing he must prepare to die , he would not add affliction to affliction , nor aggravate his fault , knowing him to be a man full of miserie ; but with the good samaritane administer oyl and wine for the comfort of his distressed soul . you have been a general , & a great commander , imitate therefore that noble captain , who thrusting himself into the middest of a battel , cried aloud , mors me expectat , & ego mortem expectabo , as you should not contemn so to do , nor should you fear death , the one sheweth too much boldness , the other no less cowardize , so with some other few instructions the court arose , and sir walter was commited into the hands of the sheriff of middlesex , who presently conveyed him to the gate-house in westminster . upon thursday morning this couragious , although committed knight , was brought before the parliament-house , where there was a scaffold erected for his beheading , yet it was doubted over-night that he should be hanged , but it fell out otherwise . he had no sooner mounted the scaffold , but with a chearfull countenance , and undaunted look , he saluted the companie . his attire was a wrought night-cap , a ruff band , a hair-coloured sattin doublet , with a black wrought waste-coat under it , a pair of black cut taffety breeches , a pair of ash-coloured silk stockings , & a wrought black velvet night-gown ; putting off his hat , he directed his speech to the lords present , as followeth . my honourable lords , and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die , know , that i much rejoyce that it hath pleased god to bring me from darkness to light , and in freeing me from the tower , wherein i might have died in disgrace , by letting me live to come to this place , where though i lose my life , yet i shall clear some false accusations , unjustly laid to my charge , and leave behind me a testimonie of a true heart , both to my king and countrey . two things there are which have exceedingly possest and provoked his majesties indignation against me , viz. a confederacie , or combination with france , and disloyal and disobedient words of my prince . for the first , his majestie had some cause , though grounded upon a weak foundation , to suspect mine inclination to the french faction , for not long before my departure from england , the french agent took occasion , passing by my house , to visit me , had some conference , during the time of his abode , onely concerning my voyage , and nothing else , i take god to witness . another suspition is had of me , because i did labour to make an escape from plymouth to france ; i cannot denie , but that willingly , when i heard a rumour , that there was no hope of my life , upon my return to london , i would have escaped for the fafeguard of my life , and not for any ill intent or conspiracie against the state . the like reason of suspition arose , in that i perswaded sir lewis steukly , my guardian , to flee with me from london to france , but my answer to this is , as to the other , that onely for my safeguard , and nought else , was my intent , as i shall answer before the almightie . it is alleadged , that i feigned my self sick , and by art made my bodie full of blisters when i was at salisbury . true it is , i did so ; the reason was , because i hoped thereby to defer my coming before the king and councel , and so by delaying , might have gained time to have got my pardon . i have an example out of scripture for my warrant , that in case of necessitie , and for the safeguard of life , david feigned himself foolish and mad , yet was it not imputed to him for sin . concerning the second imputation laid to my charge , that i should speak scandalous and reprochfull words of my prince , there is no witness against me but onely one , and he a chimical french-man , whom i entertained , rather for his jests than his iudgement : this man to incroach himself into the favour of the lords , and gaping after some great reward , hath falsly accused me of seditious speeches against his majestie ; against whom , if i did either speak , or think a thought hurtfull or prejudicial , the lord blot me out of the book of life . it is not a time to flatter or fear princes , for i am a subject to none but death ; therefore have a charitable conceit of me . that i know to swear is an offence , to swear falsly at any time is a great sin , but to swear false before the presence of almightie god , before whom i am forthwith to appear , were an offence unpardonable ; therefore think me not now rashly , or untruly to confirm , or protest any thing . as for other objections , in that i was brought perforce into england , that i carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of england with me , more than i made known ; that i should receive letters from the french king , and such like , with many protestations he utterly denied . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57589e-260 seeing touching . hearing . smelling . tasting . notes for div a57589e-1050 scituation for safety , and plenty . multitude of inhabitants . religion . academies . courts of justice . artificers . priledg the first 〈…〉 of rome to allure stranges , was sanctuarie . triumps . notes for div a57589e-2170 husbandmen . merchant . gentry notes for div a57589e-6810 two things sir w. raleigh accused of . the life and death of mahomet the conquest of spaine together with the rysing and ruine of the sarazen empire. written by sr. walter raleigh kt. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1637 approx. 103 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 146 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10368 stc 20647 estc s115585 99850803 99850803 16030 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10368) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16030) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 904:4) the life and death of mahomet the conquest of spaine together with the rysing and ruine of the sarazen empire. written by sr. walter raleigh kt. raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. luna, miguel de, 16th/17th cent. verdadera historia del rey don rodrigo. [12], 274, [2] p. : port. (metal cut) printed by r[alph] h[odgkinson] for daniel frere, and are to be sold at the red-bull in little-brittain, london : anno dom. 1637. "mostly compiled from 'la verdadera historia del rey don rodrigo .. compuesta por .. abulcacim tarif abentarique' [i.e. miguel de luna]"--folger catalogue. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a1". running title reads: the history of mahomet. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng muḥammad, -prophet, d. 632. islamic empire -history -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true and liuely portraiture of the honourable and learned knig●● sr walter ralegh the life and death of mahomet , the conquest of spaine together with the rysing and ruine of the sarazen empire . written by sr. walter raleigh kt. london , printed by r. h. for daniel frere , and are to be sold at the red-bull in little-brittain . anno dom. 1637. to the most worthily honored carew raleigh esq and one of his majesties chamber . noble sr , meeting of late this stragling orphan ( hitherto cloystred up in privat bosoms , and entertain'd a choyce purchas ) and finding it by the stile thereof , and my good intelligence ; to be natively derived from your fathers worth , i am bold to make my addresse to you , the true heire of your fathers excellencies ; if you please to patronize it , the world shall see with what pietie you celebrate his blessed memorie , and all studious proficients ( who from this small hive will gather much sweetnes ) shall acknowledg themselves bound to you , as i am in all dutie and observance , daniel frere . perlegi hunc librum , in quo nibil reperio , sanae fidei aut bonis moribus contrarium . tho : weekes r.p. epo. lond. cap. domest . the life and death of mahomet . most writers accord , that mahomet which name in the arabique signifies indignation or furie , was the sonne of abdalla a marchant in mecca , a city in arabia faelix ; his mother a jew , and himselfe in anno dom. 571. borne posthumus . at the second yeere of his age his mother deceased , a poore woman that labored for her living bred him up ; at 16 yeers of age he became a marchants bondman , his master , pleased with his wit and dexterity , made him his factor : he dead , mahomet being then twenty five yeeres old , married his mistris and untill the thirty eighth yeere of his age , he industriously followed his trade of marchandize , avoiding no personall travel ( as well in the kingdoms of aegypt , syria and persia , as elswhere ) where profit might arise . being then satisfied with wealth , & given to ease , he began to think on his soule , whereof in his travels he had not been negligent , having been curious to understand the religions of the jews and christians ; which compared with the idolatrie wherein he was originally trayned thirty yeeres ) did worke in him assurance that paganisme was the way to perdition , but to whether of these to incline , he stood doubtfull . at last falling in company with two christian artificers , inhabitants in mecca , by conversation with them ( who read the old and new testament unto him , for himselfe was unlettered ) he approved christianisme for the best , and was of opinion that thereby , only , a man might attaine unto salvation , and accordingly he framed his life , which bred admiration in them that knew him , and gave him a greater reputation than he did expect . but this hasty spring was quickly blasted ; for the devill , taking advantage upon his weaknes , enflamed his heart with pride , which wrought in him a desire to be esteemed a prophet thinking all other attributes of religion and sanctity to be but vile and base : to aspire unto that opinion he embraced a solitary life , retyring to a cave in the mountains , where he lived free from the ordinary conversation of men ; repaired seldom to his own home , and his speeches ( mixt with gravity and holynesse teaching good life , and beating downe idolatry ) moved , not only such as saw him to admire , but the rest also ( that heard by other mens eares ) held him to be a saint . to increase this opinion of sanctimony , of the falling sicknesse ( wherewith he was afflicted ) he made good use ; for , he gave it out ( when he fell into his fitts incident to that disease ) that he conferred with the angell gabriell , by whom the pleasure of god was revealed unto him , and that his trances proceeded through the weaknesse of his earthly carcase that was astonished at the divine presence of the heavenly ambassador . grown now famous he thought it necessary to divulge into the world some works in wrighting , whereby his name might encrease : his best help was a jew scribe , who for want of a better scholler he entertained ; but shortly after , his master the divell ( the church of christ then laboring with the sicknes of many haeresies ) procured the acquaintance of a christian called sergius born in alexandria , by profession a monke , and by infection a nestorian , wittie , eloquent and learned , who having mist of some ecclesiasticall preferment which in his opinion he had deserved ) full of despight and revenge , in a divelifh discontent , sought as well to raise a scandall upon the christian religion , as upon the professors thereof ; the readiest way to kindle this fire , he found to be mahomet ; who ( as is already said ) had won some extraordinary opinion of sanctity . after some conference between them , the jew for insufficiency was discharged . sergius being fully informed how mahomet had hitherto proceeded , made him to understaud how weakly and grossly he had erred in fundamental points , necessary for the advancement of a new religion ; and cunningly shewed him , not only the meanes how to smoothe his past errors without scandall , but to compose a new treatise , collected out of the old and new testament ( with devised additions that should give credit to his doctrine and humor the hearers ) which being divulged amongst the idolatrous people ( who were easily caught ) spread the poyson it contained over all the arrabies , but the wiser sort fearing ( as they had cause ) that the setling of a new religion , might also draw with it a new forme of government ; opposed themselves against it , calling mahomet an imposter , reproving his hypocrisie , and taxing his sensualitie and drunkennesse ( of both which hee was guilty ) and sent to apprehend him ; whereof mahomet from some of his frends in mecca having notice left his cave , and fled to the desarts [ the sixteenth of july 622 from which flight the turks begin their computation athegira ] unto whom divers novelists resorted ; as also such as the estates had banished for approving his late coyned trash : this swarme of wasps being stirred , nothing but revenge could ease their hearts ; mahomet willingly taking the advantage there offered , enlarged his thoughts , holding it now lesse difficill for him to obtaine a kingdom , then the title of a prophet which he had obtained . to make a smoothe way to his enterprise , by underhand meanes , he exasperated the heady novelists ( whereof there were many of wealth and estimation ) to be sensible of their banishment , and to repaire their wrongs by force ; himselfe recounted unto them revelations which assured him that god was displeased with the meccans , for the rigorous persecuting of him and his sectuaries ; that god willed to chastize their tyranny ; of victorie he was assured , and whosoever of them died in that holy warre , his soule should presently ascend to heaven : with these and such like motives the giddy people encouraged and seduced , elected mahomet to be their chiefe , who ( ordayning officers & captaines , and receiving an oath of fidelity as well from them , as from their troops ) marched to the city of almedina , and tooke it by force : this first good fortune wrought the effect he desired , for instantly by his army , he was saluted calipha ; which , interpreted , is king , and because his creation hapned upon a friday , that day was ordayned by him to be their sabbaoth . his next conquest was the city of mecca where he triumphed in the blood of his neighbour citizens , which was not spared ; and proclaimed death to all those that did not embrace his doctrine . the princes and great men in arabia ( opposite unto him ) assembled all their forces . mahomet , being too weake was overthrown wounded , and fled to mecca ; yet in the end the warre continuing ) he prevailed , and reduced the three arabies under his subjection . grown great and glorious with his victories , and at that time the emperor of constantinople and king of persia being men of weake and tame spirits , he invaded their dominions , and with a conquering sword triumphed over syria , the city of jerusalem , the kingdome of mesopotamia and persia , the great city of babylon with other eastern provinces ; of all which as of the arabies , he styled himselfe king being now grown elde● by his inordinate life , in the state of his body then in yeeres , which exceded not fifty seven , full of glory , as well in regard of his large empire , as in opinion of sanctity , in being esteemed a prophet , and weary with warre , with a fained holynesse ( under which maske he intended to take his ease ) sequestred himself from publique affaires , committing the government of his estates to the lievetenants within in three yeeres following , which was in anno domini 631 , the sixtith yeere of his age , and the tenth of his reign he died : upon his death-bed he commended unto his principal commanders , the care and use of his fantasticall law , assuring them that it was agreeable to the will of god , and that so long as they and their posterity should hold and maintaine it , they should flourish . this false prophet and usurping prince , pretended paternally to discend from the patriarch abraham by his eldest sonne ismael , and to avoyd the infamie of an unlawfull bed his successors affirmed that ismael was the sonne of sara , not of the bond-woman agar whereupon the arabians ( which is the undoubted name of that people ) are by some writers ( of ismael ) called ismalites , & by others ( of agar ) agarens . and ( of sara ) sarazens , but in this latter time they are distinguished by the name of arabians moores , and mahometans , the first is proper only to those which inhabit in arabia : the mores are the progeny of such arabians as after their conquests seated themselves in that part of affrica , the manometans is the generall name of all nations that professe mahomet , as turks , tartars , persians , &c. of the successors of mahomet until the yeere of our lord 673 , the writers vary in opinion both in name , and number of the caliphaes and in the yeeres of their reignes : the reason that begat their errors proceeded from the dissention that happened ( about the succession ) amongst mahomet's kinsmen , evermore anti-caliphaes starting up with pretended titles in opposition to him that had the diadem ; whereof some were murthered and others deposed , so as the writers either out of ignorance ( not able to discerne the truth , or wilfully partiall ) have erred . notwithstanding their civill tumults they kept mahomet's dominions , and inherited his fortunes , for every of them added somwhat to his monarchie , where by they became fearfull to the world , and potent in asia , affrica , and europe . the fourth calipha ( agreed upon by historiographers ) was callded hozman or azman husband to mahomet's daughter , who perceiving ( that in this upstart religion ) schisms and diversities of opinions began to rise , by the helpe of his wifes mother recovered mahomet's papers wherein his law was written , which hee caused to be digested into one volume contaning foure books divided into 206 chapters , and called it the alcoran , commanding the same to be published , & upon paine of death to be observed by his subjects . hee was a great conqueror , and wan much upon the christians : but this discourse treateth not of his particular actions , or of his successors ( untill the reigne of abilqualet iacob myramamolin surnamed almanzor ( which interpreted is the defendor of the law of god ) sonne to abilqualet calipha of the arabians , who seeing his sonnes abilitie to govern , himselfe ( by reason of yeres exceeding 70 , unable to mannage publique affaires ) in the yeere of christ 675. resigned his scepter unto him : without comparison hee was the greatest monarch then living upon the earth . the seat of his empire ( as his predecessors accustomed ) was at zarvall in arabia foelix , from east to west his dominions were bounded with the river indus in asia , and the atlantick seas which in length exceeded the roman empire . the conquests he made were admirable , all which in this collection are omitted untill the 37 yeere of his reigne in which he attempted the conquest of spaine , abreviated out of two arabique writers translated into spanish in anno . 1606. both the authors living in his time , the one a captaine in that war , and the other for 20 yeeres together of almanzors chamber , and after his death a provinciall governor in arabia foelix . in the yeere of our redemption 712. don roderigo in the right of don sancho his elder brothers soone ( then in minoritie ) swayed the spanish monarchie , having so faire a jewell in his possession , and unwilling to loose kingly power ( after so long use of it ) his impostumed heart swolne with ambition , poysned in the center , restles and care full ; he only held and approved such counsel ( without respect of conscience or honor ) as might worke his end . the way to fixe the crown to his head ( which while his nephew lived sat loose ) was to deprive him of his life . anagilda ( mother to don sancho ) fearing what shee suspected and suspecting no lesse then there was cause , had a watchfull eye over her sonne ; as much afflicted how to avoyd harme , as don roderigo was perplexed how to contrive it . the first project was to poyson him at a banquet , but the mothers care prevented the innocents danger , that failing hee corrupted one ataulpho his favorite to kill him ; ataulpho not prodigall of his life , which he knew to be in danger , both in hot and cold blood after a murther , perswaded don roderigo to frame some coulourable accusations against him , and once in prison hee might at leasure without any perill , act what he listed . ataulpho was presently sent with commission to apprehend don sancho , then resident in cordova , promise of reward gave him wings in his post , at midnight the prince was taken in his bed , carried out of the towne and committed to guard . anagilda though greived beyond expression with the accident , yet being a ladie of great spirit , armed such servants and friends as shee had ; pursued ataulpho besiedged the castle where hee and her sonne were ; tooke it by force , him prisoner : slewe the rest , and recovered the prince , which done , trussing up her treasure and jewels with a small trayne of her servants , shee fled to a port town appertaining to the earle don iulian ; but fearing that no part of spaine would be able to protect her against regal authoritie , shee resolved to passe into affrica ; at her departure shee wrote unto the king : the messenger was ataulpho : his reward , life and libertie : yet with losse of nose and eares , as a marke of infamie due unto him for undertaking the execution of a wicked act . the king roderigo not thinking it possible ( in the imployment against his nephewe ) to meet with crosse accidents , knewe not how with discretion to governe his conceived joyes , for such was his opinion of ataulphoes wit , and confidence in his love , that h● assured himselfe the designe was effected ; bu● as reckoning made without an hoste is subject to a reare accompt : so this prince out of his window seeing ataulpho entering into his gates dismembred of nose and ears , stood both amused and amazed , but when ataulpho had recounted unto him his mis-fortunes , and that the prince and his mother were out of his reach , his passion so far mastered his reason , as that he seemed mad : and like to one in a frenzie ; tooke the letter , and read it by snatches ; pointing nothing truely : and understanding no whit what hee read . the content● were taxations of hi● loyaltie towards hi● soveraigne lord , hi● nephewe . that he had malitiously out of ambition and selfe love , unnaturally sought his destruction , she put him in mind what an unworthie thing it was for a man of courage and spirit to make war upon a woman and an infant willed him to call his conscience to account , to repent his sinnefull enterprise , to content himselfe with his owne estate , and to restore the kingdom to the right heire , but if their admonitions were like corne in stony ground , or as words in the ayre fruitnes , her confidence then was that god , as well for the justnes of the cause which she pursued , as to punish his wickednesse , would give her meane and strength to chastize him : if hee would knowe a briefe relation of his attempt against his nephewe , shee will led him to read the storie in ataulphoes face , where it was ingraven . this letter the demonstrative characters of scorne , and revenge feared upon the nose and eares of ataulpho together with the report of his successes , increased his furie , but passion being over : hee sent for the carle don iulian lord of algazira to knowe of him the queens intentions whereof hee could not be ignorant having bene her hoast . hee assured him that she was gone into affrica to demand succour and raise war in spaine . don roderigo to prevent this growing storme imployed tht earle . ( furnished and laoden with instructions , present and jewels ) to mur leivetenant in the moroccoes for the great calipha almanzor to confirme amitie , and to disswade him from ayding the fugitive queene which negotiation ( according to the trust reposed ) hee faithfully discharged ; but before his ambassage had received answere , the queene and her sonne the prince sickned & dyed at tunger : whereof don roderigo being inform'd lost no time to solemnize his coronation , the crowne ( by his nephews death ) being when his right , but yet his conscience accusing him of his wickednesse , hee feared revenge from those that were faithfull unto his nephew● for prevention whereof some hee displaced from their goverments , other● were imprisoned , and many under colour o● justice executed . for hi● further securitie he disarmed his subjects ; such castles and strength● as hee was jealous o● were raced , other fortified and cōmited to the trust of his owne creatures , which done he thought he might ( parler ensire ) give lawes and take his pleasure , which hee spared not sensually to follow in enticing and forcing ( without respect of qualities ) mens wives and daughters . yet being desirous of lawfull issue to set up his seat , hee tooke to wife a stranger which happened unto him by a strange accident . at that time there lived in the easterne part of affrica a moore king called mahomet abnebedin whose only daughter and heir● zabra , with other young ladies her attendants ( wantonly disposed to be sea-sicke ) the weather inviting them to it : put to the sea ; but this faire calme was suddainely clouded with a storme , and such a continued fret ensued , as that for safetie of their lives , they were enforced to spoone before the winde ; which continuing for many dayes together , at last cast them upon the coast of spaine , where with difficultie ( sicke and weather-beaten ) they arriued at a place called caba de gata , taken prisoners and sent to don roderigo , who after a fewe daies inchanted with her beautie , became her prisoner . the young ladie , though a mahometan borne , yet to better the condition of a captive dispensed with her religion : was baptized and solemnly married unto him . those of her traine of either sex that would turne christians remained with her ; the rest were honorably sent home . the moore king hearing of his daughters fortune ( as if he had bene strucken with a thunderbolt ) instantly died . unto whom almanzor the great calipha succeeded as his next cousin . don roderigo wallowing in his pleasures , and in them never satisfied , was shortly after surprized with a new love , which proved his destruction : the earle don iulian al this while was resident in affrica negotiating for his master , with mura almanzors leivetenant in the moroccoes , to accompany the young queene his daughter florinda was sent for ; the king pursued her love , which being not able to obtaine by consent , hee performed by violence . the young ladie full of disdaine and mallice by letters to her father complained her mis-fortunes , praying him to take revenge of her wrong . don iulian sensible of his daughters dishonor ( which reflected upon him ) hastned his returne , and like a wise man smoothely covering his wounds gave the king a good accompt of his ambassage ; but yet so involved with doubts , as that his returne into affrica was resolved necessarie . at his departure hee entreated the king to permit florinda for a few moneths to repaire to her mother , for in her the comfort of her life consisted , which the king with seeming willingnes unwillingly granted : when the earle had recovered his own house , hee sent for his frends and kinsmen , related unto them the particular wrong done to his daughter and the dishonor cast upon their family , wherein they were all interessed : he besought their advise and ayde . at last it was concluded hee should goe into affrica to incite muza almanzors leivetenant to invade spaine , and they all protested never to lay down arms untill their honors by revenge were repaired . don iulian presently imbarqued for affrica himselfe , his wife , daughter , his whole familie , his moveable goods of price , where being safely arrived ( according to his qualitie ) he was entertained by mura , to whom hee related the rape of his daughter , and the dishonor cast upon their familie , promising him if hee might be assisted in the revenge to assure unto his maister almanzor the conquest of spaine . though the proposition pleased mura , yet in a matter of that weight , he durst not passe his promise untill almanzors pleasure was signified ; and therfore advised don iulian to goe into arabia , and hee would give him lett es of credit which hee doubted not would expedite his desires : the earle with a favorable passage landed in syria and so over land with in a fewe daies post , presented himselfe to almanzor , who being a wise prince rich , strong in men , and satisfied with iulian's letter , which in all likely-hood promised a good event , yet hee thought it wisdome at the first with a small charge to make triall , before hee were too far plunged in war , and concluding upon this counsell he dismissed the earle laden with rewards , honorable usage , and an answere to muza , which being by him received he victualled and embarqued 6000 foote and a few horse : cōmitted to the charge of tarif abinzioc [ alias tarif abonzarca ] born in syria in the citie damasco ; but to follow the advise of don iulian in whose wisdome his hope was exposed with these troups they landed at a place named by the moores jabalsgath , by interpretation the mountaine of conquest , and since corruptly called gibralter , they were no sooner landed , but iulian's confederats , joyned with them , burnt and harrazed the countrie , slewe all those whom they thought loyall to don roderigo and rich in spoile , and prisoners reimbarqued , for affrica . don roderigo hearing the relations of this first attempt , and fearing a greater tempest , began to repent him of his sensuall life , and especially of his violating florinda , who had moved revenge in her father ; whose wisdom , power and valour , was to be feared , as also his tyranny exercised upon the dependants of his nephew ; which had made him hatefull to his people ; his praecipitate councels in defacing castles and strong places ; the disarming of his subjects , and the too prodigall waste of his treasure , all which presented unto him imminent calamities irreparable : yet these designes of terror , did not so much amaze him , as he neglected to prepare for a warre , wherein no meanes was ommitted to prepare strength , treasure and victuals , for a necessary defence ; muza , tarif and iulian , having their spirits raised by their fortunes , resolved the prosecution of the conquest , but wanting authority to proceede , tarif and iulian ( joyned in commission ) were dispatched to almanzor , who received them with great honor , and being perswaded by demonstrative reasons how facile it was to perform that enterprize , he applauded the project , and hastning them away , made election of tarif to be the generall for the warre , authentically firmed under his hand and seale , dated at his pallace at zarvall in arabia foelix , the two and twentith day of december 713 / 92 : also presently by commission he raised troops in the levant , to the number of 30000 well armed , which he committed to the leading of hira , a greeke renegado his favorite : he likewise wrote to the king of tunis his kinsman for forces , who leavied of his own subjects 30000 foot & 3000 horse , sending with them for their chiefe his second sonne mahomet gilhaimre . these forces aforesaid were leavied in the moneths of june and august , in anno 714 / 93 and safely arrived in the moroccoes where muza for their reliefe quartered them upon the countrey , untill he heard from tarif and iulian , who with 6000 foote and 300 horse , christians and moors , were passed into spaine to seise upon some port , to assure their landing . the place they made choyse of ; was ( in favor of the generall ) called tariff [ before called ca●teya ] and since corruptly tarifa . don roderigo , watchfull to withstand their landing , described an army to the field of 30000 foote , and 5000 horse cōmanded by his faithfull servant dismembred ataulpho . in the first encounter tarif was beaten and routed , much blood drawn , & armes lost . the next morning an old woman willingly taken ) was brought to tarif by his sentinels ; having kissed his feet ; sir said she beleeve what i shal tel you for i am the messenger of good news . when was a child . i heard my father who was let●ered often read in a ●ooke ( much esteemed by him ) that this kingdome should be conquered by the moores ; their captaine should have on his right shoulder an hairy moale as big as a pease : that his right arme should be longer then his left and standing upright hee might easily touch his knee , if you ( said shee ) have these marks then god hath ordained this conquest for you my humble suite is , that my poore family , and my selfe may have your safeguard , that in our bodies and goods wee may receive no prejudice ; tarif glad to heare this discription of himselfe ( for hee had these signes which shee named ) to satisfie don iulian and the whole armie put off his cloaths ; they found it true , and the poore woman went joyfull away , obtaining her suite . the armie encouraged by this passage were greedy to fight , and tarif no lesse confident ( to hold them by necessitie valiant ) burne all his ships a pinnace excepted , which he preserved to send relations of his successe to mura . the next day they joyned battail , the christians were defeated : ataulpho ( expressing as much wisdome and valor as could be required in a generall ) slaine ; tarif and don iulian were both wounded , one in the arme the other in the leg . of this victory they sent advertisement to mura , and desired him to hasten away the supplies which came from arabia , and tunis . on the other side don roderigo ( making his rendevous at cordova ) drew to an head 80000 foote , and 10000 horse : the vantguard of his troopes ( which consisted of 50000 foot and 3000 horse ) hee assigned to his cousen don orpas ( archbishop of sivill ) to confront the enemy . in the meane time supplies from the moroecoes arived , & tarif's army by poole was 60000 foote and 10000 horse strong ; orpas in hope to win honor , began to skirmish which procured the joyning of their forces ; night tooke up the quarrell almost with equall losse . the night following the moores gave a canvasado upon don orpas , the christians to a man were all slaine and taken prisoners , and their generall presented alive to tarif ; mura ( as hee was glad for the generall cause of these good successes , yet emulating tarif ) raised in his government an army of 25000 foote ; 6000 horse and voluntiers infinite accomodated with all provisions meet for a war ; and leaving his brother ismael to govern in his absence hee passed into spaine , and being joyned to tarif's troops they mustered 180000 foote ; and 40000 horse . don roderigo seeing his enemies forces so hugely increased , and two of his armies defeated resolved to sett up his rest , and in person to hazard his fortune . his armie upon an exact muster appeared to be 130000 foot and 25000 horse : for his leivetenant generall he nominated don almeriq ; a man of known vallor ; and his cabinet counsellor . unto his troopes ( to raise up their weake spirits ) hee made a speech . they promised in defence of him , and their countrie to do the offices of faithfull subjects and patriotts , which don with alacritie they marched towards the enemy , but with this ill passage , for don ruero the kings standard bearer fell suddainly dead from his horse and brake the staffe ; which wrought effects of feare in many , not long after these puissant armies lodged close together . the first three daies from morning to night ( with much but equall losse ) they skirmished . the day folowing being the third of october 714 / 94 the most of their troopes on either side were drawn forth ; the moores lost 10000 foote , and 300 horse , the christians 3000 foote and 800 horse , together with don almeriq ; their leivetenant generall , after one daies rest they sought againe from noone til night ; in which on either part much blood was drawn , and mahomet the king of tunis sonne and don iulian , grievously wounded . the next day with equall desire of revenge they encountred , but stormy weather parted the quarrell not without great slaughter . the wednesday following their forces joyned , the christians were broken and routed ; and few escaped the edge of the sword . but don roderigo by the goodnes of his horse escaped . tarif prosecuting the victorie marched to cordova , and with out resistance tooke it ; but in his heart not satisfied because the king was fled , hee proclaimed that whosoever would bring his person to him , either alive , or dead should be honored , and rewarded according to his owne content . hope of gaine provoked divers ( aswel christians as moores and renegadoes ) to make search for him ; and a man cloathed like the king , and for the king was presented to tarif , but in examination it appeared it was a shephard , with whom the king ( his horse being tyred ) changed his garments ; but what that man was , or whether he went he knew not ; after that he was nevermore heard of : and of his issue no mention is made by any writers , but of one daughter named donna eligona a ladie of incomparable beautie who was a sucking infant when her father died . of her a few words by way of digression is not impertinent . shee was fostered by one cratilo ( her fathers servant ) and as his child amongst his children nourished , with whom shee lived concealed untill shee was 24 yeeres old , cratilo would have married her to his sonne but shee disdained the match . a nephew of cratilo's ( being passionately in love with her ) maliced his cousen , and to breake the match ( which still hee feared ) hee discovered the concealed ladie to abdalices , generall in spaine for the monarch of the arabians that then was , who fell in love with his captive and tooke he● to wife permitting her the exercise of her own religion . not long after hee rebelled , and in his wives right proclaimed himselfe king of spaine , his captaine and leivetenants fearing that his love to his wife would make him to turne christian slew him in his house , the queene frighted with the murther being great with child fell in labor and died . in her the issue of don roderigo the last king of the gothish blood in spaine fayled . the queene roderigo's wife , was taken in her pallace at cordova , whom tarif used with al humanity and left her in the custodie of mahomet prince of tunis ( not yet recovered of his late hurts ) and for his assistance a moore named habdilbar . then dividing his armie into two parts , the one himselfe toward the citie of granada and mura with the other marched into andaluzia , but before he departed from cordova he erected mahometan , mosquetos , leaving certain churches for christian service . the prince of tunis carefully tended his faire charge : but in seeking to keep her , ●ost himselfe : his first attempt was to perswade her ( being born a great princesse and neere in blood to almanzor ) to returne againe to the mahometan law , which ●f she would doe , he was sure that almanzor would restore her kingdome unto her , and if shee could cast her love upon him , hee would labor to merrit it , and be her faithfull servant . the ladie like a strong sort with stood his assults , and all his payments were denyalls , for she was resolved neither to returne to her ●omit , nor to be his mistris . his love increasing shee prevailed with him to receive baptisme : and that done she yeelded to be his wife ; both which were secretly solemnized by a christian priest. not many daies after sisiberta one of the ladies which was taken with the queene ( when by tempest shee was driven into spaine ) and with her had received baptisme , for the loved a yong moore , renounced christianitie , and betrayed the late marriage ( wherewith she was trusted ) unto habdilbar . tarif being by him advertized of the accident , commanded him to imprison the married couple and the priest ; but because the king of tunis was great prince , hee durst not proceede against them as hee desired , before the king had been advertized of his sonnes acts , which at large in writing ( well testified ) hee sent unto him . the king enraged returned his expresse pleasure to behead him unlesse hee would imbrace the mahometan law . but these yong princes neither repenting their baptisme , nor fearing the sentence of death ( like constant martyrs with the priest that married them ) were executed & their bodies cast into a ditch ; but afterwards by stealth in the night buried by christians . the two generals , tarif and mura with conquering swords , by force and composition ( in south spaine ) bare all before them ( the cittie of hispalis now sevill only excepted ) which they forbare my approach fearing the plague , wherewith it was visited ; their troops over travailed and spent with long marches ( ordinarie duties whereto armies in the field are subject ) and want of cloathes , required rest ; which moved the generalls to retreite to the randevous at cordova , where after supplies of provision made , and the soldiers refresh't , they concluded to joyn their forces , and to invade castile , in which province their armie found small resistance , the weaker places sent submission before summoning , the stronge● yeelding upon composition , so that in a māne● they might say as caesar veni , vidi , vici , with this prosperous success they marched over the mountaines pyrene untill they came upon the french ground ; their desires led them further , but the great almanzor's commissions listed them within spaine , which counsailed their retreite through arragon : va●entia , aud murcia : lea●ing , every where , as they marched ( in places fit to be held ) sufficient garrisons , with the ●est they returned to cordova . in all those conquests don iulian accompanied the generalls and for reward of the good service he , and his kinsmen and followrs had done , tarif ( authorized b● almanzor ) did not only possesse them of the lands they had , but gave them larger bounds , l●●censed them to depar● to their dwellings , and attend their husbandrie . for by the war the countrie was meerly wasted . then his care was , how to hold that hee had gotten ; the way to keep it was to plans collonies , the want he found was women , to supply that defect ( the women of arabia and affrica being unwilling to com into spaine ) hee proclamed the same immunities to the christian-men and women ( if they would adore mahomet ) as the moores had . the poore spanyards generally afflicted with miserie , to repaire their own fortunes ; secure their lives , and gaine their free-dom ; in multitudes took hold of the proclamation ; forsook their religion gave their daughters to the moors in marriage ; and labored the ground : the leading deare were two archbishops consins to don roderigo , one called don torifo , the other don orpas , before mentioned , both of them forsaking christ , and assuming mahomet for their god. yet the mountanous countries of the asturias and biscayans had not felt the invadors force , into them for safetie many principall men and some of the blood royall had put themselves . to subdue that remnant of people , tarif sent an armie of six thousand under the comand of abrahen a tartar , and directions to the garrisons adjoyning ( as occasion offered ) to assist him , and with him hee also sent the two renegado bishops . the christians ( now mountaniers ) elected a yong gentleman of the blood royall , called don pelago to be their king unto whom they gave obedience , and in him al their hopes remained . when abrahen was entred the mountaines , hee sent the renegado prelats with large promises of reward to perswade them to render . when they came to don pelago's presence and had delivered their message , hee bound them in ropes , and from the top of an high rock they were tumbled where they ended their wretched daies , and the same night the tartar ( trusting to the credit of the renegado priests ) negligent and carelesse . don pelago gave a canvasado upon his camp , slew most of his men , and retyred to his strength . abraheu with a few fled to toledo where after for shame and greife hee died . tarif at his unfortunate successe was much troubled , and by reason of his many garrisons not able to put an army into the feild to prosecute the war ) only strengthned the frontier , untill hee received new directions from almanzor . but before his dispatches was made he received , from don pelago , a letter sent by a moore prisoner , wherein hee made known unto him his lawfull succession ( by the death of don roderigo ) to the kingdome of spaine , and although god in his justice had punished him for his offences ; yet in the same god he was confident not only to be defended from his force ; but enabled to recover his right , and as for the two holy ambassadors ( the apostate priests and his kins-men who were sent by him to perswade him to deny christ and render subjection ) hee gave him notice of their deserved deaths , and concluded , before he would be guilie to his own dishonor , in submitting himselfe to an heathen , or renounce the faith wherin he was baptiz'd he would die if he had then a thousand lives ; dated in the ninth of july 715 / 94. as tarif was sorie to understand his resolution , so was hee extreame glad to heare that don roderigo was dead , whereof untill then hee had not assurance , and in post dispatched a packet to almanzor giving him accompt of his conquest , how that all spaine ( the mountains of biscay and the asturias , into which a few chistians were sled , and the cittie of sivilla not yet free from the plague excepted , were reduced to his obedience . nevertheles because his garrisons were many , & the mountaines by their natural strength almost in accessible , hee humbly besought supplies not doubting but to yeeld him contentment in his charge . lastly he recommended unto his favor the good service of don iulian and of habdilbar , who in the stead of the prince of tunis hee had made governor of cordova , being in his opinion the meetest place for the royall seat . almanzor though well pleased with tarif's relation , yet for his better information returned his pleasure by the same post , commanding him to make his present and personall repaire to his court , to substitute in his absence habdilbar ( governor of cordova ) leivetenant generall of spaine , and to require mura to returne to his goverment of the moroccoes , which had need of his presence . in this meane while don iulian attended his domestick affaires at his towne of villa viciosa , now called malaga , which being put in some good order , hee sent into affrica for his wife , and daughter , who during the war remained in tangier . but florinda , heart broken and comfortlesse , transported with passion beyond her strength , having locked a doore behind her , ascended to the top of the highest turret in her fathers castle , then calling for her governesse , shee prayed her to entreat her parents to come forth , unto whome she desired to say somthing before shee died . this stragicall summons being by them obeyed she cursed the day of her birth aswell in respect of the dishonor done to her , as to be the cause of the slaughter of so many christians , the extinguishing of religion and the utter subversion of so flourishing a kingdome shee accused her father for his over-sharp revenge , and her selfe shee censured unworthie of life in being the cause of such irreparable mischeifs , after her prayers to god , her request to her father was , that from thence forth that town should be no more called villa viciosa , but malacho ( which signifieth porque mala ) in memorie of her that there ended her life , being the most unfortunate ill woman that ever lived ; and there with all ; not giving eare to the perswasions , and teares of her aged parents , shee cast her selfe head-long to the ground , and dyed . the third day following don iulian oppressed with griefe fell instantly mad and killed himselfe with his punniniard . the old ladie for some longer time work-out a miserable life , eaten with a canker , rotting living , infamous and odious to all that beheld her . for want of heirs don iulian's lands fell by escheate to almanzor . tarif being imbarqued for arabia : mura in his government and habdilbar setled in his leivetenacie of spaine . mura fearing that tarif would rob him of his honor due unto him , and ascribe unto himselfe the conquest of spaine , he sent his brother ismael to make particular relation to almanzor of his merrit , and also in a letter he remembred his own actions , his opinion how spaine ought to be governed , what forces were meet to finish the war , described the kingdome , praysed tarif , and advised almanzor himselfe to come in person to take the posession of his conquest although that tarif had fully instructed his master in all things that concerned spaine , ye● ismael was welcome t● almanzor , who was never wearied to heare relations of his good successes gave satisfaction to mura by letter , and stayed ismael imploying him in aprill 715 / 94 in an ambassage to the king of tunis aswell to condole with him the necessary death of his sonne ( who was executed in spaine ) as to crave his daughter omalhair in marriage for his eldest sonne abilqualit . in july following ismael returned with answered agreeable to almamzor's heart , for reward of which service hee was made aquaz● de los reges moros which is agreeable in power with the president of castile . for the peopling of spaine with moores almanzor published proclamations through out his dominions in affrica , that such subjects of his as would passe thither with the families should have ●ands apportioned unto them at easie rents , priviledged with liberties , and exemptions ; upon knowledge whereof five thousand families of moores and jewes were planted in spaine , where by in a small time the kingdome was so well replenish't , as that little signe of war appeared . the plague being ceased in sivill habdilbar the governor ( with an armie of 12000 foote and 1000 horse ) sate downe before it . but the defendants vallor made him weary of the enterprise , and with the losse of much time two thousand foot , and two hundred horse , he returned to cordova . after some rest and new provisions made , habdilbar ashamed of the late soome hee had received , and fearing almanzor's displeasure , matched the second time from cordova to sivill , his armie cōsisting of fifteen thousand foote , and fifteen hundred horse . but the christians not failing in courage bravely resisted , daily falling upon the enimies quarters . after fortie five daies siege , news was brought to habdilbar that elhardaly a moore governor of the province and cittie of valentia was revolted from his obedience , with a purpose to usurpe to himselfe the title of the king of spaine ; as hee was sorie for this news , so was he glad of so good an excuse to rise from before sivill , having received more losse then formerly he had done . towards this rebell habdilbar with ten thousand foot , and eight hundred horse ) marched from cordova strengthening his armie with certaine troops raised by the governor of murcia . the rebell in the first encounter was defeated , taken , and beheaded , the cittie of valencia ( for the cittizens offences ) sacked , and mahomet abenbucar made governor of that province . althongh tarif by the spoiles he had gotten in spaine , was esteemed the richest subject in almanzor's dominions , and there with in common opinion hee might rest satisfied , yet he like a gratefull prince to a well deserving servant held himselfe bound in honor to lay upon him some visible marke of favor where upon hee made him governor and leivetenant generall of all his kingdoms . the time now drew on for the consummating of the intended marriage between the yong prince abilqualit and the king of tunis daughter . tarif , with a fleet of fortie saile , was sent to fetch her ; the king of tunis , as he had reason to think himselfe much honored to matched his daughter with the great almanzor's heir , so he forgot not to demonstrate his affection by the rich presents hee sent to the calipha , and by the rewards hee gave tarif . the princes being arived at the court , and the marriage solemnized , almanzor , broken with age and infirmities , having lived sixtie three yeeres , and reigned fortie two , hee resigned his scepter to his sonne abilqualit , the third day of october in in the yeere after our redemption 716 / 95 and when all the ceremonies incident to the resignation and assumption of a crowne were past , hee retyred to asumptuous monasterie built by himselfe in the mountaines , for fortie eight monasticall men , governed by a morabits which signifies an hermit , where with an infirme bodie ( languishing for the space of seaven yeeres in continuall devotions ) hee died . hee that should write at large the storie of this prince , discourse his glorious actions as they merrit , set downe his virtues , and anatomize al that was good in him , should undertake a taske of great labor ; for had he been a christian , his equal could hardly been found , but his better impossible , wherefore not to bury so great worth in oblivion it is not impertinent briefely to say somwhat of him . in his tender yeeres the hearts of all men began to admire and affect him , aswel for his person which in beautie , and form excelled the children of his age , as for the goodnesse of his disposition , and sharpnes of wit , which was admirable , as his yeeres increased so did his perfections , all virtues striving which should be predominant in him , which produced feare and love in his subjects hearts evenly ballanced towards him . his stature was tall , and seemly , his gesture grave and pleasant ; the thoughts of his heart were not discovered in his brow , his limbs strōg and active , valiant , liberall , devot , wise and learned ; being reproved by the king his father for giving a way to the poore in one day by handfulls of gold the some of 20260. pounds [ 22 arrobas and 13 pounds of gold ] for an instruction , told him that a poore king was as a dead man among the living , hee replyed , that avarice in a prince was base and contemptible , that kings in imitation of the creator ( by whose power they rule and reigne ) ought to give to the well deserving , & needie ; heaps of treasure could not adde one day to his life ; and being dead nothing but a poore winding sheet remained , which was not snfficient to arme him against the wrath of god , unto whom at the latter day hee must render an accompt of his actions . to the king his father a rich semitary of great price being presented , the handle whereof was a rich emrald the pommell a ballast [ or a stone called a balis ] rubie , the guard and scabberd of beaten gold set with pretious stone , and the blade a damaskin [ the blade most excellent damsked ] of excellent temper ; for the rarenesse of so pretious a jewell shewed it to divers of his great men , who admired the perfections they saw , but found fault that the weapon was somewhat too short ; whereat the yong prince smiled , saying , they were deceived , for the shortnes of a good sword in the hands of a valiant man that dares come up close to his enimie was so far from defect , as it brought advantage with it : the king pleased to see in so tender yeeres so bold a spirit in his son , fastned the sword to his side , saying that he only did merrit to weare it that found no fault with it : before he was 21 yeeres old , he wrote divers bookes of the mathematiques , astrologie , art of war , philosophie , pollicie of state , and a large comment upon aristotles works [ three books of philosophy upon the tents of arist : in forme of a cōment ] he could perfectly write and speake eleaven severall languages , expressing his minde , and answering ambassadors in them with out the help of a truchman , his father being old , joying in his sons perfections , upon the tenth of january 654 resigned his scepter to him , which addition of greatnes bred no other alteration in him , then a greater desire to increase in goodnes , his ambition striving no lesse to be reputed virtuous then to keepe and enlarge his dominions , his aparell ordinarily was plaine ; but on festivall daies no prince more sumptuous at his meat , which for the most part was privat , he seldome had above two dishes , and that but once a day , two servants to attend him , and never dranke in gold , or silver cup though of them his officers were royally stored , surfetters , and cormorants he compared to beasts voyd of reason . towards the evening his major domo had accesse to his presence to inform him of the disorders in his house , if any were ; which instantly were reformed : for relief of poore suitors , meat was daily provided to suffice 200 persons ; and a place in his house assigned for them to resort unto , winter or summer , except he were sick ; he was readie before sun-rise , yet never slept in the day for a preservation of health ; he bathed often in his listine . he was never known to make a ly , nor to his knowledg spake an untruth , he termed lyers disciples of the divell , the plague of the world , betrayers of truth , destroyers of conversation , and the right hand of iniquitie , no man that lyed unto him escaped unpunished but received his punishment answerable to the weight of his ly , the least was onblik disgrace , but lies of moment he chastized with whipping , cutting of tongues , banishment , disabling to be witnes , and in some case life was taken , which rigor bred terror in wicked dispositions , and restrained false information , and unnecessarie suits , the dayes of the weeke he designed in their order to their proper distributions , and every of them ( when urgent occasion inforced not the contrary ) were daily observed . the friday which is the arabians sabbath he spent in devotion , never missing his houres in the mosquetaes , his progression thither was solemne , attended by his cheife alcaydes , counsellors , and officers , and the guards of horse , and foot ; when prayer was ended , not far from the mosquetas , set in his royall seat , he remayned a good space to receive petitions , the poorest not being debarred his presence ; before hee departed , an officer , or cryed with a loud voyce gave notice to the suitors to attend the next morning at the court of justice where they should receive answer . upon satterdaies , personally , he sat in judgment , the cheife justice produced the petitions exhibited the day past , which being read , and the suitors questioned withal , who durst not aver an untruth , the causes were ordered ; where difficulties did arise such were referred to his councell , but the longest delay never exceeded fifteen dayes . in cases criminall sentence at the farthest was pronounced within nine dayes . suits of debt had the expedition , but where it appeared that the debtor was rather faultie by accident then by his defaults , the king oftentimes out of his own treasurie would pay poore mens debts . his severe punishing of lies , bred the expedition of justice : for untruths were never suggested , wherof ensued quietnes among his subjects , and few suits . the like severitie he exercised among theeves , never sparing the lives of the guiltie ; wherby in the end his subjects for feare of his justice were so terrified , as if any thing had been lost in the high wayes , or in the streets , the partie that first saw it [ this custom was used among the moores of granada even to our dayes and seemeth naturall to them ] durst not touch it before he had some witnes to testifie that he found it ; and that done , placing it in view of the world publiquely relating where he had it , that the owner might have knowledg therof . the sundaies were assigned to determin martiall affaires , of that councell he had but foure , the eldest councellor presented the dispatches of the leivetenants and generalls that were imployed in service , and after snfficient debating , the answers were referred to him to be ingrossed : when he resolved to enter into a new war , he advised only with him that shold be generall of his land-forces , and his admirall , saying that all others were needles being their offices to obey , and execute . the first day of his consultations was only to heare what they could object against his propositions , the second what men and munition were needfull , and how to dispose of them ; the third , and last was to give directions to officers to put their councells in execution ; he ordained that his general by land while he was upon the sea , should be commanded by the admirall , and upon the shoare the admirall to obey the land generall , hee never bestowed charge , or office upon men of war , although they were of good merrit , that sued for them ; places that were voyd , hee conferred upon worthie men recommended by his general . parentage and allies wrought no partiallitie , in him merrit only prevailed , of all his men of war that were of note , he ever kept a list , and caused memorialls to be abstracted of their time spent in the wars , their particular services , places of byrth , and dwellings ; he was of opinion that before all others they were meetest to be preferred to great places as well in peace as war , for they had the strongest spirits to execute justice , their experience best knew the humors of all sorts of men , wherby their judgements were ripened , the miseries which themselves had felt , gave them a true feeling of poore mens wants . they which knew how to win , and defend kingdoms , in reason should be best able to hold them in obedience : and concluded that valiant men were more sensible of honor , honestie and reputation ; and prized those attributs at an higher rate then any other condition of men whatsoever , wherof , of some of those he ever made his election when offices fell voyd . the mondaies were ordained to advise upon the civill government of his dominions assisted only with foure councellors , the eldest councellor presented the causes unto him , to whome the dispatches were referred , and the same day he gave publique audience to al that had just cause to complaine of civill magistrats : if the information were false , the informers were severely punished , if true , the magistrats were not spared , and which of them was but once justly proved to have been corrupt , no mediation of friends , or promise of amendment could make his peace , but evermore disabled to beare office . the tuesdaies hee assigned for hawking , and hunting , and dyned in the fields publiquely amongst his courtires , and huntesmen : after dinner he would sit at his tent-doore , permitting the poore to resort unto him , and with his own hands bountifully dispence his charitie , but especially to the fatherlesse children , and widdows , never refusing to give liberally for god's sake to any person , not demanding whether hee were christian , moore , jew , or gentile . once it chanced he lost his company , and meeting with a poore faint creature , which in his sight with weaknes sunck to the ground , the king alighted , set him upon his horse , and walked two leagues by his stirrop holding the raines , and brought him to a house where he cōmanded that he should be attended , till he was recovered ; the poore man having knowledg who it was that had done him that service , amazed , craved pardon thanking him for his charity : thanke not me said almanzor , but the soveraigne creator who ordained me to meet you , for i have done but that which was my dutie to the distressed . the wednesdaies hee gave himselfe to musique and rest in his privat lodgings , where also he had artificrs that wrought in silver , gold , copper and iron , in whose arts he tooke delight , and with his own hands could perform curious works . upon the thursdaies hee conversed only with learned men , hearing them dispute , and argue upon such propositions as he offered ; when any doubts arised himselfe would turne the bookes , and moderate their disputations , that day they din'd with him , and when the questions had been sufficiently disputed ; he gave them at their departure new propofitiōs for them to thinke upon against the next thursday . to understand the humor , and disposition of his people , and his officers integritie he would many times goe guised into the cittie in the habit of a priest , souldier , begger , or marchant [ it is to be noted that in those daies the arabians used to weare vailes over their faces ] speaking freely of the king , and his officers and soothe the company he was in ; whereby hee enformed himselfe both of his own faults , and theirs , which being discovered , held his subjects in generall in such awe , as when three , or more were talking together , it passed for a by-word , take heed least almanzor heare you , he was such an enemie to idlenesse , as that he was ever busied in some virtuous exercise , and made a law , that all snch persons of what condition soever did not spend their time in some profitable , or laudable art should be reputed infamous ; he built , and finished in his life time five hundred and six principall mosquitas , eightie and two hospitalls , and as many colledges for schollers , endowed them with great possessions , every yeere at his own charge he bestowed in marraige one thousand mayden orphants : the almes he gave was admirable ; by land and sea he won 86 battails , in 13 of them , he was personally present , and in them he took five kings prisoners and slew one , the spoile evermore was indifferently divided amongst the soldiers , the widdowes , and children of the slaine had their shares reserved for them ; in his librarie after his death there was found fiftie five thousand seven hundred twentie two volumes of books , [ containing in wrighting one thousand two hundred nineteen quintals of paper , each quintall being an hundred weight ] to get that masse together , hee proclamed throughout his dominions , rewards to such as could present books which he had not wherin his bountie exceeded : at last broken with yeeres , and infirmities , and residing in his monasterie sometimes he would admit his antient servants to visit him . his discourses for the most part were either heavenly contemplations , or of his sonne , desiring above all earthly joyes to heare that he were a good , and a just king ; his sicknes increasing he sent him admonitorie letters advising him not to presume upon his regall estate which was fraile , subject to mutation , within limits , vaine , unasured ; to humble himselfe to the creator , god eternal , by whom kings were ordained , whose power was infinite , everlasting and supreame . that above all things he should be carefull to administer justice without partialitie , and avoyd severitie , wherin he should imitate the king of glorie , who was goodnes it selfe , and from whom all our good works did spring ; if he swarved from his rules , his justice was injustice , his clemencie tyrannie , his charitie avarice , all his actions wicked : that he ought not to be ignorant that his wisdome was but foolishnes , his mercie extended but to externe things , pardoning of sinnes was not in his power ; his justice streched no farther then corporall afflictions , over mens soules he had no power : therefore he wished him not to glorie in his earthly greatnes , to contemplate upon the humane miseries wherunto all flesh is subject , and that neither his vast empire , or kingly power was able to draw one drop of raine from the clouds , nor to make a green leafe , or free him from wordly vexations . that hee should evermore thinke upon his end , remember that he was a miserable , and wretched sinner , that after this life he was to render an exact accompt unto the soveraigne king , the creator of all things , & that the accompt of princes were greater , and more fearefull then meaner mens ; which duly cōsidered , he must conclude that neither himselfe , his dominions , or power were to be esteemed pretious : hee admonished him to beware of pride , calling her the right hand of the devill , the path of perdition , the nurse of sin , the gate of hell , & the principall hooke wherwith the infernall spirit draws miserable soules into his burning lake : he willed him to tread her under foot , and not to overjoy in his death ; for if kings had the true feeling of their duties , they would rather mourne and fast at their coronations , then feast and triumph as is accustomed . that he should no time make , or beare with a ly , for lyers , are divels in flesh , enemies to truth subverters of justice , fyrebrands of sedition , causers of rebellion , destroyers of kingdoms , & to themselves thus much harmefull , that when they speake truth they are not beleeved ; lastly he admonished him to performe the service of god before all his other actions , to adore him in singlenes of heart , and humility , to be just , in judgements , charitable , and in his wayes direct , and then he might be sure , that god would blesse him both in this world , and in the world to come , [ from his house of albasadin the twentith day of rageb anno 96. ] although he felt his disease incurable , yet the phisitions ceased not to put him in hope of recovery , after some reproofes he thanked them for their endevors but said he , the daies of men are limited , and the will of god must be obeyed , your learning & practice connot adde unto me one daies life , beyond the prefixed day wherin i must die ; from the begining of my sicknes i knew my disease was mortall it is a vanitie to speake of impossibilities , i cannot live , and i thanke my god that deilivers me from the calamities of this miserable world , which said ; he comanded his sonnes abilqualit , and abrahen [ the infant abrahen ] to be brought to his presence whom he admonished to live in brotherly love , that their concord would be as a wall of brasse in their defence , that their dissention would hazard the dissolution acquired by him and his ancestors ; and turning his speech to his yongest sonne . i comand you said he upon paine of my malediction to reverence and obey king abilqualit your brother , honor and serve him , in stead of me as your father , and lord. then casting his eys upon abilqualit required upon the same to love and cherish his brother . then causing himselfe to be raised in his bed , he sent for his kinsmen , great officers , and servants unto whom he made a large speech of the miseries of this life , of the eternall joyes he was going unto , and prayed them to let him know whether he were indebted unto any of them for rewards , or otherwise , that he might take present order for their satisfaction , and also humbly besought them , that they would forgive him all his offences towards them , as he freely pardoned them in all wherin thy had offended him ; for god said he will never at the latter day extend his mercies to the mercilesse ; and further as an argument of eheir loves towards him , he intreated them to be at his funeral then calling every one by his name they kissed his hands and departed , his next care was to dispose his goods , jewells , and plate , which he cōmanded to be sold , and given to the poore ( his books excepted ) which he gave to abilqualit with condition that he should marry one thousand orphants giving to every of them in dowry one thousand miticules . hee likewise freed all his slaves , and never after that was known to cast his thoughts upon worldly busines , the rest of his daies he spent in contemplation , and prayer . abilqualit presently after the possession of the crown like a wise prince , [ abilqualit followed his father in governmnt to admiratiō : save only in his liberalytie and charitie ] was carefull to settle his estate ; his greatest feare , was the stirring spirit of his brother abrahen . to give him som contentment ( without peril to himselfe ) he gave him the government of arabia petraea ; a small province , poore , weake and steril : but contrary to his expectation ( before he was warme in his seate ) abenbucar governor of damasko rebelled , in hope to win the garland . against this rebell abilqualit , with a huge armie , put himselfe into the field . abrahen , taking hold of occasion , under colour to assist his brother , levied forces , and marched directly to his court ( where according to his qualitie ) he was received and served by the kings officers ; being in possession of the house , he set guards upon it , seized the moveables , committed the persons of the queen and yong prince to safe keeping , and som principall men ( towards whom he stood ill affected ) were executed ; which done , by feare , flattery and reward , he was proclamed and crowned king. to second and assure his fortunes ( leaving sufficient garrisons in his palace ) he marched after his brother , wherof when relation was made to abilqualit , he left the pursuit he followed and retreited ; within a few daies the armies lodged neer together ; the king unwilling to hazard his undoubted right in the chance of battell , and moved ( as he pretended ) with compassion , to save the lives of his naturall subjects , he sent to his brother abrahen to intreat him to cōmiserate the publique estate of the monarchy , which ( by their dissentions ) was in perill of ruine , to pittie the lives of so many men and good subjects which were like to perish , and if he would dissolve his army , he promised not only to pardon all past offences , but impart to him such a proportion of his kingdomes , as might give him satisfaction . whereunto abrahen returned answere that he came not thither to treat , but to fight , and that nothing but the sword should arbitrate between them , admonishing the messengers to return no more , for whosoever brought him proffers of composiotion should die . the next morning the twelfth of november in anno 717 / 90 the armies joyned , abilqualit was beaten and fled , never looking behind him untill hee came to the sea coast , where in a small pinnace he passed to the kingdome of tunis , putting himselfe into the protection of the king his father in law , when notice was brought to abrahen that his brother was escaped , by easie journies he retyred ( the way he came ) to zarvall in arabia , where the second time ( for a confirmation of his election ) he was crowned . after some rest ( his domestick and publick affaires being ordered ) with a small armie of fifteen thousand foot , and fifteen hundred horse , he marched towards abenbuchar the rebell , who put into the field twentie thousand foot , and two thousand horse , plentifully furnished with war-like provisions . when the armies approached in view of one another , abrahen sent messengers to abenbuchar to perswade him ( not having any pretence to the crowne ) to desist from his treason and yeeld him obedience , and he would both pardon him , and advance his fortunes . answer was returned that he , which had borne arms against his naturall brother , and soveraigne , and out of his proud ambition had wrongfully torne the crowne from his head , was an infamous traytor ; for his particular , he was moved in conscience ( being governor of damasco ) to defend the people committed to his charge from insolencies , and oppressions , wherewith they were daily vexed by the evill government of abilqualit . hee understood not how men by naturall right should challenge succession in kingdomes . that scepters appertained only to such as god blessed with valor , and wisdome ; to those only , power and dominion was due , and to none other , and therfore he would not desist from his enterprize . abrahen transported with choller , although he was disswaded by his captains not to try the fortune of a battell obeyed passion , and paid the price of his follie , for his armie was routed , his men for the most part slaine , his baggage made a prey to the mountaniers , and thence disguised ( by by-waies ) with many perils , and sad thoughts he recovered his pallace in arabia , where within fiftie daies he listed under cōmanders , and captaines fortie thousand foot , and five thousand horse , and with admirable expedition marched towards abenbucar who nothing dismaid , drew to the field with an armie of thirtie thousand foot , and three hundred horse ; with equall courages their forces joyned , abenbucar defeated and taken , was presented to abrahen , who in furie ( without speech ) seized upon him and in the presence of all his troopes with his own hands cut his throat and smoat off his head , which he caused to be set upon the chiefe port in damasco ; his skin pulled off , and stuffed with straw was placed by it , and his bodie left to be devoured by birds , and beasts , all the cheif commanders that followed abenbucar were likewise executed , and abentirix ( one of his favorits ) was left to govern damasco , which done , in tryumph he returned to arabia . whilest these combustions continued in the east , abilqualit at tunis prepared for the war , mura governor of the moroccoes was sent for , who leaving an arab of arabia petraea for his leivetenant , with thirtie thousand foot well armed , store of munition and treasure repaired unto him ; the second day of march in anno 718 / 97. unto the which the king of tunis added his forces in number little inferiour to the other . the office of the leivetenant generall was conferred upon tarif , in whose wisdom , valour , dexteritie experience and fortune , abilqualit did repose much confidence . in imbarking his troops he lost no time , and favored with a westerly wind , and faire weather , they arived in syria . the rumor of abilqualit with a powerfull armie being noysed throughout the countrie , from all parts multitudes resorted unto him , his forces by the booke of checque appeared to be sixtie five thousand foot , and five thousand horse . abrahen fearing his brothers forces , was not in provident to defend his wrongfull posseffion , and to that end , with incredible celeritie , he armed to the field sixtie thousand foot , and horse . in the constancie of his people he was somewhat diffident , wherfore to confirme their hearts unto him he spared not to promise large rewards , to lay before them their perils ( if his brother were victor ) and concludes that it were much better for them to die then over live their honors : the third day of november in the yeere aforesaid , the two brethren , with drawne swords , disputed their right , the rivers were dyed with blood of the dead that fell on either part , the battell continued from morning till sun-set : abrahen slaine , his armie broken , and every man sought the best he could for safetie , wherunto the favor of the night gave good advantage . as abilqualit had reason to joy in so great a victorie , so did he grieve at his brothers death , whom he coveted ( in the love he bare to him ) rather to have been his prisoner , then to have seene him dead . in mourning garments with teares he followed his corps to the funerall , his cōmanders , and captaines did the like , and was in pompe interred with his ancestors in the cittie of zarvall . in this battaill also tarif received a sleight wound in the arme wherof he died , to do him honor abilqualit in black attended him to the grave , wept over him , and laid him by his brother , these funeralls ended , with a wrathfull heart ( in another forme ) he performed others , causing execution to be done upon the cheifest that ranne his brothers fortunes , the rest were pardoned , and having ordered his affairs ( lately distempered ) lived in peace . in spaine the governor habdilbar ( by cōmandement of his king ) prosecuted don pelago ; to be enformed of his strength he hyred a renegado spaniard to view his forces , order , and abyding places : but taken by pelago's guards was brought to him and tortured ; yet his wit and constancy quit him of suspition , and being freed he returned to cordova recounting to habdilbar his perils , and discovery , assuring him that don pelago was weake in men , and arms , and victuals ; that is strongest places were not dificil to winne , and that the christians were full of feare ; upon trust of these relations , the governor selecting out of his garrisons twelve thousand choice foot ( for of horse there was no use ) marched towards the mountaines . all the force that don pelago did make , exceeded not obove two thousand , with these he resolved to make the best defence he might , and reposing more confidence in his wit than in his sword , he divided them into many parts placing them upon straits and advantage of ground , yet so as they might upon all occasions second one another , in the very first encounter which was in a boggie wood full of rocks ( formerly possest by the christians and where an armie could not march informe ) habdilbar was beaten put to a running retreit , and lost two thousand besides hurt men and prisoners , wherwith enraged , to ease his choller he hanged the renegado spie and in dispaire to prevaile against men that were inhabitants in such inaccessible grounds ( fortified by nature ) he lost the enterprise till a further time , and returned to cordova . abilqualit living in peace by an unlooked for accident was drawn into a new war which arose by the death of his father in law the king of tunis , who deceasing without any other heire than his daughter abilqualit's wife ) that kingdome in right did appertaine to her . upon the report of his death , the arabian monarch sent one of his great commāders abenmarchan in his name to take possession of the realme , which without contradiction was effected , and the principall subjects sware their allegeance to him in the name of abilqualit , proclaming him king ; for a few monthes , no disturbance appeared , untill one called haaken next heire male in blood to the deceased king ( repyning that the kingdome should fall to a distaffe , and therby in subjection to a stranger ) valuing himself worthie therof , by promise of reward , and under-hand meanes ( alured many of the best qualitie ) to approve , and favor his clayme , his first enterprise was acted upon the person of abenmarchan the governor , in assaulting his house , and killing him and his servants , and that done proclamed himselfe king unto whom obedience was sworn , abilqualit having advertisment of his rebellion , dispatched a post the second of aprill 719 / 98 to mura his governor in moroccoes ( with such forces as he could make ) presently to repaire unto him , who ( with extream expedition ) imbarked twentie thousand horse and foot armed , and victualled , and shortly after arived in the port of vaffa , in syria , where abilqualit had drawn to a head twentie five thousand foot , and eight hundred horse , with these troops ( over whom mura was ordained leivetenant general ) the king in person put himself to sea , and with favorable weather landed in the kingdome of tunis . to withstand the assailant , hacen ( the usurping king ) leavied forces consisting of fortie thousand foot , and eight thousand horse : in the first encounter abilqualit's losse was more than hacens . among others of note ismael ( the son of mura ) was wounded to the death , for which disaster abilqualit being pensive : sir said the noble mura ( his father ) my sonne came not hither for spoile ; to win honor and to do you service were his ends , if he die it imports not much : for being borne to dye , his dayes are crowned with glory in finishing them where your eyes are witnes of his valor . the day following being the ninth day of october 121 / 100 the armies joyned , hacen was overthrown , and abilqualit in triumph made his entrie into the cittie of tunis ; but not accompting his victorie compleat ( except hacen's sonne were in his possession ) he proclamed large rewards to him , or them that could bring him alive or dead . miserable hacen ( driven to extremities ) was glad to cover himself in a desolate cave , where being bayed by shepheards dogs he was discovered , taken , and brought bound to abilqualit . instead of humilitie ( the inherent qualitie to unfortunate men ) hee used unreverent speech , which breeding passion in the conqueror , produced tyrannicall effects , in impaling him upon a stake , wheron after five dayes torment he dyed , the men of qualitie that assisted hacen being executed , the countrie setled , and abrahen hacen left governor : abilqualit sailed to the levant , and tryumphantly returned to his cittie of zarvall , where resting himselfe but a while , he went in devotion to mecca to adore the sepulcher of mahomet . in his journy homewords through the desarts , the sands , moved by winde , buried three thousand of his traine , himselfe , and the rest escaped with great danger . the yeere following almanzor ( consumed with languishing diseases ) [ the third day of the moone rageb in the hundred and second yeere of the hixera ] in anno domini 723 / 102 died being the seventith yere of his age , the fortie one of his reigne , before the resignation of his crown , and the seaventh of his monasticall life : of whose death as soone as abilqualit had knowledge , he dispatched messengers to all the great officers throughout his dominions to give them notice of it , that according to the accustomed manner ( in the like occasions ) they should command blacks to be worne ( by the better sort of people ) in all citties ; pray for his soule and give almes . he was buried in the mountain of nue in a sumptuous mosquita built by himselfe in a vault of jasper , able to containe fortie persons sustained with pillars of guilt alablaster , & garnished with pretious stone . the king his son , his kinsmen , his officers , and councellors , the chiefe priests , fifteene thousand other priests , his houshold servants , courtiers , his guards and an infinite multitude of common people with tearie eyes and mournfull hearts attended his funeral , upon his tomb this epitaph ensuing was enscribed . here lies the terror of christians , moores and gentiles , who furrowed the seas , levelled the earth , subdued the nations of the world , the pattern of courtesie , the tree of mercy , and to the wicked the edge of iustice. here he lies that had a bountifull hand , the defendor of the poore , the father of orphanes , the protector of widdowes , the mirror of charity , honesty shame facednes and modesty , the modell of government , the treasurie of nobilitie , the maintainer of truth , the enemie of lies , the lover of wisdome ; whose fame shall eternally live ( for a worthy monument to future age ) in despight of conquering time that burnes in oblivion the great actions of princes kings and emperors . let us pray to the creator that his glory may be endles , that in imitation of him monarchs may govern their states in peace and that he would be pleased to direct our waies in his service , and fill us with his divine grace . abilqualit , being for two yeeres together free from rebellion , and living in blissefull peace , after the example of his father , and grandfather resolved in his life time to settle the crown upon his sonne iacob almanzor , a child of tender age , and to that end the first day of march in anno 725 / 104 he assembled all his great men to his court at zarvall , who approving his intent , sware there obedience to the prince as to the rightfull snccessor of that ample monarchy . the forme used in the ceremony ensueth . abilqualit cloathed in royall roabes , with crown and scepter , his kingly ensignes , majestically sitting in chiar of estate , his sonne upon his right hand , and the high priest upon the left , his princes and guards being assembled , the high priest with a loud and audible voyce declared the cause of summoning that royall court , demanded whether they were contented to sweare their future obedience unto the prince , they answered yea . then said the high priest , in testimony that you have assented , all of you must doe as i and the king will shew you , thereupon the king rose , set his son in his charriot ; the prince in token of his filial obedience kissed his fathers right hand , the father blessed his child , and after in humble reverence kissed his hand , and sate in his sonnes seate : the high priest , and ( after him ) all the great men , falling at his feet did the like ; then a priest apparelled in a ceremoniall habit upon a board ( in the middest of that assembly ) laid the alcaron ; the high priest rising from his seat , demanded whether they were all content to sweare by the living god and the holy contents of that book , to maintaine and defend iacob almanzor to be lawfull heire and successor to his father , king abilqualit , in all his kingdoms and dominions , wherunto they answered content ; the high priest replyed , whosoever doth not constantly fulfill , and maintain his assent here given , let him be held a person infamous , a traytor to the royall crowne , and let the vengeance , and malediction of the soveraigne god fall upon him , and his ; the assemblie answared amen . then the king rose from his seat , kissed the booke , and laid it upon his head , and returned to his place ; the same was done by the high priest and the rest ; the high priest then turning to the prince said . your highnesse must sweare by the most high and soveraigne god , and by the contents of this holy booke ( as king and lord of these kingdoms ) that you will administer and maintaine justice indifferently between your subjects , that you will fulfill and preserve unto them al the priviledges , and franchises ( justly ●●●●●ted by the kings ) your predecessors where by they may live in peace without grievances , the prince said he would be sworn unto it , if you do not said the high priest accomplish your promise and oath , let that vengeance and malediction of the high and soveraigne god fall upon you as upon him that is perjured , the prince replyed amen . then the prince rose from his regall seat , kissed the booke , laid it upon his head , and returned to his place , where pausing a little while , attended with all the guards in pompe , trumpets , and musicall instruments sounding : he rode to the principall mosquita , prayed , and returned to his palace where king abilqualit attended his comming . the next day was spent in feasting , triumphs and other martiall exercises , the day following they repaired againe to the chamber of assemblie , where the high priest demanded whether they were content to ratifie and affirme the oath they had taken , they answered , yea . then the king abilqualit , the high priest , and the rest ( according to their degrees ) one after another with humble reverence kissed the princes hand , who giving them thanks the ceremony ended . not long after , the king sickned , his disease grew strong , and the phisitians skill too weake to remedie it ; the tender yeeres of his son required a governor , to which office by his testament , he made election of one of his neere men ( in whose faith he reposed trust ) called mahomet amzarij . then laying aside all wordly busines , he conferred only with religious men , prayed incessantly , died . the queene dowager pleased with the ayre and seat of the monastery where almanzor died removed the yong king thither and in her motherly love staid with him . the kingly power was established in mahomet amzarij who finding himselfe obeyed as king despised the estate of a subject , and resolved to set the crown upon his own head : the way unto it he conceived to be liberality towards all , but especially to the great officers , governors of provinces , and captains ; the men of war being his creatures the rest were easily to be wrought . unto them he was bountifull , and courteous , denying nothing sued for , and often giving before it was asked . with this carriage he so inchanted their hearts , as his partie seemed strong , but yet actions of great weight cannot be effected without advice and ayde . the first man to whom he discovered his pretence was abenzulayman his creature , advanced by him to be one of the foure councellors at war : but his heart detesting the horrible treason , used perswasions to him to give over the enterprize , laying before his judgment the generall love borne to the yong king their naturall soveraigne ; the little hope of prevailing , the intestine war , and the hazard which the empire should runne into , by it , and that the murther of the king ( for murthred he must be ) would make him odious unto all men , and not only divert the principall governors hearts from him , but raise the like ambition ( by his example ) in others to revolt and establish themselves kings in their particular governments . though the traitorly protector liked not the reply , nothing squaring to his end , yet he gave him not over , hoping at last to win him to his bent , but he like an honest loyall patriot stifly persevered in his disswasions ; after many assaults , seeing no end of the protectors tentations , afflicted in his soule to ease himselfe , and give remedy to the danger which necessarily must ensue if he smothered it unto himselfe , he resolved to breath it out unto mura the governor of the moroccoes ( then being at the court ) and highly esteemed for his valour , wisdom , wealth , and dignitie , unto him he discovered the treason ; to prevent it , they found no other meanes so good , as to know what course the protector would take in the execution therof ; wherfore it was agreed , that abenzulayman should seeme to like of the motion , he repaired to the protector approved the designe , who told him that he had resolved upon poyson , as the safest from danger , and least subject to hurt , which was not by the other contradicted . abenzulayman with a heavie heart returned to mura , and in detestation of the intended plot , they resolved to take the protectors life ; but if they failed in the enterprise ( lest perill might ensue to the yong king and his mother ) mura by consent went to the monastery to give her a foreknowledg of it ; who at the first stood fearefully amazed ; but by mura's stronger spirit received comfort , and he poasted back to the protectors court. in this meane while , the protector attended his treasons , and sent the king for a present , a rich garment imbroidered with pearle and stone artificially , and substantially poysoned . the carefull queene , fearing what she found true , would not suffer the king ( who was glad of his new coat ) to put it on ; but the same night fastned it about a greyhound , who in the morning was found dead swolth , and readie to burst . the queene , like a wise ladie , dissembled her just displeasures , returned letters , and messengers of thanks both in the kings name and her own , and earnestly desired him to make his present repaire to the king about businesse of importance , which could neither admit delay , nor his absence . against his comming guards were set upon the gates by whom he was taken , bound , and brought to the queene , where being charged of manifest treason ( which could not be denyed ) he was suffocated in a vessell of water ; his dead bodie laid upon an asse and carried through the streets , a cryer published the cause of his deserved death mura and abenzulayman had their severall hopes to succeed in the protector-ship ; but the queene foreseeing the troubles that might ensue , either in joyning them in commission , or to preferre the one before the other , assumed the government of the king and his estate into her own hands , which displeased neither . mura highly rewarded , returned to the government of his provinces , and abenzulaman had the kingdom of tunis committed to his charge , but died upon the sea in his passage thither . all things being in peace , and orderly setled , the queene in her government feared , and loved . the yong king in perfect health suddanly ( when no cause of feare appeared ) sorrow and discomfort tryumphed , the instrument of their victorie was a spyder ( which accidentally falling from the roofe of the chamber ) lighted upon the kings face where he slept , and bit his eyelid , the venom wherof infecting the blood , inflamed his face , and from thence dispersed it selfe into the other parts , where getting the masterie , within seaven daies he died , and the queene the fifteenth day following with overmuch abstinence from meat ended her life in sorrow . the death of this yong king was the ruine and utter subversion of the sarazen monarchy , himselfe being the last of the great almanzor's issue : yet he wanted not kinsmen , but their titles were intricate and ambiguous , which stirred up pretenders , amongst whom abenhachech prevailing by his friends was crowned king at zarvall wherof mura in the moroccoes having notice ( and antient malice depending between him and the new king ) sensible of his own power , assembled his leivetenants , and captains , and by their unanim consent , was proclamed king of the provinces under his charge , which greatnes of his was determined by his death in anno 727 / 106 he left two sonnes tender infants , the elder not past seaven yeere old . their fathers kingdom was torn from them , and divided by foure of his leivetenant governors , styling themselves kings of their provinces , namly of morocco , fez , suz , and ducdo . the governors of tunis and sarsall ( now argier ) set crowns upon their heads and assumed the name of kings . abentirix governor of damasco , erected his province into a kingdom , afterwards killing in a battell the new king abenhachech was proclamed king of the arabians and monarch of the moores ; divers other provinces in the east revolted and became kingdomes . habdilbar who had governed spaine many yeeres ) following the example ●f mura devored in his conceit that monarchy ; but the inferiour governors tickled with particular ambitions taking hold of occasion refused his obedience , yet of cordova he made himselfe king. and the provinciall governors of granado , valentia , murcia , castilia , tolledo , arragon and biscay , erected their governments into kingdomes , and in after tymes ( by their dissentions ) many other pettie places in spaine were so intituled , which gave advantage to the spaniards to recover their lost patrimony detained by the moores ( from the conquest made by tarif , in anno 924 / 93 ) and not fully no gained untill in anno one thousand foure hundred nintie two granado was conquered by don ornando catolico and donna isabella kings of all spaine ( portugall excepted ) of seaven hundred seaventie eight yeeres . this great empire of the arabians , sarazens , or moores , begun by mahomet increased for the space of one hundred and foure yeeres from east to west . it contain'd more leagues then the roman empire , and that excepted without all doubt it was the greatest that ever obeyed one monarch . in europe they had spaine , the most part of france , the islands majorca , minorca , scicillia , malca , sardinia , corfica , candia , cypres , rhodes , and all most all the rest in the mediterranean sea . in italie , puglia , and calabria , and all the best maretine townes in greece . in affrica they possest a great part of aethiopia the kingdoms of aegipt , tunis , argier , tremeson , ducdo , fez , suz morocco , and others . in asia the three arabies , persia , mesopotamia , syria , the two armenias , most part of the lesser asia , and all the kingdoms to the eastward of persia , even to the river indus , which ample monarchy so largly extended after the yong kings death , brake as alexanders did . and as the ambition and dissention of his leivetenants rent his conquest into severall kingdoms ; so did twentie seaven governors of the sarazens empire divided , and share those dominions among them . and as time reduced them to nothing , so were these kingdoms , in so much as ( at this present ) there is not one powerfull king upon the earth that can vaunt himselfe to be derived from the arabian blood , but the king of morocco ; the rest of that empire is now possest , by christians , turkes , persians , other mahometans and gentiles . hee never chose rich tyrant to his councell nor abhorred the poore just man. hee never denyed justice to a poore man for his povertie , nor pardoned the rich man for his goods . hee never left ilnesse unpunished nor goodnesse without reward . hee never committed to another justice that was cleere , nor darke judgment , he never determined by himselfe alone . hee never denyed justice to them that demanded it , nor mercy to those that deserved it . he never did correct any in anger , nor promised reward in his mirth . hee never was charged with thoughts in prosperitie , nor dispaired in adversitie . hee never opened his gates to flatterers , nor laid his eares to murmurers . he never committed ill for malice , nor any villany for averice . he ever labored to be beloved of them that were good , and to be dreaded of those that were ill . he ever favored the poore man & observed the just law of the godly . this writing of the life of jacob almanzor was finished in the castle of the city of cufa , on the 4th day of the moone of rabek the first , in the 110th yere . praised be god amen . england's interest asserted, in the improvement of its native commodities; and more especially the manufacture of wool plainly shewing its exportation un-manufactured, amounting unto millions of loss to his majesty, and kingdom. with some brief observations of that worthy author sir walter rawley, touching the same. all humbly presented to his majesty, and both houses of parliament. by a true lover of his majesty, and native country. licensed by roger l'estrange. englands glory. carter, w. (william) 1669 approx. 136 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34856 wing c673 estc r204217 99825326 99825326 29706 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29706) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1984:11) england's interest asserted, in the improvement of its native commodities; and more especially the manufacture of wool plainly shewing its exportation un-manufactured, amounting unto millions of loss to his majesty, and kingdom. with some brief observations of that worthy author sir walter rawley, touching the same. all humbly presented to his majesty, and both houses of parliament. by a true lover of his majesty, and native country. licensed by roger l'estrange. englands glory. carter, w. (william) raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [2], 34, 13-36 p. printed for francis smith, and are to be sold at the elephant and castle without temple-bar; and by henry mortlock at the white horse in westminster-hall, london : 1669. a true lover of his majesty = william carter. a reissue, with added title page and quires ² c-² e, and with colophon (¹b2) cancelled, of the 1669 edition of: englands glory. formerly wing c674. "some collections of sir walter rawleys presented to king james, taken out of his remains, discovering englands loss for want of due improvement of its native commodities" has caption title; pagination begins with 13, and register begins with ² c1. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wool industry -england -early works to 1800. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england's interest asserted , in the improvement of its native commodities ; and more especially the manufacture of wool : plainly shewing its exportation un-manufactured , amounting unto millions of loss to his majesty , and kingdom . with some brief observations of that worthy author sir walter rawley , touching the same . all humbly presented to his majesty , and both houses of parliament . by a true lover of his majesty , and native country . licensed by roger l'estrange . london , printed for francis smith , and are to be sold at the elephant and castle without temple-bar ; and by henry mortlock at the white horse in westminster-hall . 1669. englands glory . by the benefit of wool manufactured therein , from the farmer to the merchant ; and the evil consequences of its exportation unmanufactured . briefly hinted , with submission to better judgments . there is no king nor prince in the world , known by experience , or upon record , that hath such means to support their splendour and greatness as his majesty of great britain , nor has any country or nation such variety of staple commodities within it self , and in such abundance , as hath the kingdom of england , which are said by some to be a hundred native commodities , which produceth a thousand sorts of manufactures : so that if those advantages were duly improved , england might be a general mart for the whole world , and then by consequence be the glory thereof . that those advantages are not improved is too too obvious to all that look into it , by the sore complaint that are frequently made of the great poverty and decay thereof ; and indeed ( which is worst of all ) by that general desperation of spirit which will not put forth a hand to help , support , or prevent the total desolation of our country , upon a prepossest opinion , that all endeavours will be rendred fruitless and abortive . the consideration whereof hath greatly prompted me ( who must confess my self the meanest of thousands more concerned ) to use the utmost of my little skill , and unwearied diligence ( though but as the womans mite ) to the right management of so great an undertaking ; that the threatned ruine of all may be prevented , and ( if possible ) some good part of what is lost may be recovered . and whereas many have taken in hand to set forth these things , some treating of one thing , and other of another , which if all was collected and harmonized , it might very much conduce to the promoting of this weighty affair , of so publick a value : i shall confine my self to those things only , whereof i have had not only credible information , but a considerable ( though a sad ) experimental knowledge ; and in a more particular and especial manner that of wool , and of its manufacture and consequences , which amongst many , is the richest treasure in his majesties dominions , the flower , strength , and sinews of this nation ; a land uniting the people into societies , for their own utility ; it is the milk and honey to the grazier and country farmer ; the gold and spices of the east and west indies to the merchant , and citizens , the continued supply of bread to the poor : and in a word , the exchequer of wealth , and staple of protection to the whole , both abroad and at home ; and therefore of full merit to be had in perpetual remembrance , defence , and encouragement for the most advantageous improvement thereof . the wools of england ( before it was manufactured within it self ) have ever been of great account and esteem abroad , sufficiently testified unto , by the great amity , which it begat , and for many hundred years ( inviolably ) maintained , between the king of england and dukes of burgundy , only for the great benefit , that ( from that commodity ) did accrew to that people , insomuch that the english wools , they receiv'd at 6 d. per pound , they returned again ( through their industrious manufacture thereof ) in cloth , at 10 s. per yard , to the great inriching of that state , both in the advancement of the revenues of their soveraign , and in a full employment ( thereby ) continued among the people ; whereby the merchants of this nation were occasioned , ( as a people unwilling to be wholly dispriviledged of so great a benefit ) to transport themselves ( with their families ( in great numbers ) into flanders , from whence they held a constant commerce with most parts of the world ; this continued without intermission , between england and burgundy , until king edward the 3 d. made his mighty conquests over france , & scotland ; and as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy , did wisely project , and also accomplish the manufacture of wools within the bowels of this kingdom , to the great inriching of his own people , and also to the peopling of his new conquered dominions ; the memory of whose wisdome and care for his people , is worthy to be had in remembrance by english men , unto the worlds end . the said king having thus setled the manufacture of wools within the kingdom of england , confined it by a penal statute , which ( at first ) reached not only to goods , chattels , and land , but also to members , and life it self ; but in a short time repealed the two latter thereof , continuing the other in its full force to remain to future generations : which exceeding great advantage to the prosperity of the english trade , hath now continued these three hundred years , by the vigilancy of the kingdoms monarchs , and the protection of its laws , in the continued careful execution thereof upon offenders , with more than a little diligence to provide against the thirsting desires of foreiners to wrest this native priviledge ( of so great a moment ) out of english hands , which by the providence of god ( through the great care of our ancestors ) has been ( for many ages ) enjoyed by the nation , as it is indeed its proper right : but so it is , that ( for some years past ) the diligence of foreiners , to enrich themselves upon us , has so much exceeded our care to preserve our selves , that it 's now come to , if not beyond a question , who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of english wools , they who have no right unto it , or they to whom of right it doth belong ? that this is indeed so , will appear , by considering that not only holland , flanders , and zealand have long sucked the sweetness of the sinews of our trade ; but france is likewise learning to be too hard for us , as is manifest by the great quantities of wools , that ( of late years ) have been transported from england and ireland thither ; how injurious it must be to us , is also unquestionable , if we consider the consequence thereof , which was ( without question ) much in the eye of our ancestors , as appeares by what is above hinted in edward the 3 ds time , and in several kings reigns since . every pack of wool sent to france , doth prevent us ( not only ) of the benefit of the manufacture thereof , but of two packs more besides it self , viz. thus , it being combing , and combed wool ( for the most part ) exported thither , the french ( having no wools of their own , but such as are very course ) are not able to make cloth , or fine stuff , without the conjunction of ours therewithall ; there being none ( to my best information ) fit for that purpose in all the world , but ours only , all other being likewise course , but spanish , and that much too fine ( especially for worsted stuffs , and not in any wise fit for combing ; so that without english or irish wools there can be no fine worsted stuffs , nor a middle sort of cloth made , in the whole world ; neither will any wools be well mixed together , but english and spanish , ( only for cloth ) because the spanish is with the english of one nature , being formerly english sheep , though now much finer , from the alteration of the climate , and the nature of the land whereon it is fed , as by good experience appeareth here in england , both neer , and at a farther distance . wherefore the exportation of english wools into france must of necessity be greatly prejudicial to this nation , not only in the quantity sent over , but also in the advantage which is thereby given them to manufacture a double portion of their own wool , ( which formerly was little worth ) into such commodities , as spoyls us of the a●vantage of our proper trade , not only thither , but also into other parts , viz. in these three respects . first , the combed of the english wool makes wooffe for the warpes of the french wool , and so takes up ( it may be ) as much as the quantity above specified , to every pack of english wool , without which , they can ( only ) with their wool make rugs , and at the best , cloth for sea-men , and the like . 2 dly . their combings or pinnions , viz. the short wool that 's combed out of the worsted , serves for their linnen warp to make some of their druggets , because their linnen being fine spun , and coloured , is not discernable to all persons , to be that we call linsie woolsie . 3 dly . the finest short english wool is mixed with the lowest of spanish wool , called short wool , for some of their best druggets , that is woove for worsted chanies , and also for a middle sort of broad-cloth , about 10 s. or 12 s. per yard . this is the cause ( i judg ) that short spanish wool is so scarce here in england . now if we consider these things together , the dammage of the exporting of this one pack from england to france , at about 10 l. or 12 l. sterling , preventing the manufacturing of two packs more in england , which would be worth one 100 l. englands loss ( in the whole ) by the exportation of a pack of wool , is little less than 90 l. in its first exportation , moreover considering the custom paid when exported ( if manufactured in england ) with the frait and custom where it is imported ; the product of all these charges augmenting the 100 l. when sold there , laid out in another commodity beyond sea , the custom whereof being paid there , with frait and custom ( when imported ) in england , it 's much , if it do not more than double the first principal . now , if it be so , that the exportation of one pack of english wool , exported at 10 l. or 12 l. be neer 200 l. dammage to the king and kingdom in general , is the consequence ; what will be the loss in the exporting of 10. or 15· thousand packs into france ( in two years time ) is easily accounted ( by such ) as are concerned in the affaires : and although this evil is almost incredible to many , yet it is too manifest , to such as have made ( something ) their business to look into it ; and not only so , but these further inconveniences must ( by this means ) arise upon us . first , the spoyling of our trade with france in all our woollen manufactures , as doth already appear , by the impost put upon the same , there , from 20. to 40. per cent. since so great quantitie of our vvools is exported thither , whereunto woful experience may be a sufficient witness . and secondly , in time it will capacitate the french , as well as the dutch , ( if not much better ) to under-sell our english merchants , in forrein parts , nay ( possibly ) in our own country ▪ ( to this , i shall only mention the words of a merchant in flanders , by letter to another here , treating on this matter thus , we english have our throats cut , with our own weapons , wondering at the stupidity of the english here , that they should so long omit , to possess the king's majesty with this deplorable and dangerous case , in respect to the present and future inconveniences thereof . ) by reason whereof ( as in time the french will not only prevent our english woollen manufactures , to be sold in france ( as before minded ) and also in other forrein parts , but also bring theirs into england , and sell them for four times the value here , to the great inriching of themselves , and to the impoverishing of the english , only by new fantastick fopperies ; for which the english pay not less than some hundred thousands in a year , to get themselves into the french mode . so much ( indeed ) have we been deceived ( in this matter ) to our shame , as well as to our apparent loss ; that whereas ( in time of the late war ) with the dutch and french , those french druggets were thereby much prevented , many english striped broad-cloths rent through into three parts ( about 10 s. per yard , price ) being put into the form of french druggets , were sold in each part at 8 s. per yard ; and so ( in the whole ) came to 1 l. 4 s. per yard . so likewise it is certainly true , that many of those druggets made here in england goe for french , and in order thereunto , directed to french men in some of our southern parts , have from thence been conveighed unto london ( and there sold for french goods ) to have coloured the business with the custom-house officers , to save the custom of french druggets . and this continued long , before the cheat could be discovered ; but being once found out by the clothier , ( who could not ( to his own private advantage ) conceal such an apparent injury to his country , it was soon prevented : whereby we may come to see ( with clearness ) the advantage , that that people makes upon our english fansies , by over-selling us in the same kind of commodities , that they make out of our english wools , joyned ( as before minded ) with their own ; having also an advantage thereunto , by the cheapness of the manufactures thereof , beyond what we can do ( the french being very populous , and living harder than we can in england ; as is evident by their linnens , that paying fraight and custom with profit to the merchant , yet can be afforded cheaper than can be made in england . but so it is , that the advantage we give them , besides , in the mixture of our wools with theirs , is such , that whereas their wool of it self , is not worth above 4 l. per pack , being mixed with ours , becomes so fit for worsted-stuffes , as that it comes to be worth no less than 12 l. per pack . so that all those things considered , it becomes obvious to every eye , ( that doth not ( wilfully ) close it self ) that the exportation of wool from england and ireland is of a dangerous and destructive nature to the very being of the trade of this kingdom . whatever objections have been made ( with respect to the graziers present advantage ) thereunto , whose loss may possibly be supposed ( by prohibiting exportation ) to be about 20 s. in every pack of wool that 's so exported : in answer whereunto , i have this to say , that though it may be granted , it will be so for a time in this one particular commodity , yet such will ( thereby ) be the spoyl of the general trade of the nation , that what is gotten in one , will be lost in every other commodity , as corn , beefs , and muttons ; on each of which , with the wools , the farmers and graziers advantage doth much more than equally depend ; besides the inevitable danger of the ruine of our trade , and so consequently the starving of our poor , without some extraordinary means for their support ; who while the priviledge of our trade is kept inviolate with other nations , we have money plentifully to expend for the advancement of the farmers and the graziers ; for that is that which chiefly advanceth the grazier and farmer , which is flesh and corn , and not the quantity of wool , as afterwards will more fully appear . and it hath always been observed ( in former and latter times ) hitherto , that when the clothiers have had the best trade at london , the farmer did not loose his share in the advantage thereof in the country ; according to the dispose of providence , who hath ordered nations , but more especially the people of every nation , ( in matters of this kind ) to depend upon each other , and so to rise or fall together , as they are designed to mercy , or to judgment , by the hand of god. these things considered , with a little deliberation , it will manifestly appear , that the exporting of our english wool , will not only prove the spoyl of our merchants and clothiers trade , and so consequently expose the poor to desperate straits for subsistence , but ( in short time ) must of necessity make the country-mens imployments ( of every kind ) to come to little , and so make them uncapable of paying rent . for , if it be so , that while we have but a little trade , we can hardly live one by another , what may be expected , if our trade should be taken away ? which is now more in danger ( by the french ) than it hath been these 300. years past — and then we may consider , what the price of wool may be in england , when we by our remisness shall lose our trade , by the skill and circumventing practices of foreiners , and we helping forwards for a supposed profit ; for there was not more art and skill in our ancestors , to bring home the work at first to the wool , and prohibiting the exportation thereof , and setling the manufacturing in england , than is now to export the materials thereof unmanufactured . the necessary consequence will be to bring the price of wool ( as it was 300. years agon , when most was exported ) to 6 d. per pound , as appears in a little piece , called , the golden fleece , written by w. s. gent. ) in the year , 56. although the cloth made in flanders of our wools , at 6 d. per pound , was then sold here in england at 10 s. per yard , when at this day the cloth made in england of wool , worth 12 d. per pound will hardly yield 7 s. per yard , which is above 30. per cent. worse to the english trade now , than it was to the flemmings formerly . and though for the present , the price of wool be risen by its exportation , yet if the quantity lately exported ( being no less than 20. thousand packs ) had been kept in england , the quantity ( if not with 10. thousand packs more ) would in time have been exported in the particular manufactures . for if the wool was not exported to those places beyond the seas , there to be manufactured , they must of necessity have our woollen manufacture , and then could not have those advantages ( as before hinted ) by our wools , to improve the french wool , and short spanish wool , and their fine-spun linnens . by all which , it is so obvious , that in time to come , the vvools in england would be much cheaper , because by the aforesaid means , less wool would be used in england ; and besides that which would be used , the manufacture would be so low , that it could not hear up any price ( as is begun , already in france , and will suddenly follow in england ) for it is generally reported , that wool is as cheap in france at this day , as it is in some parts where it is used in england . and if it be so now , what in reason can be expected , as the effects of these two things ? viz. the first , when the great quantity that is lately exported to france , with those three additions before hinted , that the 20. thousand packs helps to work out , and especially most making vvorsted stuffs , which goes as far by that means , as 40. thousand packs of wool would if used in england , because it would be made more into substantial cloaths , which consumes more wool , than those light and thin stuffes do : which is a sufficient answer to that objection , that the great quantity of any commodity , that is exported , must be of scarcity , and so consequently raise the price : which i must confess , if it was a consumptive commodity , but it is quite contrary in this . for as our experience is , when the vvool was all used in england , ( or very little exported ) then it was 18 d. per pound , and when all , or the greatest part was exported , it was at 6 d. per pound . the wise man saith , what is , hath been ; and , what hath been , may be again ; and so no new thing . i shall conclude with a short review of the graziers and farmers present loss : in the greatest commodity , which pays his rent , as was formerly hinted . suppose , through want of trade , mutton be sold but at 6 d. per quarter ( which is but little ) being 2 s. per sheep ; and there being some sheep that one 100. will but produce a pack of wool ( though some less ) that comes to 10 l. which is the worth of the pack of wool , ( and so proportionably as to beefs ) which is wholly lost to the grazier . and for the corn ( as i suppose ) there may be about 50 ls . worth , ( as far as i can judge in my travels , to one hundred sheep throughout the nation , which for want of a trade , it may not ( at some seasons ) come to thirty or forty at most ; and if a good trade , it may be worth sixty or seventy : by which means it may easily be demonstrated , how the farmers come to be impoverished . the advantage of the tenant consists in the advance of the greatest commodity that pays his rent , which is not in wool , but in corn : and it is a necessary consequence , that there being so many thousand families depending upon the cloathing trade , which ( as before hinted ) was instrumental to advance the price of corn , that where-ever trade is , there people are most populous , and when those persons are deprived of their trade , depending wholly upon it , they must unavoidably come to the parishes : which is in many places begun already , and daily increasing ; and feared in time will so increase , that the poor will be expecting more than there will be to contribute to them . and as there be in many country parishes ten that live on the trade , for one that can live of himself . vvhat will become of those parishes , when the trade is gone ? so that it may easily be concluded that the farmers loss for want of trade is four-fold greater than the pack of vvool , by the lowness of the price of corn. and this is the true reason : for those persons that formerly , when there was a trade , could lay out ten shillings in corn , have now but five shillings , which being multiplyed by hundreds of thousands in the nation , it will be no difficult point to see which way the grazier and farmer come to be undone , and so are forced to give up their lands into their landlords hands : for it is not so much the super-abounding crops that lessens the price of corn , but the want of money . for i have known as much corn grow yearly , formerly , as is now , ( when trade was good ) to be 20. or 30. per cent. dearer than now . since the foregoing papers were printed , i met with an objection against what was asserted page the 4th . ( viz. ) the french having that advantage of our english wool , to help work up theirs being worsen ; and likewise , that according to my best information , there was none fit for such purposes in all the world , ( viz. ) for fine worsteds , or a middle sort of cloath , but english and irish ( which is all one ; ) the objection were , that there was wools in most parts of the world ; therefore why not proper for those purposes ? answer , that there is wools was never gainsaid , but that there is such wool for fineness and substance in all the world , except spanish , i cannot as yet ever receive , ( as before i hinted ) any satisfactory accompt . for the better satisfaction of the reader , i shall give some account of the natures of wools in england , but first of spanish wools : they are the finest in all the world for cloath , but not so fit for worsted , being too fine and short , and those wools also are one in nature with our english , being at first from sheep that were english transported thither ; and though that be much finer by reason of the climate , yet is it still one in nature ; next to it is lempster wool , almost as fine as spanish ; then next part of shropshire and stafford-shire , part of glocester-shire , wilts , dorset , hampshire , part of sussex , and part of kent , summerset , devon , and cornwall , most part for cloath , some small parts for worsteds . amongst all these counties , there is 9. d. per pound difference in the prises of one place , ( viz. ) lempster , from some other parts ; but then again part of sussex and surrey , middlesex , hertfordshire , and some other counties 2. d. 3. d. per pound cheaper then the lowest of the abovementioned counties ; but then for barkeshire , buckingham , warwick , oxford , leicester , nottingham , northampton , and lincoln , part of kent called rumney marsh , most part of the last mentioned counties , and part of irish wools is so proper for worsted stuffs , that all the world cannot be compared with it . and hence it is , that the cares of our ancestors have been such , ( ever since king edward the 3d. in most kings reignes ) there have been some lawes made or altered , and in some kings reigns altered three or four times to make it effectual : and for a memorial to future generations , are the wool-packs in the lords house in westminster for seats , to put them in mind of what is the foundation of the riches of the kingdome , that it is by the various streams of the manufactures thereof , as formerly in the front briefly hinted from the farmer to the merchant . i shall now endeavour to give some particular account how all are conserved ; and before i do this , give me leave to insert the observation of a worthy author sir walter rawleigh , that i have met withal since the former papers were written , who saith , that , then which was in king james's reign , about fourscore thousand undrest & undyed cloaths yearly were transported : whereby it was evident that the kingdome hath been yearly deprived of about 400000. l. which in fifty five years is near 20 millions , that would have been gained by the labour of poor workmen in that time , with the merchants gains for bringing in dying stuffs , and returns of cloaths drest and dyed , with other benefits to the realm , besides exceeding inlargeing of traffick , and increase of ships and mariners . there would have been gained in that time , about three millions by increase of customs upon commodities returned for cloaths drest and dyed , and for dying stuffs which would have been more plentifully brought in and used for the same . there hath been also transported in that time yearly , by bayes , northern and devonshire kerzyes white , about 50000. cloaths counting three kersyes to a cloath , whereby hath been lost about five millions by those sorts of cloaths , in that time which would have come to poor work-men for their labour , with customs for dying stuffs , and the peoples profit for bringing them in with returns of other commodities and fraights for shipping . bayes are transported white into amsterdam , and being there dyed and drest , are shipped into spain , portugal , and other kingdomes , where they are sold in the name of flemish bayes , setting their own town seals upon them ; so that we lose the very name of our home-bred commodities , and other countrys get the reputation and credit thereof . lamentable it is that this land should be deprived of so many above-mentioned millions , as that our native commodities of cloath , ordained of god for the natural subjects , being so royal and rich in it self , should be driven to so small advantage of reputation & profit to your majesty and people , and so much improved and intercepted by strangers ; considering that god hath enabled and given your majesty power to advance dressing and dying , and transporting all your cloaths within a year or two : i speak it knowingly , to shew how it may be done laudibly , lawfully , and approved to be honourable , feaseable , and profitable . he observes also the increase of his majesties customs , by bringing in and spending of dying stuffs , as also strength in shipping , & setting so many thousands of poor on work ; also noting that in the low-countrys , where these cloaths are drest and dyed , they stretch them to such unreasonable length , contrary to our law , that they prevent and forestale our markets , and cross the just prohibition of our state and realm , by their agents , and factors , lying in divers places with our own cloaths , to the great decay of this kingdome in general , & discredit to our cloaths in particular . again , he adds , that if the accounts were truly known , it would be found that they make not clear profit only by cloath transported rough , undrest , and undyed , sixty thousand pounds a year ; but it is most apparent your majesty , in your customs , your merchants in their sales and prizes ; your subjects in their labours , for lack of dressing and dying ; your ships and mariners in not bringing in of dying stuffs , spending of alum ( if not copper as ) are hindered yearly near a million of pounds : so that trade is driven to that great hinderance of your majesty and people , by permitting your native commodities to pass rough , undrest , and undyed . thus sir walter rawleigh . now if it was thus with england so long agoe , when the wool was spun and made here into substantial cloath ; and that for want only of dressing and dying , many millions were lost to the king and kingdom : what then hath been the loss of so many thousand packs of wool exported ( without any improvement , especially that to france , the consequence of which is more prejudicial ( as hath been demonstrated ) than can be imagined ( accounting but one hundred pounds dammage by one pack of wool , ) of which there are no less than ten thousand yearly , if not much more exported , by which there is dammage a million of pounds sterling , yearly to this kingdome , ( besides the suffering of the poor for want of imployment ) out of which his majesties dammage cannot be less then 100000. pound yearly : the lessening of shipping , and discouragement of mariners ; the walls of this kingdome hereby deserve also to be considered . next then to his majestyes loss , is that of the merchant and cloathier ; after which must follow detriment to all other persons depending on trade , there being such a connexion of trades one to another , and ( the whole of trade being enlarged by the abounding of laborious people . those supply the farmers and graziers with money , for you to supply the gentry . they again scatter it amongst the tradesmen , as may be witnessed by the building of the city of london , how provision and all consumptive goods are advanced by it : by which circulation all degrees are either imployed , enriched , or both ; and hence naturally comes content , harmony , and pleasure , one in another ; the poor being by imployment delivered from fear of want , the gentry , merchant , and tradesmen , by the establishment of trade therein . this rationally is the strength of any people , poverty and idleness brings their shame and ruine , which would unavoidably follow want of trade . and so much the more where the greatest trade hath been ; if it fails , the greater poverty is and will be . and to instance , as here , in london , the trade in provision is the more , so by consequence it must be dear , and so best for all ; so of the other hand , if the city should be forced to keep so many thousands , when all their work is done , as is now in the building , it would be a great burden : so the case is in england in this particular , where great trade have been formerly kept , and drawn several families thither , and have raised commodities there ; but when it fails , it is a miserable state and condition those places are in . to return , in short there is such connextion and dependency one upon another in england , that if one fail , all the rest more or less , either more near , or remotely are concerned ; as in the natural body , when any member fails , the whole suffers thereby ; and as all trades and degrees of men may suffer by one mistake in trades , and in none more probably . i will say then this of wool , as merchants , artificers , farmers , sea-men , fisher-men , being the people , which by their study and labour do principaly , if not only bring in , or give occasion to the bringing in of wealth to the nation , and other kind of people ( viz. ) nobility , gentry , lawyers , physicians , schollars of all sorts ; shop-keepers are they that receive from these , and distribute it again , and all are consequently concerned in this rich treasure of wool , because this being a manufacture at home , sets more hands at work than half the nation . may i not with modesty and within compass , say three parts of laborious and industrious people ? considering that most of the shipping is imployed in this affair , and also so many trades that depend immediatly upon this of cloathing , that most of other trades are but for provision , either in food or conveniencies for cloathing : and so from his majesty to the meanest , all are more or less concerned , the king mostly ; not only in that his people are by that most imployed and provided for , nor in that such a staple trade , the like whereunto the world hath not with good advantage thereby is maintained ; but because so great a revenue comes directly into him upon the trade , occasioned thereby : thus as the king gains , or suffers most , so the persons that have the greatest estates or trades , and so all proportionably to the beggar . and also considering that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce ; as in our rough and undrest cloath to holland , so it will be with all our manufactures in france ; nay i am informed that the french hath not only imposed a great tax upon our woollen manufactures , from twenty to forty per cent , but have also ( as is affirmed , beside that their imposition ) absolutely prohibited our cloaths coming there i am the more large in the demonstration of this affair , not only because this hath cost me many years labour and study to consult all sorts of concerned persons , besides mine own experience about it ; nor because it is so hard to convince people of the meanst capacity , but some of the wiser sort , how to cure this dismal malady : which some despairing of , have rather thoughts of setting up some other manufacture in lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of wool and manufacturing of that at home , looking thereon as a thing not to be overcome , ( as that of linnens in some capable parts of england ) and a better improvement in the product of forrein plantations , which may also be set upon together herewith as an addition ; so as several sorts of persons may be set better on work , not capable of this employment , and yet no prejudice to this of cloathing : for all other countryes have the advantage of england , or are equal to us in other manufactures proper to their countreys , but not in this of cloathing : and it will be found that all trades in england , wholly distinct from this of cloathing , bring not the tythe of advantage that this doth . since men cannot rationally believe the effects to be greater than the cause , the most of other manufactures either is in being , or brought to use , by the manufactures of wool ; even from the farmer to the merchant all are concerned in this of wool , as may hereafter more appear . it now remains that we sum up englands loss by the exportation of our wools to forrein parts ; not only in the advantage we might have by the manufactureing thereof , here in england , as formerly noted ; but also in the importing af dutch cloath , and more in french manufactures , because england improves not their own wools ; and of the humour of english people , in putting such a value upon french fancies , when themselves are in a better capacity , if improved , to produce the like , or better , and save the following sums . 1. one million of pounds sterling yearly , in the exportation of our wool. 2. five hundred thousand pounds in rough cloath , which is but half what sir walter rawleigh observes in his time . 3. one hundred thousand pound yearly , in importing french manufactures superfluous . 4. many thousand pounds in importing dutch cloath . 5. and lastly , the evil consequences thereof in loseing our shipping , which would be encouraged thereby , & are the strength or walls of our kingdome , as more particularly doth appear hereafter . having now discovered the dammage , it is to england , in the transportation of wool from the king to the meanest , i shall endeavour also to discover the methods how it is done ; and before i shall prescribe remedy ( for it is not enough to know distempers , especially such that are so consumptive , ) it is requisite to know the cause of those distempers ; or else the supposed remedies will in time come to be a disease , as it is too much in this case at this day in england : where the causes are mistaken , the remedies are consequently misapplyed , whereby a disease in supposition becomes one in effect ; the methods or ways of this evil are — first , in rumny marsh in kent , where the greatest part of rough wooll is exported from england , put aboard french shallops by night , ten or twenty men well armed to guard it ; some other parts there are , as in sussex , hampshire , and essex , the same methods may be used , but not so conveniently . the same for coombed wool from canterbury , they will carry it ten or fifteen miles at night towards the sea , with the like guard as before ; but for other parts it must be done partly by the remisness of the officers of his majesties customs , and easie composition for the forfeitures of the bonds , as more shall appear anon . and then for coombed wool in other parts , some is shipped off from london for bales of drapery ; nay some at lime , and also at exon , where there is ten thousand pounds sterling weekly laid out in the woollen manufactury , which is most for workmens wages : i know no place clear ; and then another reason , why persons are not detected , is , because all the wools that have been taken in those parts , where most hath been exported , have been suffered to go off at the same places after judgments past , and by the officers , to the same persons at a low rate , being under rated to those very men that intended to ship it at first : so that the evil is never like to be avoyded that way ; only that which is taken , happily may be a little the dearer , to keep the trade going ; for i have enquired , and cannot understand , but of two parcels of wool that have been seased on in kent , that have been used in england , but all sent away , and so his majesties providence is cheated , who keeps servants at great wages to prevent such abuses . and then another cheat is under a pretense of wool from hampton , to the islands of jersey and gernsey , & sometimes from other parts which is against the law ; for there is no wool to be exported to those islands , but only from hampton , and that by law should be by weight : but now it goes by gross , by the pack when it should be weighed , but i believe not one pack in ten is weighed , for three packs is put into one . then from ireland , which is the greatest mischief of all to england , and much increased since the act was in force against cattel , the irish wool can be sold as cheap in france , holland , and flanders , as it is in those places where wool is used in england , which is a great augmentation to us of prejudice for foreiners to have our wool so cheap as we in england , having other conveniencies to underwork us as formerly hinted . the wayes there must be by the carelessness of the officers , in not taking solvant security and exactness in the weight of wool , and true examination of the returns of their certificates , and partly by easie compositions , if not before bonds are forfeited , and happily much combed wool there packt up as before , as bailes of cloath , or barrels of beef , and shiped as irish cloath ; and in all points so cunningly carryed , as they are seldome discovered , and never sealed as the statutes in that case made and provided , do strictly require . here see what w. s. saith : now to shew you more particularly these abuses , how the laws are crossed and daily obstructed to such as endeavour to serve their country , by such as ought to encourage the prosecutors ; sure there will be very many practises of evil consequents discovered ; for first in the custom-house , where bonds are taken , to the intent that these prohibited commodities pass not by means of mariners out of the nation , but only from port to port for accommodation of such parts as want such commodities ; they are very remiss and careless in taking of the sea-mens discharge of their obligatory conditions ; where also it is usual with the sea-men to bring fradulent certificates , and so to cheat the kings providence , who keeps servants at great wages purposely to prevent such abuses ; or if there be a regular return of there bonds , yet there is commonly a fraudulency in giving them , for the masters of ships will so continue their designe , as he who is master at giving the bonds , and is legally bound , shall immediatly pass his interest to another man , who taking charge of the vessel and voyage , is notwithstanding not engaged in the poart bond ; and therefore , neither is he accomptahle for breach of their condition , again , when the port bonds are justly taken , and as justly returned ; yet to prevent the true and real detection of the offender , and to dishearten the legal prosecutor , some friends of the offender will clap an information against him , purposely to hinder and divert others , and soon after will let the prosecution fall at his pleasure ; nay , it hath been said , and peradventure not unjustly , that such preventing informations have been antidated to the over-throw of the regal information ; but when all is granted , and a full and formal hearing , and decree passed to the just condemnation of the offender : yet when judgments and inquieries are granted , and do without errours of the clarks , ( which is not always , ) impower the sheriff's and their bayliffs to see execution thereof made ; it is familiar with those officers to return a non est inventus , or a mortus est , viz. not to be found , or dead , even then when the offenders and the officers have been known to be drinking together , at that very time when the writ should have been executed . after all this , one step farther will shew how charrety it self abuseth justice ; for let all the former proceedings be granted , and be candid , and clear , and that the law be indeed justly and legally executed ; the offender in custody , and nothing remaining ; but that he honestly discharge hi as self with money , seeing bail will not be admitted ; nevertheless upon a lamentable petition , and urging a great charge of children to the bench , the offender is usually admitted to compound for ten in the hundred , or less , when by his offence he hath gained a hundred for ten , or more , and peradventure hath undone a hundred famelies or more in so doing : yet all this while the honest prosecutor , the only man that appears for the good of his country , who ought by the law to have the full benefit and advantage of the law gratis , it being enough that he spend his time for the promotion of the publick weal , after it hath cost him seral great sums of money , & large expense of time , to bring the offender to tryal and conviction , is dismissed with little or no satisfaction , unless he be rewarded with the brand of an informing knave : surely they who made these lawes for the benefit of themselves and their own country , did intend a more current and just passage towards them , than thus to be obstructed and baffeled . such abuses as these made theodosius say as it is recorded , that a wise man did himself injustice by hazarding his wisdome and estate for the benefit of his nation ; and therefore some have not spared to urge that customs and impost , and toles and taxes might be taken away from honest laborious hazardous trades and adventurers , and be put upon litigious suits at law , and such as make benefit of their corrupt breath , that is to say upon such lawyers as abuse their clyents , and such malicious clyents as abuse the name of a just innocent defendent . nor is the loss in these by their transportation all the injury , but when honest men well affected to the good of their country , do detect these caterpillers of the common-wealth , who make so vast gain , as hath been denoted upon the materials so carefully prohibited , when they do endeavour by due course of law to make stoppage thereof , and to have the offenders punished ; so many are the evasions , such combinations and interest in the officers , who ought to punish the offenders ; such favour have they in courts of justice , and deceptions in the return of writs , and in general such affronts and discouragements as the dearest lover of his country , or most intrusted in trade , dares not attempt to prevent that mischief which his eyes behold to fall upon his nation , or which his own person feels to pick his pocket . thus far mr. w. smith . to prevent all these inconveniences , it cannot be done without some alteration of some laws , which is an act of state ; and i do presume his majesty doth already , and the parliament will also consider of it ; as to accept of any helps that may be contributed to them . in short , i am of opinion , that if four things were done , there would be in a few moneths such an alteration , which , if i should now insert , would be incredible : yet i shall hint it ; 1. to revive some former act made in parliament for a certain season , as in the 4th . of hen. 7. and revived thrice afterwards , which was done upon the same complaint , as now is ; which if in force with some alteration , would be one stop : a second is , for all persons to be accomptable for their wool , because there is time after it is bought to be wayed up , and fetched away out of those countreys , where the danger is for to get acquaintance for those persons , and to give security , as it is , from port to port , then being the same danger near the sea. thirdly , for ireland , to have it confin'd to convenient ports , both in ireland and england . and when all is done , there must be some persons of known integrity , and not mercenary men that must have the care and inspection over all . fourthly , in those countreys where no cloathing is , it would be requisite for a store-house for small parcels of wool , and a bond given that none be sold to foriners which is of so eminent advantage , as is by some said to the dutch , to be profit to the publick , millions of pounds sterling per annum ; and to instance one case sir walter rawleigh accounts by this in his remains , page the 173 , and 174. that in one year and half was drawn to the hollanders , hamburgers , and embdenors , at the least two millions of pounds sterling , from england for corn , in a time of scarcity in england . and if a bond is so advantageous for such commodities that are liable to he much impared in long lying ; it 's doubtless abundantly more advantagous in such a stable commodity as wool is ; and if practised would be of such a use to england , that i think would enrich england more than i will now stand to account . i may add a fifth , which is , that there may be a short and quick tryal of offenders , and that in such place as the offender may have least oppertunity for evasions . we will conclude the whole with a short survey of some particular immunities which cloathing hath conferred upon england with which the glory of it extends to the very utmost inhabited parts of the world , and without which , the ark of gods mercy , and the glory of this land is like to depart . first , the reducing of cloathing to england in manufacture as well as in materials ( which must a thousand times repeat englands gratitude to the memory of that ever renowned king edward the third ) hath produced such opulent and magnificent societies of merchants , as the whole world cannot again demonstrate , that is to say , first , the merchant adventurers company , whose governours , president , consults , and the like chief officers are not of less esteem , where they please no seat themselves , then are the residentiaries of the greatest princes , and so much the more cordial is their welcome , as each mans profit leads his affection beyond his reverence to publick embassies , because proximity to a mans personal interest sits nearer in his thoughts then when he is involved in the publick concernment . this company hath by their policy and order , supplanted those societies of the hance towns ( as they are called ) who vending an inconsiderable number of cloaths , and at low rates , did never the lesss account england obliged to them for their markets and shipping : whereas at this day the merchant adventurer do utter ten times as many cloaths annually in the same markets at far better prices ; and in answer to the shipping which england had in those times from those countreys at dear entertainment , this trade of cloathing , and this particular company of merchants , have furnished the navy royal from time to time , and upon all occasions with such strengths as they have not feared , if they have not awed the greatest naval forces sayling upon the ocean , he that may have the favour to peruse their records , shall find what oppertune service they did for their country in the year eighty-eight , and since upon all military occasions wherein this nation hath been embroyled with any other . next , the east-land company hath planted the trade of cloathing all about the baltick seas , which at this day imployes many warlike ships , and gives at great increase of marriners to the no small growth of englands strenth at sea. the muscovia company have discovered the passage by the north cape , and the great trade of greenland , what wealth occurs to england by the turky and east-india company , is not easie to be numbered ; their shipping also being as strong , and rich as any that swim upon the seas . how one of them hath by the trade of cloathing only engrossed all manner of wealth coming from the levant seas ; and how the other of them hath established the rich trades of silks , spices , jewels , &c. in the southern parts of the world , is by all admired , though by none to be valued , and what strength of shipping these two companyes have produced , as they have been wonderful , so they have been formedable to all nations : what contribution the cloathing trade with spain and france hath given to englands maritin power , is by those countrys themselves feared , as well as by england found to its great security : and as these unvaluable blessings have befallen england by the trade of cloathing , politickly and providently drawn into societies , companyes , and corporations ; so the loose transactions of trade in other for the countreys have rendered them so poor at sea ; as were it not shipping of england and holland , the very life of commerce would perish , would return to the same wilderness , & uselessness as it is now in greenland and the west-indies , where civil government hath not once been heard of . again , if comparison be made for richness of trade between cloathing and any , or all other substances of merchandises , whereby any nation , but more especially england , may be enriched , neither the silks nor furs , nor wines , nor spices , nor bullion it self of all other countreys can render that account of its own , or can in proportion equalize england , in cloathing , food , shipping , strength of people , and wealth of money . about the manufactureing of wool. that this rich treasure in it self , of far more worth than the golden mines of india to england , is so much degenerated , or adulterated in the manufactureing thereof by many of the manufactors , some of which wanting skill , others principles of honesty , the laws in that case being so much neglected in england , and want of some new laws for the new drapers , hath occasioned the woollen manufacture to be rendered contemptible both at home and abroad , and so much the more , or the rather , because the dutch , flemins , ( and it is feared in time the french also ) do by care and industry indeavour to excel our english ; the consequence is to loose our english trade , and this principally by a liberty taken , so that honest and conscientious persons come to dammage by some others false way of gains , according to mr. childes third head in that of trade , and interest ; that the advantage the dutch have of us in all their native commodities is their exactness , by which meanes their credit is so , that it is taken by its contents , ( and ours not ) which is very advantageous , which is done by the qualifications of those persons that have the oversight , and are intrusted in that affair , which is not done in england , but generally the contrary . in general all states and common-wealths are supported by two providential works ( viz. ) reward and punishment ; for as no law can compel men to be corporally laborious , or studious in knowledge & literature , unless rewards be annexed to all such compulsion ; so no providence can attend the preservation of profitable designes , either in learning or trade , unless such punishments be enjoyned : this opinion that profound senator cicero alledgeth from solon , one of the seven wise graecians , and the only man of them which gave lawes ; and this is the weak and frail estate of men and nations , that unless they be as well encouraged in their endeavours , as punished in their misdemeanors , they will speedily become libertines , and ruin all as is too too much feared in this case in england at this day ; and as before about the wool , so the working for the greatest part hath been confined to england this three hundred years , and untill these late years has been so preserved , by the diligence of such officers as have been ordained and impowered , carefully to see the manufactures kept under those rules which the laws have provided for their perfection ; and seeing this nation is by god peculiarised in these two blessings ( viz. ) wools and manufactures , and through the vigilancy of its monarches safe guarded by laws , that the native manufactures might not be undermined by the practices of foreiners ; their ancient providence exacts from the present age the same preservation ( as before in the wool ) that the dutch do not undermine us out of all . again , we may be taught by their diligence , who though they have few or no native commodities , yet are rich and thriving ; ( and we who have all , are poor and decaying at least the country ) who spare no attendance in overseeing and searching the true makeing of their manufactures as above , for their exactness , giving therefore power and commissions to persons of more than ordinary worth amongst them ( whom they call cure or care masters ) to see every thing according to the law ; and wherever they find a defect , they make a default upon the cloath , which first is recompensed by a fine to the state for abusing the laws , and afterward remains to admonish the buyer , who thereby may guard his purse ; and in case the cloathier be abused by any of his work folks , he checks his dammage upon the true offender in his wages . now in england there is so much the contrary , that many persons take liberty for want of a regular or legal course followed , either for time or forme in working ; there is not any of the relations to cloathing which doth observe such an exact rule of apprentiship ( which is not the least cause that the manufactures of wool are so abusively and deceptiously made in england ) notwithstanding it is enjoyned in very strict and penal manner by the statute lawes ; the chief inconveniences of which , is , that the trade so general in use , and maintenance of even numberless families , doth by its own vast exorbancy convert into corruptions , and so those great multitudes of people become discredited ; beggered , and finally ruined , to the destruction of themselves and the nation which gave them so great a blessing . another prejudice and not the least , is , that the nation which hath given them being , and invested them with such materials for cloathing , is dishonered by false and abusive works : and it is not a little scandal to that nation which god hath perticularly endowed with those blessings which others want , when its people shall divert those good things which god hath bestowed upon it to evil and deceptious practises ; in this consideration it is observable ( by some ) how little comparitively is the drunkenness of those countrys which produce wines , and wherein lies their personal riches , and their nations honour , though their other sins may sufficicutly swell , their ultimate account ; yet doubtless it strengthens their last apology , in that they abuse not that endowment which god hath made the original of their being and subsistance . another consideration is , the cheat it puts upon all the world , for though every country hath not the benefit of the manufacture in themselves , yet are there few of them condemned to such ignorance as not to discern the couzenage which false cloathing puts upon them , in which case to the aforesaid dishoner they add a curse , and it was a chief care in jacobs practise for a blessing , that he turned it not into a curse ; how much more is this of consideration , when the blessing comes by gift , and not by design or procurement . and further , great may be the thought of heart , when the sins of false lucre and covetuousness ( which is idolatry ) are in full pursuance of such as have the full plenty to make weight and measure , yet make it the art of their practises as well as the practise of their art , to cozen both the wise and weak : it can be no great wonder , nor without abundance of presidents , if god for sins of such wilfulness remove his blessings , ( with which this nation is peculiarly enriched and dignified , ) and give them to a people which will render him a better , more just , and more profitable account of his talent ; and it s no news , that though england be by the almighty , chiefly ordained to produce the materials , yet the manufactures be given to a people , which will render him a better account ; all this and much more is expected , if the native people continue to abuse the native commodity , as of necessity they must , when they know not how to use it . the wisdome of our ancestors hath been liberally manifested in this particular . first , that the manufactors be constantly made apprentices for seaven years at least , the contrary is one great reason , that by ignorance so many abuses are , that are unremidable : another reason , why apprentices are generally confined to seaven years servitude , is to the end , that professors ( in each art ) multiply not beyond the support of their trade , which were not to increase good subjects , but vagabonds , which douhtless was not the intention of king edward the 3d. ( ever to be remembered by an english man , when in his design in bringing cloathing to england , a chief part was to multiplie his people , as by his native and alleageant subjects ( such as by and by you will understand ) he might securely possess the conquests wherewith god had blessed him , which were beyond any christian prince's in his time . it is utterly against reason that a nation can be poor , whose people are numerous , if their industry be compelled and incouraged , and their idleness be punished and reformed . it is the opinion of some , that it 's not the barrenness of a countrey which can forbid this maxim. the scots are an abounding and numerous people , and they have a soyle which to a travellers eye , seems to produce nothing towards a so vast maintenance of the body of that people ; yet are they in all parts of the world a warlike and honoured nation , helpful to all princes in their wars , and ready upon occasion to return to the assistance of their brethren , be their case good or bad . the dutch are a numerous nation , daily multiplying in a country which hath in comparison nothing of its own growth to support them , either in food or cloathing , yet they want nothing neither in necessaries or wealth , because they are industrious . what crick of the seas do they leave unvisited ? and in shipping are so stored as most parts of the world do love or fear them . now a great increase ( at least ) of good people ( as above hinted in king edward ) rests upon the regulation of trade ; for it s not the number of workmen , but number of good workmen which increaseth families , and it's families which increaseth and spreadeth good people ; the other for want of knowledg and skill , being fixed no where , because their labours will not maintain themselves , muchless families : for who will use a workman , who hath neither skill nor credit , when he can imploy one that hath both ? of principle importance therefore is the regulation of apprentiships , both to the best increase of people , and to the honest , creditable , and wealthy manufactures of wool , and especially of cloathing , ( being the antient'st manufacture ) for want of which not only the former denoted faults are daily found in their works , but good work-men are undersold and ruined ( as formerly hinted ) by bad , and the whole nation involved in great dishonour , as after you will hear . now justice , which all men cry up , and few practise , is a vertue both divine and humane ; divine justice is either from god to man , wherein his providence is his justice , by which he governeth the world , or it is from man towards god , and then its piety , whereby he returns to god prayse and glory for his numberless blessings in republicks , cityes and towns , its equity , the fruit whereof is peace & plenty ; in domestick relations between man & wife , it 's vnity and concord ; from servants to masters , good will and diligence ; from masters to servants , its humanity and gentleness ; and from a man to his own body , health and happiness . there is none of all these relations but is necessary and important to the reformations in the abuses , defaults , deceptions , and grievances committed upon cloathing , which in this discourse have in some measure been discovered , and by which both god and man are justly provoked . the justice we are to use to relieve the complaints before exhibited , is either distributive , or commutative ; justice distributive , is to give each man his deserts , whether it be honour or punishment : and commutative justice , is in bargaining , bartering , exchanging , or in any transactions between man and man , to use all means to keep promises , covenants and contracts ; and for a man to behave himself as he would have others do to him , to receive the innocent into protection , to repress and punish offenders , without which , common intercourse and humane society must necessarily be dissolved ; and for preservation whereof , i have read , that in antient times , the fathers have not spared their own sons . the aegyptian kings , to whom antiquity gives the priviledg of makeing laws , the graecians , and romans deified justice , and would not violate it towards their enemies ; so just also were the lacedemonians , and so free from distrusting each other , as even for the publick safety , they used neither locks nor barrs , insomuch that one asking archidamus , who those governours were , which so justly , happily , and gloriously governed the common-wealth of lacedemon he answered , that they were first the laws , & afterwards the magistrates executing those lawes : for law is the rule of justice , and justice the end of the law , which indeed is the life of all . the ready way to rectifie abuses about cloathing , were to compare them with the rules of the law provided for them , for which there is law , ( and new laws where they are wanting ) nevertheless holds not in all points . for instance , the law empowers the merchants and drapers to be their own searchers , and to punish the cloathiers purse , as they find his works to be faulty ; and so they do , to the no small grief of the cloathier : but the retayling-buyer is not hereby at all relieved ; the draper selling to him these faults , for which he was before paid by the cloathier ; the merchants do the same , by causing their cloathiers to bring their manufactures into the merchants private ware-houses , where their own servants are judges , who upon searching the cloath , do make , and marke faults enough , for which they have reparable abatements ; but themselves again do practise all fraudulent wayes they can to barter and exchange those faults away , without giving any allowance for them . i speak not of all but some ; and though sometimes they be detected , yet find they means to save their purses , whilst their nation suffers in honour , and the laws are vilified to foreiners , who stain the justice of the nation with weakness and fraud . true it is , that in the netherlands , where their cunning is as piercing , as their practice is common , they ( even every buyer ) do search with diligence , and make themselves reparations , first to the merchants great loss , and so in course to the cloathiers no small dammage : but in all this , the state remains much dishonoured by the scandal , and rob'd of those fines which the lawes in punnishment , do give to the publick revenue , which if they were rightly and legally attended , would render a vast gain to the common-wealth by a general reformation . now in finding out the causes why manufacture in cloathing becomes so abused , there may be good use of the drapers and merchants knowledg and skill ; yet the application of the remedy is a work of state and policy , in making and executing the laws proportionable to the grievance , in which instance it doth not hold ; for though the merchants and drapers be able searchers of the abuses , yet they are not competent reformers of the grievances , because they are interested in participating of those gaines which the faults occasion and intend . therefore it is requisite that both cloathiers , merchants , and drapers , may be joyned by the magistrates approbation . nor is this all the abuse ; for in such parts of the world as the buyers are not in ability of knowledg , like the dutch , who make cloaths themselves , and especially in those parts where the difference in religion is so great , as it is between christians and turks , there the corrupt merchant causeth the name of god to be blasphemed : for when those people ; ( whose eye and judgment gives them not so good information as doth their proof and wearing ) do find themselves cheated in their garments , they presently conclude that there is no fear of god in that place , nor obedience to their rulers , for conscience , which must assuredly procure much scandal to christian religion . it hath been noted that the original of money , was from sheep , affirming that the antient signature upon money , was a sheep ; and its further observed , that mercandizes were the cause of money ; and there being no greater merchandize than are from the sheep , it is evident , that there is nothing more requisite towards the enriching this nation ( whose peculiar blessing rests in sheep ) than strictly to hold the manufactures to the letter and rule provided for their just making ; and that the laws be unpartially executed ; and it being apparent that this nation cannot be rich without a constant utterance of cloathing , nor can that be done without a perfect reformation in the particulars of the works . it doth undeniably follow , that cloathing must be purged from its corruption , or england must be poor . it is therefore the manufactors which abuse the wool , and thereby improvidently give advantage to the dutch : whereas a perfection in the making of cloaths in england , will capacitate the english to undersel the dutch. now for a true reformation and regulation of those dammages that have befallen england , by the false and deceptious manufacturing of wools , and to bring the trade to its primitive worth ; we must rightly understand the cause of those defects , or else we can never prescribe suitable remedies as before , but the contrary ; the supposed remedy will be worse than the disease . the principle or grand cause of all our misery , in all these things formerly spoken to both in transportation of wool , and the bad manufacturing thereof , is by that division in trade , both in merchant and cloathier , by which meanes it falls out that by the consequence of one mans single act , a thousand persons may be undone ; this i have observed in several persons in this kingdome , and i know no way so profitable to prevent ( at least some of that mischief ) as by incorporating the manufactures , and faithfulness therein ; as witness norwich , and colechester ; the misery is the liberty , taken in that which is of necessity a union , as before by a law , and more liberty by a law for some in matters of conscience , for compulsion can never make that unity as the law of that relation doth require , in this as in all others things , to do to others , as we would have others do unto us , which is the royal law of heaven ) the great and main inducement to these two things , as good reason ( if we will have trade ) to observe the dutch in both these things , as not the least cause of their riches , ( having nothing of their own growth comparatively with england , ) yet are a rich people , and much by our commodities , whilst we are disputing whether it be good for us : and i cannot pass by what i have heard of the follies of the indians , that will part with a rich treasure for a trifle ; so we are to the dutch and french by their policies and circumventing practices , which draw from us , and still covet to exhaust the wealth and coyne of this kingdome , and so with one commodity ( as formerly the wool ) to weaken us , and finally beat us out of our trades in other countreys , and thus they do ( especially the dutch ) more fully obtain their purposes by their convenient priviledges , and settled constitutions , by which they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabit amongst them , which makes them populous : and there they make store-houses of all forein commodities , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish foreiners with plenty of those commodities , which before in time of plenty they engrossed & brought home from the same places ; which doth greatly augment power and treasure to their stocks , besides the common good in setting the poor on work , as in several particulars mentioned by mr. child . 1. by having in their greatest councils of state and warr. tradeing merchants that have lived abroad in most parts of the world , who have not only the theoretical knowledg , but the practical experience of trade ; sby whom laws & orders are contrived , and peace with forein princes projected , to the great advantage of their trade . 2. their law of gravel-kind , whereby all their children possess an equal share of their fathers estates after their decease , and so are not left to wrastle with the world in their youth , with inconsiderable assistance of fortune , as most of our youngest sons of gentlemen in england are , who are bound apprentices to merchants . 3. their exact making of all their native commodities . 4. their giving great encouragement and immunities to the inventors of new manufactures , and the discoverers of any new mysteries in trade , and to those that shall bring the commodities of other nations first in use and practice amongst them , for which the author never goes without his due reward allowed him at the publick charge . 5. their contriving and building of great ships to sayle with small charge , not above one third of what we are at for ships of the same burthen in england . and compelling their said ships ( being of small force ) to sayle alwayes in fleets , to which in all time of danger they allow a convoy . 6. their parcimonious and thrifty living , which is so extraordinary , that a merchant of one hundred thousand pound estate with them , will scarce spend so much per annum , as one of fifteen hundred pounds estate in london . 7. the education of their children , as well daughters as sons , all which , be they of never so great quality or estate , they always take care to bring up to write perfect good hands , and to have the full knowledge and use of arithmetick and merchants accounts . 8. the lowness of their customs , and the height of their excise : which is certainly the most equal and indifferent tax in the world , and least prejudicial to any people , as might be made appear , were it the subject of this discourse . 9. the careful providing for , and imployment of their poor : which it is easie to demonstrate , can never be done in england comparitively to what it is with them , while it 's left to the care of every parish to look after their own only . 10. their use of banks , which are of so immense advantage to them , that some , ( not without good grounds , ) have estimated the profit of them to the publick , to amount to , at least one million of pounds sterling , per annum . 11. their toleration of different opinions in matters of religion , by reason whereof , many industrious people of other countreys , that dissent from the established government of their own churches , resort to them with their families and estates , and after a few years co-habitation with them , become of the same common interest . 12. their law-merchants , by which all controversies between merchants and tradesmen are decided in three or four dayes time , and that not at the fortieth part ( i might say in many cases not the hundreth part ) of the charge they are with us . 13. the law that is in use among them for transference of bills for debt from one man to another . 14. their keeping up publick registers of all land , and houses sold or mortgaged ; whereby many chargeable law-suits are prevented , and the securities of lands and houses rendered indeed , such as we commonly call them real securities . 15. the lowness of interest of money with them , which in peaceable times exceeds not three per cent . per annum . to conclude with a short survey of those things in general , seeing my time will not permit to enlarge upon ic particularly ( according to my purpose ) nor so to correct the former papers for want of time , being exposed to much travel , i must humbly beg the reaners pardon for some errors passing the press in my absence . the first thing observed in the dutch , is to have experienc'd persons in all councels skil'd , as welpractical , as theoretical knowledge , which is without all peradventure of such advantage , that nothing but experience of it can put the value . the second i shall not touch . the third i have at large toeated ( viz. ) of the advantage in exactness in all commodities , of which we have sufficient experience at home as well as abroad , that one and the same commodity for goodness , yet if one have the reputation more than the other , it shall not only have a quick market , but shall yield 10 or 15 per cent , more than the other . i speak this of what is matter of fact in the woollen manufacture in my own knowledge the fourth is the incouragement to those that are any way beneficial to the publick , which is contrary in england to its shame , as well as to its apparent losse ; hence it is that those persons that are imployed in publick affairs , that have not principles of honesty , are liable to those temptations of bribery and indirance , being beyond my speare . time permits me not to make any further recapitulation . but for my language in the whole , the ingenuous peruser will , i trust , rather value my serious intentions ( while i write no matter of controversy , but what may redound to the honour and advantage of his majesty and kingdoms ) than criticize upon my defect of scholastick phrase , or logical method ; who being never enriched with opportunities of education thereto , yet have so much of a christian and true english-man , as to wish every reader happiness both here and hereafter . finis . errata . page 2 , l , 15 , for land r , band ; p , 5 , l , 27 , for is r , by ; p , 10 , l , 16 , insert advantage of a ; p , 14 , l , 18 , for you r , them ; p , 19 , l. 15. for regal r , real ; l , 28 , for hiasself himself ; p , 21 , l , 8 , for then r , there ; l , 15 , for bond he given that none be sold to foreiners r , bank ; l , 25 , for bond r , bank ; p , 24 , l , 7 , for drapers r , draperies ; p , 25 , l , 15 , fot manufactures r , manufactors . some collections of sir walter rawleys presented to king james , taken out of his remains , discovering englands loss for want of due improvement of its native commodities . may it please your most excellent majesty , according to my duty i am imboldned to put your majesty in mind , that about fourteen or fifteen years past , i presented you a book of such extraordinary importance , for honour and profit of your majesty and posterity ; and doubting that it hath been laid aside , and not considered of , i am encouraged , under your majesties pardon , to present unto you one more , consisting of five propositions ; neither are they grounded upon vain or idle grounds , but upon the fruition of those wonderful blessings wherewith god hath endued your majesties sea and land , by which means you may not onely enrich and fill your coffers , but also increase such might and strength as shall appear , if it may stand with your majesties good liking to put the same in execution , in the true and right form ; so that there is no doubt but it will make you in short time a prince of such power , so great , as shall make all the princes your neighbours as well glad of your friendship , as fearful to offend you ; that this is so , i humbly desire that your majesty will vouchsafe to peruse this advertisement with that care and judgement which god hath given you . most humbly praying your majesty , that whereas i presented these five propositions together , as in their own natures joyntly de●●n●ing one of a●other , and so linked together , as the distraction of any one will be an apparent maim and disabling to the best that your majesty would be pleased that they may not be separated , but all handled together joyntly and severally by commissioners with as much speed and secrecy as can be , and made fit to be reported to your majesty ; whereby i may be the better able to perform to your highness , that which i have promised , and will perform upon my life , if i be not prevented by some that may seek to hinder the honour and profit of your majesty for their own private ends . the true ground-course and form herein mentioned , shall appear how other countries make themselves powerful and rich in all kind , by merchandize , manufactury and fulness of trade , having no commodities in their own countrey growing to do it withall . and herein likewise shall appear how easie it is to draw the wealth and strength of other countreys to your kingdom , and what royal , rich and plentiful means god hath given this land to do it , which cannot be denyed , for support of traf●●ck and continual imployment of your people , for replenishing of your majesties coffers ; and if i were not fully assured to improve your native commodities , with other traffick , three millions of pounds more yearly then now they are , and to bring not onely to your majesties coffers within the space of two or three yours near two millions of pounds , but to increase your revenues many thousands yearly , and to please and greatly profit your people , i would not have undertaken so great a work ; all which will grow by advancement of all kind of merchandizing to the utmost , thereby to bring manufactory into the kingdom , and to set on work all sorts of people in the realm , as other nations do , which raise their greatness by the abundance of your native commodities , whilst we are parling and disputing whether it be good for us or not . may it please your most excellent majesty , i have diligently in my travels observed how the countreys herein mentioned do grow potent with abundance of all things to serve themselves and other nations , where nothing groweth , and that their never-dried fountains of wealth , by which they raise their estate to such an admirable height , as that they are at this day even a wonder to the world , proceedeth from your majesties sea and lands . i thus moved , began to dive into the depth of their pollicies and circumventing practises , whereby they drain and still covet to exhaust the wealth and coyn of this kingdom , and so with our own commodities to weaken us , and finally beat us quite out of trading in other countreys ; i found that they more fully obtained these their purposes , by their convenient priviledges and setled constitutions , than england with all the law and superabundance of home bred commodities which god hath vouchsafed your sea and land. and these , and other mentioned in this book , are the urgent causes that provoked me , in my love and bounden duty to your majesty and my countrey , to address my former books to your princely hands and consideration . by which priviledges they draw multitudes of merchants to trade with them , and many other nations to inhabit amongst them , which makes them populous ; and there they make store-houses of all forreign commodities , wherewith , upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth , they are able to furnish forreign countries with plenty of those commodities , which before in time of plenty they engrossed , and brought home from the same places ; which doth greatly augment power and treasure to their state , besides the common good in setting their poor people on work ; to which privilegdes they add smallness of custom , and liberty of trade , which maketh them flourish , and their countrey so plentyfull of all kind of coyne and commodities , where little or nothing groweth , and their merchants so flourish , that when a loss cometh they scarce feell it ; to bring this to pass , they have many advantages of us : the ones by their fashioned ships called boyers , hoybatks , hoyes , and others that are made to hold great bulk of merchandize , and to sail with a few men for profit : for example , though an english ship of two hundred tun , and a holland ship , or any other of the petty states of the same burthen be at danske , or any other place beyond the seas , or in england , they do serve the merchant better cheap , by one hundred pounds in his fraight than we can , by reason he hath but nine or ten marriners , and we near thirty ; thus he saveth twenty mens meat and wages in a voyage , and so in all other their ships according to their burden , by which means they are fraighted , wheresoever they come to great profit , whilest our ships lye still and decay , or go to newcastle for coals . of this their smallness of custom inwards and outwards we have dayly experience , for if two english ships , or two of any other nation be at burdeaux , both laden with wine of three hundred tuns a piece , the one bound for holland , or any other petty states , the other for england , the marchant shall pay about nine hundred pounds custom here , and other duties ; when the other in holland , or any other petty states shall be cleared for less then fifty pounds , and so in all other wares and merchandizes accordingly , which draws all nations to traffick with them ; and although it seems but small duties which they receive , yet the multitudes of all kind of commodities and coyn that is brought there by themselves and others , and carryed out by themselves and others , is so great , that they receive more custome and duties to the state , by the greatness of their commerce in one year , then england doth in two years ; for the one hundreth part of commodities are not spent in holland , but vented into other countries , which maketh all the countrey-merchants to buy and sell , and increase ships and marriners to transport them . my travels and meaning is not to diminish ( neither hath been ) your majesties revenues , but exeeding to encrease them , as shall appear , and yet please the people as in other parts they do , notwithstanding their excises , bring them in great revenues , yet whosoever will adventure to burdeaux but for six tuns of wine shall be free of excise in his own house all the year long ; and this is done of purpose to animate and increase merchants in their countrey . and if it happen that a trade be s●●●ped by any forreign nation , which they heretofore usually had , or hear of any good trading which they never had , they will hinder others , and seek either by favour , money , or force , to open the gap of traffick for advancement of trade amongst themselves , and imployment of their people ; and when there is a new course or trade erected , they give free custom inwards and outwards , for the beter maintenance of navigation , and encouragement of the people to that business . thus they and others glean the wealth and strength from us to themselves , and these reasons following procure them this advantage from us : 1. the merchant staplers , which make all things in abundance , by reason of their store-houses continually replenished with all kind of commodities . 2. the liberty of free traffick for strangers to buy and sell in holland , and other contries and states , as if they were free-born , maketh great intercourse . 3. the small duties levied upon merchants , draws all nations to trade with them . 4. their fashioned ships continually fraighted before ours , by reason of their few marriners , and great bulk , serving the merchant cheap . 5. their forwardness to further all manner of trading . 6. their wonderful imployment of their busses for fishing , and the great returns they make . 7. their giving free custom inwards and outwards for any new erected trade , by means whereof they have gotten already almost the sole trade into their hands . all nations may buy and sell freely in france , and there is free custom outwards twice or thrice a year , at which time our merchants themselves do make their sales of english commodities , and do buy and lade their bulk with french commodities to serve for the whole year ; and in rochell , in france , and in brittain , free custom all the year long , except some small toll , which makes great traffick , and makes them flourish . in denmark , to encourage and inrich the merchants , and to increase ships and m●riners , free custom all the year long for their own merchants , except one moneth , between bartholomew-tide and michaelmass ; the haunce-towns have advantage of us , as holland and other petty states have , and in most things imitate them , which makes them exceeding rich and plentyful of all kind of commodities and coyn ; and so strong in ships and marriners , that some of their towns have near one thousand sail of ships . the marchandizes of france , portugal , spain , italy , turkey , east and west-indies , are transported most by the hollanders and other petty states into the east and north-east kingdom of pomerland , spruceland , poland , denmark , swedeland , leifland and germany ; and the merchandizes brought from the last mentioned kingdoms being wonderful many , are likewise by the hollanders and other petty states most transported into the southern and western dominions ; and yet the situation of england lyeth far better for a store-house to serve the southern , east , and north-east regions , then theirs doth , and hath far better means to do it , if we will bend our course for it . no sooner a dearth of fish , wine , or corn here , and other merchandize , but forthwith the embdeners , hamburgers and hollanders , out of their store-house , lade fifty or one hundred ships or more , dispersing themselves round about this kingdom , and carry away great store of coyn and wealth for little commodity , in those times of dearth ; by which means they suck our common-wealth of their riches , cut down our merchants , and decay our navigation , not with their natural commodities which grow in their own countries , but the merchandizes of other countries and kingdoms ; therefore it is far more easier to serve our selves , hold up our merchants , and increase our ships and marriners , and strengthen the kingdom , and not onely keep our money in our own realm , which other nations still robb us of , but bring in theirs who carry ours away , and make the bank of coyn and store-house to serve other nations , as well and far better cheap then they ; amsterdam is never without seaven hundred thousand quarters of corn , besides the plenty they dayly vent ; and none of this growth in their own countrey ; a dearth in england , france , spain , italy , portugal , and other places , is truly observed to inrich holland seaven years after , and likewise the petty states ; for example , the last dearth six year past , the hamburgers , embdeners , and hollanders out of their store-houses furnished this kingdom , and from southhampton , exeter and bristol , in a year and a half carried away near two hundred thousand pounds from these parts ; onely then , what great quantity of coyn was transported round about your kingdom from every port-town , and from your city of london and other cities , cannot be esteemed so little as two millions , to the great decay of your kingdom , and impoverishing your people , discredit to the company of merchants , and dishonour to the land , that any nation , that have no corn in their own countrey growing , should serve this famous kingdom , which god hath so inabled within it self ; they have a continual trade into this kingdom , with five or six hundred ships yearly , with merchandizes of other countries and kingdoms , and store them up in store-house here untill the prices rise to their minds ; and we trade not with fifty ships into their countrey in a year ; and the said number are about this realm every eastern wind , for the most part , to lade coals and other merchandizes , unless there be a scarcity , or dearth , or high prices ; all merchants do forbear that place where great impositions are laid upon the merchandize , and those places slenderly shipped , ill served , and at dear rates , and oftentimes in scarcity and want of imployment for the people ; and those petty states finding truly by experience , that small duties imposed upon merchandize , draw all traffick unto them , and free liberty for strangers to buy and sell doth make continual mart ; therefore what excises or impositions are laid upon the common people , yet they still ease , uphold and maintain the merchants by all possible means , of purpose to draw the wealth and strength of christendom to themselves ; whereby it appeareth , though the duties be but small , yet the customs for going out , and coming in , do so abound , that they increase their revenues greatly , and make profit , plenty , and imployment of all sorts by sea and land to serve themselves and other nations , as is admirable to behold ; and likewise the great commerce which groweth by the same means , enableth the common people to bear their burthen laid upon them , and yet they grow rich by reason of the great commerce and trade occasioned by their convenient priviledges and comodious constitutions . there was an intercourse of traffick in genoa , and there was the flower of commerce , as appeareth by their ancient records , and their sumptuous buildings ; for all nations trade with merchandize to them . and there was the store-house of italy , and other places ; but after they had set a great custom of 16. per cent. all nations left trading with them , which made them give themselves wholly to usury , and at this day we have not three ships go there in a year ; but to the contrary , the duke of florence builded ligorn , and set small custom upon merchandize , and gave them great and pleasing priviledges , which hath made a rich and strong city , with a flourishing state. furthermore , touching some particulars needful to be considered of , the mighty huge fishing that ever could be heard of in the world , is upon the coasts of england , scotland , and ireland ; but the great fishery is in the low-countries , and other petty states , wherewith they serve themselves and all christendom , as it shall appear , in four towns in the east kingdoms within the sound , quinsbrough , elbing , statten , and dantzick , there are carried and vented in a year between thirty and fourty thousand last of herrings sold but at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is about 620000. and we none ; besides denmark , norway , sweden , leifland , rye nevil , the nerve , and other port-towns within the sound , ther● is carried and vented above 10000. last of herrings sold at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is 170000. pounds more yearly in such request are our herring there , that they are often times sold for 20 , 24 , 30 , and 36. pounds the last , and send not one barrel into all those east-countries . the hollanders sent into russia near fifteen hundred last of herrings , sold about 30. shillings the barrel , amounteth to 27000. pounds , and we but about 20 , or 30. lasts ; to stoad , hambourgh , breamen and embden , upon the river of elve , weafer and embs , are carried and vented of fish and herrings about 6000. lasts , sold about fifteen or sixteen pounds the last , is 100000. l. and we none ; cleafland , gulickland , up the river of rhine , to cullen , frankford , or the main , and so over all germany , is carried and vented fish and herrings , near 12000. sold at 20. pounds the last , is 44000 pound , and we none . up the river of maze leight , mastricht , vendloo , sutphen , deventer , campen , swool , and all over lukeland , is carried and vented 7000. last of herrings , sold at twenty pounds the last , is 140000. pounds , and we none . to gilderland , artois , henault , brabant , flanders , up the river of antwerpe , all over the arch-dukes countreys , are carried and vented between eight and nine thousand lasts , sold at 18. pounds the last , is 171000. pounds , and we none . the hollanders , and others , carried of all sorts of herrings to roan onely in one year , besides all other parts of france , 50000. last of herrings , sold at 20. pound the last , is 100000. pounds , and we not one hundred last thither , they are sould oftentimes there for 20 , and 24 , and 30. pounds the last , between christmass and lent , the duties for fish and herrings came to 15000. crowns at roan onely that year the late queen deceased , sir thomas parrye was agent there then , and s. savors his man knows it to be true , who handled the business for pulling down the impositions ; then what great sums of money came to all in the port-towns , to inrich the french kings coffers , and to all the kings and states throughout christendom , to inrich their coffers , besides the great quantity vented to the straights , and the multitude spent in the low-contries , which is there likewise sould for many a hundred thousand pounds more yearly , is necessary to be remembred , and the stream to be turned to the good of this kingdom , to whose sea-coasts god onely hath sent and given these great blessings , and multitude of riches for us to take ; however it hath been neglected , to the hurt of this kingdom , that any nation should carry away out of this kingdom yearly great masses of money for fish taken in our seas , and sold again by them to us , which must needs be a great dishonour to our nation , and hindrance to this realm ; from any port-town of any kingdom within christendom , the bridgemasters or the wharfmasters for twenty shillings a year , will deliver a true note of the number of lasts of herrings brought to their wharf , and their prices commonly they are sould at ; but the number brought to danske , cullen , rotterdam , and enchusen , is so great , as it will cost three , four , or five pounds for a true note , the abundance of corn groweth in the east kingdoms ; but the great store-houses for grain to serve christendom , & the heathen countries , in time of dearth is in the low-countries , wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth they do inrich themselves seaven years after , imploy their people , and get great straights for their ships in other countries , and we not one in that course ; the mighty vineyards and store of salt is in france and spain , but the great vintage and staple of salt is in the low-countries , and they send near one thousand sail of ships with salt and wine onely into the east kingdoms yearly , besides other places , and we not one in that course ; the exceeding groves of wood are in the east kingdoms ; but the huge piles of wainscore , clapboard , fir , deal , masts , and timber is in the low-countrys , where none grow , wherewith they serve themselves and other parts , and this kingdom with those commodities ; they have five or six hundred great long ships continually using that trade , we none in that course ; the wool , cloth , lead , tin , and divers other commodities are in england , but by means of our wooll and cloth going out ruffe , undrest and undyed , there is an exceeding manufactury and drapery in the low-countries , wherewith they serve themselves and other nations , and advance greatly the imployment of the people at home , and traffick abroad , and put down ours in forreign parts where our merchants trade unto , with our own commodities we send into the east kingdoms yearly but one hundred ships , and our trade cheifly dependeth upon three towns , elbing , kingsborough , and danske , for making our sails , and buying their commodities sent into this realm at dear rates , which this kingdom bears the burthen of . the low-contries send into the east kingdoms yearly about three thousand ships , trading into every city and port-town , taking the advantage and venting their commodities to exceeding profit , and buying and lading their ships with plenty of those commodities which they have from every of those towns 20. per cent. better cheap then we , by reason of the difference of the coyn , and their fish yields ready money ; which greatly advanceth their traffick , and dacayeth ours ; they send into france , spain , portugal , italy , from the east kingdoms that passeth through the sound , and through your narrow seas yearly of the east-country commodities about two thousand ships , and we none in that course ; they trade into all cities and port-towns in france , and we cheifly into five or six ; they traffick into every city and port-town round about this land , with five or six hundred ships yearly , and we cheifly but to three towns in their countrey , and but with fourty ships , notwithstanding the low countries have as many ships and vessels as eleven kingdoms of christendom have , let england be one , and build every year near one thousand ships , and not a timber-tree growing in their own countrey ; and that also all their home-bred commodities that grow in their land in a year , less then one hundred good ships are able to carry them away at one time , yet they handle the matter so for setting them all on work , that their traffick with the haunce-towns exceeds in shipping all christendom . we have all things of our own in superabundance , to increase traffick , and timber to build ships , and commodities of our own to lade about one thousand ships and vessels at one time , besides the great fishing ; and as fast as they have made their voyages might re-lade again , and so year after year , all the year long to continue ; yet our ships and marriners decline , and traffick and merchants dayly decay , the main bulks and mass of herrings , from whence they raise so many millions yearly that inrich other kingdoms , kings and states coffers , and likewise their own people , proceedeth from your seas and lands ; and the return of the commodities and coyn they bring home in exchange of fish , and other commodities , are so huge , as would require a large discourse apart ; all the amends they make us , is , they beat us out of trade in all parts , with our own commodities ; for instance , we had a great trade in russia about seventy years , and about fourteen years past we sent store of goodly ships to trade in those parts , and three years past we set out but four , and this last year but two or three : but to the contrary , the hollanders about twenty years since traded there with two ships onely , yet now they are increased to about thirty or fourty , and one of their ships is as great as two of ours , and at the same time ( in their troubles there ) that we decrease , they increased ; and the cheifest commodities they carry with them thither , is english cloth , herrings taken in our seas , english lead , and pewter made of our tin , besides other commodities , all which we may do beter then they ; and although it be a cheap country , the trade very gainful , yet we have almost brought it to nought by disorderly trading joynt-stock , and the merchants banding themselves one against the other , and so likewise we used to have 8. or 9. great ships to go continually a fishing to wardhouse and this year but one ; and so per rato , they out-go us in all kind of fishing and merchandizing in all countries , by reason they spare no cost , nor deny no priviledges that may incourage advancement of trade and manufactury . now if it please , and with your majesties good liking stand , to take notice of these things , which i have conceived to be fit for your majesties consideration , which in all humbleness , as duty bindeth me , i do tender unto your majesty for the unfeigned zeal i bear to the advancement of your honour and profit , and the general good of your subjects ; it being apparent , that no three kingdoms in christendom can compare with your majesty , for support of traffick , and continually imployment of your people within themselves , having so many great means both by sea and land to inrich your coffers , multiply your navy , enlarge your traffick , make your kingdoms powerfull and your people rich . yet , through idleness , they are poor , wanting imployment , many of your land and coast-towns much ruinated , and your kingdom in need of coyn , your shipping , traffick and marriners decayed , which your majesties neighbour princes without these means abound in wealth , inlarge their towns , increase their shipping , traffick , and marriners , and find out such imployment for their people , that they are all advantageous to their common-wealth , onely by ordaining commodious constitutions in merchandizing , and fulness of trade in manufactury . god hath blest your majesty with incomparable benefits : as with copper , lead , iron , tin , allum , copperas , saffron , fell , and divers other native commodities , to the number of about one hundred , and other manufacturies vendible , to the number of about a thousand , as shall appear ; besides corn , whereof great quantity of beer is made , and most transported by strangers ; as also wooll , whereof much is shipped forth unwrought into cloth or stuffs , and cloth transported undrest and undyed , which doth imploy and maintain near fifty thousand people in forreign parts ; your majesties people wanting the imployment in england , many of them being inforced to live in great want , and seek it beyond seas ; coals , which do imploy hundreds of strangers ships yearly to transport them out of this kingdom , whilest we do not imploy twenty ships in that course . iron ordnance , which is a jewel of great value , far more then it is accounted , by reason that no other countrey could ever attain unto it , although they have assayed with great charge ; your majesty hath timber of your own for building of ships , and commodities plenty to lade them , which commodities other nations want ; yet your majesties people decline in shipping , traffick , and mariners . these inconveniences happen by three causes especially ; 1. the unprofitable course of merchandizing . 2. the want of course of full manufactury of our home-bred commodities . 3. the undervaluing of our coyns , contrary to the rules of other nations . for instance ; the merchant adventurers by over-trading upon credit , or with money taken up upon exchange , whereby they lose usually ten or twelve , and sometimes fifteen or sixteen per cent. are enforced to make sale of their cloths at under-rates , to keep their credit , whereby cloths being the jewel of the land , is undervalued , and the merchant in short time eaten out . the merchants of ipswich , whose trade for elbing is chiefly with fine cloths , and some few sorting cloths , all dyed and dress'd within our land , do for the most part buy their fine cloths upon time ; and by reason they go so much upon credit , they are enforced , not being able to stand upon their markets , to sell , giving 15 or 18 months day of payment for their cloths ; and having sold them , they then presently sell their bills so taken for cloth , allowing after the rate of fourteen or fifteen , and sometimes twenty per cent. which money they imploy forthwith in wares at excessive prices , and lose as much more that way , by that time their wares be sold at home : thus by over-running themselves upon credit , they disable themselves and others , enhancing the prices of foreign commodities , and pulling down the rates of our own . the west-country merchants , that trade with cloths into france or spain , do usually imploy their servants , young men of small experience , who , by cunning combining of the french and spanish merchants , are so entrapped , that when all custom and charges be accompted , their masters shall hardly receive their principal moneys : as for returns out of france , their silver and gold is so highly rated , that our merchants cannot bring it home but to great loss ; therefore the french merchants set higher rates upon their commodities , which we must buy dear , or let our moneys lye dead there a long time , untill we may conveniently imploy the same . the northern merchants of york , hull , and newcastle , trade only in white kerzies , and coloured dozzens ; and every merchant , be his adventure never so small , doth for the most part send over an unexperienced youth , unfit for merchandizing , which bringeth to the stranger great advantage , but to his master and commonwealth great hindrance ; for they , before their goods be landed , go to the stranger and buy such quantities of iron , flax , corn , and other commodities , as they are bound to lade their ships withall , which ships they engage themselves to relade within three weeks , or a month , and do give the price the merchant stranger asketh , because he gives them credit , and lets them ship away their iron , flax , and other commodities , before they have sold their kerzies , and other commodities , by which means extraordinary dear commodities are returned into this realm , and the servants also enforced to sell his cloths under-foot , and oftentimes to loss , to keep his credit , and to make payment for the goods before shipped home , having some twenty dayes or a months respite to sell the cloths , and to give the merchant satisfaction for his iron , flax , and other wares , by which extremities our home-bred commodities are abased . touching fishing . the great sea-business of fishing , doth imploy near twenty thousand ships and vessels , and four hundred thousand people are imployed yearly upon your coast of england , scotland , and ireland , with sixty ships of war , which may prove dangerous . the hollanders only have about three thousand ships to fish withall , and fifty thousand people are imployed yearly by them upon your majesties coasts of england , scotland , and ireland . these three thousand fishing ships and vessels of the hollanders , do imploy near nine thousand other ships and vessels , and one hundred and fifty thousand persons more by sea and land , to make provision to dress and transport the fish they take , and return commodities , whereby they are enabled , and do build yearly one thousand ships and vessels , having not one timber tree growing in their own country , nor home-bred commodities to lade one hundred ships , and yet they have twenty thousand ships and vessels , and all imployed . king henry the seventh , desirous to make his kingdoms powerfull and rich , by encrease of ships and mariners , and imployment of his people , sent unto his sea-coast towns , moving them to set up the great and rich fishing , with promise to give them needfull priviledges , and to furnish them with loans of money , if need were , to encourage them ; yet his people were slack . now since i have traced this business , and made mine endeavours known unto your majesty , your noblemen , able merchants , and others , ( who having set down under their hands for more assurance ) promised to disburse large sums of money for the building up of this great and rich large sea-city , which will encrease more strength to your land , give more comfort , and do more good to all your cities and towns , than all the companies of your kingdom , having fit and needfull priviledges for the upholding and strengthening of so weighty and needfull a business . for example ; twenty busses built and put into a sea-coast town , where there is not one ship before , there must be to carry , re-carry , transport and make provision for one busse , three ships ; likewise every ships setting on work thirty several trades and occupations , and four hundred thousand persons by sea and land , in so much as three hundred persons are not able to make one fleet of nets in four months for one busse , which is no small imployment . thus by twenty busses are set on work near eight thousand persons by sea and land , and an encrease of above one thousand mariners , and a fleet of eighty sail of ships to belong to one town , where none were before , to take the wealth out of the sea , to enrich and strengthen the land , only by raising of twenty busses . then what good one thousand or two thousand will do , i leave to your majesties consideration . it is worthy to be noted , how necessary fishermen are to the commonwealth , and how needfull to be advanced and cherished ; ( viz. ) 1. for taking gods blessing out of the sea , to enrich the realm , which otherwise we lose . 2. for setting the people on work. 3. for making plenty and cheapness in the realm . 4. for encreasing of shipping to make the land powerfull . 5. for a continual nursery for breeding and encreasing our mariners . 6. for making imployment of all sorts of people , and blind , lame , and others by sea and land , from ten and twelve years , and upwards . 7. for enriching your majesties coffers , for merchandizes returned from other countreys for fish and herrings . 8. for the encrease and enabling of merchants , which now droop and daily decay . touching the coyn. for the most part all monarchies and free-states , both heathen and christian , as turkey , barbary , france , poland , and others , do hold for a rule of never-failing profit , to keep their coyn at higher rates within their own territories , than it is in other kingdoms . the causes : 1. to preserve the coyn within their own territories . 2. to bring unto themselves the coyn of foreign princes . 3. to enforce merchant-strangers to take their commodities at high rates , which this kingdom bears the burthen of . for instance ; the king of barbary perceiving the trade of christian merchants to encrease in this kingdom , and that the returns out of his kingdoms were most in gold , whereby it was much enhanced , raised his ducket ( being then currant for three ounces ) to four , five , and six ounces ; nevertheless it was no more worth in england , being so raised , then when it went for three ounces . this ducket currant for three ounces in barbary , was then worth in england seven shillings and six pence , and no more worth , being raised to six ounces ; since which ( time adding to it a small piece of gold ) he hath raised it to eight , and lastly to ten ounces , yet at this day it is worth but ten shillings and one penny , notwithstanding your majesties fate raising of your gold. having thus raised his gold , he then devised to have plenty of silver brought into his kingdom , raised the royal of eight , being but two ounces , to three and three-pence half-penny , which caused great plenty of silver to be brought in , and to continue in his kingdom . france . the english jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings in merchandizing . the french crown for seven shillings and six pence . also the king hath raised his silver four sowce in the crown . north-holland . the double jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings sterling . the english shillings is there eleven stivers , which is two shillings over in the pound . poland . the king of poland raiseth his hungary ducket from 56. to 77 and ½ polish groshes , and the rix-doller from 36. to 47 and ½ groshes ; the rix-doller worth in poland 47 and ½ groshes , is by account valued at 6 s. 4 d. sterling , and here in england is worth but 4 s. 7 d. the hungary ducket 77. is worth by account in poland 10 s. 4 d. and in england is worth but 7 s. 10 d. the jacobus of england here currant for 22 s. in poland 24 s. at the rate of 7 s. to 10 d. for the hungary ducket . now to turn the stream and riches raised by your majesties native commodities , into the natural channel from whence it hath been a long time diverted , may it please your majesty to consider these points following : 1. whether it be not fit that a state-merchant be settled within your dominions , which may both dispose more profitably of the riches thereof , and encounter policies of merchant-strangers , who now go beyond us in all kind of profitable merchandizing . 2. whether it be not necessary that your native commodities should receive their full manufactury by your subjects within your dominions . 3. whether it be not fit the coals should yield your majesty and subjects a better value , by permitting them to pass out of the land , and that they be in your subjects shipping only transported . 4. whether it be not fit your majesty presently raise your coyn to as high rates , as it is in the parts beyond the seas . 5. whether it be not necessary that the great sea-business of fishing , be forthwith set forward . if it please your majesty to approve of these considerations , and accordingly to put them in a right course of execution , i assure my self ( by gods help ) in short time your majesties customs , and the continual coming into your coffers , will be exceedingly encreased , your ships and mariners trebbled , your land and wast-towns ( which are now run out of gates ) better replenished , and your people imployed , to the great enriching and honour of your kingdom , with the applause , and to the comfort of all your loyal subjects . may it please your majesty , i have the rather undergone the pains to look into their policies , because i have heard them profess , they hoped to get the whole trade and shipping of christendom into their own hands , as well for transportation , as otherwise for the command and master of the seas ; to which end i find that they do daily encrease their traffick , augmenting their shipping , multiplying their mariners , strength and wealth in all kinds ; whereat i have grieved the more , when i considered how god hath endued these kingdoms above any three kingdoms in christendom , with divers varieties of home-bred commodities , which others have not , and cannot want ; and endued us with sundry other means , to continue and maintain trade of merchandizing and fishing beyond them all , whereby we might prevent the deceivers , engross the commodities of the engrossers , inrich our selves , and increase our navigation , shipping , and mariners ; so as it would make all nations to vail the bonnet to england , if we would not be still wanting to our selves in imployment of our people ; which people being divided into three parts , two parts of them are meet spenders and consumers of a common-wealth , therefore i aim at these points following . to allure and encourage the people for their private gain , to be all workers and erectors of a commonwealth . to inrich and fill your majesties coffers , by a continual coming in , and make your people wealthy , by means of their great and profitable trading and imployment . to vent our home-bred commodities , to far more reputation , and much more profit to the king , the merchant , and the kingdom . to return the merchandizes of other countreys at far cheaper rates than now they are , to the great good of the realm in general . to make the land powerfull , by increasing of ships and mariners . to make your peoples takings in general , to be much more every day than now they are , which by gods help will grow continually more and more , by the great concourse and commerce that will come by settled constitutions , and convenient priviledges , as in other parts they do by this their great freedom of trade . all this , and much more , is done in other countreys , where nothing groweth , so that of nothing they make great things . then how much more mighty things might we make , where so great abundance and variety of home-bred commodities , and rich materials grows , for your people to work upon , and other plentifull means to do that withall , which other nations neither have , nor cannot want , but of necessity must be furnished from hence : and now whereas our merchandizing is wilde , utterly confused , and out of frame , as at large appeareth , a state-merchant will roundly and effectually bring all the premisses to pass , fill your havens with ships , those ships with mariners , your kingdom full of merchants , their houses full of outlandish commodities , and your coffers full of coyn , as in other parts they do ; and your people shall have just cause to hold in happy memory , that your majesty was the beginner of so profitable , praise-worthy , and renowned a work , being the true philosophers-stone to make your majesty a rich and potent king , and your subjects happy people , only by settling of a state-merchant , whereby your people may have fulness of trade and manufactury , and yet hold both honourable and profitable government , without breaking of companies . and for that in the settling of so weighty a business , many things of great consequence must necessarily fall into consideration , i humbly pray that your majesty may be pleased , ( for the bringing of this great service to light ) to give me leave to nominate the commissioners , and your majesty to give them power to call before them such men as they shall think fit , to conferr with upon oath , or otherwise as occasion shall offer , that the said commissioners with all speed , for the better advancement of this honourable and profitable work , may prepare and report the same unto your majesty . having at large treated about the damage it is to england , about the non-improvement of the native commodities , it is requisite to adde something about the hands to be imployed therein . the manufactors of wool , ( with many other tradesmen ) many of them that are conscientious in their imployments , lye under heavy discouragements , not having assurance of liberty in the matters of worship ; hence many transplanted themselves into holland about the year 35. to the great advantage of the dutch ; and of late times many others , both of merchants and clothiers , ( by the severity used in that matter of worship alone ) have consulted , and were preparing to transplant themselves , had not that indulgence his majesty hath been pleased to exercise , prevented ; for what person that can raise a trade , and live as well in another countrey , being here not secured in the matter of his conscience , without which he cannot have the benefit of his imployment , will either stay to his hazard , or if he do , can he be so profitable ( while he stays in fears ) either to himself , his countrey , or his majesty , as otherwise he might be ? many also there are that for reasons of this kind , are necessitated to lay down , or draw their trades into a narrower compass , who have formerly been considerable benefactors to their countrey , some of them having hundreds , some a thousand depending on them , whose livelihood stands or falls , with their liberty or imprisonment . moreover i have observed , that many of his majesties subjects , ( of whose fidelity i have sufficient experience ) hereby have by some persons been greatly mis-represented , which is a matter of no small moment ; by this means 't is plain , such persons have been the occasion of many groundless offences , jealousies and murmurings , ( with great cost , charge , and undoing of many tradesmen ) which are of very evil consequence , concerning which i have endeavoured to my power to undeceive his majesties subjects , and of which i shall be ready to give further accompt . but by the working of jealousies and animosities of this kind , trade is very much obstructed and decayed ; for if one particular person , upon mis-representation , be but prosecuted , that hath so many hundreds depending upon him , first , those persons are undone , and come to ruine ; nor is that all , but 2 ly . this begets jealousie and murmurings in all those concern'd , and the same with farther fears on all persons lyable to suffering upon the same ground , as far as the report thereof goes : thus is trade , quietness and confidence prejudic'd , for want of assurance in that point of liberty , &c. from the whole , these necessary conclusions may be drawn ; 1. that it is necessary for the good of his majesty and people , to secure the wool in england ( being the matter or foundation of such a rich manufacture to work upon ) by effectual laws , and faithfulness in the execution . 2. the regulation of the manufacturies thereof be consulted for reformation . 3. if yet the hands of many , and the chief of those persons capable of managing the manufacturies thereof be weakened , for want of assurance in that tender point of conscience , and so consequently they withdraw their stocks and trade not to half the height they would , for fear they should suddenly be exposed to remove into other countries , or do worse , ( which is still much feared by some ) if in this they be not eas'd , the trade of this nation can never be compleated , nor brought to its primitive lustre and glory . my observation upon his majesties speech to the parliament , in the year 1667. including some indulgence to his majesties protestant subjects , did much quicken trade in all the nation ; insomuch that severall thence took encouragement ( that before had been contracting their trades ) to begin to lay out themselves and estates to raise up manufactury , expecting a full concurrance by the parliament : but when the same persons saw themselves disappointed therein , they forthwith took up thoughts of retiring themselves , and withdrew their trade , which was then much to my own particular damage , depending upon those persons then in dealings , and yet these are persons , to my knowledge , very loyal to his majesty . i cannot understand what persons have advantage by his majesties great damage , and the kingdomes so great impoverishment , as i have demonstrated ; or why those persons , be they what they will , upon such very costly terms ( to say no more ) should be gratified ; neither have the councels and ends propounded by the chief agents and factors of that severity , been succesfull either in bringing forth that which may countervail these losses , or decrease the number , or alter the nature of them , that alone for conscience they should suppress ; but rather provokes many that before concern'd not themselves by proceeds of that kind , against men peaceable and so beneficial in their stations , to examine the causes for which they are exposed to suffer ; which also prevails with many to a participation with them : nor can what they would have , be done to those they would suppress , in places depending much upon these trades , without almost desolating many parts of his majesties kingdomes ; for should so many be removed that imployed so many poor , those tradesmen that remain would not be able to manage trade sufficient to set on work the poor , for their stocks would not reach thereunto ; how fearfull then is that which must unavoidably follow ? suffer one word more of my knowledge in this business , as to matter of fact , in a small parish where i was born , where there is 15. cloathiers , or thereabouts ; of those 15. there is 12. dissenters in matters of worship , which i know are as to the government as peaceable as any : and in another little cloathing-town there is 24. cloathiers ; amongst those 24.20 . are dissenters : and by this measure i might go through most parts of the west of england , viz. hampshire , wilts , dorset , devon , sommerset , gloucestershire , and part of monmouthshire in wales : most of all those said counties i have traded with , and am therefore experienced in what i say . now suppose that those laws ( now and formerly in force against such persons ) should have been rigorously executed , what would have been the consequence : to give instance , the case of but one man , thomas pearce of westdome in devonshire , near barnstable , who was prosecuted upon the 20th . moneth , and had 15. servants in his own house , besides many parishes depending upon him ; yet was forc't to leave his calling and habitation about 3. or 4. years since , to the utter ruine of those persons so depending , till he was releas'd : and many other such instances might be given ; for it must necessarily follow , when a tradesman that imploys a great part of a countrey , is violently and suddenly run down and opprest , so as his trade must fail , that the countrey must suffer with him ; for what sober person will step into his place , and take up his trade , while he is for such causes suffering , if men to fill up such vacancies were to be found . finis . the prerogative of parlaments in england proued in a dialogue (pro & contra) betweene a councellour of state and a iustice of peace / written by the worthy (much lacked and lamented) sir w. r. kt. ... ; dedicated to the kings maiesty, and to the house of parlament now assembled ; preserued to be now happily (in these distracted times) published ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1628 approx. 156 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10373 stc 20649 estc s1667 21354599 ocm 21354599 23938 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10373) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23938) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1713:4) the prerogative of parlaments in england proued in a dialogue (pro & contra) betweene a councellour of state and a iustice of peace / written by the worthy (much lacked and lamented) sir w. r. kt. ... ; dedicated to the kings maiesty, and to the house of parlament now assembled ; preserued to be now happily (in these distracted times) published ... raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [8], 65, [1] p. 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and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion prerogatiue of parlaments in england : proued in a dialogue ( pro & contra ) betweene a councellour of state and a iustice of peace . written by the worthy ( much lacked and lamented ) sir w. r.k t. deceased . dedicated to the kings maiesty , and to the house of parlament now assembled . preserued to be now happily ( in these distracted times ) published , and printed at hamburgh . 1628. to the king . most gracious soueraigne : those that are supprest and helpelesse are commonly silent , wishing that the common ill in al sort might be with their particular misfortunes : which disposition , as it is vncharitable in all men , so would it be in me more dogge-like then man-like , to bite the stone that strooke me : ( to wit ) the borrowed authoritie of my soueragne misinformed , seeing their armes and hands that flang it , are most of them already rotten . for i must confesse it euer , that they are debts , and not discontentments , that your maiesty hath laid vpon me ; the debts and obligation of a friendlesse aduersity , farre more payable in all kinds , then those of the prosperous : all which , nor the least of them , though i cannot discharge , i may yet endeauour it . and notwithstanding my restraint hath retrenched all wayes , as well the wayes of labour and will , as of all other imployments , yet hath is left with me my cogitations , then which i haue nothing else to offer on the altar of my loue. of those ( most gracious soueraigne ) i haue vsed some part in the following dispute , betweene a counsellour of estate , and a iustice of peace , the one disswading , the other perswading the calling of a parliament . in all which , since the norman conquest ( at the least so many as histories haue gathered ) i haue in some things in the following dialogue presented your maiestie with the contentions and successes . some things there are , and those of the greatest , which because they ought first to be resolued on , i thought fit to range them in the front of the rest , to the end your maiestie may be pleased to examine your owne great and princely heart of their acceptance , or refusall . the first is , that supposition , that your maiesties subiects giue nothing but with adiunction of their own interests , interlacing in one and the same act your maiesties reliefe , and their owne liberties ; not that your maiesties pietie was euer suspected , but because the best princes are euer the least iealous , your maiestie iudging others by your selfe , who haue abused your maiesties trust . the fear'd continuance of the like abuse may perswade the prouision . but this caution , how euer it seemeth at first sight , your maiesty shall perceiue by many examples following but friuolous . the bonds of subiects to their kings should alwayes be wrought out of iron , the bonds of kings vnto subiects but with cobwebs . this it is ( most renowned soueraigne ) that this trafficke of assurances hath beene often vrged , of which , if the conditions had beene easie , our kings haue as easily kept them ; if hard and preiudiciall , either to their honours or estates , the creditours haue beene paid their debts with their owne presumption . for all binding of a king by law vpon the aduantage of his necessitie , makes the breach it selfe lawfull in a king. his charters and all other instruments being no other then the suruiuing witnesses of vnconstrained will : princeps non subijcitur nisi sua voluntate libera , mero moto & certa scientia : necessary words in all the grants of a king witnessing that the same grants were giuen freely and knowingly . the second resolution will rest in your maiesty leauing the new impositions , all monopolies , and other grieuances of the people to the consideration of the house ; prouided , that your maiesties reuenue be not abated , which if your maiesty shall refuse , it is thought that the disputes will last long , and the issues will be doubtfull : and on the contrary , if your maiesty vouchsafe it , it may perchance be stiled a yeelding , which seemeth by the sound to braue the regalty . but ( most excellent prince ) what other is it to th' eares of the wise , but as the sound of a trumpet , hauing blasted forth a false alarme , becomes but common ayre ? shall the head yeeld to the feet ? certainly it ought , when they are grieued ; for wisdome will rather regard the commodity , then obiect the disgrace , seeing if the feet lye in fetters , the head cannot be freed , and where the feet feele but their owne paines , the head doth not onely suffer by participation , but withall by consideration of the euill . certainly , the point of honour well weighed hath nothing in it to euen the ballance , for by your maiesties fauour , your maiesty doth not yeeld either to any person , or to any power , but to a dispute onely , in which the proposition and minor proue nothing without a conclusion , which no other person or power can make , but a maiesty : yea , this in henry the third his time was called a wisedome incomparable . for , the king raised againe , recouers his authority : for , being in that extremity as hee was driuen with the queene and his children , cum abbatibus & prioribus saris homilibus hospitia quaerere & prandia : for the rest , may it please your maiesty to consider that there can nothing befall your maiesty in matters of affaires more vnfortunately then the summons of a parliament , with ill successe : a dishonour so perswasiue and aduenturous as it will not onely finde arguments ; but it will take the leading of all enemies that shall offer themselues against your maiesties estate . le labourin de la paurete ne saict poinct de breuct : of which dangerous disease in princes , the remedy doth chiefly consist in the loue of the people , which how it may be had and held , no man knowes better then your maiesty ; how to loose it , all men know , and know that it is lost by nothing more then by the defence of others in wrong doing . the onely motiues of mischances that euer came to kings of this land since the conquest . it is onely loue ( most renowned soueraigne ) must prepare the way for your maiesties following desires . it is loue which obeyes , which suffers , which giues , which stickes at nothing : which loue , as well of your maiesties people , as the loue of god to your maiesty , that it may alwayes hold shall be the continuall prayers of your maiesties most humble vassall , walter ralegh . a dialogve betweene a covnsellovr of state , and a ivstice of peace . covnsellovr . now sir , what thinke you of m s ▪ iohns tryall in star-chamber ? i know that the bruite ranne that he was hardly dealt withall , because he was imprisoned in the towre , seeing his disswasion from granting a benevolence to the king was warranted by the law. ivstice . surely sir it was made manifest at the hearing , that m.s. iohn was rather in loue with his owne letter ; he confessed hee had seene your lordships letter before hee wrote his to the maior of marleborough , and in your lordships letter there was not a word whereto the statutes by m t s t iohn alleadged , had reference ; for those statutes did condemne the gathering of money from the subject , vnder title of a free gift ▪ whereas a fift , a sixt , a tenth , &c. was set downe and required . but my good lord , though diuers shires haue giuen to his maiestie , some more , some lesse , what is this to the kings debt ? covns . we know it well enough , but we haue many other projects . ivst . it is true my good lord : but your lordship will find , that when by these you haue drawn many petty summs frō the subjects , & those sometimes spent as fast as they are gathered , his maiesty being nothing enabled thereby , when you shal be forced to demand your great aide , the countrey will excuse it selfe in regard of their former payments . covns . what meane you by the great aide ? ivst . i meane the aide of parliament . covns . by parliament , i would faine know the man that durst perswade the king vnto it , for if it should succeed ill , in what case were he ? ivst . you say well for your selfe my lord : and perchance you that are louers of your selues ( vnder pardon ) do follow the advice of the late duke of alva , who was euer opposite to all resolutions in businesse of importance ; for if the things enterprized succeeded wel , the advice neuer came in question : if ill , ( whereto great vndertakings are commōly subiect ) he then made his advantage by remembring his countrey councell : but my good lord , these reserued polititians are not the best seruants , for hee that is bound to adventure his life for his master , is also bound to adventure his advice , keep not backe councell ( saith ecclesiasticus ) when it may doe good . covns . but sir , i speake it not in other respect then i think it dangerous for the king to assemble the three estates , for thereby haue our former kings alwaies lost somwhat of their prerogatiues . and because that you shall not thinke that i speake it at randome , i will begin with elder times , wherein the first contention began betwixt the kings of this land , and their subiects in parliament . ivst . your lordship shall doe me a singular fauour . covns . you know that the kings of england had no formal parliament till about the 18 th yeare of henry the first , for in his 17 yeare , for the marriage of his daughter , the king raised a tax vpon euery hide of land by the advice of his privy councell alone . but you may remember how the subiects soone after the establishment of this parliament , beganne to stand vpon termes with the king , and drew from him by strong hand and the sword the great charter . ivst . your lordship sayes well , they drew from the king the great charter by the sword , and hereof the parliament cannot be accused , but the lords . covns . you say well , but it was after the establishment of the parliament , & by colour of it , that they had so great daring , for before that time they could not endure to heare of s edwards lawes , but resisted the confirmation in all they could , although by those lawes the subjects of this iland were no lesse free then any of all europe . ivst . my good lord , the reason is manifest ; for while the normans & other of the french that followed the conquerour , made spoyle of the english , they would not endure that any thing but the will of the conquerour should stand for law : but after a discent or two when themselues were become english , & found themselues beaten with their own rods , they then began to sauour the difference betweene subjection & slauery , & insist vpon the law , meum & tuum : & to be able to say vnto themselues , hoc fac & vives : yea that the conquering english in ireland did the like , your lordship knowes it better than i. covns . i thinke you guesse aright : and to the end the subiect may know that being a faithfull seruant to his prince he might enioy his own life , and paying to his prince what belongs to a soueraigne , the remainder was his own to dispose . henry the first to content his vassals , gaue them the great charter , and the charter of forrests . ivst . what reasō then had k. iohn to deny the cōfirmatiō ? covns . he did not , but he on the cōtrary confirmed both the charters with additions , & required the pope whom he had thē made his superior to strengthē him with a goldē bul . ivst . but your honour knowes , that it was not long after , that he repented himselfe . covns . it is true , & he had reason so to do , for the barons refused to follow him into france , as they ought to haue done , and to say true , this great charter vpon which you insist so much , was not originally granted regally and freely : for henry the first did vsurpe the kingdome , and therefore the better to assure himselfe against robert his eldest brother , hee flattered his nobility and people with those charters . yea king iohn that confirmed them had the like respect : for arthur duke of britaine , was the vndoubted heire of the crowne , vpon whom iohn vsurped . and so to conclude , these charters had their originall from kings de facto but not de iure . ivst . but king iohn confirmed the charter after the death of his nephew arthur , when he was then rex de iure also . covns . it is true , for he durst doe no other , standing accursed , whereby few or none obeyed him , for his nobility refused to follow him into scotland : and he had so grieued the people by pulling downe all the parke pales before harvest , to the end his deere might spoyle the corne ; and by seizing the temporalities of so many bishoprickes into his hands , and chiefly for practizing the death of the duke of brittaine his nephew , as also hauing lost normandy to the french , so as the hearts of all men were turned from him . ivst . nay by your fauour my lord. king iohn restored k. edwards lawes after his absolution , and wrote his letters in the 15 ● of his reigne to all sheriffes countermaunding all former oppressions , yea this he did notwithstanding the lords refused to follow him into france . covns . pardon me , he did not restore king edwards lawes then , nor yet confirmed the charters , but he promised vpon his absolution to doe both : but after his returne out of france , in his 16 th yeare he denyed it , because without such a promise he had not obtained restitution , his promise being constrained , and not voluntary . ivst . but what thinke you ? was hee not bound in honour to performe it ? covns . certainely no , for it was determined the case of king francis the first of france , that all promises by him made , whilst he was in the hands of charles the fifth his enemie , were voide , by reason the iudge of honour , which tells vs he durst doe no other . ivst . but king iohn was not in prison . covns . yet for all that , restraint is imprisonment , yea , feare it selfe is imprisonment , and the king was subject to both : i know there is nothing more kingly in a king than the performance of his word ; but yet of a word freely and voluntarily giuen . neither was the charter of henry the first so published , that all men might plead it for their advantage : but a charter was left ( in deposito ) in the hands of the archbishop of canterbury for the time , and so to his successours . stephen langthon , who was euer a traytor to the king , produced this charter , and shewed it to the barons , thereby encouraging them to make warre against the king. neither was it the old charter simplie the barons sought to haue cōfirmed , but they presented vnto the king other articles and orders , tending to the alteration of the whole common-wealth , which when the king refused to signe , the barons presently put themselues into the field , and in rebellious and outragious fashion sent the king word except he confirmed them , they would not desist from making warre against him till he had satisfied them therein . and in conclusion , the king being betrayed of all his nobility , in effect was forced to graunt the charter of magna charta , and charta de forestis , at such time as he was invironed with an army in the meadowes of staynes , which charters being procured by force , pope innocent afterward disavowed , & threatned to curse the barons if they submitted not themselues as they ought to their soueraigne lord , which when the lords refused to obey , the king entertained an army of strangers for his own defence , wherewith hauing mastered & beaten the barons , they called in lewes of france ( a most vnnaturall resolution ) to be their king. neither was magna charta a law in the 19 th of henry the 2● , but simply a charter which hee confirmed in the 21 ● of his reigne , & made it a law in the 25 th , according to littletons opinion . thus much for the beginning of the great charter , which had first an obscure birth from vsurpation , and was secondly fostered & shewed to the world by rebellion . ivst . i cannot deny but that all your lordship hath said is true ; but seeing the charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by parliament & made lawes , & that there is nothing in them vnequall or prejudicial to the king : doth not your honour thinke it reason they should be obserued ? covns . yes , & obserued they are in all that the state of a king can permit , for no man is destroyed but by the lawes of the land , no man disseized of his inheritance but by the lawes of the land , imprisoned they are by the prerogatiue wherē the king hath cause to suspect their loyaltie : for were it otherwise , the king should neuer come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or treason against his person or state , and being imprisoned , yet doth not any man suffer death but by the law of the land . ivst . but may it please your lordship , were not cornewallis , sharpe , & hoskins , imprisoned , being no suspition of treason there ? covns . they were , but it cost them nothing . ivst . and what got the king by it ? for in the conclusion ( besides the murmure of the people ) cornewallis , sharpe , & hoskins hauing greatly ouershot themselues , and repented them , a fine of 5 or 600 l was laid on his maiesty for their offences , for so much their diet cost his maiestie . covns . i know who gaue the advice , sure i am that it was none of mine : but thus i say , if you consult your memory , you shall finde that those kings which did in their own times confirme the magna charta , did not onely imprison , but they caused of their nobility and others to bee slaine without hearing or tryall . ivst . my good lord , if you will giue me leaue to speak freely , i say , that they are not well advised that perswade the king not to admit the magna charta with the former reseruations . for as the king can neuer loose a farthing by it , as i shall proue anon : so except england were as naples is , and kept by garrisons of another nation , it is impossible for a king of england to greaten and inrich himselfe by any way so assuredly , as by the loue of his people : for by one rebellion the king hath more losse then by a hundred yeares observance of magna charta . for therein haue our kings beene forced to compound with roagues and rebels , and to pardon them , yea the state of the king , the monarchie , the nobility haue beene endangered by them . covns . well sir , let that passe , why should not our kings raise mony as the kings of france doe by their letters and edicts only ? for since the time of lewes the 11 th , of whom it is said , that hee freed the french kings of their wardship , the french kings haue seldome assembled the states for any contribution . ivst . i will tell you why ; the strength of england doth consist of the people and yeomanry , the pesants of france haue no courage nor armes : in france euery village and burrough hath a castle , which the french call chastean villain , euery good citty hath a good cittadell , the king hath the regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay ; yea the nobility of france in whom the strength of france consists , doe alwaies assist their king in those leavies , because them selues being free , they make the same leavies vpon their tennants . but my lord , if you marke it , france was neuer free in effect from ciuill warres , and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the spaniard , or to be cantonized by the rebellious french themselues , since that freedome of wardship . but my good lord , to leaue this digression , that wherein i would willingly satisfie your lordship , is , that the kings of england haue neuer receiued losse by parliament , or preiudice . covns . no sir , you shall find that the subiects in parliament haue decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our kings in former times . ivst . my good lord , to avoide confusion , i will make a short repetition of them all , and then your lordship may obiect where you see cause ; and i doubt not but to giue your lordship satisfaction . in the sixt yeare of henry the 3 rd there was no dispute , the house gaue the king two shillings of euery plough land within england , and in the end of the same yeare he had escuage paid him ( to wit ) for euery knights fee two markes in siluer . in the fifth yeare of that king , the lords demaunded the confirmation of the great charter which the kings councell for that time present excused , alleadging that those priviledges , were extorted by force during the kings minoritie , and yet the king was pleased to send forth his writ to the sheriffes of euery county , requiring them to certifie what those liberties vvere , and hovv vsed , & in exchange of the lords demaund , because they pressed him so violently , the king required all the castles & places which the lords held of his , & had held in the time of his father , vvith those manors & lordships vvhich they had heeretofore vvrested from the crovvne , vvhich at that time ( the king being provided of forces ) they durst not deny . in the 14 th yeare he had the 15 th peny of all goods giuen him vpon condition to confirme the great charter : for by reason of the vvars in france , & the losse of rochell , hee vvas then enforced to cōsent to the lords in all they demanded . in the 10●● of his reigne hee fined the citty of london at 50000 markes , because they had receiued lewes of france . in the 11 th yeare in the parliament at oxford , he revoked the great charter being granted vvhen he vvas vnder age , & gouerned by the earle of pembroke , & the bishop of winchester . in this 11 th yeare the earles of cornevvall & chester , marshall , edward earle of pembroke , gilbert earle of gloucester , warren , hereford , ferrars , & warwicke , & others rebelled against the king , & constrained him to yeeld vnto them in vvhat they demaunded for their particular interest , vvhich rebellion being appeased , he sayled into france , & in his 15 th yeare he had a 15 th of the temporality , & a disme & a halfe of the spirituality , and vvithall escuage of euery knights fee. covns . but what say you to the parliament of westminster in the 16 th of the king , where notwithstanding the wars of france and his great charge in repulsing the welsh rebels , he was flatly denyed the subsedie demaunded . ivst . i confesse , my lord , that the house excused themselues by reason of their pouerty , and the lords taking of armes ; in the next yeare it was manifest that the house was practised against the king : and was it not so , my good lord thinke you in our two last parliaments , for in the first euen those whom his majestie trusted most , betrayed him in the vnion , & in the secōd there were other of the great ones ran counter . but your lordship spake of dangers of parliaments , in this , my lord , there was a deniall , but there was no danger at all : but to returne where i left , what got the lords by practizing the house at that time ? i say that those that brake this staffe vpon the k. were ouerturned with the counterbuffe , for hee resumed all those lands which hee had given in his minority , hee called all his exacting officers to accompt , hee found them all faulty , hee examined the corruption of other magistrates , and from all these he drew sufficient mony to satisfie his present necessity , whereby hee not onely spared his people , but highly contented them with an act of so great iustice : yea hubert earle of kent , the chiefe justice whom hee had most trusted , and most advanced , was found as false to the king , as any one of the rest . and for conclusion in the end of that yeare at the assemblie of the states at lambeth , the king had the fortith part of euery mans goods given him freely towards his debts , for the people , who the same yeare had refused to giue the king any thing , when they sawe hee had squeased those spunges of the common wealth , they willingly yeelded to giue him satisfaction . covns . but i pray you , what became of this hubert , whō the king had favoured aboue all men , betraying his majestie as he did . ivst . there were many that perswaded the king to put him to death , but he could not be drawne to consent , but the king seized vpon his estate which was great ; yet in the end hee left him a sufficient portion , and gaue him his life because hee had done great service in former times : for his majestie , though hee tooke advantage of his vice , yet hee forgot not to haue consideration of his vertue . and vpon this occasion it was that the king , betrayed by those whom hee most trusted , entertayned strangers , and gaue them their offices and the charge of his castles and strong places in england . covns . but the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that marshall earle of pembroke moued warre against the king. ivst . it is true , my good lord , but hee was soone after slaine in ireland , and his whole masculine race , ten yeres extinguished , though there were fiue sonnes of them , & marshall being dead , who was the mouer and ring-leader of that warre , the king pardoned the rest of the lords that had assisted marshall . covns . what reason had the king so to doe ? ivst . because he was perswaded , that they loued his person , & only hated those corrupt counselours , that then bare the greatest sway vnder him , as also because they were the best men of warre hee had , whom if he destroyed , hauing warre with the french , he had wanted commanders to haue served him . covns . but what reason had the lords to take armes ? ivst . because the king entertayned the poictoui●s , were not they the kings vassals also ? should the spaniards rebell , because the spanish king trusts to the neopolitans , portagues , millanoies , and other nations his vassals , seeing those that are governed by the vice-royes and deputies , are in pollicy to be well entertayned and to be employed , who would otherwise devise how to free themselues ; whereas , beeing trusted and imployed by their prince , they entertaine themselues with the hopes that other the kings vassals doe . if the king had called in the spaniards , or other nations , not his subjects , the nobility of england had had reason of griefe . but what people did euer serue the king of england more faithfully then the gascoynes did even to the last of the conquest of that duchy . ivst . your lordship sayes wel , & i am of that opinion that if it had pleased the queene of eng. to haue drawne some of the chiefe of the irish nobility into eng. & by exchange to haue made them good freeholders in eng. , shee had saued aboue 2. millions of pounds which were consumed in times of those rebellions . for what held the great gascoigne firme to the crowne of england ( of whom the duke of espernon married the inheritrix ) but his earldome of kendall in england , whereof the duke of espernon ( in right of his wife ) beares the title to this day . and to the same end i take it , hath iames our soueraigne lord given lands to divers of the nobility of scotland . and if i were worthy to advise your lordship , i should thinke that your lordship should do the king great service to put him in mind to prohibite all the scottish nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here ; for they selling , they not only giue cause to the english to complaine that the treasure of england is transported into scotland , but his majesty is thereby also frustrated of making both nations one , and of assuring the service and obedience of the scots in future . covns . you say well , for though those of scotland that are advanced and enriched by the kings majesties will , no doubt serue him faithfully , yet how their heires & successours , hauing no inheritance to loose in england may be seduced is vncertaine . but let vs goe on with our parliament . and what say you to the deniall in the 26 ● yeare of his reigne , even when the king was invited to come into france by the earle of march , who had married his mother , and who promised to assist the king in the conquest of many places lost . ivst . it is true , my good lord , that a subsidy was then denied , & the reasons are delivered in enlish histories , & indeed the king not long before had spent much treasure in ayding the duke of britaine to no purpose , for hee drew ouer the king but to drawe on good conditions for himselfe , as the earle of march his father in law now did : as the english barons did invite lewes of france not long before , as in elder times all the kings and states had done , and in late yeares the leaguers of france entertayned the spaniards , and the french protestants and netherlands , queene elizabeth , not with any purpose to greaten those that ayde them , but to purchase to themselues an advantageous peace . but what say the histories to this deniall ? they say with a world of payments there mentioned , that the king had drawne the nobility drie . and besides , that whereas not long before great summes of mony were giuen , and the same appointed to be kept in foure castles , and not to be expended but by the aduice of the peeres ; it was beleeved that the same treasure was yet vnspent . covns . good sir you haue said enough , judge you whether it were not a dishonour to the king to be so tyed , as not to expend his treasure , but by other mens aduice as it were by their licence . ivst . surely my lord , the king was well aduised to take the mony vpon any condition , & they were fooles that propounded the restraint , for it doth not appeare that the king tooke any great heed to those ouerseers . kings are bound by their piety and by no other obligation . in queene maries time , when it was thought that shee was with child , it was propounded in parliament , that the rule of the realme should bee giuen to king philip during the minority of the hoped prince or princesse , and the king offered his assurance in great summes of money to relinquish the government at such time as the prince or princesse should bee of age : at which motion when all else were silent in the house , lord dueres ( who was none of the wisest ) asked who shall sue the kinges bondes , which ended the dispute , for what bonde is betweene a king and his vassals , then the bond of the kinges faith ) but my good lord the king notwithstanding the deniall at that time was with gifts from perticular parsons , & otherwise supplyed for proceeding of his iourney for that time into france , he tooke with him 30 caskes filled with silver and coyne which was a great treasure in those dayes . and lastly notwithstanding the first denyall in the kings absence hee had escuage graunted him ( to wit ) 20 s of euery knights fee. covns : what say you then to the 28● yeare of that king in which when the king demaunded reliefe , the states would not consent except the same former order had bin taken for the appointing of 4 overseers for the treasure . as also that the lord chief iustice & the lord chancellor should be chosē by the states with some barōs of the exchequor & other officers . ivs : my good lord admit the king had yeelded their demaunds , then whatsoever had beene ordained by those magistrates to the dislike of the common wealth , the people had beene without remedie , whereas while the king made them they , had their appeale and other remedies . but those demaunds vanished and in the end the king had escuage giuen him without any of their conditions . it is an excellent vertue in a king to haue patience and to giue way to the fury of mens passions . the whale when he is stroken by the fisherman , growes into that fury , that he cannot be resisted , but will overthrowe all the ships and barkes that come in to his way , but when he hath tumbled a while , hee is drawne to the shore with a twind thred . covns : what say you then to the parliament in the 29 th of that king. ivst : i say that the commons being vnable to pay , the king relieues himselfe vpon the richer sort , and soe it likewise happened in the 33 of that king , in which hee was relieued chiefely by the citty of london . but my good lord in the parliament in london in the 38 yeare , he had giuen him the tenth of all the revenues of the church for three yeares , and 3 markes of every knights fee throughout the kingdome vpō his promise & oath vpon the obscruing of magna charta but in the end of the same yeare , the king being thē in france , he was denyed the aydes which he required . what is this to the danger of a parliament ? especially at this time they had reason to refuse , they had giuen so great a some in the beginning of the same yeare . and again because it was known that the king had but pretended warre with the king of castile with whome he had secretly contracted an alliance and concluded a marriage betwixt his sonne edward and the lady elenor. these false fires doe but freight children and it commonly falles out that when the cause giuen is knowne to be false , the necessity pretended is thought to be fained , royall dealing hath euermore royall successe : and as the king was denied in the eight & thirtyeth yeare , so was he denyed in the nine & thirtieth yeare , because the nobility and the people saw , that the king was abused by the pope it plainly who aswell in despite to manfred bastard son to the emperour fredericke the second , as to cozen the king and to wast him , would needes bestowe on the king the kingdome of sicilie , to recouer which , the king sent all the treasure he could borrow or scrape to the pope , and withall gaue him letters of credence , for to take vp what he could in italy , the king binding himselfe for the payment . now my good lord the wisdome of princes is seen in nothing more then in their enterprises . so how vnpleasing it was to the state of england to consume the treasure of the land , & in the conquest of sicily so farre of , and otherwise for that the english had lost normandy vnder their noses and so many goodly parts of france of their owne proper inheritances : the reason of the deniall is as well to be considered as the denyall . cons . was not the king also denyed a subsidie in the fourty first of his raigne ? ivst . no my lord , for although the king required mony as before for the impossible conquest of sicily , yet the house offered to giue 52000 markes , which whether hee refused or accepted is vncertaine , & whilst the king dreamed of sicily , the welsh inuaded & spoyled the borders of england , for in the parliament of london , when the king vrged the house for the prosecuting the cōquest of sicily , the lords vtterly disliking the attempt , vrged the prosecuting of the welshmen : which parlament being proroged did again assemble at oxford , & was called the madde parlamēt , which was no other thē an assembly of rebels , for the royall assent of the k. which giues life to all lawes , form'd by the three estates , was not a royal assent , when both the k. & the prince were cōstrained to yeeld to the lords . a cōstrained consent is the consent of a captiue & not of a k. , & therefore there was nothing done there either legally or royally . for if it be not properly a parliament where the subiect is not free , certainely it can be none where the king is bound , for all kingly rule was taken from the king , and twelue peeres appointed , and as some writers haue it 24 peeres , to gouerne the realme , and therefore the assembly made by iack strawe & other rebels may aswell bee called a parliament as that of oxford . principis nomen habere , non est esse princeps , for thereby was the king driuen not only to cōpoūd all quarrels with the french , but to haue meanes to be revenged on the rebell lords : but he quitted his right to normādy aniou & mayne . covns . but sir what needed this extremity , seeing the lords required but the confirmation of the former charter , which was not preiudiciall to the king to graunt ? ivst . yes my good lord , but they insulted vpon the king and would not suffer him to enter into his own castles , they put downe the purvey or of the meate for the maintenance of his house as if the king had beene a bankrupt , and gaue order that without ready money he should not take vp a chicken . and though there is nothing against the royalty of a king in these charters ( the kings of england beeing kings of freemen and not of slaues ) yet it is soe contrary to the nature of a king to bee forced euen to those thinges which may be to his advantage , as the king had some reason to seeke the dispensation of his oath from the pope , and to drawe in strangers for his owne defence : yea iure saluo coronae nostrae is intended inclusiuely in all oathes and promises exacted from a soueraigne . covns : but you cānot be ignorant how dangerous athing it is to cal in other natiōs both for the spoile they make , as also so , because they haue often held the possession of the best places with which they haue beene trusted . ivst : it is true my good lord , that there is nothing so daungerous for a king as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals , for by that , edward the second , and richard the second lost their kingdomes and their liues . and for calling in of strangers , was not king edward the sixth driuen to call instrangers against the rebels in norfolke , cornewall , oxfordshire and elsewhere ? haue not the k s. of scotland beene oftentimes constrained to entertaine strangers against the kings of england , and the king of england at this time had he not bin diuerse times assisted by the kings of scotlād , had bin endāgered to haue bin expelled for ever . covns . but yet you knowe those kings were deposed by parliament . ivst : yea my good lord being prisoners , being out of possession and being in their hands that were princes of the blood and pretenders . it is an old countrey prouerbe : ( that might overcomes right ) a weake title that weares a strong sword , commonly prevailes against a strong title that weares but a weake one , otherwise philip the second had never bin duke of portugal , nor duke of millayne , nor k. of naples & scicilie . but good lord errores not sunt trah ▪ udi in exemplum : i speake of regall , peaceable , and lawfull parliaments . the king at this time was but a king in name , for glocester , leycester and chichester made choise of other nyne , to whom the rule of the realme was committed , & the prince was forced to purchase his liberty frō the earle of leycester , by giuing for his ransome the county pallatine of chester . but my lord let vs judge of those occasions by their events , what became of this proud earle ? was hee not soone after slaine in euesham ? was he not left naked in the field , and left a shamefull spectacle , his head being cut off from his shoulders , his priuy parts from his body & laid on each side of his nose ? and did not god extinguish his race , after which in a lawfull parliament at westminster ( confirmed in a following parliament of westminster , were not all the lords that followed leycester disinherited ? and when that foole glocester , after the death of leycester ( whom he had formerly forsaken ) made himselfe the head of a second rebellion , and called in strangers , for which not lōg before he had cried out against the k. was not hee in the end , after that hee had seene the slaughter of so many of the barons ▪ the spoile of their castles , & lordships constrained to submit himselfe , as all the suruiuers did , of which they that sped best ▪ payd their sines and ransomes , the king reserving to his younger sonne , the earledomes of leycester and derby . covn : well sir , we haue disputed this king to his graue , though it be true , that he outliued all his enimies , & brought them to confusion , yet those examples did not terrifie their successors , but the earle marshall , and hereford , threatned king edward the first , with a new warre . ivst : they did so , but after the death of hereford , the earle marshall repented himselfe , and to gaine the kings favour , he made him heire of all his lands . but what is this to the parliament ? for there was never k. of this land had more giuen him for the time of his raigne , then edward the sonne of henry the third had . covns : how doth that appeare ? ivst : in this sort my good lord , in this kings third yeare he had giuen him the fifteenth part of all goods . in his sixt yeare a twentith . in his twelfth yeare a twentyeth , in his fourteenth yeare hee had escuage ( to wit ) forty shillings of euery knights fee : in his eighteenth yeare hee had the eleventh part of all moueable goods within the kingdome , in his nineteenth yeare the tenth part of all church liuings in england , scotland and ireland , for sixe yeares , by agreement from the pope , in his three & twentith yeare he raised a taxe vpō wooll and fels , & on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched , & al the treasure in thē to be seized & brought to his coffers , excusing himselfe by laying the fault vpō his treasurer , he had also in the end of the same yeare , of algoods , of all burgesses , & of the commons the 10 ● part , in the 25 ● yeare of the parliamēt of s t edmūdsbury , he had an 18 th part of the goods of the burgesses , and of the people in generall , the tenth part . hee had also the same yeare by putting the clergy out of his protection a fift part of their goods , and in the same yeare he set a great taxe vpon wools , to wit , from halfe a marke to 40 ● vpon euery sacke , wherevpon the earle marshall , and the earle of hereford refusing to attend the king into flanders pretended the greeuances of the people but in the end the king hauing pardoned thē , & cōfirmed the great charter , he had the ninth penny of all goods from the lords and commons of the clergy , in the south hee had the tenth penny , and in the north the fift penny . in the two and thirtyeth yeare he had a subsedy freely graunted . in the three and thirtyeth yeare hee confirmed the great charter of his owne royall disposition , and the states to shew their thankfulnesse , gaue the king for one yeare , the fift part of all the revenues of the land and of the citizens the sixt part of their goods . and in the same yeare the king vsed the inquisition called traile baston . by which all iustices and other magistrates were grievously fined that had vsed extortion or bribery , or had otherwise misdemeaned themselues to the great contentation of the people . this commission likewise did enquire of intruders , barrators & all other the like vermine , whereby the king gathered a great masse of treasure with a great deale of loue . now for the whole raigne of this king , who governed england 35 yeares , there was not any parliament to his preiudice . covns : but there was taking of armes by marshall and hereford . ivst : that 's true , but why was that ? because the king , notwithstanding all that was giuen him by parliament , did lay the greatest taxes that ever king did without their consent . but what lost the king by those lords ? one of them gaue the king all his lands , the other dyed in disgrace . covns : but what say you to the parliament in edward the seconds time his successor : did not the house of parliament banish peirce gaueston whom the king favoured ? ivst : but what was this gaueston but an esquier of gascoine , formerly banisht the realme by king edward the first , for corrupting the prince edward , now raigning . and the whole kingdome fearing and detesting his venemous disposition , they besought his maiesty to cast him off , which the king performed by an act of his owne , and not by act of parliament , yea gauestons owne fatherinlawe , the earle of glocesterw , as one of the chiefest of the lords that procured it . and yet finding the kings affection to follow him so strongly , they all consented to haue him recalled . after which when his credit so increased , that hee despised and set at naught all the auncient nobility , and not onely perswaded the king to all manner of outrages and riots , but withall transported what he listed of the kings treasure , and jewels , the lords vrged his banishment the second time , but neither was the first nor second banishment forced by acte of parliament , but by the forceable lords his enemies . lastly hee being recalled by the king , the earle of lancaster caused his head to bee stricken off , when those of his party had taken him prisoner . by which presumptuous acts , the earle and the rest of his company committed treason and murder , treason by raysing an army without warrant , murder by taking away the life of the kings subiect . after which gaveston being dead , the spencers got possession of the kings favour , though the younger of them was placed about the k. by the lords themselues . covns . what say you then to the parliament held at london about the sixt yeare of that king ? ivst . i say that king was not bound to performe the acts of this parliament , because the lords beeing too strong for the king , inforced his consent , for these be the words of our own history . they wrested too much beyond the boūds of reasō . cons . what say you to the parliaments of the white wands in the 13 th of the king . ivst . i say the lords that were so moued , came with an army , and by strong hand surprised the king , they constrained , ( sayth the story ) the rest of the lords and compelled many of the bishops to consent vnto them , yea it sayth further , that the king durst not but graunt to all that they required , ( to wit ) for the banishment of the spencers . yea they were so insolent that they refused to lodge the queene cōming through kent in the castle of leedes , and sent her to prouide her lodging where shee could get it so late in the night , for which notwithstanding some that kept her out were soone after taken and hang'd , and the refore your lordship cannot call this a parliament for the reasons before alleaged . but my lord what became of these lawgiuers to the king , even when they were greatest , a knight of the north called andrew herkeley assembled the forces of the countrey , ouerthrew them and their army , slewe the earle of hereford and other barons , tooke their generall thomas earle of lancaster , the kinges cozen-germane at that tyme possessed of fiue earledomes , the lords clifford , talbort , mowbray , maudiut , willington , warren , lord darcy , withers , kneuill , leybourne , bekes , louell , fitzwilliams , watervild , and diverse other barons , knights and esquires , and soone after the lord percy , and the lord warren tooke the lords baldsemere , and the lord audley , the lord teis , gifford , tuchet , and many others that fled from the battaile , the most of which past vnder the hands of the hangman , for constraining the king vnder the colour and name of a parliament . but this your good lordship may iudge , to whom , those tumultuous assemblies ( which our histories falsely call parliaments haue beene daungerous , the kings in the end ever preuailed , and the lords lost their liues , & estates . after which the spencers in their banishment at yorke , in the 15 th of the king , were restored to the honors and estates , and therein the king had a subsedy giuen him the sixt penny of goods throughout england , ireland , and wales . covns : yet you see the spencers were soone after dissolued . ivst : it is true my lord , but that is nothing to our subiect of parliament , they may thanke their owne insolencie , for they branded & despised the queene , whom they ought to haue honored as the kings wife ; they were also exceeding greedy , & built thēselues vpon other mens ruines , they were ambitious & exceeding malitious , wherevpon that came , that when chamberlaine spencer was hang'd in hereford , a part of the 24 th psalme was written over his head : quid gloriaris in malitia potens ? covns . well sir , you haue all this while excused your selfe vpon the strength and rebellions of the lords , but what say you now to king edward the third , in whose time ( and during the time of this victorious king , no man durst take armes or rebel ) the three estates did him the greatest affront that euer king receiued or endured , therefore i conclude where i began , that these parliaments are dangerous for a king . ivst . to answere your lordship in order , may it please you first to call minde , what was giuen this great king by his subjects before the dispute betwixt him and the house happened , which was in his latter dayes , from his first yeare to his fift yeare there was nothing giuen the king by his subjects : in his eight yeare at the parliament at london a tenth and a fifteenth was graunted : in his tenth yeare hee ceased vpon the italians goods heere in england to his owne vse , with all the goods of the monkes cluniacqs and others , of the order of the cistertians . in the eleuenth yeare , hee had given him by parliament a notable relief , the one halfe of the woolls throughout england , and of the cleargy all their wools , after which , in the end of the yeare hee had granted in his parliament at westminster , forty shillings vpon every sacke of wool , and for every thirty wool fels forty shillings , for every last of leatherne , as much , and for all other merchandizes after the same rate . the king promising that this yeares gathering ended , he would thenceforth content himselfe with the old custome , he had ouer and aboue this great ayde the eight part of all goods of all citizens and burgesses , and of others as of forreigne marchants , & such as liued not of the gaine of breeding of sheepe and cattell the fifteenth of their goods : nay my lord : this was not all : though more then euer was granted to any king , for the same parliament bestowed on the king the ninth sheafe of all the corne within the lande , the ninth fleece , and the ninth lambe for two yeares next following : now what thinke your lordship of this parliament . covns . i say they were honest men . ivst : and i say , the people are as loving to their king now , as euer they were , if they bee honestly and wisely dealt withall , and so his majestie hath found them in his last two parliaments , if his majestie had not beene betrayed by those whom he most trusted . covns . but i pray you sir , who shall a king trust , if he may not trust those whom he hath so greatly advanced ? ivst . i will tell your lordship whom the king may trust . covns . who are they ? ivst . his owne reason , and his owne excellent judgement which haue not deceived him in any thing , wherein his majestie hath beene pleased to exercise them , take councell of thine heart ( saith the booke of wisedome ) for there is none more faithfull vnto thee then it . covns . it is true , but his majestie found that those wanted no judgement whom hee trusted , and how could his majestie divine of their honesties ? ivst . will you pardon mee if i speake freely , for if i speake out of loue , which ( as salomon saith ) covereth all trespasses , the trueth is , that his majestie would never beleeue any man that spake against them , and they knew it well enough , which gaue them boldnesse to do what they did . covns . what was that ? ivst . even , my good lord , to ruine the kings estate so farre as the state of so great a king may be ruin'd by men ambitious and greedy without proportion . it had beene a braue increase of revenue , my lord , to haue raysed 50000′ land of the kings to 20000′ revenue , and to raise the revenue of wards to 20000′ more , 40000′ added to the rest of his majesties estate , had so enabled his majestie , as hee could never haue wanted . and my good lord , it had beene an honest service to the king , to haue added 7000′ lands of the lord cobhams , woods and goods being worth 30000′ more . covns . i know not the reason why it was not done . ivst . neither doth your lordship , perchance knowe the reason why the 10000′ offer'd by swinnerton for a fine of the french wines , was by the then lord treasurer conferr'd on devonshire and his mistris . covns . what moued the treasurer to reject & crosse that raising of the kings lands ? ivst . the reason , my good lord , is manifest , for had the land beene raised , then had the king knowne when hee had given or exchanged land , what hee had giuen or exchanged . covns . what hurt had that beene to the treasurer whose office is truely to informe the king of the value of all that he giveth ? ivst . so hee did when it did not concerne himselfe nor his particular , for hee could neuer admit any one peece of a good manour to passe in my lord aubignes booke of 1000′ land , till hee himselfe had bought , & then all the remaining flowers of the crowne were culled out . now had the treasurer suffer'd the kings lands to haue been raised , how could his lordshippe haue made choice of the old rents , as well in that book of my lord aubigne , as in exchange of theobalds , for which hee tooke hatfield in it , which the greatest subject or favorite queene elizabeth had never durst haue named vnto her by way of gift or exchange . nay my lord , so many other goodly mannors haue passed from his majestie , as the very heart of the kingdome mourneth to remember it , and the eyes of the kingdome shedde teares continually at the beholding it ▪ yea the soule of the kingdome is heavy vnto death with the consideration thereof , that so magnanimous a prince , should suffer himselfe to be so abused . covns . but sir you knowe that cobhams lands were entayled vpon his cosens . ivst . yea , my lord , but during the liues and races of george brooke his children , it had beene the kings , that is to say , for euer in effect , but to wrest the king , and to draw the inheritance vpon himselfe , he perswaded his majestie to relinquish his interest for a petty summe of money ; and that there might be no counterworking , he sent brooke 6000 l to make friends , vvhereof himselfe had 2000 l backe againe , buckhurst and barwicke had the other 4000 l , and the treasurer and his heires the masse of land for euer . covns . what then i pray you came to the king by this great confiscation . ivst . my lord , the kings majestie by all those goodly possessiōs , vvoods & goods looseth 500 l by the yere which he giueth in pension to cobham , to maintaine him in prison . cov . certainly , even in conscience they should haue reserved so much of the land in the crowne , as to haue giuen cobham meate and apparell , & not made themselues so great gainers , and the king 500 l ( per annum ) looser by the bargaine , but it 's past : consilium non est eorum quae fieri nequeunt . ivst . take the rest of the sentence , my lord : sed consilium versatur in iis quae sunt in nostra potestate . it is yet , my good lord , in potestate regis , to right himselfe . but this is not all my lord : and i feare mee , knowing your lordships loue to the king , it would put you in a feaver to heare all : i will therefore goe on vvith my parliaments . covns . i pray doe so , and amongst the rest , i pray you what say you to the parliament holden at london in the fifteenth yeare of king edward the third ? ivst . i say there was nothing concluded therein to the prejudice of the king. it is true , that a litle before the sitting of the house , the king displaced his chancellour and his treasurer , and most of all his judges and officers of the exchequer , and committed many of them to prison , because they did not supplie him with mony being beyond the seas , for the rest , the states assembled , besought the king that the lawes of the two charters might bee obserued , and that the great officers of the crowne might bee chosen by parliament . covns . but what successe had these petitions . ivst . the charters were observed , as before , & so they wil be euer , & the other petition was reiected , the king being pleas'd notwithstanding , that the great officers should take an oath in parliament to doe iustice. now for the parliament of westminster , in the 17 th yeare of the king , the king had three markes and a halfe for euery sacke of wooll transported ; and in his 18 th he had a 10 th of the clergy , and a 15 ● of the laity for one yeare . his maiesty forbare after this to charge his subiects with any more payments , vntill the 29 th of his reigne , when there was giuen the king by parliament 50 for euery sacke of wooll transported for sixe yeares , by which grant , the king receiued a thousand marks a day , a greater matter then a thousand pounds in these dayes , & a 1000 l a day amounts to 365000 a yeare , which was one of the greatest presents that euer was giuen to a king of this land . for besides the cheapnes of all things in that age , the kings souldiers had but 3 d a day wages , a man at armes 6 l , a knight but 2 ● . in the parliament at westminster , in the 33 ● yeare he had 26 ● 8 d for euery sacke of wooll transported , & in the 42 t● yeare 3 dismes & 3 fifteens . in his 45 l yeare he had 50000 of the layty , & because the spiritualty disputed it , & did not pay so much , the king chang'd his chancellour , treasurer , and privy seale , being bishops , and placed lay men in their roome . covns . it seemes that in those dayes the kings were no longer in loue with their great chancellors , then when they deserued well of them . ivst . no my lord , they were not , & that was the reason they were well serued , & it was the custome then , & in many ages after , to change the treasurer & the chancellour euery 3 yeares , & withall to heare all mens complaints against thē . covns . but by this often change , the saying is verified , that there is no inheritance in the fauour of kings . hee that keepeth the figge tree ( saith salomon ) shall eat the fruite thereof ; for reason it is that the seruant liue by the master . ivst . my lord , you say well in both , but had the subiect an inheritance in the princes favor , where the prince hath no inheritance in the subiects fidelity , then were kings in more vnhappy estate then common persons . for the rest , salomon meaneth not , that he that keepeth the figge tree should surfet , though he meant he should eate , hee meant not hee should breake the branches in gathering the figs , or eate the ripe , & leaue the rotten for the owner of the tree ; for what saith hee in the following chapter , he saith that he that maketh haste to be rich , cannot be innocent . and before that , he saith , that the end of an inheritance hastily gotten , cannot be blessed . your lordship hath heard of few or none great with kings , that haue not vsed their power to oppresse , that haue not grown insolent & hatefull to the people ; yea , insolent towards those princes that advanced them . covns . yet you see that princes can change their fancies . ivst . yea my lord , when favorites change their faith , when they forget that how familiar socuer kings make thēselues with their vassals , yet they are kings : he that provoketh a king to anger ( saith salomon ) sinneth against his owne soule . and he further saith , that pride goeth before destruction , and a high minde before a fall . i say therefore , that in discharging those lucifers , how deare soeuer they haue beene , kings make the world know that they haue more of iudgement then of passion , yea they thereby offer a satisfactory sacrifice to all their people , too great benefits of subjects to their king , where the minde is blowne vp with their owne deseruings , and too great benefits of kings confer'd vpon their subiects , where 〈◊〉 minde is not qualified with a great deale of modesty , are equally dangerous . of this later and insolenter , had king richard the second deliuered vp to iustice but three or foure , he had still held the loue of the people , and thereby his life and estate . covns . well , i pray you goe on with your parliaments . ivst . the life of this great king edward drawes to an end , so doe the parliaments of this time , where in 50 yeares raigne , he neuer receiued any affront , for in his 49 th yeare he had a disme and a fifteene granted him freely . covns . but sir it is an olde saying , that all is well that ends well : iudge you whether that in his 50 th yeare in parliament at westminster hee receiued not an affront , when the house vrged the king to remoue & discharge frō his presence the duke of lancaster , the lord latimer his chamberlaine , sir richard sturry , and others whom the king fauoured and trusted . nay , they pressed the king to thrust a certaine lady out of the court , which at that time bare the greatest sway therein . ivst . i will with patience answere your lordship to the full , and first your lordship may remember by that which i euen now said , that neuer king had so many gifts as this king had from his subiects , and it hath neuer grieued the subiects of england to giue to their king , but when they knew there was a devouring lady , that had her share in all things that passed , and the duke of lancaster was as scraping as shee , that the chancellour did eat vp the people as fast as either of them both . it grieued the subjects to feede these cormorants . but my lord there are two things by which the kings of england haue beene prest , ( to wit ) by their subiects , and by their owne necessities . the lords in former times were farre stronger , more warlike , better followed , liuing in their countries , then now they are . your lordship may remember in your reading , that there were many earles could bring into the field a thousand barbed horses , many a baron 5 or 600 barbed horses , whereas now very few of them can furnish twenty fit to serue the king. but to say the truth my lord , the iustices of peace in england , haue oppos'd the iniusticers of warre in england , the kings writ runs ouer all , & the great scale of england , with that of the next constables will serue the turne to affront the greatest lords in england that shall moue against the king. the force therefore by which our kings in former times were troubled , is vanisht away . but the necessities remaine . the people therefore in these later ages , are no lesse to bee pleased then the peeres ; for as the later are become lesse , so by reason of the trayning through england , the commons haue all the weapons in their hands . covns . and was it not so euer ? ivst . no my good lord , for the noblemen had in their armories to furnish some of thē a thousand , some two thousand , some three thousand men , whereas now there are not many that can arme fifty . covns . can you blame them ? but i will only answere for my selfe , betweene you & me be it spoken , i holde it not safe to maintaine so great an armory or stable , it might cause me , or any other nobleman to be suspected , as the preparing of some innovation . ivst . why so my lord , rather to bee commended as preparing against all danger of innovation . covns . it should be so , but call your observation to accompt , & you shall find it as i say , for ( indeed ) such a jelousie hath been held euer since the time of the ciuill wars , ouer the military greatnes of our nobles , as made them haue litle will to bend their studies that wayes : wherefore let euery man prouide according as hee is rated in the muster booke , you vnderstand me . ivst . very well my lord , as what might be replyed in the preceiuing so much ; i haue euer ( to deale plainly and freely with your lordship ) more fear'd at home popular violence , then all the forreine that can be made , for it can neuer bee in the power of any forreine prince , without a papisticall party , either to disorder or endanger his majesties estate . covns . by this it seemes , it is no lesse dangerous for a king to leaue the power in the people , then in the nobility . ivst . my good lord , the wisdome of our owne age , is the foolishnes of another , the time present ought not to bee prefer'd to the policy that was , but the policy that was , to the time present . so that the power of the nobility being now withered , and the power of the people in the flowre , the care to content them would not be neglected , the way to win them often practized , or at least to defend them from oppression . the motiue of all dangers that euer this monarchy hath vndergone , should bee carefully heeded , for this maxime hath no posterne , potestas humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum . and now my lord , for king edward it is true , though he were not subject to force , yet was hee subiect to necessity , which because it was violent , hee gaue way vnto it , potestas ( saith pythagoras ) iuxia necessitatem habitat . and it is true , that at the request of the house he discharged & put from him those before named , which done , he had the greatest gift ( but one ) that euer he receiued in all his dayes ( to wit ) from euery person , man & woman aboue the age of fourteen yeares . 4 ● of old mony , which made many millions of groats , worth 6 ● of our mony . this he had in generall , besides he had of euery beneficed priest , 12 d. and of the nobility & gentry , i know not how much , for it is not set down . now my good lord , what lost the king by satisfying the desires of the parliament house ; for assoone as hee had the money in purse , hee recalled the lords , and restored them , & who durst call the king to accompt , when the assembly were dissolued . where the word of a king is , there is power ( saith ecclesiasticus ) who shall say vnto him , what doest thou ? saith the same author , for euery purpose there is a time & judgment , the king gaue way to the time , & his judgmēt persweded him to yeeld to necessity , consularius nemo melior est quàm tempus . covns . but yet you see the king was forc'd to yeeld to their demaunds . ivst . doth your lordship remember the saying of monsieur de lange , that he that hath the profit of the warre , hath also the honour of the warre , whether it be by battaile or retreate , the king you see had the profit of the parliament , and therefore the honour also , what other end had the king then to supply his wants . a wise man hath euermore respect vnto his ends : and the king also knew that it was the loue that the people bare him , that they vrged the remouing of those lords , there was no man among them that sought himselfe in that desire , but they all sought the king , as by the successe it appeared . my good lord , hath it not been ordinary in england and in france to yeeld to the demaunds of rebels , did not king richard the second graunt pardon to the outragious roagues & murtherers that follovved iack straw , & wat tyler , after they had murthered his chancellor , his treasurer , chiefe iustice , and others , brake open his exchequer , and committed all manner of outrages and villanies , and why did he doe it , but to avoid a greater danger : i say the kings haue then yeelded to those that hated them and their estates , ( to wit ) to pernicious rebels . and yet without dishonour shall it be called dishonour for the king to yeeld to honest desires of his subjects . no my lord , those that tell the king those tales , feare their own dishonour , and not the kings , for the honour of the king is supreame , and being guarded by iustice and piety , it cannot receiue neither wound nor stayne . covns . but sir , what cause haue any about our king to feare a parliament ? ivst . the same cause that the earle of suffolke had in richard the seconds time , and the treasurer fartham , with others ; for these great officers being generally hated for abusing both the king and the subiect , at the request of the states were discharged , and others put in their roomes . covns . and was not this a dishonour to the king ? ivst . certainly no , for king richard knew that his grandfather had done the like , and though the king was in his heart vtterly against it , yet had hee the profite of this exchange ; for suffolke was fined at 20000 markes , & 1000 ● lands . covns . well sir , we will speake of those that feare the parliament some other time , but i pray you goe on with that , that happened in the troublesome raigne of richard the second who succeeded , the grandfather beeing dead . ivst . that king , my good lord , was one of the most vnfortunate princes that euer england had , hee was cruell , extreame prodigall , and wholly carryed away with his two minions , suffolk ▪ & the duke of ireland , by whose ill advice & others , he was in danger to haue lost his estate ; which in the end ( being led by men of the like temper ) he miserably lost . but for his subsedies hee had giuen him in his first yeare being vnder age two tenths , and two fifteenes : in which parliament , alice peirce , who was remoued in king edwards time , with lancaster , latimer , and sturry . were confiscate & banished . in his second yeare at the parliament at glocester , the king had a marke vpon euery sacke of wooll , and 6 d the pound vpon wards . in his third yeare at the parliament at winchester , the commons were spared , and a subsedy giuen by the better sort , the dukes gaue 20 markes , and earles 6 markes , bishoppes and abbots with myters fixe markes , euery marke 3● 4 d , & euery knight , iustice , esquier , shrieue , parson , vicar , & chaplaine , paid proportionably according to their estates . covns . this me thinkes was no great matter . ivst . it is true my lord , but a little mony went far in those dayes : i my selfe once moued it in parliament in the time of queene elizabeth , who desired much to spare the common people , and i did it by her commaundement ; but when we cast vp the subsedy bookes , wee found the summe but smal , whē the 30 ● men were left out . in the beginning of his fourth yeare , a tenth with a fifteene vvere granted vpon condition , that for one vvhole yeare no subsedies should bee demaunded ; but this promise vvas as suddenly forgotten as made , for in the end of that yeare , the great subsedy of poll mony vvas granted in the parliament at northampton . covns . yea , but there follovved the terrible rebellion of baker , straw , and others , leister , wrais , and others . ivst . that vvas not the fault of the parliament my lord , it is manifest that the subsedy giuen vvas not the cause ; for it is plaine that the bondmen of england began it , because they vvere grieuously prest by their lords in their tenure of villenage , as also for the hatred they bare to the lavvyers & attorneyes : for the story of those times say , that they destroyed the houses & mannors of men of lavv , and such lavvyers as they caught , slevv them , & beheaded the lord chiefe iustice , which commotion being once begun , the head mony was by other rebels pretended : a fire is often kindled with a litle straw , which oftentimes takes hold of greater timber , & consumes the whole building : and that this rebellion was begun by the discontented slaues ( whereof there haue beene many in elder times the like ) is manifest by the charter of manumission , which the king granted in haec verba ▪ rich. dei gratia &c. sciatis quòd de gratia nostrâ spirituals manumissimus &c. to which seeing the king was constrained by force of armes , hee revoked the letters pattents . and made them voide , the same revocation being strengthened by the parliament ensuing . in which the king had giuen him a subsedy vpon wools , called a maletot . in the same fourth yeare was the lord treasurer discharged of his office and hales lord of s iohns chosen in his place . in his fift yeare was the treasurer againe changed , and the staffe giuen to segraue , and the lord chancellour was also changed , and the staffe giuen to the lord scroope : which lord scroope was againe in the beginning of his sixt yeare turned out , and the king after that he had for a while kept the seale in his own hand , gaue it to the bishop of london , from vvhom it vvas soone after taken & bestovved on the earle of suffolke , vvho they say , had abused the king , and converted the kings treasure to his ovvne vse . to this the king condiscended , and though ( saith walsingham ) he deserued to loose his life and goods , yet he had the fauor to goe at liberty vpō good sureties : & because the k. vvas but yong , & that the reliefe granted vvas committed to the trust of the earle of arundell for the furnishing of the kings navy against the french. covns . yet you see it vvas a dishonor to the k. to haue his beloued chancellour remoued . ivs. truly no , for the k. had both his fine 1000 lāds , & a subsedy to boot . and though for the present it pleased the k. to fancy a man all the vvorld hated ( the k s passiō ouercōming his iudgmēt ) yet it cānot be cal'd a dishonor , for the k. is to belieue the general coūsel of the kingdom , & to prefer it before his affection , especially vvhen suffolk vvas proued to be false euen to the k : for were it otherwise loue and affection might bee called a frenzie and a madnesse , for it is the nature of humane passions , that the loue bredde by fidelity , doth change it selfe into hatred , when the fidelity is first changed into falshood . covns : but you see there were thirteene lords chosen in the parliament , to haue the oversight of the government vnder the king. ivs : no my lord , it was to haue the oversight of those officers , which ( saith the story ) had imbezeled , lewdly wasted , and prodigally spent the kings treasure , for to the cōmission to those lords , or to any six of them , joyn'd with the kings counsell , was one of the most royall and most profitable that euer he did , if hee had bin constant to himself . but my good lord , man is the cause of his own misery , for i wil repeate the substance of the commission granted by the k ▪ & confirmed by parliament , which , whether it had bin profitable for the k. to haue prosecuted , your lordship may judge . the preamble hath these words : whereas our sovereigne lord the king perceiveth by the greivous complaints of the lords & commons of this realme , that the rents , profits , & revenues of this realme , by the singular and insufficient councell and evill gouernment , aswell of some his late great officers , and others , &c. are so much withdrawen , wasted , eloyued , giuen , granted , alienated , destroyed , and evill dispended , that he is so much impoverished and void of treasure and goods , and the substance of the crown so much diminished and destroyed , that his estate may not honorably be sustained as appertayneth . the k. of his free will at the request of the lords and commons , hath ordayned williā archbishop of canterbury and others with his chancellour , treasurer , keeper of his privy seale , to survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house , &c. as of all the rents , and profits , and revenues that to him appertayneth , and to be due , or ought to appertaine and be due , &c. and all manner of gifts , graunts , alienations and confirmations made by him of lands , tenements , rents , &c. bargained and sold to the preiudice of him and his crowne , &c. and of his iewels & goods which were his grandfathers at the time of his death , &c. and where they be become . this is in effect the substance of the commission , which your lordship may reade at large in the booke of statutes , this commission being enacted in the tenth yere of the kings reigne . now if such a commission were in these daies granted to the faithfull men , that haue no interest in the sales , gifts nor purchases , nor in the keeping of the jewells at the queenes death , nor in the obtaining , graunts of the kings best lands , i cannot say what may be recouered , & justly recovered ; and what say your lordship , was not this a noble acte for the king , if it had beene followed to effect ? covns . i cannot tell whether it were or no , for it gaue power to the commissioners to examine all the graunts . ivst . why my lord , doth the king graunt any thing , that shames at the examination ? are not the kings graunts on record ? covns . but by your leaue , it is some dishonour to a king , to haue his judgement called in question . ivst . that is true my lord , but in this , or vvhensoever the like shall be graunted in the future , the kings judgement is not examined , but their knavery that abused the k. nay by your favour , the contrary is true , that vvhen a king will suffer himselfe to bee eaten vp by a company of petty fellowes , by himselfe raised , there in both the judgement and courage is disputed . and if your lordship vvill disdaine it at your own servants hands , much more ought the great heart of a king , to disdaine it . and surely my lord , it is a greater treason ( though it vndercreepe the law ) to teare from the crowne the ornaments thereof : and it is an infallible maxime , that hee that loues not his majesties estate , loues not his person . covns . how came it then , that the acte was not executed ? ivs. because these , against vvhom it was graunted , perswaded the king to the contrary : as the duke of ireland , suffolke , the chief iustice trisilian , & others , yea , that which vvas lawfully done by the king , and the great councell of the kingdome , was ( by the mastery which ireland , suffolke , and tresilian had ouer the kings affections ) broken and disavowed . those that devised to relieue the king , not by any private invention , but by generall councell , were by a private and partiall assemblie , adjudged traytors , and the most honest iudges of the land , enforced to subscribe to that judgment . in so much , that iudge belknap plainely told the duke of ireland , and the earle of suffolke , when hee was constrained to set to his hand , plainely told these lords , that he wanted but a rope , that he might therewith receiue a reward for his subscription . and in this councell of nottingham vvas hatched the ruine of those which governed the king , of the iudges by them constrained , of the lords that loued the king , and sought a reformation , and of the king himselfe ; for though the king found by all the shreeues of the shires , that the people would not fight against the lords , whom they thought to bee most faithfull vnto the king , when the citizens of london made the same answere , beeing at that time able to arme 50000● men , & told the major , that they would never fight against the kings friends , and defenders of the realme , when the lord ralph basset , who was neere the k. told the king boldly , that hee would not adventure to haue his head broken for the duke of irelands pleasure , vvhen the lord of london told the earle of suffolke in the kings presence , that he was not worthy to liue , &c. yet vvould the king in the defence of the destroyers of his estate , lay ambushes to entrap the lords , when they came vpon his faith , yea when all was pacified , and that the king by his proclamation had clear'd the lords , and promised to produce ireland , suffolke , & the archbishop of yorke , tresilian & bramber , to answer at the next parliament , these men confest , that they durst not appeare ; and when suffolke fled to callice , and the duke of ireland to chester , the king caused an army to be leavied in lancashire , for the safe conduct of the duke of ireland to his presence , when as the duke being encountered by the lords , ranne like a coward from his company , & fled into holland . after this vvas holden a parliament , which vvas called that vvrought vvonders . in the eleuenth yeare of this king , wherein the forenamed lords , the duke of ireland & the rest , were condemned and confiscate , the chiefe iustice hang'd with many others , the rest of the iudges condemned & banisht , & a 10 th and a 15 th given to the king. covns : but good sir : the king was first besieged in the tower of london , and the lords came to the parliament , & no man durst contradict them . ivst : certainly in raising an army , they committed treason , and though it did appeare , that they all loued the king , ( for they did him no harme , hauing him in their power ) yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the kings commission , and all force raised to be intended for the death & destruction of the k. not attending the sequell . and it is so judged vpon good reason , for every vnlawfull and ill action is suppos'd to be accompanied with an ill intēt . and besides , those lords vsed too great cruelty , in procuring the sentence of death against diuers of the kings servaunts , who were bound to follow and obey their master and soveraigne lord , in that hee commaunded . covns . it is true , and they were also greatly to blame , to cause then so many seconds to be put to death , seeing the principalls , ireland , suffolke ▪ and yorke had escaped them . and what reason had they to seeke to enforme the state by strong hand , was not the kinges estate as deere to himselfe , as to them ? he that maketh a king know his errour manerly and priuate , and giues him the best aduice , hee is discharged before god , and his owne conscience . the lords might haue retired themselues , when they saw they could not prevaile , and haue left the king to his owne wayes , who had more to loose then they had . ivst . my lord , the taking of armes cannot be excused in respect of the law , but this might be said for the lords that the k. being vnder yeres , & being wholly governed by their enimies , & the enimies of the kingdome , & because by those evill mens perswasiōs , it was aduised , how the lords should haue bin murthered at a feast in london , they were excusable during the kings minority to stand vpō their guards against their particular enemies . but we will passe it ouer and go on with our parliaments that followed , whereof that of cambridge in the k s 12 th yeare was the next , therein the k. had giuen him a 10 th & a 15 th , after which , being 20. yeares of age rechāged ( saith h. kinghton ) his treasurer , his chancellor , the iustices of either bench , the clerk of the priuy seale & others , & tooke the gouernment into his own hands . hee also tooke the admirals place frō the earle of arundell , & in his roome hee placed the earle of huntingdon in the yeare following , which was the 13 th yeare of the k. in the parliament at westminster , there was giuen to the king vpon every sacke of wooll 14 s and 6 d in the pound vpon other marchandize . covns : but by your leaue , the king was restrained this parliament , that he might not dispose of , but a third part of the money gathered . ivst : no my lord , by your fauour . but true it is that part of this mony was by the kings consent assigned towards the wars , but yet left in the lord treasurers hands , and my lo : it would be a great ease , & a great sauing to his maiestie our lord and master , if it pleased him to make his assignations vpon some part of his revenewes , by which he might haue 1000● vpon every 10000● , and saue himselfe a great deale of clamour . for seeing of necessity the nauy must be maintained , & that those poore men aswell carpenters as ship keepers must be paid , it were better for his maiesty to giue an assignation to the treasurer of his nauy for the receiuing of so much as is called ordinary , then to discontent those poore men , who being made desperate beggers , may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in waite to destroy the k s estate . and if his maiesty did the like in all other payments , especially where the necessity of such as are to receiue , cannot possible giues daies , his maiesty might then in a litle rowle behold his receipts and expences , hee might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for , and then dispose the rest at his pleasure . and my good lord , how excellently and easily might this haue bin done , if the 400000● had beene raised as aforesaid vpon the kings lands , and wards , i say that his maiesties house , his navy , his guards , his pensioners , his munition , his ambassadors and all else of ordinary charge might haue beene defrayed , and a great summe left for his maiesties casuall expences and rewards , i will not say they were not in loue with the kings estate , but i say they were vnfortunately borne for the king that crost it . covns . well sir , i would it had beene otherwise , but for the assignments , there are among vs that will not willingly indure it . charity begins with itselfe , shall wee hinder our selues of 50000● per annum to saue the king 20 ? no sir , what will become of our new-yeares gifts , our presents and gratuities ? we can now say to those that haue warrants for money , that there is not a penny in the exchequer , but the king giues it away vnto the scots faster then it comes in . ivst . my lord you say well , at least you say the trueth , that such are some of our answeres , and hence comes that generall murmure to all men that haue money to receiue , i say that there is not a penny giuen to that nation , be it for seruice or otherwise but it is spread over all the kingdome : yea they gather notes , and take copies of all the priuy seales and warrants that his maiesty hath given for the money for the scots , that they may shew them in parliament . but of his maiesties gifts to the english , there is no bruite though they may be tenne times as much as the scots . and yet my good lord , howsoeuer they be thus answered that to them sue for money out of the exchequer , it is due to them for 10 or 12 ▪ or 20 in the hundred , abated according to their qualities that sue , they are alwaies furnished . for conclusion , if it would please god to put into the kings heart to make their assignations , it would saue him many a pound , and gaine him many a prayer , and a great deale of loue , for it grieueth every honest mans heart to see the abūdance which euen the petty officers in the exchequer , and others gather both from the king and subiect , and to see a world of poore men runne after the king for their ordinary wages . covns . well , well , did you never heare this old tale , that when there was a great contention about the weather , the seamen complaining of contrary windes , when those of the high countreyes desired raine , and those of the valleyes sunshining dayes , iupiter sent them word by mercury , then , when they had all done , the weather should be as it had bin , and it shall euer fall out so with them that complaine , the course of payments shall be as they haue beene , what care we what petty fellowes say ? or what care wee for your papers ? haue not we the kings eares , who dares contest with vs ? though we cannot be revenged on such as you are for telling the trueth , yet vpon some other pretence , wee 'le clap you vp , and you shall sue to vs ere you get out . nay wee 'le make you confesse that you were deceiued in your proiects , and eate your owne words : learne this of me sir , that as a little good fortune is better then a great deale of vertue : so the least authority hath advantage ouer the greatest wit , was he not the wisest man that said , the battaile was not to the strongest , nor yet bread for the wise , nor riches to men of vnderstanding , nor fauour to men of knowledge : but what time & chance came to them all . ivst . it is well for your lordship that it is so . but qu : elizabeth would set the reason of a meane man , before the authority of the greatest councellor she had , and by her patience therein shee raised vpon the vsuall and ordinary customes of london without any new imposition aboue 50000● a yeare , for though the treasurer burleigh , and the earle of leicester , and secretary walshingham all three pensioners to customer smith did set themselues against a poore waiter of the custome-house called carwarden , and commaunded the groomes of the privy chamber not to giue him accesse , yet the queene sent for him , and gaue him countenance against them all . it would not serue the turne , my lord , with her ; when your lordships would tell her , that the disgracing her great officers by hearing the complaints of busie heads , was a dishonour to herselfe , but shee had alwaies this answere , that if any man complaine vniustly against a magistrate , it were reason he should be severely punished , if iustly , shee was queene of the small , aswell as of the great , and would heare their complaints . for my good lord , a prince that suffereth himselfe to be besieged , forsaketh one of the greatest regalities belonging to a monarchie , to wit , the last appeale , or as the french call it , le dernier resort . covns : well sir , this from the matter , i pray you go on . ivst : then my lord , in the kings 15 th yeare he had a tenth and at fifteene graunted in parliament of london . and that same yeare there was a great councell called at stamford to which diuerse men were sent for , of diuerse counties besides the nolility , of whom the k. tooke advice whether he should continue the war , or make a finall end with the french. covns . what needed the king to take the advice of any but of his owne councell in matter of peace or warre . ivst . yea my lord , for it is said in the prouerbes ▪ where are many counsellers , there is health . and if the king had made the warre by a generall consent , the kingdome in generall were bound to maintaine the warre , and they could not then say when the king required ayde , that he vndertooke a needlesse warre . covns . you say well , but i pray you go on . ivst . after the subsedy in the 15 yeare , the king desired to borrow 10000 l of the londoners , which they refused to lend . covns . and was not the king greatly troubled therewith . ivst : yea but the king troubled the londoners soone after , for the king tooke the advantage of a ryot made vpon the bishop of salisbury his men , sent for the maior , and other the ablest cittizens , committed the maior to prison in the castle of windsor , and others to other castles , and made a lord vvarden of this citty , till in the end what with 10000 l ready money , and other rich presents , insteed of lending 10000 l it cost them 20000 l. betweene the fifteenth yeare and twentith yeare , hee had two aydes giuen him in the parliaments of vvinchester and vvestminster : and this later was given to furnish the kings iourney into ireland to establish that estate which was greatly shaken since the death of the kings grandfather , who receiued thence yearely 30000 l and during the kings stay in ireland hee had a 10 th and a 15 th graunted . covns . and good reason , for the king had in his army 4000 horse and 30000 foote . ivst . that by your fauour , was the kings sanity : for great armies do rather devour themselues then destroy enimies . such an army , ( whereof the fourth part would haue conquered all ireland ) was in respect of ireland such an army as xerxes led into greece in this twentith yeare , wherein hee had a tenth of the cleargy , was the great conspiracy of the kings vnkle , the duke of glocester , and of moubrey , arundell , nottingham , and warwick , the archbishop of canterbury and the abbotte of vvestminster , and others who in the 21 ● yeare of the king were all redeemed by parliament . & what thinkes your lordship , was not this assembly of the 3 states for the kings estate , wherein hee so prevailed , that hee not onely overthrew those popular lords , but besides ( the english chronicle sayth , the king so wrought and brought things about , that hee obtained the power of both houses to be graunted to certaine persons ▪ to 15 noblemen and gentlmen , or to seauen of them . covns : sir , whether the king wrought well or ill i cannot judge , but our chronicles say , that many things were done in this parliament , to the displeasure of no small number of people , to wit , for that diverse rightfull heires were disinherited of their lands & liuings , with which wrongfull doings the people were much offended , so that the king with those that were about him , and chiefe in counsell , came into great infamy and slander . ivst . my good lord , if your lordship will pardon mee , i am of opinion that those parliaments wherein the kings of this land haue satisfied the people , as they haue beene euer prosperous , so where the king hath restrained the house , the contrary hath happened , for the k ● atchiuements in this parliament , were the ready preparations to his ruine . cov : you meane by the general discontetmet that followed , and because the king did not proceede legally with glocester and others . why sir , this was not the first time that the kings of england haue done things without the counsell of the land : yea , contrary to the lawe . ivst : it is true my lord in some particulars , as euen at this time the duke of glocester was made away at callice by strong hand , without any lawfull triall : for hee was a man so beloued of the people and so allied , hauing the dukes of lancaster , and yorke his brethren , the duke of aumarle , and the duke of hereford his nephewes , the great earles of arundell and vvarwicke , with diuerse other of his part in the conspiracy , as the king durst not trie him according to the law : for at the tryall of arundell and vvarwicke , the king was forced to entertaine a petty army about him . and though the duke was greatly lamented , yet it cannot be denyed but that he was then a traytor to the king. and was it not so my lord with the duke of guise : your lordship doth remember the spurgald proverbe , that necessitie hath no law : and my good lord , it is the practice of doing wrong , and of generall wrongs done , that brings danger , and not where kings are prest in this or that particular , for there is great difference betweene naturall cruelty and accidentall . and therefore it was machiauels advice , that all that a king did in that kind , he shall do at once , and by his mercies afterwards make the world know that his cruelty was not affected . and my lord take this for a generall rule , that the immortall policy of a state cannot admit any law or priuiledge whatsoeuer , but in some particular or other , the same is necessarily broken , yea in an aristocratia or popular estate , which vaunts so much of equality and common right , more outrage hath beene committed then in any christian monarchy . covns : but whence came this hatred between the duke and the king his nephew . ivst : my lord , the dukes constraining the king , when he was young , stucke in the kings heart , and now the dukes proud speech to the king when hee had rendred brest formerly ingaged to the duke of brittaine , kindled againe these coales that were not altogether extinguished , for he vsed these words : your grace ought to put your body in great paine to winne a strong hold or towne by feares of armes , ere you take vpon you to sell or deliuer any towne gotten by the manhood and strong hand and policy of your noble progenitours . vvhereat , sayth the story , the king chaunged his countenance &c : and to say trueth ▪ it was a proud and maisterly speech of the duke ; besides that inclusiuely hee taxed him of sloath and cowardize , as if he had neuer put himselfe to the adventure of winning such a place , vndutifull wordes of a subiect do often take deeper roote then the memory of ill deedes do : the duke of biron found it when the king had him at advantage . yea the late earle of essex told queene elizabeth that her conditions was as crooked as her carkasse : but it cost him his head , which his insurrection had not cost him , but for that speech , who will say vnto a king ( saith iob ) thou art wicked . certainly it is the same thing to say vnto a lady , thou art crooked ( and perchance more ) as to say vnto a king that he is wicked , and to say that hee is a coward , or to vse any other wordes of disgrace , it is one and the same errour . covn : but what say you for arundell , a braue and valiant man , who had the kings pardon of his contempt during his minority . ivst : my good lord , the parliament which you say disputes the kings prerogatiue , did quite contrary , and destroyed the kings charter and pardon formerly giuen to arundell . and my good lord , do you remember , that at the parliament that wrought wonders , when these lords compounded that parliament , as the king did this , they were so mercilesse towards all , that they thought their enemies , as the earle of arundell most insolently suffered the qu : to kneele vnto him three houres for the sauing of one of her servants , and that scorne of his manebat alto mente repostum . and to say the truth , it is more barbarous & vnpardonable then any act that ever hee did to permit the wife of his soueraigne to kneele to him being the kings vassaile . for if he had saued the lords seruant freely at her first request , as it is like enough that the qu : would also haue saued him , miseris succurrens paria obtinebis aliquando . for your lordship sees that the earle of warwicke who was as farre in the treason as any of the rest , was pardoned . it was also at this parliament that the duke of hereford accused mowbray duke of norfolke , and that the duke of hereford , sonne to the duke of lancaster , was banished to the kings confusion , as your lordship well knowes . covns . i know it well , and god knowes that the k. had then a silly and weake counsell about him , that perswaded him to banish a prince of the blood , a most valiant man , and the best beloued of the people in generall of any man liuing , especially considering that the k. gaue every day more then other offence to his subiects . for besides that he fined the inhabitants that assisted the lords in his minority of the 17 shires ) which offence he had long before pardoned , his blank charters , & letting the realme to farme to meane persons , by whom he was wholly advised , increased the peoples hatred towards the present gouernment . ivst : you say well my l. princes of an ill destiny do alwaies follow the worst counsell , or at least imbrace the best after opportunity is lost , qui confilia non ex suo corde sed alienis viribus colligunt , non animo sed auribus cogitant , and this was not the least griefe of the subiect in generall , that those men had the greatest part of the spoile of the cōmonwealth , which neither by vertue , valour or counsell could adde any thing vnto it : nihil est sordidius , nihil crudelius ( saith anto : pius ) quāsi remp. ij arrode , qui nihil in eam suo labore cōferent . covns : indeede the letting to farme the realme was very grievous to the subiect . ivst . will your lordship pardon me if i tell you that the letting to farme of his maiesties customes ( the greatest revenue of the realme ) is not very pleasing . covns . and why i pray you , doth not the k. thereby raise his profits every third yeare , and one farmer out bids another to the kings advantage . ivst . it is true my lord , but it grieues the subiect to pay custome to the subject , for what mighty men are those farmers become , and if those farmers get many thousands every yeare , as the world knowes they doe , why should they not now ( being men of infinite wealth ) declare vnto the k. vpon oath , what they haue gained , and henceforth become the kings collectors of his custome , did not queene elizabeth , who was reputed both a wise and just princesse , after shee had brought customer smith from 14000 l a yeare to 42000 l a yeare , made him lay downe a recompence for that which hee had gotten ? and if these farmers doe giue no recompence , let them yet present the king with the trueth of their receivings and profits . but my lord for conclusion , after bollingbrooke arriuing in england with a small troope : notwithstanding the king at his landing out of ireland , had a sufficient and willing army : yet hee wanting courage to defend his right , gaue leaue to all his souldiers to depart , & put himselfe into his hands that cast him into his graue . covns . yet you see , hee was depos'd by parliament . ivst . aswell may your lordship say hee was knock't in the head by parliament , for your lordship knowes , that if king richard had ever escaped out of their fingers , that deposed him , the next parliament would haue made all the deposers traytors and rebels , and that iustly . in which parliamēt , or rather vnlawful assembly , there appeared but one honest man , to wit , the b. of carliel , who scorned his life & estate , in respect of right & his allegiāce , & defēded the right of his soveraigne lo : against the k. elect & his partakers . covns . well i pray goe on with the parliaments held in the time of his successor henry the fourth . ivst . this king had in his third yeare a subsedy , & in his fift a tenth of the cleargie without a parliament ; in his sixt yeare he had so great a subsedie , as the house required there might bee no record thereof left to posterity , for the house gaue him 20 of euery knights fee , and of every 20● land , 20● and 12● the pound of goods . covns . yea in the end of this yere , the parliamēt prest the king to annex vnto the crowne all temporall possessions belonging to church-men within the land , which at that time , was the third foote of all england . but the bishops made friends , and in the end saued their estates . ivst . by this you see , my lord , that cromwell was not the first that thought on such a businesse . and if king henry the 8● had reserued the abbeyes , and other church lands , which he had given at that time , the revenue of the crowne of england , had exceeded the reuenue of the crowne of spaine , with both the indies , whereas vsed as it was , ( a little enriched the crown ) served but to make a number of petty-foggers , and other gentlemen . covns . but what had the king in steed of this great revenue . ivst . hee had a 15 th of the commons , and a tenth , and a halfe of the clergy , and withall , all pensions graunted by king edward , and king richard were made voide . it was also moved , that all crowne lands formerly giuen ( at least given by k. ed : and k. rich : ) should bee taken backe . covns . what thinke you of that , sir ? would it not haue beene a dishonour to the king ? and would not his successors haue done the like to those that the king had advanced ? ivst . i cannot answere your lordship , but by distinguishing ▪ for where the kings had given land for services , and had not beene over-reached in his gifts , there it had bin a dishonour to the king , to haue made voide the graunts of his predecessors , or his graunts , but all those graunts of the kinges , wherein they were deceived , the very custome and policy of england makes them voyde at this day . covns . how meane you that , for his majestie hath given a great deale of land among vs since he came into england , and would it stand with the kinges honour to take it from vs againe ? ivst . yea my lord , very well with the kinges honour , if your lordship , or any lord else , haue vnder the name of 100 land a yeare , gotten 500● land , and so after that rate . covns . i will never belieue that his majestie will ever doe any such thing . ivst . and i beleeue as your lordship doth , but we spake e're-while of those that disswaded the king frō calling it a parliament : and your lordship asked mee the reason , why any man should disswade it , or feare it , to which , this place giues me an opportunity to make your lordship an answer , for though his majestle will of himself never question those graunts , yet when the commons shall make humble petition to the king in parliament , that it will please his majestie to assist them in his reliefe , with that which ought to be his owne , which , if it will please his majestie to yeeld vnto , the house will most willingly furnish and supply the rest , with what grace can his majestie deny that honest suite of theirs , the like hauing beene done in many kinges times before ? this proceeding , my good lord , may perchance proue all your phrases of the kings honour , false english. covns . but this cannot concerne many , & for my self , i am sure it concernes me little . ivst . it is true my lord , and there are not many that disswade his majestie from a parliament . covns . but they are great ones , a fewe of which will serue the turne well enough . ivst . but my lord , bee they neuer so great ( as great as gyants ) yet if they disswade the king from his ready and assured way of his subsistence , they must devise how the k. may be else-where supplied , for they otherwise runne into a dangerous fortune . covns . hold you contented sir , the king needes no great disswasion . ivst . my lord , learne of me , that there is none of you all , that can pierce the king. it is an essentiall property of a man truely wise , not to open all the boxes of his bosome , even to those that are neerest and deerest vnto him , for when a man is discovered to the very bottome , he is after the lesse esteemed . i dare vndertake , that when your lordship hath served the king twice twelue yeares more , you will finde , that his majestie hath reserved somewhat beyond all your capacities , his majestie hath great reason to put off the parliament , as his last refuge , and in the meane time , to make triall of all your loues to serue him , for his majestie hath had good experience , how well you can serue your selues : but when the king finds , that the building of your owne fortunes and factions , hath beene the diligent studies , and the service of his majestie , but the exercises of your leisures : hee may then perchance cast himself vpon the general loue of his people , of which ( i trust ) hee shall never bee deceiued , and leaue as many of your lordships as haue pilfered from the crowne , to their examination . covns . well sir , i take no great pleasure in this dispute , goe on i pray . ivst . in that kinges 5 th yeare , hee had also a subsedy , which he got by holding the house together from easter to christmas , and would not suffer them to depart . he had also a subsedie in his ninth yeare . in his eleventh yeare the commons did againe presse the king to take all the temporalities of the church-men into his hands , which they proved sufficient to maintaine 150 earles , 1500 knights , and 6400 esquiers , with a hundred hospitals , but they not prevayling , gaue the king a subsedy . as for the notorious prince , henry the fift , i finde , that he had given him in his second yeare 300000 markes , and after that two other subsedies , one in his fifth yeare , another in his ninth , without any disputes . in the time of his successour henry the sixt , there where not many subsedies . in his third yeare , he had a subsedy of a tunnage and poundage . and here ( saith iohn stom ) began those payments , which wee call customes , because the payment was continued , whereas before that time it was granted but for a yeare , two , or three , according to the kings occasions . hee had also an ayde and gathering of money in his fourth yeare , and the like in his tenth yeare , and in his thirteenth yere a 15 th . he had also a fifteenth for the conveying of the queene out of france into england . in the twenty eight yeare of that king was the acte of resumption of all honours , townes , castles , signieuries , villages , manors , lands , tenements , rents , reversions , fees , &c. but because the wages of the kings seruants , were by the strictnes of the acte also restrained , this acte of resumption was expounded in the parliament at reading the 31 th yeare of the kings reigne . covns . i perceiue that those acts of resumption were ordinary in former times ; for king stephen resumed the lands , which in former times hee had giuen to make friends during the ciuill warres . and henry the second resumed all ( without exception ) which king stephen had not resumed ; for although king stephen tooke backe a great deale , yet hee suffered his trustiest seruants to enjoye his gift . ivst . yes my lord , & in after times also ; for this was not the last , nor shall be the last , i hope . and judge you my lord , whether the parliaments doe not only serue the king , whatsoeuer is said to the contrary ; for as all king henry the 6 , gifts & graunts were made voide by the duke of yorke , when he was in possession of the kingdome by parliament . so in the time of k. h. when k. edw : was beaten out again , the parliament of westminster made all his acts voyde , made him & all his followers traytors , & gaue the king many of their heads & lands . the parliaments of england do alwaies serue the king in possession . it seru'd rich. the second to condemne the popular lords . it seru'd bollingbrooke to depose rich. when edw. the 4. had the scepter , it made them all beggars that had followed h. the 6. and it did the like for h. when edw. was driuen out . the parliaments are as the friendship of this world is , which alwayes followeth prosperity . for k. edw. the 4 : after that hee was possessed of the crown , he had in his 13 yeare a subsedy freely giuen him : & in the yeare following hee tooke a benevolence through england , which arbitrary taking frō the people , seru'd that ambitious traytor the duke of bucks . after the kings death was a plausible argument to perswade the multitude , that they should not permit ( saith sir thomas moore ) his line to raigne any longer vpon them . covns well sir , what say you to the parliament of richard the third his time ? ivst . i finde but one , and therein he made diuerse good lawes . for k. henry the seuenth in the beginning of his third yeare hee had by parliament an ayde granted vnto him , towards the reliefe of the duke of brittaine , then assailed by the french king. and although the king did not enter into the warre , but by the advice of the three estates , who did willingly contribute : yet those northerne men which loued richard the third , raised rebellion vnder colour of the mony impos'd , & murthered the earle of northumberland whom the king employed in that collection . by which your lordship sees , that it hath not beene for taxes and impositions alone , that the ill disposed haue taken armes ▪ but euen for those payments which haue beene appoynted by parliament . covns . and what became of those rebels ? ivst . they were fairely hang'd , and the mony levied notwithstanding , in the kings first yeare he gathered a marvailous great masse of mony , by a benevolence , taking patterne by this kind of levie from edw. 4 th . but the king caused it first to be moued in parliament where it was allowed , because the poorer sort were therein spared . yet it is true that the king vsed some arte , for in his letters hee declared that hee would measure euery mans affections by his gifts . in the thirteenth yeare hee had also a subsedy , whereupon the cornish men tooke armes , as the northerne men of the bishoppricke had done in the third yeare of the king. covns . it is without example , that euer the people haue rebelled for any thing granted by parliament , saue in this kings dayes . ivst . your lordship must consider , that he was not ouer much belou'd , for hee tooke many advantages vpon the people and the nobility both . covns . and i pray you what say they now of the new impositions lately laide by the kings maiesty ? doe they say that they are justly or injustly laide ? ivst . to impose vpon all things brought into the kingdome is very auncient : which imposing when it hath beene continued a certaine time , is then called customes , because the subjects are accustomed to pay it , & yet the great taxe vpon wine is still called impost , because it was imposed after the ordinary rate of payment , had lasted many yeares . but we doe now a dayes vnderstand those things to bee impositions , which are raised by the commaund of princes , without the aduice of the common-wealth , though ( as i take it ) much of that which is now called custome , was at the first imposed by prerogatiue royall : now whether it be time or consent that makes them just , i cannot define , were they just because new , and not justified yet by time , or vnjust because they want a generall consent : yet is this rule of aristotle verified in respect of his majestie : minus timent homines iniustum pati à principe quem cultorem dei putant . yea my lord , they are also the more willingly borne , because all the world knowes they are no new invention of the kings . and if those that advised his maiestie to impose them , had raised his lands ( as it was offered them ) to 20000 l more then it was , and his wards to asmuch as aforesaid , they had done him farre more acceptable seruice . but they had their own ends in refusing the one , and accepting the other . if the land had beene raised , they could not haue selected the best of it for themselues : if the impositions had not been laide , some of them could not haue their silkes , others peeces in farme , which indeed grieued the subiect tenne times more then that which his maiestie enjoyeth . but certainly they made a great advantage that were the advisers , for if any tumult had followed his maiesty , ready way had beene to haue deliuered them ouer to the people . covns . but thinke you that the king would haue deliuered them if any troubles had followed ? ivst . i know not my lord , it was machiavels counsell to caesar borgia to doe it , and k. h. the 8 deliuered vp empson and dudley , yea the same king , when the great cardinall woolsey , who gouerned the king and all his estate , had ( by requiring the sixt part of euery mans goods for the king ) raised a rebellion , the king i say disavowed him absolutely , that had not the dukes of norfolke and suffolke appeased the people , the cardinall had sung no more masse : for these are the words of our story : the king then came to westminster to the cardinals palace , and assembled there a great councell , in which he protested , that his minde was neuer to aske any thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his lawes . wherefore hee then willed them to know by whose meanes they were so strictly giuen foorth . now my lord , how the cardinall would haue shifted himselfe , by saying , i had the opinion of the iudges , had not the rebellion beene appeal'd , i greatly doubt . covns . but good sir , you blanch my question , and answere mee by examples . i aske you whether or no in any such tumult , the people pretending against any one or two great officers , the king should deliuer them , or defend them ? ivst . my good lord , the people haue not stayde for the kings deliuery , neither in england , nor in france : your lordship knowes how the chauncellour , treasurer , and chiefe iustice , with many others at seuerall times haue bin vsed by the rebels : and the marshals , constables , and treasurers in france , haue beene cut in pieces in charles the sixt his time . now to your lordships question , i say that where any man shall giue a king perilous advice , as may either cause a rebellion , or draw the peoples loue from the king. i say , that a king shal be advised to banish him : but if the king doe absolutely commaund his seruant to doe any thing displeasing to the common-wealth , and to his own peril , there is the king bound in honour to defend him . but my good lord for conclusion , there is no man in england that will lay any invention either grieuous or against law vpon the kings maiesty : and therefore your lordships must share it amongst you . covns . for my part , i had no hand in it , ( i thinke ) ingram was he that propounded it to the treasurer . ivst . alas my good lord , euery poore wayter in the custome-house , or euery promoter might haue done it , there is no invention in these things . to lay impositions , and sell the kings lands , are poore and common devices . it is true that ingram and his fellowes are odious men , and therefore his maiestie pleas'd the people greatly to put him from the coffership . it is better for a prince to vse such a kinde of men , then to countenance them , hang-men are necessary in a commonwealth : yet in the nether-lands , none but a hangmans sonne will marry a hang-mans daughter . now my lord , the last gathering which henry the seuenth made , was in his twentieth yeare , wherein hee had another benevolence both of the cleargy and laity , a part of which taken of the poorer sort , hee ordained by his testament that it should bee restored . and for king henry the eight , although hee was left in a most plentifull estate , yet he wonderfully prest his people with great payments ; for in the beginning of his time it was infinite that hee spent in masking and tilting , banquetting , and other vanities , before hee was entered into the most consuming expence of the most fond and fruitlesse warre that euer king vndertooke . in his fourth yeare hee had one of the greatest subsedies that euer was granted ; for besides two fifteenes and two dismes , hee vsed dauids lawe of capitation or head-money , and had of euery duke ten markes , of euery earle fiue pounds , of euery lord foure pounds , of euery knight foure markes , & euery man rated at 8 ● in goods , 4 markes , and so after the rate : yea euery man that was valued but at 40 paide 12 ● , and euery man and woman aboue 15 yeares 4 ● . hee had also in his sixt yeare diuers subsedies granted him . in his fourteenth there was a tenth demaunded of euery mans goods , but it was moderated . in the parliament following , the clergie gaue the king the halfe of their spirituall liuings for one yeare , & of the laity there was demanded 800000 ' , which could not be levied in england , but it was a marveilous great gift that the king had giuen him at that time . in the kings seuenteenth yeare was the rebellion before spoken of , wherein king disavowed the cardinall . in his seuenteenth yeare hee had the tenth and fifteenth giuen by parliament , which were before that time paide to the pope . and before that also , the monyes that the king borrowed in his fifteenth yeare were forgiuen him by parliament in his seuenteenth yeare . in his 35 yeare a subsedy was granted of 4 ● the pound of euery man worth in goods from 20● to 5 ● , from 5 ● to 10 l and vpwards of euery pound 2. and all strangers , denisens and others doubled this summe , strangers not being inhabitants aboue 16 yeares , 4 ● a head . all that had lands , fees , and annuities , from 20 to 5● , and so double as they did for goods : and the cleargy gaue 6 the pound . in the thirty seuenth yeare , a benevolence was taken , not voluntary , but rated by commissioners , which because one of the aldermen refused to pay , he was sent for a soldier into scotland . he had also another great subsedy of sixe shillings the pound of the clergy , and two shillings eight pence of the goods of the laity , and foure shillings the pound vpon lands . in the second yeare of edward the sixt , the parliament gaue the king an ayde of twelue pence the pound of goods of his natural subiects , and two shillings the pound of strangers , and this to continue for three yeares , and by the statute of the second and third of edward the sixt , it may appeare , the same parliament did also giue a second ayde , as followeth , ( to wit ) of euery ewe kept in seuerall pastures , 3 : of euery weather kept as aforesaid 2 ● : of euery sheepe kept in the common , 1 ● ob . the house gaue the king also 8 the pound of euery woollen cloath made for the sale throughout england for three yeares . in the third and fourth of the king , by reason of the troublesome gathering of the polymony vpon sheepe , & the taxe vpon cloath , this acte of subsedy was repeal'd , and other reliefe giuen the king , and in the kings seauenth yeare hee had a subsedy and two fifteenes . in the first yeare of queene mary , tunnage and poundage were granted . in the second yeare a subsedy was giuen to king philip , and to the queene , shee had also a third subsedy in annis 4. & 5. now my lord , for the parliaments of the late queenes time , in which there was nothing new , neither head money , nor sheepe money , nor escuage , nor any of these kindes of payments was required , but onely the ordinary subsedies , & those as easily graunted as demaunded , i shall not neede to trouble your lordship with any of them , neither can i informe your lordship of all the passages and actes which haue passed , for they are not extant , nor printed . covns . no , it were but time lost to speake of the latter , and by those that are alreadie remembred , we may iudge of the rest , for those of the greatest importance are publique . but i pray you deale freely with mee , what you thinke would bee done for his maiestie , if hee should call a parliament at this time , or what would bee required at his maiesties hands ? ivst . the first thing that would be required , would be the same that vvas required by the commons in the thirtenth yeare of h. the 8 : ( to wit ) that if any man of the commons house should speake more largely , then of duety hee ought to doe , all such offences to be pardoned , and that to be of record . covns . so might euery companion speake of the king what they list . ivst . no my lord , the reuerence vvhich a vassall ovyeth to his soueraigne , is alvvaies intended for euery speech , howsoeuer it must import the good of the king , and his estate , and so long it may bee easily pardoned , othervvise not ; for in queene elizabeths time , vvho gaue freedome of speech in all parliaments , vvhen wentworth made those motions , that were but supposed dangerous to the queenes estate , he was imprisoned in the towre , notwithstanding the priviledge of the house , and there died . covns . what say you to the scicilian vespers remembred in the last parliament ? ivst . i say , hee repented him heartily that vsed that speech , and indeede besides that , it was seditious , this example held not : the french in scicily vsurped that kingdome , they kept neither law nor faith , they tooke away the inheritance of the inhabitants , they tooke from them their wiues , and rauished their daughters , committing all other insolencies that could bee imagined . the kings maiesty is the naturall lord of england , his vassals of scotland obey the english lawes , if they breake them , they are punished without respect . yea his maiesty put one of his barons to a shamefull death , for being consenting onely to the death of a common fencer : and which of these euer did or durst commit any outrage in england , but to say the trueth , the opinion of packing the last , was the cause of the contention and disorder that happened . covns . why sir ? doe you not think it best to compound a parliament of the kings seruaunts and others , that shall in all obey the kings desires ? ivst . certainely no , for it hath neuer succeeded well , neither on the kings part , nor on the subiects , as by the parliament before-remembred your lordshippe may gather , for from such a composition doe arise all jealousies , and all contentions . it was practized in elder times , to the great trouble of the kingdome , and to the losse and ruine of many . it was of latter time vsed by king henry the eight , but euery way to his disadvantage . when the king leaues himselfe to his people , they assure themselues that they are trusted and beloued of their king , and there was neuer any assembly so barbarous , as not to aunswere the loue and trust of their king. henry the sixt when his estate was in effect vtterly ouerthrowne , & vtterly impouerished at the humble request of his treasurer made the same knowne to the house , or otherwise , vsing the treasurers owne words , hee humbly desired the king to take his staffe , that hee might saue his wardship . covns . but you know , they will presently bee in hand with those impositions , which the king hath laid by his owne royall prerogatiue . ivst . perchance not my lord ; but rather with those impositions that haue beene by some of your lordships laide vpon the king , which did not some of your lordships feare more than you doe the impositions laid vpon the subjects , you would neuer disswade his majestie from a parliament : for no man doubted , but that his majestie was advised to lay those impositions by his councell ; and for particular things on which they were laid , the aduice came from petty fellowes ( though now great ones ) belonging to the custome-house . now my lord , what prejudice hath his majestie ( his revenue beeing kept vp ) if the impositions that were laid by the aduice of a few , be in parliament laid by the generall councell of the kingdome , which takes off all grudging and complaint . covns . yea sir , but that which is done by the king , with the aduice of his priuate or priuy councell , is done by the kings absolute power . ivs. and by whose power is it done in parliament , but by the kinges absolute power ? mistake it not my lord : the 3 estates doe but advise , as the priuy councel doth , which advice if the king embrace , it becomes the kings own acte in the one , & the kings law in the other , for without the kings acceptation , both the publicke & priuate aduices bee but as empty egge-shels ; and what doth his majestie loose if some of those things , which concerns the poorer sort be made free again , & the reuenue kept vp vpō that which is superfluous ? is it a losse to the k. to be beloued of the commons ? if it be revenue which the k. seekes , is it not better to take it of those that laugh , than of those that crie ? yea if all bee content to pay vpon a moderation and chaunge of the species : is it more honourable and more safe for the king , that the subject pay by perswasion , then to haue them constrayned ? if they be contented to whip themselues for the king , were it not better to giue them their rod into their owne hands , than to commit them to the executioner ? certainly it is farre more happy for a soveraigne prince , that a subject open his purse willingly , than that the same bee opened by violence . besides that when impositions are laid by parliament , they are gathered by the authority of the lawe , which ( as aforesaid ) rejecteth all complaints , and stoppeth every mutinous mouth : it shall ever be my praier , that the king embrace the councell of honour and safety , & let other princes embrace that of force . covns . but good sir , it is his prerogatiue which the k. stands vpon , and it is the prerogatiue of the kings , that the parliaments doe all diminish . ivst . if your lordship would pardon mee , i would say then , that your lordships objection against parliaments is ridiculous . in former parliaments three thinges haue beene supposed dishonour of the king. the first , that the subjects haue conditioned with the king , when the king hath needed them , to haue the great charter confirmed : the second , that the estates haue made treasurers for the necessary and profitable disbursing of those summes by them given , to the end , that the kinges , to whom they were giuen , should expend them for their owne defence , & for the defence of the common-wealth : the third , that these haue prest the king to discharge some great officers of the crowne , and to elect others . as touching the first my lord , i would faine learne what disadvantage the kings of this land haue had by confirming the great charter , the breach of which haue served onely men of your lordships ranke , to assist their owne passions , and to punish and imprison at their owne discretion the kings poore subjects . concerning their private hatred , with the colour of the kings service , for the kings majestie takes no mans inheritance ( as i haue said before ) nor any mans life , but by the law of the land , according to the charter . neither doth his majestie imprison any man , ( matter of practice , which concernes the preservation of his estate excepted ) but by the law of the land . and yet hee vseth his prerogatiue as all the kings of england haue ever vsed it : for the supreame reason cause to practise many thinges without the aduice of the law . as in insurrections and rebellions , it vseth the marshall , and not the common law , without any breach of the charter , the intent of the charter cōsidered truely . neither hath any subject made complaint , or beene grieued , in that the kings of this land , for their own safties , and preservation of their estates , haue vsed their prerogatiues , the great ensigne , on which there is written soli deo. and my good lord , was not buckingham in england , and byron in france condemned , their peeres vncall'd ? and withall , was not byron vtterly ( contrary to the customes & priviledges of the french ) denyed an advocate to assist his defence ? for where lawes forecast cannot prouide remedies for future daungers , princes are forced to assist themselues by their prerogatiues . but that which hath beene ever grievous , and the cause of many troubles , very dangerous is , that your lordships abusing the reasons of state , doe punish and imprison the kings subiects at your pleasure . it is you my lords , that when subjects haue sometimes neede of the kings prerogatiue , doe then vse the strength of the law , and when they require the lawe , you afflict them with the prerogatiue , and tread the great charter ( which hath beene confirmed by 16. actes of parliament ) vnder your feete , as a torne parchment or wast paper . covns . good sir , which of vs doe in this sort breake the great charter ? perchance you meane , that we haue aduised the king to lay the new impositions . ivst . no my lord : there is nothing in the great charter against impositions : and besides that , necessity doth perswade them . and if necessity doe in somewhat excuse a private man a fortiori , it may then excuse a prince . againe , the kinges majestie hath profit and increase of revenue by the impositions . but there are of your lordships ( contrary to the direct letter of the charter ) that imprison the kinges subjects , and deny them the benefit of the law , to the kings disprofit . and what do you otherwise thereby ( if the impositions be in any sort grievous ) but renovare dolores ? and withall digge out of the dust the long-buried memory of the subjects former intentions with their kings . covns . what meane you by that ? ivst . i will tell your lordshippe when i dare , in the meane time it is enough for mee , to put your lordship in minde , that all the estates in the world , in the offence of the people , haue either had profit or necessity to perswade them to adventure it , of which , if neither bee vrgent , and yet the subject exceedingly grieved , your lordship may conjecture , that the house will bee humble suitors for a redresse . and if it bee a maxime in policie to please the people in all thinges indifferent , and neuer suffer them to bee beaten , but for the kinges benefit , ( for there are no blowes forgotten with the smart but those ) then i say to make them vassals to vassals , is but to batter downe those mastering buildings , erected by king henry the seaventh , and fortified by his sonne , by which the people and gentlemen of england were brought to depend vpon the king alone . yea my good lord , our late deare soveraigne kept them vp , and to their advantage , as well repaired as ever prince did , defend mee , and spend me , saith the irish churle . covns . then you thinke that this violent breach of the charter will be the cause of seeking the confirmation of it in the next parliament , which otherwise could neuer haue bin moued . ivst . i knowe not my good lord , perchance not , for if the house presse the king to graunt vnto them all that is theirs by the lawe , they cannot ( in justice ) refuse the king all that is his by the lawe . and where will bee the issue of such a contention ? i dare not divine , but sure i am that it will tend to the preiudice both of the k : and subiect . covn : if they dispute not their owne liberties ; why should they then dispute the kings liberties , which wee call his prerogatiue . ivst : among so many & so diverse spirits , no man can foretell what may be propounded , but howsoeuer if , the matter be not slightly handled on the kings behalfe , these disputes will soone dissolue , for the king hath so little neede of his prerogatiue , and so great advantage by the lawes , as the feare of imparing the one , to wit , the prerogatiue , is so impossible , and the burthen of the other ( to wit ) the lawe so waighty , as but by a branch of the kings prerogatiue , namely of his remission and pardon , the subiect is no way able to vndergoe it . this my lord is no matter of flourish that i haue said , but it is the truth , and vnanswerable . covns . but to execute the lawes very severely , would be very grievous . ivst . why my lord , are the lawes grievous which our selues haue required of our kings ? and are the prerogatiues also which our kings haue reserued to themselues also grieuous ? how cā such a people then be well pleased ? and if your lordship confesse that the lawes giue too much , why does your lordship vrge the prerogatiue that giues more ? nay i will be bold to say it , that except the lawes were better obserued , the prerogatiue of a religious prince hath manifold lesse perils then the letter of the lawe hath . now my lord , for the second & third , to wit , for the appointing of treasurers , and remouing of counsellers , our kings haue evermore laught them to scorne that haue prest either of these , & after the parliament dissolued , tooke the money of the treasurers of the parliament , and recalled & restored the officers discharged , or else they haue bin contented , that so me such persons should be remoued at the request of the whole kingdome , which they themselues out of their noble natures , would not seeme willing to remoue . covns . well sir , would you notwithstanding all these arguments advise his maiesty to call a parlament ? ivst : it belongs to your lordships who enioy the kings favour , & are chosen for your able wisdome to advise the k. it were a strange boldnesse in a poore and priuate person , to advise kings , attended with so vnderstanding a councell . but belike your lordships haue conceiued some other way , how money may be gotten otherwise . if any trouble should happen , your lordship knowes , that then there were nothing so daungerous for a king , as to be without money : a parliament cannot assemble in haste , but present dangers require hasty remedies . it wil be no time then to discontent the subjects by vsing any vnordinary wayes . covns . well sir , all this notwithstanding wee dare not advise the king to call a parliament , for if it should succeede ill , wee that advise , should fall into the kings disgrace . and if the king be driuen into any extremity , wee can say to the k. that because we found it extreamely vnpleasing to his maiestie to heare of a parliament , we thought it no good manners to make such a motion . ivst . my lord , to the first let me tell you , that there was never any iust prince that hath taken any advantage of the successe of councels , which haue beene founded on reason . to feare that , were to feare the losse of the bell , more then the losse of the steeple , and were also the way to beate all men from the studies of the kings seruice . but for the second , where you say you can excuse your selues vpon the kinges owne protesting against a parliament , the king vpon better consideration may encounter that finenesse of yours . covns : how i pray you ? ivst : even by declaring himselfe to be indifferent , by calling your lordships together , and by delivering vnto you , that he heares how his loving subiects in generall are willing to supply him , if it please him to call a parliament , for that was the common answere to all the sheriffes in england , when the late benevolence was commaunded . in which respect , and because you come short in all your proiects , and because it is a thing most daungerous for a king to be without treasure , he requires such of you , as either mislike , or rather feare a parliament , to set downe your reasons in writing , which you either misliked , or feared it . and such as wish and desire it , to set downe answeres to your obiections : and so shall the king prevent the calling or not calling on his maiesty , as some of your great councellers haue done in many other things shrinking vp their shoulders , and saying , the k. will haue it so . covns . wel sir , it growes late , and i will bid you farewell , only you shall take well with you this advice of mine , thst in all that you haue said against our greatest , those men in the end shal be your iudges in their owne cause , you that trouble your selfe with reformation , are like to be well rewarded : for hereof you may assure your selfe , that wee will never allow of any invention how profitable soeuer , vnlesse it proceede , or seeme to proceede from our ▪ selues . ivst : if then my lord , wee may presume to say that princes may be vnhappy in any thing , certainly they are vnhappy in nothing more then in suffering themselues to be so inclosed . againe , if we may beleeu pliny , who tels vs , that t' is an ill signe of prosperity in any kingdome or state , where such as deserue well , find no other recompence then the contentment of their owne consciences , a farre worse signe is it , where the justly accused shall take revenge of the just accuser . but my good lord , there is this hope remaining , that seeing he hath beene abused by them he trusted most , hee will not for the future dishonour of his iudgment ( so well informed by his owne experience ) as to expose such of his vassals ( as haue had no other motiues to serue him , then simply the loue of his person and his estate ) to their revenge , who haue only beene moued by the loue of their owne fortunes , and their glory . covns : but good sir , the king hath not beene deceiued by all . ivst . no my lord , neither haue all beene trusted , neither doth the world accuse all , but beleeue , that there be among your lordships very just and worthy men , aswell of the nobility as others , but those though most honoured in the common-wealth , yet haue they not beene most imployed : your lordship knowes it well enough , that 3 or 4 of your lordships haue thought your hands strong enough to beare vp alone the weightiest affaires in the common-wealth , and strong enough , all the land haue found them to beate downe whom they pleased . covns : i vnderstand you , but how shall it appeare that they haue onely sought themselues . ivst : there needes no perspectiue glasse to discerne it , for neither in the treaties of peace and warre , in matters of revenue , and matters of trade , any thing hath happened either of loue or of judgment . no my lord , there is not any one action of theirs eminent , great or small , the greatnesse of themselues only excepted . covns : it is all one , your papers can neither answere nor reply , we can . besides you tell the king no newes in delivering these complaints , for hee knowes as much as can be told him . ivst : for the first my lord , whereas he hath once the reasons of things deliuered him , your lordships shall neede to be well advised , in their answeres there is no sophistrie wil serue the turne , where the iudge , & the vnderstāding are both supreame . for the 2 d , to say that his maiesty knowes , & cares not , that my lord were but to despaire all his faithfull subiects . but by your fauour my lord , wee see it is contrary , wee find now that there is no such singular power as there hath beene , justice is described with a ballance in her hand , holding it even and it hangs as even now as ever it did in any kings dayes , for singular authority begets but generall oppression . covns . howsoeuer it be , that 's nothing to you , that haue no interest in the kings fauour , nor perchance in his opinion , & concerning such a one , the misliking , or but misconceiuing of any one hard word , phrase , or sentence , will giue argumēt to the k. either to cōdemn or reiect the whole discourse . and howsoever his m● may neglect your informations , you may be sure that others ( at whom you point ) wil not neglect their revenges , you will therefore confesse it ( when it is too late ) that you are exceeding sory that you haue not followed my aduice . remēber cardinall woolsey , who lost all men for the kings service , and when their malice ( whom hee grieved ) had out-liued the kings affection , you know what became of him as well as i. ivst . yea my lord , i know it well , that malice hath a longer life , than either loue or thankfulnesse hath , for as we alwaies take more care to put off paine , than to enjoy pleasure , because the one hath no intermission , & with the other we are often satisfied , so it is in the smart of injury and the memory of good turnes : wrongs are written in marble : benefits are ( sometimes ) acknowledged , rarely requited . but my lord , wee shall doe the k. great wrong , to judge him by common rules , or ordinary examples , for seeing his majesty hath greatly enriched and advanced those that haue but pretended his service , no man needes to doubt of his goodnesse towards those that shal performe any thing worthy reward . nay , the not taking knowledge of those of his owne vassals that haue done him wrong , is more to be lamented , than the relinquishing of those that doe him right , is to be suspected . i am therefore , my good lo : held to my resolutiō by these a , besides the former . the 1 , that god would neuer haue blest him with so many yeres , & in so many actiōs , yea in all his actions , had he paid his honest servants with evill for good . the 2 d , where your lordship tells me , that i will be 〈◊〉 for not following your aduice . i pray your lordship to belieue , that i am no way subiect to the common sorrowing 〈◊〉 worldly men , this maxime of plato beeing true . dolores aex amore animi orga corpus noscuntur . but for my body , my mind values it at nothing . covns . what is it then you hope for or seeke ? ivst . neither riches , nor honour , nor thankes , but i only seeke to satisfie his majestie ( which i would haue bin glad to haue done in matters of more importance ) that i haue liu'd , and will die an honest man. einis . the authours epitaph , made by himselfe . even such is time , which takes in trust our youth , and ioy 's , and all wee haue , and payes vs but with age and dust , which in the darke and silent graue , when wee haue wandred all our wayes , shuts vp the story of our daies : and from which earth , and graue , and dust the lord shall raise mee vp i trust . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10373-e380 humanum est erra●e● hen. 5. hen. 6. edw. 6. m. r. eliz. r. q. e. sir walter rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping, invasive war, the navy royal and sea-service : with his apologie for his voyage to guiana. selections. 1667 raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1667 approx. 203 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57465 wing r171 estc r14127 12594334 ocm 12594334 64026 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57465) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64026) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 702:1) sir walter rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping, invasive war, the navy royal and sea-service : with his apologie for his voyage to guiana. selections. 1667 raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. [8], 42, 4, [61], 46, 69 p. printed for a.m., and are to be sold by robert boulter ..., london : 1667. imperfect: frontispiece lacking in filmed copy. lowndes notes the first edition london, 1650, as "having four distinct titles" and the edition of 1667 as being issued "with a new general title." reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to 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if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -royal navy. war -early works to 1800. naval art and science -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2003-07 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-09 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir walter rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping . invasive war. the navy royal and sea-service . with his apologie for his voyage to guiana . virtus recludens immeritis mori caelum , negatâ tentat iter viâ . hor. london , printed for a. m. and are to be sold by robert boulter at the turks-head in bishops-gate street , near the great james . 1667. to the reader . it is apparent that nothing do's more eternize men upon earth , then their writings . the statues of the romane emperours time has moulderd to ashes , quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata sepulchris ; and tombes themselves the fates obey . but caesars commentaries , the dictates of marcus aurelius , the workes and glories of those men and ages we see perpetuated to all posterity . it is truly said , that bookes shew in a little time what experience teacheth not but with the expence of many yeares ; and how miserable had we been , had not the industrious pens of severall authors ( famous in their times ) buoyd up and left us traces to follow them in the paths of vertue . in every generation there wanted not some , the flame of whose torch is yet unextinguished : and i may with modesty appeale , whether the century of yeares in which this worthy author lived , may not equall ( i would have said transcended ) some ages that wanted such a person to transmit it to posterity as renowned raleigh was . it cannot be accounted either arrogancy or ostentation in augustus caesar who dying , desired of his friends that stood about his bed , that when he expired they would give him a plaudite , as if he were conscient to himselfe he had plaid his part well upon the stage . nor will it offend any i am sure to say , that this most worthy heroe truly deserved the plaudites and encomiums of the amphitheaters of the whole universe . t was well observed by him that writ the lives of so many noble greekes and romans , they are wise that in tragicall events doe carry an invincible heart , reasonably obeying necessity and a more high providence then that of man. and aswell by another , the greatnesse of the mind never sheweth it self more cleerly then amongst the wounds of fortune . how fitly appropriate these sayings are to him , let them judge that knew his actions . but i come not here to give a character of our author ; that were but to hold a candle in the sun , or by drawing shadows to hinder the cleare beauty of the picture . reader , thou hast enough of him in his history of the world , which speaks him to fame ; only thou mayst herein truly lament , that fortune was so bitter to him and us to deprive us of that happinesse in snatching him hence before his perfecting that glorious worke : however it may prompt thee to value at a higher rate this his posthume production . now it is not unlikely , that custome expects something should be said in commendation of these following discourses , that would wrong rather then adde to their worth : no , raleighs very name is proclamation enough for the stationers advantage who , prays thee to believe this to be ( what the worke it selfe will assure thee ) the legitimate issue of so excellent a father . but to keepe thee longer from the thing it self , were by deteyning thee in the porch to envy thee the delight of the fabrick . a discourse of the invention of ships , anchors , compasse , &c. the first naturall warre , the severall , use , defects , and supplies of shipping , the strength , and defects of the sea forces of england , france , spaine , and venice , together with the five manifest causes of the suddaine appearing of the hollanders , written by sir walter rawleigh . that the ark of noah , was the first ship , because the invention of god himself , although some men have believed , yet it is certaine , that the world , being planted before the flood , the same could not be performed without some transporting vessels ; it is true , & the successe proves it , that there was not any so capacious nor so strong to defend it self against so violent , and so continued a powring down of raine , as the arke noah , the invention of god himself , or of what fashion or fabrick soever , the rest withall mankind perished , according to the ordnance of god. and probable it is that the anchors , whereof ovid made mention of , found on high mountains : et inventa est in montibus anchora summis ; were remaining of ships wrackt at the generall flood . after the flood , it is said , that minos , who lived two discents before the war of troy , set out ships to free the grecians seas of pyrats , which shews , that there had beene either trade , or warre , upon the waters before his time also . the expedition of the argauants was after minos , and so was the plantation of tyrene in africa , by battus , who was one of iasons companions , and that the tyrians had trade by sea , before the warre of troy , homer tells us . others give the first dominion upon the waters to neptune , who , for the great exploits he did in the service of saburne , was , by after ages , called the god of the seas . but the corinthians ascribe the invention of rowing vessells , to a citizen of their owne called amaenocles , and that the first navall warre , was made betweene the samiens and corcyriens . ithicus history changed into latine by st. hierome , affirmes that griphon the scythian , was the inventor of long boats , or gallies , in the northerne seas ; and strabo gives the advise of the anchor , with two hookes to the scythian anacharsis , but the greeks to eupolemus . it is also said , that icarus invented the saile , and others other pieces , and parts of the ships and boats , whereof the certaine knowledge is of no great moment , this is certaine , that the sons , and nephews of noah , who peopled the isles of the gentiles , and gave their owne names to many of them , had vessells to transport themselves , long before the daies of minos ; and for my own opinion , i doe not thinke that any one nation ( the syrian excepted ) to whom the knowledge of the arke came , as the story of the creation did , soone after moses , did find out at once , the device either of ship or boate , in which they durst venture themselves upon the seas : but being forced by necessity to passe over rivers , or lakes , they first bound together certaine reeds or canes , by which they transported themselves : calamorum falces ( saith d : siculus ) admodum ingentes inter se conjungunt . others made raffes of wood , and other devised the boate of one tree called the canoa , which the gaules upon the river of roan , used in assisting the transportation of hannibals army in his enterprise of italie : primum galli inchoantes cavabant arbores ( saith livie ) but polydor virgil , gives the invention of those canoas , to the germains inhabiting about the river of danubius , which kind of hollow trees , isidor calls carabes . the brittains had boats made of willow twigs and covered on the out side with bullock hydes , and so had the venetians ; of which lucan primum cana salix , &c. malefacto , &c. and iulius solinus navigant autem vimineis alveis quos circundant ambitione tergorum bubalorum : the same kind of boats had the germains ( saith isidor ) who in his time committed many robberies in them : but whosoever devised the canoa among the danubians , or among the gaules , sure i am , that the indians of america , never had any trade with either of these nations , and yet from fuobushers straits , to the straits of magalaine , those boats are found , and in some parts of that length , as i have seene them rowed with twenty oars of a side . the truth is , that all nations how remote soever , being all reasonable creatures , and enjoy one and the same imagination and fantasie , having devised according to their means and materialls the same things . the eastern people , who have had from all antiquitie , the use of iron , have found out the sawe , and with the sawe , they have sundred trees , in boards and plancks , and have joyned them together with nayles , and so made boats and gallies safe and portable , so have they built cities , and townes of timber and the like in all else . on the contrary , the west-indies and many nations of the africans , wanting means and materialls , have been taught by their own necessities to passe rivers in a boate of one tree , and to tye unsquared poles together , on the top for their houses , which they cover with large leaves , yea the same boats , and the same buildings , are found in countries , two thousand miles distant , debarred from all commerce , by unpassable mountains , lakes , and deserts ; nature hath taught them all to choose kings and captains for their leaders , and judges . they all have lighted on the invention of bowes and arrowes , all have targets and woodden swords : all have instruments to encourage them to fight : all that have corne beate it in morters , and make cakes , baking them upon slatestones : all devised lawes without any grounds had from the scriptures , or from aristotles politiques , whereby they are governed : all that dwell neere enemies impale their villages to save themselves from surprize , yea besides the same inventions , all have the same naturall impulsions , they follow nature in the choice of many wives , and there are every where among them , which out of a kind of wolvish ferocitie , eate mans flesh ; yea most of them beleive in a second life , and they are all of them idolaters in one kind or other . for the northerne parts of the world , it was long ere they grew to any perfection in shipping , for wee read that hingest , and horsa , came over into this land in long boats , in which for the first being called in by the brittains , they transported five thousand souldiers . and that after they came with a supply of ten thousand more shipt in thirty vessels , which the saxons call keeles , and our old historians cogiones , and in caesars time , the french brittains who were then esteemed the best brittaine sea men , had very untoward tubs in which they made warre against him . for they tooke the winds in sailes of leather , heavy and unplyable , and they fastned their ships to the ground , and rid at anchor with cables of iron chains , having neither canvas , nor cordage . in so much as the best of them which were of vannes , are described with high heads raised up deformedly above the rest of the buildings , to which kind of forme that they were constrained , the reason is manifest . for had their cables of iron chains held any great length , they had been unportable , and being short , the ships must have sunck at an anchor , in any streame of weather or countertyde , and such was their simplicitie in those dayes , as instead of accommodating their furniture to their ships , they formed their ships to their furniture ; not unlike the courtiers of this age who fit their bodies and their feet to their doublets and shooes , and not their doublets and shooes to their bodies , and feete . the pomerlanders inhabiting the south part of the baltick , or eastland sea , used a kind of boate , with the prowe at both ends , so as they need not to wend or hold water , but went on and returned indifferently , of which : tacitus suionum hinc civitates ipso in oreceano praeter viros armaque classibus valent ; forma navium , eo differt , quod utrinque prora paratam semper appulsui frontem agit : nec velis ministrantur ; nec remos in ordinem lateribus adiungant . solutum ut in quibusdam fluminum & mutabile ut res possit hinc vel illinc remigium : next are the cities of the suionum which are mighty at sea , not only in men and armes , but in fleete : the forme of their vessels differ in this , that a prowe at each end enables them to row forward either way alike : neither use they sayles , nor place their oars in order upon the sides , but carrying the oare loose , they shift it hither and thither at pleasure , as is the manner in some rivers , yea at this time both the turkes and christians use these kind of boats upon the river of danubius , and call them nacerne . true it is , that before caesars invading of this land , we doe find that the brittains had not any shipping at all , other then their boats of twigs covered with hydes as aforesaid . the saxons when they were drawne in by the brittains , came hither by sea. and after that time finding that without shipping they could neither defend themselves nor exercise any trade , they began to make some provision for a navy , such as it was , which being first considered of by egbert , alfred , edgar , and etheldred , augmented it , and how true it is , i know not , but it is written of edgar , that he increased the fleete , he found , two thousand six hundred saile : after whom etheldred made a law , that whosoever was lord of three hundred and ten hide land , should build and furnish one ship for the defence of their country . notwithstanding all these provisions , the danes invaded them , and having better ships then they had , made their way for a new conquest . the normans grew better shipwrights then either of both , and made the last conquest of this land , a land which can never be conquered , whilst the kings thereof keep the dominion of the seas , which dominion i doe not find , that it was ever absolute , till the time of henry the eight , but that we fought sometime with good , sometime with ill successe , as we shall shew hereafter more particularly . but omitting the dispute of the first navigators , certaine it is , that the invention of the compasse was had from our northerne nations , were it from the germans , norvegians , brittanes , or danes , for even to this day , the old northerne words are used for the division of winds upon the quarter of the compasse , not only by the danes , germans , swedes , brittanes , and all in the ocean , that understand the termes and names of the winds in their owne language : but the french and spanish called the sun rising winds , east or east , and the sunne setting winds west , the rest north and south , and so by the same termes , in all the divisions of southeast , northeast , southwest , northwest , and the rest . and if we compare the marveilous great transportations of people by the saxons , angles , danes , gothes , swedes , norwegians , especially and other . and how many fleets for supplies , have been set out by them , with the swarmes of danes aswell in our seas , as when they invaded and conquered scicilie , together with the colonies , planted by the tyrians in africa , as else where , and of the carthaginians the sons of the tyrians in spaine . it s hard to judge which of these nations have most commanded the seas , though for priority tribullus , and ovid give it the tyrians . prima ratam ventis credere docta tyros , and ovid , magna minorque fere quarum regis altera gratias ; altera sydonias uterque sicca rates . and it is true , that the first good ships were among the tyrians , and they good and great ships , not long after the warre of troy , and in solomons time , they were of that account as solomon invited hiram king of tyre , to joyne with him in his journey into the east-indies , for the israelites till then , never traded by sea , and seldome if ever after it , and that the tyrians were the chiefe in that enterprise , it appears in that they were called nautas peritos maris , in the hebrew ( saith iunius ) homines navium , and in our english marriners . it is also written in the second of chronicles the eight . that hiram sent solomon ships , et servos peritos maris , and servants skilfull of the sea , whereby it is probable , that the tyrians had used the trade of east-india before the dayes of solomon , or before the raigne of david , when themselves commanded the ports of the red sea , but the edumaeans being beaten by david , and the port of ezion-geber , now subject to solomon , the tyrians were forced to make solomon the cheife of that expedition , and to joine with him in the enterprise . for the tyrian had no passe to the red sea , but through the territory of solomon , and by his sufferance . whosoever were the inventers , we find that every age , had added somewhat to ships , and to all things else . and in my owne time the shape of our english ships , hath been greatly bettered . it is not long since the striking of the top-mast ( a wonderfull great ease to great ships both at sea and harbour ) hath been devised , together with the chaine pumpe , which takes up twice as much water as the ordinary did , we have lately added the bonnett , and the drabler . to the courses we have devised studding sayles , top gallant sayles ; sprit stayles , top stayles , the weighing of anchors by the capstone is also new . we have fallen into consideration of the length of cables , and by it we resist the malice of the greatest winds that can blow , witnesse our small milbrooke men of cornewall , that ride it out at anchor , half seas over betweene england and ireland , all the winter quarter , and witnesse the hollanders that were wont to ride before dunkirke , with the wind at northwest , making a lee shoare in all weathers : for true it is , that the length of the cable , is the life of the ship in all extreamities , and the reason is , because it makes so many bendings and waves , as the ship riding at that length it is not able to stretch it , and nothing breaks that is not stretched . in extreamity , we carry our ordnance better then we were wont , because our netheroverloops are raised commonly from the water , to wit , betweene the lower part of the port and the sea. in king henry the eights time , and in this present , at portsmouth the marie rose , by a little sway of the ship in casting about , her ports being within sixteene inches of the waters , was overset and lost , and in her that worthy knight sir george carew , cozen germaine to the lord carew , and with him ( besides many other gentlemen ) the father of the late renowned , sir richard greenevile . wee have also raised our second decks and given more vent thereby to our ordnance , tying on our nether-overloope . we have added crosse pillars in our royall ships to strengthen them , which be fastned from the kelson to the beams of the second decke , keepe them from setling or from giving way in all distresses . we have given longer floares to our ships , then in elder times , and better bearing under water , whereby they never fall into the sea , after the head and shake the whole body , nor sinck sterne , nor stoope upon a wind , by which the breaking loose of our ordnance or the not use of them , with many other discommodities are avoided . and to say the truth a miserable shame and dishonour it were for our shipwrights , if they did not exceed all other , in the setting up of our royall ships , the errors of other nations being farre more excusable then ours . for the kings of england have for many years been at the charge to build and furnish a navy of powerfull ships , for their owne defence , and for the wars only . whereas the french , the spaniards , the portugalls , and the hollanders ( till of late ) have had no proper fleete belonging to their princes or states . only the venetians for a long time have maintained their arsenal of gallyes , & the kings of denmark , and sweden , have had good ships for these last fifty years , i say that the forenamed kings , especially the spaniards and portugalls , have ships of great bulke , but fitter for the merchant then for the man of warre , for burthen then for battaile : but as popelinire well observeth , the forces of princes by sea , are marquess de grandeux d' estate , are markes of the greatnesse of an estate : for whosoever commands the sea , commands the trade : whosoever commands the trade of the world : commands the riches of the world and consequently the world it selfe : yet can i not deny , but that the spaniards being afraid of their indian fleets , have built some few very good ships , but he hath no ships in garrison , as his majestie hath , and to say the truth , no sure place to keepe them in ; but in all invasions he is driven to take up of all nations , which comes into his ports for trade . the venetians while they attended their fleets , and imployed themselves in their easterne conquest , were great and powerfull princes , and commanded the maritimate parts of croatia , dalmatia , albania , and epirus , were lords of peloponesus , and the islands adjoyning , of cyprus , candia , and many other places , but after they sought to greaten themselves in italie it self , using strangers for the commanders of their armies ; the turkes by degrees beate them out of all their goodly countryes , and have now confined them ( candia excepted ) to a few small grecian islands , which with great difficulty they enjoy . the first honour they obtained , was by making warre upon the istrii by sea , and had they been true to their spouse , to wit the seas , which once a yeare they marry , the turks had never prevailed against them , nor ever been able to be siege any place of theirs , to which he must have transported his armies by his gallies . the genowaies were also exceeding powerfull by sea , and held many places in the east , and contended often with the venetians for superiority , destroying each other in a long continued sea warre , yea the genowaies were the most famous mercenaries of all europe , both by sea and land for many years . the french assisted themselves by land with the crosbowers of genoa against the english , namely at the battaile of cressie , the french had 12000 crosbowers genowaies by sea. with their great ships called the carrecks of genoa , they alwayes strengthned their fleets against the english , but after mahomet the second had taken constantinople , they lost caffa , and all taurica , chersonesus with the whole trade of the euxine sea , and although they sent many supplies by the hellespont , yet having often felt the smart of the turks cannon , they began to slack their succours , and were soone after supplanted : yet doe the venetians to this day , well mainetaine their estate by their sea forces , and a great losse it is to the christian common-weale in generall , that they are lesse then they were , and a precipitate counsell it was of those christian kings their neighbours , when they joined in league against them , seeing they then were , and they yet are , the strongest rampiers of europe against the turks . but the genowaies have now but a few gallyes being altogether degenerate , and become merchants of mony , and the spanish kings bankers . but all the states and kingdomes of the world have changed forme and pollicy . the empire it selfe , which gave light to all principallities , like a pharo's , or high tower to seamen , is now sunck downe to the levell of the soyle . the greatnesse which it gave to the church of rome as before proved , was it which made it selfe little in hast , and therefore truely said ; imperium amore religionis seipsum , exhausisse , the empire being also elective and not successive , the emperors in being made profit of their owne times , and sold from the empire many signiories depending on it , and at so easy a rate , as lucca freed it self for ten thousand crownes ; and florence for six thousand crowns ; the rest , the popes ; then the hauses , and lastly the turks have in effect ruined . and in which severall inundations many pieces have been recovered by other princes and states . as basill , zurick , and bearne , by the switzers ( omitting many others ) metz tholouse , verdum , by the french , groigne aix la chapple , zuphen , deuenter , newengen , in gilderland , wesell , antwerpe , and many other places by the spaniards ; and by the states , dantzick and other townes of importance by the polack . insomuch as it is now become , the most confused estate of the world , consisting of an empire in title with territory , who can ordaine nothing of importance but by a dyet or assembly of the estates of many free princes , ecclesiasticall and temporall ; in effect of equall force , divers in religion and faction , and of free cities and hanstownes , whom the princes doe not more desire to command , then they scorne to obey , notwithstanding being by farre lesse then they were in number and lesse in force and reputation , as they are not greatly able to offend others , so have they enough to doe ( being seated farre asunder ) to defend themselves , of whom hereafter more particularly . the cassilians , in the meane while are growne great , and by mistaking esteemed the greatest , having by marriage , conquest , practize , and purchase , devowred all kingdomes within spaine , with naples , sicilie , millaine , and the netherlands , and many places belonging to the empire and the princes thereof . besides the indies east and west , the islands of the west ocean , and many places in barbary guiena , congo and else where . france hath also enlarged it self by the one half , and reduced normandy , brittaine , and aquitaine , withall that the english had on that side the sea , together with languedocke foix , armignac , beerne , and dolphine . for this kingdome of great brittaine : it hath had by his majesty a strong addition , the posterne by which we were so often heretofore entered and surprised , is now made up ; and we shall not hereafter need the double face of ianus to looke north and south at once . but there is no stare growne in hast , but that of the united provinces , and especially in their sea forces , and by a contrary way to that of france , or spaine , the latter by invasion , the former by oppression ; for i my self may remember when one ship of her majesties , would have made forty hollanders strike sayle , and to come to anchor . they did not then dispute de mari libero , but readily acknowledg'd the english to be domini maris brittanici : that we are lesse powerfull then we were , i doe hardly beleive it , for although we have not at this time 135 ships , belonging to the subjects , of 500 tuns each ship , as it is said we had in the 24. yeare of queen elizabeth , at which time also upon a generall view and muster , there were found in england of all men , fit to beare armes , eleaven hundred and seaventy two thousand , yet are our merchants ships , now farre more warlike and better appointed then they were , and the navy royall double as strong as then it was , for these were the ships of her majesties navy at that time . 1. the triumph . 2. the eliz : ionas . 3. the white beare . 4. the phill : and mary . 5. the bonaventure . 6. the golden lion. 7. the victory . 8. the revenge . 9. the hope . 10. the mary rose . 11. the dreadnaught . 12. the minion . 13. the swiftsure . to which there hath been added . 14. the antelope . 15. the foresight . 16. the swallow . 17. the handmaide . 18. the gennett . 19. the barque of bullen 20. the ayde . 21. the achates . 22. the falcon. 23. the tyger . 24. the bull. we have not therefore lesse force then we had , the fashion and furnishing of our ships considered : for there are in england at this time 400. saile of merchants fit for the wars , which the spaniards would call gallions ; to which we may adde 200 saile of crumsters , or hoyes of newcastle , which each of them will beare six demiculverins , and foure sakers , needing no other addition of building , then a slight spar decke , fore and afte as the seamen call it , which is a slight decke throughout , the 200 , which may be chosen out of 400 , by reason of their ready staying and turning , by reason of their windwardnesse , and by reason of their drawing of little water , and they are of extreame vantage neere the shoare , and in all bayes and rivers to turne in and out : these , i say , alone , well manned , and well conducted , would trouble the greatest prince of europe to encounter in our seas , for they stay and turne so readily , as , ordering them into small squadrons , three of them at once , may give their broad sides , upon any one great ship , or upon any angle or side of an enemies fleet , they shall be able to continue a perpetuall volley of demiculverins without intermission , and either sinck or slaughter the men , or utterly disorder any fleet of crosse sailes , with which they encounter . i say then if a vanguard be ordeined of these hoyes , who will easily recover the wind of any other ships , with a battaile of 400 other warlike ships , and a reare of thirty of his majesties ships to sustaine , relieve and countenance the rest ( if god beat them not ) i know not what strength can be gathered in all europe to beat them . and if it be objected , that the states can furnish a farre greater number , i answer that his majesties 40 ships , added to 600 before named , are of incomparable greater force , then all that holland and zeeland , can furnish for the wars . as also that a greater number would breed the same confusion , that was found in zerxes land army of seaventeene hundred thousand souldiers : for there is a certaine proportion both by sea and land , beyond which , the excesse brings nothing but disorders and amazement . of those hoyes , carvills , or crumsters , call them what you will , there was a notable experience made in the yeare , 1574. in the river of antwerpe , neere rummerswaell , where the admirall boysett with his crumsters overthrew the spanish fleet of great ships conducted by iulian romero , so contrary to the expectation of don lewis , the great commander and lieutenant of the netherlands for the king of spaine , as he came to the bancks of bergen to behold the slaughter of the zelanders . but contrary to his expectation , he beheld his armado , some of them sunck , some of them thrust on the shoare , and most of the rest mastered and possessed by his enemies . insomuch , as his great captain romero , with great difficulty , some say in a skiffe , some say by swymming , saved himselfe . the like successe had captaine werst of zeeland , against the fleet which transported the duke of medini coeli , who was sent out of spaine by sea , to governe the netherlands , in place of the duke of alva , for with twelve crumsters or hoyes of the first troope of 21. sayle , he tooke all but three , and he forced the second ( being twelve great ships filled with 2000. souldiers , ) to run under the ramakins , being then in the spaniards possession . but whence comes this dispute ? not from the increase of numbers , not because our neighbours breed more marriners then we doe , nor from the greatnesse of their trade in all parts of the world , for the french creepe into all corners of america , and africa , as they doe , and the spaniards , and portugalls , imploy more ships by many ( fishing trades excepted ) then the netherlands doe . but it comes from the detestable covetousnesse of such particular persons as have gotten licences , and given way to the transporting of the english ordnance . fuit haec sapientia quondam , publica privatis secernere , sacra profanis . and that in so great abundance , as that not only our good friends the hollanders , and zealanders , have furnished themselves , and have them lying on their wharfes to sell to others ; but all other nations have had from us , not only to furnish their fleets , but to garnish all their forts and other places , fortifying their coasts ; without which the spanish king durst not have dismounted so many pieces of brasse in naples and else where , therewith to arme his great fleete in 88. but it was directly proved in the lower house of parliament anno of queene elizabeth . that there were landed in naples above 140. culverins english , since which time also , and not long since , it is lamentable that so many have beene transported into spaine . but those that belike then determined it , and the transporters , have now forsaken the country , and though the procurers remaine , i am resolved that they also have forsaken the care of his majesties estate , and the honour of this nation . i urge not this point as thinking it unfit , to furnish his majesties good friends and allyes , who have had with us one common enemy for many yeares ; but all politique estates have well observed this precept : ut sic tractarent amicum ; tanquam inimicum futurum : for what are all the ships in the world to be valued at , other then a company of floating tubs , were they not furnished with ordnance , either to offend others , or defend themselves ? if a ship of a thousand runs had in her a thousand muskateers , and never a great gun ; with one crumster , carrying ten or thirteene culverins , she may be beaten to pieces , and her men slaughtered . certainly the advantage which the english had by their bowes and arrowes in former times , was never so great , as we might now have had by our iron ordnance , if we had either kept it within the land , kept it from our enemies , or imparted it to our friends , moderately ; for as by the former we obteined many notable victories , and made our selves masters of many parts of france , so by the latter we might have commanded the seas , and thereby the trade of the world it selfe . but we have now to our future prejudice , and how far to our prejudice i know not , forged hammers and delivered them out of our hands , to breake our owne bones withall . for the conclusion of this dispute , there are five manifest causes of the upgrowing of the hollanders and zelanders . 1. the first is , the favour and assistance of queene elizabeth , and the kings majesty , which the late worthy and famous prince of orange , did alwayes acknowledge , and in the yeare 1582. when i tooke my leave of him at antwerpe , after the returne of the earle of leicest : into england , and monsieur's arrivall there , when he delivered me his letters to her majesty ; he prayed me to say to the queen from him , sub umbra alarum tuarum protegimur : for certainly they had withered in the bud , and sunck in the beginning of their navigation , had not her majesty assisted them . 2. the second cause was , the imploying of their owne people in their trades and fishings , and the entertaining of strangers , to serve them in their armies by land. 3. the third is , the fidelity of the house of nassawe , and their services done them , especially of that renowned prince maurice , now living . 4. the fourth , the withdrawing of the duke of parma twice into france , while in his absence he recovered those strong places of zealand , and frizland , as deventer zuphen , &c. 5. and the fifth , the imbarging and confiscating of their ships in spaine , which constrained them and gave them courage to trade by force into the east and west indies , and in africa , in which they imploy 180 ships , and 8700 marriners . the successe of a counsell so contrary to their wisdome that gave it , as all the wit , and all the force the spaniards have , will hardly ( if ever ) recover the damage thereby received . for to repaire that ruine of the hollanders trade into both indies the spaniards did not only labour the truce : but the king was content to quit the sovereigntie , of the united provinces , and to acknowledge them for free states , neither holding nor depending on the crowne of spaine . but be their estates what it will , let not them deceive themselves in believing that they can make themselves masters of the sea , for certainly the shipping of england , with the great squadron of his majesties navy royall , are able in despight of any prince or state in europe , to command the great and large field of the ocean . but as i shall never thinke him a lover of this land , or of the king , that shall perswade his majesty from imbracing the amity of the states of the united provinces : ( for his majesty is no lesse safe by them , then they invincible by him : ) so i would wish them , ( because after my duty to mine owne soveraigne , and the love of my country , i honour them most ) that they remember and consider it , that seeing their passage and repassage , lyes through the brittish seas , that there is no port in france , from callice to flushing , that can receive their ships , that many times outward by westerly winds , and ordinarily homewards , not only from the east indies , but from the straits , and from spaine , all southerly winds ( the brises of our clymate ) thrust them of necessity into the kings ports , how much his majesties favour doth concerne them , for if ( as themselves confesse in their last treaty of truce with the spaniards ) they subsist by their trades , the disturbance of their trades ( which england can only disturbe ) will also disturbe their subsistance . the rest i will omit , because i can never doubt , either their gratitudes or their wisdomes . for our new-castle trade , ( from which i have digressed ) i refer the reader to the author of the trades increase , a gentleman to me unknowne , but so far as i can judge , he hath many things very considerable , in that short treaty of his ; yea both considerable and praise worthy , and among the rest , the advise which he hath given for the maintenance of our hoyes , and carvills of newcastle , which may serve us , besides the breeding of marriners for good ships of warre , and of exceeding advantage , and certainly i cannot but admire , why the impositions of five shillings should any way dishearten them , seeing there is but one company in england , upon whose trade any new payment are layd , but that they on whom it is laid raise profit by it , the silkemen , if they pay his majesty twelve pence upon a yard of sattin , they not only raise that twelve pence , but they impose twelve pence or two shillings more upon the subject , so doe they upon all they sell of what kind soever : as all other retaylers doe , of what quality or profession soever : and seeing all the maritimate provinces of france , and flanders , all holland and zealand , embden and breame , &c. cannot want our new-castle , or our welsh coales , the imposition cannot impoverish the transporter ; but that the buyer must make payment accordingly ; and if the impositions laid on these things , whereof this kingdome hath no necessary use , as upon silkes , velvets , gold and silver lace , and cloaths of gold , and silver , cut works , cambricks , and a world of other trumperyes , doth in nothing hinder their vent here : but that they are more used , then ever they were , to the utter impoverishing of the land in generall , and of those poppinjayes that value themselves by their out sides , and by their players coats , certainly the imposing upon coales , which other nations cannot want , can be no hinderance at all to the newcastlemen , but that they may raise it againe upon the french and other nations , as those nations themselves doe , which fetch them from us with their owne shipping . for conclusion of this chapter , i say that it is exceeding lamentable , that for any respect in the world , seeing the preservation of the state and monarchie , doth surmount all other respects , that strangers should be permitted to eat us out , by exporting and importing both our owne commodities , and those of forreigne nations : for it is no wonder we are overtopped in all the trades we have abroad and far off , seeing we have the grasse cut from under our feet in our fields and pastures . finis . a discourse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall , customary , arbitrary , voluntary , and necessary war , with the misery of invasive warre . that ecclesiasticall prelates , have alwayes been subject to temporall princes , and that the pope had never any lawfull power in england , either in civill , or ecclesiasticall , businesse , after such time , as brittaine was won from the roman empire . the ordinary theme and argument of history is war , which may be defined the exercise of violence under soveraigne command , against withstanders force , authority and resistance , being the essentiall parts thereof , violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguisht from robbery and the like outrages : yet consisting in relation towards others , it necessarily requires a supposition of resistance , whereby the force of war becomes different from the violence inflicted upon slaves , or yeilding malefactors ; as for armes , discipline , and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of war prosperous , they are only considerable in degree of perfection , since naked savages fighting disorderly with stones , by appointment of their commanders , may truly and absolutely be said to war. neverthelesse , it is true , that as the beasts are armed with fierce teeth , pawes , horns , and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men , so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive armes , as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist . and it might seeme happy , if the sword , the arrow , the gun , with many terrible engines of death , could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that lordly rule , which the lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things . but since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self : it is needfull that against the wit and subtilty of man , we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes , ( wherein many beasts exceed us , ) but helping our strength with art and wisdome , strive to excell our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other creatures . the necessity of war , which among humane actions is the most lawlesse , hath some kind of affinity , and neere resemblances with the necessity of law. for there were no use at all , either of war or of law ; if every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe , and were withall so punctually just , as to performe what he knew requisite , and to rest contented with his owne . but seeing that no conveyance of land can be made so strong , by any skill of lawyers , with multiplicity of clauses , and provisoes , that it may be secure from contentious avarice , and the malice of false seeming justice : it is not to bee wondered , that the great charter , whereby god bestowed the whole earth upon adam , and confirmed it unto the sons of noah , being as breife in word , as large in effect , hath bred much quarrell of interpretation . surely howsoever the letter of that donation , may be unregarded by the most of men , yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts , and so passionatly imbraced by their greedy desires , as if every one laid claime for himself unto that , which was conferred upon all . this appeared in the gaules , who falling upon italy under their captaine brennus , told the roman ambassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title , and that valiant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get ; that they wanting land therewith to susteine their people , and the tuscanes , having more then enough , it was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand , if it were not yeilded quietly . now if it be well affirmed by lawyers , that there is no taking of possession more just , then in vacuum venire , to enter upon land unhabited , as our countrymen have lately done in the summer islands : then may it be inferred , that this demand of the gaules , held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view . for if the title of occupiers be good in a land unpeopled , why should it be bad accounted in a country peopled over thinly ? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the southerne , undiscovered continent , because they had seated themselves in nova guiana , or about the straits of magalane ? why might not the like be done in africk , in europe , or in asia ? if this were most absurd to imagine , let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the territory , and increasing the number of inhabitants , what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a region in such manner , that the land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth , nor capable of a greater multitude ; untill this can be concluded and agreed upon , one maine and fundamentall cause of the most grievous warre that can be imagined , is not like to be taken from the earth . it were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victualls and other helps , a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new feare , or to direct them unto a country able to receive them : but what shall perswade a mighty nation to travaile so farre by land , or sea , over mountaines , deserts , and great rivers , with their wives and children , when they are , or thinke themselves , powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand , and inforce others into the labour of such a journey ? i have briefely shewed in an other worke , that the miseries accompaning this kind of war , are most extreame . for as much as the invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the nation upon which they fall . and although the uncertainty of tenure , by which all worldly things are held , minister very unpleasant meditation ; yet is it most certaine that within 1200. yeares last past , all or the most of kingdomes to us knowne , have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations , being either over whelmed by new collonies that fell upon them , or driuen , as one wave is driven by an other , to seeke new seates , having lost their owne . our westerne parts of europe indeed have cause to rejoyce , and give praise to god , for that we have been free about 600 years , from such inundations , as were those of the gothes , humes , and vandalls , yea from such as were those of our owne ancestors , the saxons , danes , and normans , but howsoever we have together with the feeling , lost the very memory of such wretchednesse , as our fore-fathers endured by those wars , of all other the most cruell . yet are there few kingdomes in all asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred yeares . it were an endlesse labour to tell how the turks , and tartars falling like locusts upon that quarter of the world , having spoiled every where , and in most places eaten up all , as it were by the roots , consuming together with the princes formerly reigning and a world of people , the very names , language and memory of former times . suffice it that when any country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it , there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the load upon others , by right or wrong . for ( to omit the danger of pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng ) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses , and contempt of death , as the torments or threats of famine whereof the warre that is grounded upon this generall rem●dilesse necessity , may be tearmed the generall , the remedilesse , or the necessary war. against which that our country is better provided ( as may be shewed hereafter ) then any civill nation to us knowne , we ought to hold it a great blessing of god , and carefully retaine the advantages which he hath given us now . besides this remedilesse or necessary warre , which is frequent , there is a warre voluntary , and customeable , unto which the offering party is not compelled . and this customary warre , which troubleth all the world , giveth little respite or breathing time of peace , doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest . for covetous ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath , supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not . wherefore if two bordering princes have their territory meeting on an open champaigne , the more mighty will continually seeke occasion , to extend his limits unto the further border thereof . if they be divided by mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the tops , and finally for the towns that stand upon the roots . if rivers run between them , they contend for the bridges , and thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck . yea the sea it selfe must be very broad , barren of fish , and void of little islands interjacent , else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the kingdomes which it severeth . all this proceeds from desire of having , and such desire from feare of want . hereunto may be added , that in these arbitrary wars , there is commonly to be found , some small measure of necessity , though it seldome be observed , perhaps , because it extendeth not so far , as to become publique . for where many younger sonnes of younger brothers , have neither lands nor means to uphold themselves , and where many men of trade or usefull possessions , know not how to bestow themselves for lack of imployments , there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the state ( howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed ) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected members . it sufficeth not that the country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it , if means be wanting , whereby to drive convenient participation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers . in such cases there will be complaining , commiseration , and finally murmur ( as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the ground upon publike misgovernment ) unlesse order be taken for some redresse by the sword of injury , supposed to be done by forreigners , whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare . and in this case i think it was , that the great cardinall francis de amiens who governed spaine in the minority of charls the fift , hearing tell that 8000. spaniards were lost in the enterprise of algier , under don diego de vera , made light of the matter : affirming , that spaine stood in need of such evacuation , forreigne warre serving ( as king fardinard had been wont to say ) like a potion of rubarbe , to wash away choler from the body of the realme . certainly among all kingdomes of the earth , we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then spaine , of having the veines opened by an enemies sword : the many colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humors . yet is not that country thereby dispeopled , but mainteineth still growing upon it ( like a tree , from whose plants to fil a whole orchard , ) have bin taken as many , as it can well nourish . and to say what i think , if our king edward the third , had prospered in his french wars and peopled with english the towns which he won , as he began at calice driving out the french , the kings his successors , holding the same course would by this time have filled all france , with our nation , without any notable emptying of this island . the like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the french in italy , or almost of any others , as having been verified by the saxons in england , and arabians in barbarie ; what is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the continent ? surely they dyed not of old age , nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature . but famine and contagious diseases , the sword , the halter , and a thousand mischiefs have consumed them . yea many of them perhaps were never borne : for they that want means to nourish children will abstaine from marriage , or ( which is all one ) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women : or otherwise make unequall or unhealthy matches for gaine , or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing , which in nature is a curse , to have their wives barren . were it not thus , arithmeticall progression might easily demonstrate , how fast mankind would increase in multitude , overpassing as miraculous ( though indeed naturall ) that example of the israelites , who were multiplyed in 215. yeares , from seaventie unto 600000. able men . hence we may observe , that the very propagation of our kind , hath with it a strong insensive , even of those daily wars , which afflict the earth . and that princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity , speake often more truly then they are aware , there being indeed a great necessity , though not apparent , as not extending to the generality , but resting upon private heads . wherefore other cause of warre meerly naturall there is none , then want of roome upon the earth , which pinching a whole nation , begets the remedilesse warre , vexing only some number of particulars , it draws on the arbitrary : but unto the kindling of arbitrary warre , there are many other motives . the most honest of these is , feare of harme and prevention of danger . this is just and taught by nature , which labours more strongly in removing evill , then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good . neverthelesse , because warre cannot be without mutuall violence : it is manifest , that allegation of danger and feare serv●s only to excuse the suffering part , the wrong doer being carried by his owne will. so the warre thus caused proceeds from nature , not altogether but in part . a second motive is , revenge of injury susteined ; this might be avoided if all men could be honest ; otherwise not . for princes must give protection to their subjects and adherents , when worthy occasion shall require it , else will they be held unworthy , and unsufficient : then which there can be to them no greater perill . wherefore caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side , and the opinion that there should be in him parum praesidii little safeguard , for his friends , was doubted on the other side , alwayes chose rather to venture u●on extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector . yea by such maintenance of their dependants , many noblemen in all formes of government , and in every mans memory have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue . neither have meere tyrants been altogether carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers , those subjects of theirs , whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used , as no better then slaves . for there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves , if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men : to remedy this , it were needfull that justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to denizons . but contrariewise we find , that in many countreys ( as muscovie and the like ) the laws or the administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction , as they fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation . sir thomas moore said , ( whether more pleasantly or truely i know not ) that a trick of law had no lesse power then the wheele of fortune , to lift men up , or cast them downe . certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by meere casualty , then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice , because these are accompanied with sense of indignity , whereof the other are free : when robbers break open a mans house and spoile it , they tell the owner plainly that money they want , and money they must have : but when a judge corrupted by reward , hatred , favour , or any other passion , takes both house and land from the rightfull owner , and bestowes them upon some friend of his owne , or of his favorite , he saies , that the rules of justice will have it so , that it is the voice of the law , the ordinance of god himselfe . and what else doth he herein , then by a kind of circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves idiots or base wretches not able to get releife ; must it not astonish and vex withall , any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the judge and the theefe , then in the manner of performing their exploits ? as if the whole being of justice consisted in point of formality . in such case an honest subject will either seeke remedy by ordinary courses , or awaite his time untill god shall place better men in office , and call the oppressors to account . but a stranger wil not so , he hath nothing to do with the affairs of barbary , neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in taradante , or whether mulisidian himself can contemne the kingdome , his ship and goods are unjustly taken from him , and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can , and returne the injury ten fold , upon the whole nation from which he received it . truth it is , that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the gates of forreigne lords , then to tarry the good leisure of their own magistrates ; nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad , as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling vice admirall , customer , or publique minister at their returne . whether this proceed from the reverence which men yeild unto their proper governour , i will not here define , or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home , or whether from despaire of such redresse , as may be expected in their owne country , in the hoped reformations of disorders , or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe the domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations , or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the injustice of their owne rulers , though it were shamefull , for feare of faring worse , and of being punished for scandalum magnatum : as slanderers of men in authority , wheresoever it comes ; as there can be but one allegeance , so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must . according to that of the slave in an old comoedie : non sum servus publicus , my master bought me for himself , and i am not every mans man. and this opinion , there is no prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne subjects . yea such as are most rigorous to their owne , doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers , because it were a matter of dangerous consequence , that the people should thinke all other nations to be in better case then themselves . the breife is , oppression in many places weares the robes of justice , which domineering over the naturalls , may not spare strangers , and strangers will not endure it , but cry out unto their owne lords for releife by the sword. wherefore the motive of revenging injuries is very strong , though it meerly consist in the will of man , without any inforcement of nature . yet the more to quicken it , there is usually concurrent therewith , a hopefull expectation of gaine . for of the amends recovered , little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong , but commonly all runs into the princes coffers . such examples as was that of our late queen elizabeth of most famous memory , are very rare . her majestie when the goods of our english merchants were attached by the duke of alva , in the netherlands , and by king philip in spaine , arrested , likewise the goods of the low dutch here in england , that amounted unto a greater value : neither was she contented that her subjects should right themselves as well as they could , upon the spaniards by sea , but having brought king philip within foure or five years , to better reason , though not so far as to restitution ; she satisfied her owne merchants to the full , for all their losses out of the dutchmens goods , and gave back to the duke what was remayning . this among many thousand of her royall actions , that made her glorious in all nations , though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her princely justice , to the skies : yet served it not as a president for others of lesse vertue to follow . it were more costly to take patterne from those acts , which gave immortall renowne to that great queen , then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that spanish duke , in the self same busines , who kept all to his owne use , or his masters , restoring to the poore dutch merchants not one penny . it falls out many times indeed , that a prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by war the wrongers of his people , then the losse of his people did amount unto . in such cases it is reason , that he satisfy himself , and let the people ( whereto commonly they are apt ) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge . but when victory makes large amends for all , it royally becomes a prince , to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertooke the warre . for besides the purpose it were now , to teach how victory should be used , or the gaines thereof communicated to the generall content . this being only brought into shew , that the profit thereby gotten , is a stirring provocation to the redresse of injuries by the sword . as for the redresse of injuries done unto princes themselves , it may conveniently ( though not alwayes , for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to princes of mainetaining their owne honour ) be referred unto the third motive of arbitrary warres , which is meere ambition . this is and ever hath been that true cause of more wars , then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever , though it least partake of nature , or urgent necessity of state. i call not here alone by the name of ambition , that vaine glorious humour which openly professeth to be none other , and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue ( for the examples are not many of that kind : ) but where occasion of warre is greedily sought , or being very slight is gladly entertained , for that increase of dominion is hoped thereby , we should rather impute the warre to the scope at which it aimeth : then to any idle cause pretended . the romans feared lest they of of carthage by winning messana should soone get the mastery over all sicilie , and have a faire entrance at pleasure into italy : which to prevent they made a warre upon the carthaginians ; this feare i call ambition , had they not trusted in their own armes , hoping thereby to enlarge their empire , but being weaker , and more afraid indeed , they would have feared lesse . for colour of this warre they tooke the mamertines , a crewe of theeves , and cut throats into their protection ; whom being their associats they must needs defend . but had not their ambition been mightier then their justice , they would have endeavoured to punish these mamertines , and not to protect them . innumerable are the like examples : know ye not ( said ahab ) that ramoth gilead is ours ? he knew this before , and was quiet enough , till opinion of his forces , made him looke into his right . and of this nature ( though some worse then other in degree ) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the ancestors of a vanquished king , and long after challenged by the heirs of the conqueror , broken titles to kingdomes or provinces , mainetenance of friends , and partizans , pretenced wrongs , and indeed , whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest : but of old time ( perhaps before helen of greece , was borne ) women have been the common argument of these tragedies . as of late ages in our parts of the world , since the names of guelf , and ghibeline , were heard , the right of st. peter , that is the popes revenews and authority . this last and other of the same kind i know not , how patiently they will endure to be ranged among ambitions quarrels : for the warre that hath such foundation , will not only be reputed , free from worldly ambition , just , and honourable , but holy , and meritorious : having thereto belonging pardon of sins , release from purgatory , and the promises of the life to come , as may be seen in the popes crociata . the truth is , that the saracenes , affirme no lesse of the warres , which either they make against christians , or which arise between themselves from difference of sect. and if every man had his due , i thinke the honour of devising first this doctrine : that religion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword , would be found appertaining to mahomet the false prophet , sure , it is , that he and the caliphes following him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty empire , which was in faire way to have inlarged , untill they fell out among themselves . not for the kingdome of heaven , but for dominion upon earth . and against these did the popes , when their authority grew powerfull in the west , incite the princes of germany , england , france , and italie . their chiefe enterprise was the recovery of the holy land. in which worthy , but extreamely difficult action , it is lamentable to remember , what abundance of noble blood hath been shed , with very small benefit unto the christian state. the recovery of spaine ( whereof the better part was then in bondage of the saracens , ) had been a worke more availeable to the men of europe , more easily mainetained with supply , more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon kingdomes further removed , more free from hazard , and requiring lesse expence of blood. but the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger , nor diverted from this to a more commodious businesse , by any motives of profit or facility , for the pulpits did sound in every parish church with the praises of that voyage , as if it were a matter , otherwise far lesse highly pleasing unto god , to beare armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors , or for the deliverance of poore christians oppressed with slavery , then to fight for that selfe same land , wherein our blessed saviour was borne and dyed : by such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the conquest of palestina which with singular vertue they performed ( though not without exceeding great losse of men ) and held that kingdome some few generations . but the climate of syria , the far distance from the strength of christendome , and the neer neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the mahometans , caused that famous enterprise , after a long continuance of terrible war , to be quite abandoned . the care of ierusalem being laid aside , it was many times thought needfull to represse the growing power of the turke by the joint forces of all christian kings and common-wealths , and hereto the popes have used much perswasion and often published their crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so religious . yet have they effected little or nothing , and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe . for it hath been their custome so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to religious armes by converting the monies , that have been leavyed for such wars , to their owne services , and by stirring up christians one against an other , yea against their owne naturall princes , under the like pretences of serving god and the church , that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits , and would not believe that god was carefull to mainetaine the pope in his quarrells , or that remission of sins past , was to be obteined by committing more and more grievous , at the instigation of his suspected holinesse . questionlesse there was great reason , why all discreet princes should beware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the robes of sanctimonie . it was the rule of our blessed saviour , by their works you shall know them , what the works of those that occupied the papacie , have been since the dayes of pepin and charlemaine who first enabled them with temporall donation , the italian writers have testified at large . yet were it needlesse to cite machiavell , who hath recorded their doings , and is therefore the more hatefull , or guicciardine , whose works they have gelded , as not enduring to heare all that he hath written , though he spake enough in that which remains . what history shall we read ( excepting the annales of caesar baronius , and some books of fryars , or fryarly parasites ) which mentioning their acts doe not leave witnesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters . how few kingdomes are there ( if any ) wherein by dispensing with others , transferring the right of crowns , absolving subjects from alleageance , and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded , they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs ? the shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends , and the more shamelesse justification by their flatterers , makes it needfull to exemplifie , which i had rather forbeare , as not loving to deale in such contentious arguments , were it not follie to be modest in uttering what is knowne to all the world . pitty it is , that by such demeanour they have caused the church ( as hierome savanarola , and before him robert grosthead bishop of lincolne prophecied ) to be reformed by the sword . but god would have it so . how farre the popes blessing therefore did sanctifie the enterprise upon ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to judge . as for the honourable christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their warre , they had not only the redresse of injuries and protection of their oppressed brethren , but the repelling of danger from their owne land , threatned by those misbeleivers when they invaded . if the popes extortions ( which were not more forcible then those of peters the hermits ) added spirit unto the action : yet altered they not the grounds of the warre , nor made it the more holy . let the indulgences of pope leo , the tenth , beare witnesse of this , who out of politick feare of the turkes violence urged a religious contribution towards a warre to be made upon them . the necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswaded the conquest of palestina . but too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men remission of sins for money , that the sums which pope leo thereby raised and converted to his owne uses , have made his successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day . pius the second , formerly well knowne by the name of aeneas silvius , was discernedly reckoned among the few good popes of latter ages , who neverthelesse in a warre of the same religious nature , discovered the like ( though not the same ) imperfection . his purpose was to set upon mahomet the great , who had newly won the empire of constantinople and by carrying the warre over into greece , to prevent the danger , threatning italie . in this action highly commendable , he intended to hazard his owne person , that so the more easily hee might win adventurers , who else were like to be lesse forward , as not unacquainted with such romish tricks ; yet was not his owne devotion , so zealous in pursuit of this holy businesse , but that he could stay a while , and convert his forces , against malatesti lord of rimini , letting , scanderbeg waite his leisure , who had already set the warre on foote in greece . for ( said he ) we first subdue the little turke , before we medle with the great , he spake reason if we regard policy . but attending one to religion find we not , that he held the chastisement of one which molested the sea of rome , a like pleasing to god , as would have been the holy warre , against the common enemy of our christian faith ? so thought all the rest of those bishops . and so much more ( upon their severall occasions ) declared themselves to thinke it , by how much they were commonly worse men then this aeneas silvius . and good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe , or endeavour to make the christian world believe none otherwise . for the naturall constitution of their estate ( i meane since the age of pepin and charlmaine , or the times not long foregoing , hath urged them all hereto ; though peradventure some few popes may have been overlewd , by their own private natures , and thereby have swa●●ved from the rule of policy . to speake in generall , whosoever hath dominion absolute , over some , and authority lesse absolute over many more , will seeke to draw those that are not whol●y his owne into intire subjection . it fares with politick bodies as with the physicall ; each would convert all into their owne proper substance , and cast forth as excrement what will not so be changed . we need not cite philip the father of alexander , nor philip the father of perseus , kings of macedon for examples . of which the former brought the thessalians , the latter would have brought the acheans and many estates in greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage . philip the second of spaine is yet fresh in mind , who attempted the self same upon the netherlands . exceptions may be framed here against one , of the honest , quiet , or timerous disposition of some princes , yet that all , or the most are thus inclined , both reason and experience teach : yea even our cities and corporations here in england , such as need the protection of great men , complaine otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence , either in searching into their private estates , or behaving themselves master-like in point of government , but never hath authority better means to enlarge it self , then when it is founded upon devotion . and yet never doth authority of this kind , worke to raise it self unto meere dominion , untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming , then indeed . the leviticall priests , in the old law never arrogated unto themselves , any temporall or coactive power nor advanced their miters against the crowne of israel . they well understood what authority god had committed unto them and rested therewithall content . some wrangling hereabout hath been of late ; the popes flatterers labouring to prove , that the high priests of old were not meerly subject unto the kings of iuda , and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary . but whatsoever befell in those dayes , when there was no king in israel , that is , before the reigne of saul , or after the captivity of babel , sure it is that the sons of aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of david , and acknowledged them their lords . as for the race of the maccabees , that held both the kingdome and the priesthood at once , it falls not within this consideration ; the first thereof ( of whom i read ) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of religion towards the getting of temporal possession , was ( if nor mahomet himselfe ) abubachar the successor unto mahomet , this man having obteined by help of his friends , the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole impostor in his dignity of a prophet , made it one of his first works to dispoile poor aliffe the nephew of mahomet , and heire of his great riches , taking al from him by this pretence , that unto whom belonged the succession in wisdome , unto him also belonged the succession in wealth . and this grew presently to be a famous question among the doctors of the saracen law. but howsoever it were then decided , we see now the muphti of high prelate , who is the only oracle among the turkes in spirituall matters , lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great sultan . neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of abubachar , hath not lost all force , for the examples are many in all saracen lands , of prophets or deceivers which got that name , that never rested untill they became kings . the seriph in barbarie , was one of the last : who having once acquired the opinion of an holy man , afterward found means to become a captain , and lord of a small territory ; and finally increased his followers , and withall his bounds so fast and so far , as having made himself king of morocca , he had the grace to tell the king of fessy , ( lately his soveraigne ) that both fesse and all kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse ; and this he made good by winning all sooner after . whether the claime which the popes laid to a supremacie over all kingdomes and estates , had not affinity with the principle of abubachar , let other men judge that their practises to mainetaine it , have been sutable to those of seriffo , all historians doe testifie . for when pope gregory the second , procured the citie of rome , and some other places in italie to rebell against the emperour leo , the third , what other colour used he , then that himself had excommunicated leo , as an ungodly prince , for breaking downe images , that were worshipped in churches , when for this treason paul the exarch , leiutenant unto the emperour , besieged rome with the assistance of lueitpraud king of the lumbards , by what other art did the pope remove the siege , then by perswading the lumbard with a tale of peter , and paul , that had consecrated the citie of rome with their pretious blood . thus was devotion made the cloake for treason ? and thus did the popes first slip their necks out of the emperours coller . within very few years after this , by the like religious pretext were those princes of france , charls martell , pepine , and charlemaine , won to assist the papacie , against the lumbards , yea , to give unto st. peter , the most of those lands which the pope now holds in italie , and not restore them to the emperour , from whom the lumbards had gotten them . and thereunto pepine , was perswaded for his souls health . yet had pope zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse , done a notable good office for pepine before , when he released the frenchmen of their oath to king chilperick , and was the cause that pepine was chosen in his stead , by saying , that rather he should be king who did the kings duty , then he that did it not . in like manner did pope leo recompense the benefits of charlemaine , by setting him up as emperour in the west against those of constantinople : but in these mutuall offices , the popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which pepine and charlemaine had before acquired . whereas these kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in principallity ; that was held yet in vassallage unto themselves . now this could not satisfie the ambition of that see , which gloried falsly to be the only see apostolique . for as the reputation of the romane prelats grew up in those blind ages under the westerne emperours , much faster then true piety could raise it , in former times when better learning had flourished ; so grew up in them withall a desire , of amplifying their power , that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall matters . immediately therefore upon the death of charlemaine , they began to neglect the emperours consent in their elections . and finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of france , either too much patience or too much weakenesse , they were bold , within seaventy years to decree , that in the creation of popes , the emperour should have nothing at all to doe . having obteined this , it followed that they should make themselves lord over the whole clergie in all kingdomes . but the worke was great , and could not be accomplished in hast , for they were much disturbed at home by the people of rome ; who seeing about fifty popes or rather ( as mainetainers of the papacie , would now have them called ) monsters to succeed one another , and attaine by the faction of cut-throats , and strumpets , st. peters chaire , despised that hypocrisy , which the world abroad did reverence as holinesse . likewise the empire falling from the line of charles , to the mighty house of saxonie , was so strongly upheld by the first princes of that race , as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring prelats . yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity . the polonians , hungarians , and some other farre removed nations , had yeilded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall , even to those popes whom italie knew to be detestable men . as for the romane citizens they were chastised by the sword , and taught to acknowledge the pope their lord , though they knew not by what right . long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed , because they knowing the lewdnesse of their prelate and his court , their devotion , unto him ( the trade by which now they live ) was very small . because also they were the popes domesticall forces , against which no prince doth happily contend . but finally the popes armes prevailed , or when his owne were too weake , the emperours and other friends were helping . contrariwise against emperours and other princes , the sword of the people even of their owne subjects hath been used by teaching all christians in our westerne world a false lesson . that it is lawfull and meritorious to rebell against kings excommunicated and deposed by the pope . this curse was first laid upon the emperour , henry the fourth by pope hildebrand or gregory the seaventh . it is true ( as i said before ) that leo of constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort . for leo being excommunicated was not withall deposed ; only he suffered a revolt of some italian subjects . and one may say , that the germane empire deserved this plague , since the founder thereof had given countenance to the popes rebelling against their soveraigns the emperours of constantinople . howsoever it were when hildebrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne henry the fourth , there were none so hardy as to defend their injured lord , against the counterfeited name of st. peter ; wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before hildebrand , upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the winter ere he could be admitted into his presence , neither yet could he otherwise get absolution , then by submitting his estate unto the popes good pleasure , what was his fault ? he had refused to yeild up to the pope , the investiture of bishops , and collation of ecclesiasticall dignities within his dominions , a right that had alwayes belonged to princes untill that day . it were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after ; notwithstanding this submission . in breife the unappeasable rage of hildebrand and his successors , never left persecuting him , by raising one rebellion after an other ; yea his owne children against him , till dispoyled of his crowne , he was faine to beg food of the bishop of spyers , promising to earne it in a church of his own building , by doing there a clarks duty , for he could serve the quire , and not obteining this , he pined away and dyed . that bishop of spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully , then cruelly , for he had to terrifie him , the example of vteilo archhishop of mentz chiefe prelate among the germans . who was condemned of heresie , for having denyed that the emperour might be deprived of his crowne by the popes authority . if princes therefore be carefull to exclude the doctrine of hildebrand out of their dominions , who can blame them of rigour ? this example of henry though it would not be forgotten , might have been omitted , had it not been seconded with many of the same nature . but this was neither one popes fault , nor one princes destiny ; he must write a story of the empire , that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind , as how they wrought upon henry the fifth , whom they had set up against his father , what horrible effusion of blood they caused , by their often thundering upon fredericke , and how they rested not untill they had made the empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years . these things moved rodolph earl of habspurgh who was chosen emperour after that long vacation to refuse the ceremony of being crowned at rome , though he were therero urged by the electors . for ( said he ) our caesars , have gone to rome , as the foolish beasts in aesops fables went , to the lyons den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward , but not the like of their returne . the same opinion have most of the succeeding emperours held , all of them , or almost all neglecting that coronation . good cause why ; since the popes ( besides many extortions which they practised about that ceremony ) arrogated thence unto themselves , that the empire was held of them in homage , and dealt they not after the same fashion with other kingdomes ? what right had st. peter to the crowne of sicily , and of naples ? the romane princes wonne those lands from the saracens , who had formerly taken them from the empire of constantinople ; the same romanes had also been mighty defenders of the papacy in many dangers , yet when time served , the pope tooke upon him , as lord paramount of those countryes , to drive out one king , and set up another , with a bloody confusion of all italie ; retaining the soveraignty to himself . in france , he had the daring to pronounce himselfe superiour unto the king in all matters both spirituall and temporall . the crowne of poland he forced to hold of his miter by imposing a subjection in way of penance . for that the polish king had caused one st. stanislaus to be slaine . for the death of st. thomas beckett and ( more strangely ) for a refusall of an archbishop of canterbury whom his holinesse had appointed , he imposed the like penance upon england . also when our king edward the first , made warre upon the scots , word came from rome that he should surcease : for that the kingdome of scotland belonged unto the popes chappell . a great oversight it was of st. peter , that he did not accurse nero , and all heathen princes , whereby the popes chappell might have gotten all that the devill offered , and our saviour refused . yet what need was there of such a banne : since fryar vincent of valnarda could tell atatalipa king of peru : that all the kingdomes of the earth were the popes , who had bestowed more then halfe thereof upon the king of spaine . if the pope will have it so , it must be so ; otherwise i should have interpreted that place in genesis , increase and multiply and fill the earth , as spoken to noah , and his children , not as directed only to tubal , homer , and phatto , the supposed fathers of the old iberians , gothes , and moores , of whom the spanish blood is compounded . but of such impudent presumption in disposing of countryes farre remote , and whereto the sword must acquire a better title , the mischiefe is not presently discerned . it were well if his holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of war , among those that respected him as a common father . his dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one king and another , or between kings and subjects , doe speake no better of him . for by what right was it , that fardinand of arragon won the kingdome of navar ? why did not the confederacie , that was between lewis the twelfth of france , and the venetians hinder that king from warring upon venice ? why did not the like between england , and france , hinder our king henry the eighth for warring upon the same king lewis ? was it not the pope who did set on the french , to the end that himself might get ravenna from the venetians ? why was it not the same pope , who afterwards ( upon desire to drive the french out of italie ) excommunicated lewis , and his adherents ? by vertue of which excommunication fardinand of arragon seized upon navarr . and served not the same warrant to set our henry upon the back of france ? but this was not our kings fault more then all the peoples . we might with shame confesse it , ( if other countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our fathers ) that a barque of apples blessed by the pope , and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the war upon france , made all our english hasty to take armes , in such sort as the italians wondred , and laughed to see our men , no lesse greedy of those apples ( then eve , was of the forbidden fruit ) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust war. few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the popes tumultuous disposition , but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected . now for his dispensing betweene kings and their subjects , we need not seeke instances far from home . he absolved our king iohn of an oath , given to his barons and people . the barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to king iohn . king henry the third , had appeased this land ( how wisely i say not ) by taking such an oath , as his father had done ; swearing as he was a knight , a christian , and a king. but in a sermon at paules , people were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance , the popes dispensation being there openly read , which pronounced that oath voyde . good cause why . for that king had the patience to live , like neither knight , nor king , but as the popes tenant , and rent-gatherer of england . but when the same king adventured to murmure , the pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance . and make him know , what it was to winch and play the fredericke . thus we see what hath been his custome to oppresse kings by their people , and the people by their kings , yet this was for serving his owne turne . wherein had our king henry the sixt offended him ( which king pope iulius would after for a little money have made a saint ) neverthelesse , the popes absolving of rich : duke of yorke from that honest oath , which he had given by mediation of all the land to that good king occasioned both the dukes and the kings ruine . and therewithal those long and cruell wars betweene the houses of lancaster , and yorke , and brought all england into an horrible combustion . what he meant by this , i know not , unlesse to verifie the proverbe ; omnia romae venalia , i will not urge the dispensation , whereby the pope released king philip , the second of spaine , from the solemne oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the netherlands , though this papall indulgence , hath scarce as yet left working , and been the cause of so many hundred thousands slaine , for this last forty years in the netherlands . neither will i urge the pope encouraging of henry the second , and his sons , to the last of them against the french protestants , the cause of the first three civill warres , and lastly of the leavyings of byrons , in which there hath perished no lesse number , then in the low-countryes . for our country it affords an example of fresh memory , since we should have had as furious warre , as ever both upon us , and amongst us , in the daies of our late famous soveraigne queene elizabeth , if pope pius his bull , could have gored , as well as it could bellow . therefore it were not amisse to answer by a herald , the next pontificall attempt of like nature , rather sending defiance ( as to an enemy ) then publishing answers as to one that had here to doe , though in deed he had never here to doe ( by any lawfull power ) either in civill or ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time as brittaine was won from the romane empire . for howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall councills , that the bishop of rome , should be patriarch over these quarters , yea ; or it were supposed that the forged canons , by which he now challengeth more then precedency , and primacie , had also been made indeed : yet could this little help his claime in kingdomes , that hold not of the empire . for those right holy fathers , as in matters of faith , they did not make truth , but religiously expounded it : so in matters of ecclesiasticall government , they did not create provinces for themselves ; but ordered the countries which they then had . they were assemblies of all the bishops in the romane world , and with the romane dominion only they medled . requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbraced in all countryes , as it ought likewise to be entertained , if the same had been in like sort illustrated , not by them , but by a generall councill of all bishops in the great kingdome of the abissines , which is thought to have been christian even in those daies . but it was not requisite , nor is , that the bishops of abissines , or of india , should live under direction of the patriarch of alexandria , and antioch . questionlesse , those godly fathers of the nicene , and of the calcedonian councill so thought . for they tooke not upon them to order the church government in india , where st. thomas had preached , nor to range the subjects of prester iohn ( as we call him ) under any of themselves ; much lesse to frame an hierarchie upon earth , whereto men of all nations whatsoever should be subject in spirituall obedience . if constantine or his successors the romane emperours could have wonne all asia : like it is that in councils following more patriarchs would have been ordeined for the ecclesiasticall government of that large continent , and not all those vast countryes have beene left unto him of antioch or constantinople . but since contrariwise , the empire became looser , the patriarchs whose jurisdiction depended upon the empire , become loosers also . we grant , that even in the times of persecution , before christian bishops durst hold open assemblies , there was given especiall honour to the bishops that were over the chiefe cities ; that unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the church ; but this honour was no more , then a● precedence , a dignity without coactive power , extending no further then to matter of religion , and not having to doe , save in the generall way of christian love with any strangers . we therefore , that are no dependants of the empire , ought not to be troubled with the authority ( be in what it may be ) with any assemblie● of godly fathers ( yet all subjects o● that empire , ordeined for their owne better government ) but rather should regard the bishop of rome , as the islanders of iersey , and garnsey , doe him of constance in normandie , that is nothing at all : since by that french bishops refusall to sweare unto our king , those isles were annexed to the diocesse of winchester . finis . excellent observations and notes , concerning the royall navy and sea-service . having formerly ( most excellent prince ) discoursed of a maritimall voyage , and the passages and incidents therein , i thinke it not impertinent nor differing from my purpose , to second the same with some necessary relations concerning the royall navy , with the services and offices thereto belonging . for , as the perfection and excellency of our shipping is great and remarkeable , so the imperfections and defects of the same by use and experience of late years , have been found to be divers and inconvenient , as it falls out many times in the circumstances of land-service by the change of armes , diversities of fortifications , and alteration of discipline . and therefore for the due reformation , many things are necessarily and particularly to be spoken and considered of in their order . in regard whereof , i will first begin with the officers , and therein crave pardon ( if in speaking plainly and truly in a matter of so great importance ) i doe set aside all private respects and partiality . for in that which concerns the service and benefit of my prince and country , i will say with cicero , nil mihi melius , nil mihi charius . and therefore not justly to be taxed with any presumption for medling with matters wherein i have no dealings nor charge . for that in the affaires of this nature , every good subject is deeply interessed , and bound in conscience and duty both to say and doe his best . of the officers of the navy . first therefore , it were to be wished , that the chiefe officers under the lord admirall ( as vice-admirall , treasurer , controller , surveyor ; and the rest ) should be men of the best experience in sea-service , aswell as of judgement and practise in the utinsells and necessaries belonging to shipping , even from the batts end to the very kilson of a ship. and that no kind of people should be preferred to any of these offices , but such as have been throughly practised , and be very judiciall in either kind of the above named services ; but we see it oftentimes to fall out otherwise . for sometimes by the speciall favour of princes , and many times by the mediation of great men for the preferment of their servants , and now and then by vertue of the purse , and such like means , some people very raw and ignorant , are very unworthily and unfitly nominated to those places , when men of desert and ability are held back and unpreferr'd , to the great hinderance of his majesties service , to the prejudice of the navy , and to the no little discouragement of ancient and noble able servitors , when favour or partiality shall eat out knowledge and sufficiency , in matters so neerly concerning the service and safety of the kingdome , wherein all private respects should be laid apart , and vertue truly regarded for it selfe . of the building of ships . secondly , it were no lesse behoovefull for his majesties service , and for the strength of the navy , that no ships should be builded by the great , as divers of them have been ; for by daily experience they are found be the most weake , imperfect , and unserviceable ships of all the rest . and it is not otherwise to be presumed , but as the officers would bee thought to be very frugall for his majesty in driving a bargaine by the great at a neere rate with the shipwright , so likewise the shipwright on his part will be as carefull to gaine by his labour , or at least to save himselfe harmlesse , and therefore suite his worke slightly according to a slight price . out of the which present sparing and untimely thrift , there grows many future inconveniences and continuall charge in repayring and reedifying such imperfect slight built vessells . the proofe and experience whereof hath been often found in new shipps built at those rates , but so weakly , as that in their voyages , they have been ready to founder in the seas with every extraordinary storme , and at their returne been enforced to be new built . but seeing the officers of the admiralty doe hold ( by the grace of his majestie ) places of so good credit and benefit , it is their parts therefore ( being well waged and rewarded for the same ) exactly to look into the sound building of ships , and to imploy their care and travell aswell in the oversight thereof , as to provide that all things else belonging to the navy be good and well conditioned : for the strong and true building of a ship is not to be left barely to the fidelity of a marchanticall artificer ( the chiefe end of whose worke in his owne accompt is his profit and gaine ) but some superior officer ought to have a further regard in that businesse , if he be such a one as hath more judgement in the building and conditioning of a ship , then devotion to his owne ease and profit . moreover if any decayed ship be intended to be new made , it is more fit and profitable to make her a size lesse then she was , then bigger ; for then her beams which were laid over-thwart from side to side , will serve againe , and most of her tymbers and other parts will say well to the building of a new ship . but if she should be made a size bigger , the tymber of the old will be unprofitable for that purpose ; we find by experience , that the greatest ships are least serviceable , goe very deep to water and of marvellous charge and fearefull cumber , our channells decaying every year . besides , they are lesse nimble , lesse maineable , and very seldome imployed . grande navio grande fatica , saith the spaniard , a ship of 600 tuns will carry as good ordnance , as a ship of 1200. tuns , and though the greater have double her number , the lesser will turne her broad sides twice , before the greater can wend once , and so no advantage in that overplus of ordnance . and in the building of all ships , these six things are principally required . 1. first , that she be strong built . 2. secondly , that shee bee swift . 3. thirdly , that she be stout sided . 4. fourthly , that she carry out her guns all weather . 5. fifthly , that she hull and try well , which we call a good sea-ship . 6. sixthly , that shee stay well , when bourding and turning on a wind is required . 1. to make her strong consisteth in the truth of the workeman , and the care of the officers . 2. to make her sayle well is to give a long run forward , and so afterward done by art and just proportion . for as in laying out of her bows before and quarters behind , she neither sinck into , nor hang in the water , but lye cleare off and above it , and that the shipwrights be not deceived herein ( as for the most part they have ever been ) they must be sure , that the ship sinck no deeper into the water , then they promise , for otherwise the bow and quarter will utterly spoile her sayling . 3. that she bee stout , the same is provided and performed by a long bearing floore , and by sharing off above water even from the lower edge of the ports . 4. to carry out her ordnance all weather , this long bearing floore , and sharing off from above the ports is a chiefe cause , provided alwayes , that your lowest tyre of ordnance must lye foure foot cleare above water when all loading is in , or else those your best pieces will be of small use at the sea in any growne weather that makes the billoe to rise , for then you shall be enforced to take in all your lower ports , or else hazard the ship. as befell to the mary rose ( a goodly vessell ) which in the days of king hen. 8. being before the isle of wight with the rest of rhe royall navy , to encounter the french fleet , with a suddain puff of wind stooped her side , and tooke in water at her ports in such abundance , as that she instantly sunck downeright and many gallant men in her . the captaine of her was sir george carew knight , who also perished among the rest . 5. to make her a good sea-ship , that is to hull and trye well , there are two things specially to be observed , the one that she have a good draught of water , the other that she be not overcharged , which commonly the kings ships are , and therefore in them we are forced to lye at trye with our maine course and missen , which with a deep keel and standing streake she will performe . 6. the hinderance to stay well is the extreame length of a ship , especially if she be floaty and want sharpnesse of way forwards , and it is most true , that those over long ships are fitter for our seas , then for the ocean , but one hundred foot long and five and thirty foot broad , is a good proportion for a great ship . it is a speciall observation , that all ships sharpe before , that want a long floore , will fall roughly into the sea and take in water over head and ears . so will all narrow quartered ships sinck after the tayle . the high charging of ships is it that brings them all ill qualities , makes them extreame leeward makes them sinck deep into the water , makes them labour and makes them overset . men may not expect the ease of many cabbins and safety at once in sea-service . two decks and a half is sufficient to yield shelter and lodging for men and marriners and no more charging at all higher , but only one low cabbin for the master . but our marriners will say , that a ship will beare more charging aloft for cabbins , and that is true , if none but ordinary marryners were to serve in them , who are able to endure , and are used to the tumbling and rowling of ships from side to side when the sea is never so little growne . but men of better sort and better breeding would be glad to find more steadinesse and lesse tottering cadge worke . and albeit the marriners doe covet store of cabbins , yet indeed they are but sluttish dens that breed sicknesse in peace , serving to cover stealths , and in fight are dangerous to teare men with their splinters . of harbouring and placing the navy . there are also many and great reasons why all his majesties navy should not in such sort be pen'd up as they are in rochester-water , but only in respect of the ease and commodity of the officers , which is encountred with sundry inconveniences for the sea-service , the dificulty being very great to bring them in or out at times of need through so many flats and sands , if wind and weather be not very favourable . besides , they must have sundry winds to bring them to the lands end , and to put them to the seas , which oftentimes failes , and causeth delay when hast is most needfull . for if any service be to be done upon the south parts of england , as the wight , portsmouth , the islands of garnsey and iersey , or westward towards devon-shire or cornwall , or towards wales or ireland , it is so long ere his majesties shipping can be brought about to recover any of these places , as that much mischiefe may be done the while . for the same winds that bring in the enemy , binds in our shipping in such sort , as that oftentimes in a months space they are not able to recover the neerest of any of these above named coasts . but how perillous a course it is , is easily discerned , and as easily remedyed , seeing there are besides so many safe and good harbours to disperse and bestow some of the navy in , where they may ever lye fit for all services , as portsmouth ; dartmouth , plymouth , falmouth , milford and divers others , all of them being harbours very capable and convenient for shipping . but perhaps it will be alleadged , that they cannot ride in any of these so safe from enemies as in rochester-water , because it reacheth far within the land , and is under the protection of some blockhouses . to which i answer this , that with very easie care and provision , they may in most of these places ride sufficiently secure from any forraine practises . and i doe not meane that all the whole navy should be subdivided into all these ports , but that some halfe dozen or eight of the midling ships , and some pynnaces should lye in the west , and yet not in any port so neere the sea , as that in a darke night they may be endangered by enemies with fire or otherwise , but in some such places as ashwater is by plymouth , where an enemy must run up a fresh river , a dozen miles after he hath passed the forts of the island , and the alarum given , before he can come where they lye at anchor . in which river the greatest charack of portugall may ride a float ten miles within the forts . but if regard be only had of their safe keeping , and not also of their readinesse and fitnesse for service , then let them never be sent abroad to be hazarded against the enemies forces ; for therein they shall be more subject to casualitie and danger , then by lying in any of these harbours above specified . but certaine it is , that these ships are purposely to serve his majesty , and to defend the kingdom from danger , and not to so be penn'd up from casualitie , as that they should be the lesse able or serviceable in times of need . and therefore that objection favours not of good reason , but rather of selfe respect in the officers , who are all for the most part well seated neer about rochester . but the service of his majesty , and the safety of the realme ( in my poore opinion ) ought to prevaile beyond all other respects whatsoever : and to him that casts those needlesse doubts , it may well be said , pereat qui timet umbras . of the needfull expence in manning the navy and other inconveniences by placing all the fleet in rochester-water . if the service of the shipping lying for any of these places above named , or for spaine , or for the islands , they are enforced of very necessity to presse the best and greatest part of their men out of the west countries , which is no small charge in bringing them so far as between that and rochester , and then when they are imbarqued at rochester , their charge is againe redoubled in their pay and expence of victualls , before the ships can recover so farre as plymouth , which many times is long a doing , for they doe ever usually touch at plymouth in all southerne voyages , for the furnishing many sea-necessaries , which that country doth afford . and therefore for so many ships as should be there resident , the charges of conduct money for marryners , of wages and of victualls , would be well saved for all that time , which is spent betwixt rochester and plymouth . besides , it were to be presumed , that enemies would not be so troublesome to the westerne coasts , nor that country it self would be so often dismayed with alarums as they have of late years been , if some of his majesties good ships were resident in those parts . if therefore in his majesties wisdome it should appeare fit , to bestow some of his shipping in any of these harbours aforenamed , it shall be very needfull likewise that there be a magazin of all manner of necessary provisions and munitions in the same places , according to the proportion of the shipping that there shall be resident , whereby such defects as by accident may fall out , shall upon any occasion be readily supplyed without delays or hindrance of service : and that withall in the same places , some officers belonging to the admiralty be there alwayes attendant , otherwise it would be found very inconvenient to be enforced ever to attend such helps and supplies as must come so far off as london , when it may more easily and with lesse charge be effected in places where they ride . of great ordnance . it was also very behoovefull , that his majesties ships were not so overpestred and clogged with great ordnance as they are , whereof there is such superfluity , as that much of it serves to no better use , but only to labour and overcharge the ships sides in any growne seas and foule weather . besides many of the ships that are allowed but twenty gunners , have forty piece of brasse pieces , whereas every piece at least requires foure gunners to attend it , and so that proportion of ordnance to so few gunners , very preposterous : for when a ship seels or roules in foule weather , the breaking loose of ordnance is a thing very dangerous , which the gunners can hardly prevent or well looke into , they being so few , the gunnes so many ; withall we doe see , that twenty or thirty good brasse pieces , as cannon , demicannon , culverin , and demiculverin , is a royall batterie for a prince to bring before any towne or strong fortresse . and why should not we as well thinke the same to be a very large proportion for one ship to batter another withall ? which if it be , then may his majesty ratably save a great part of the ordnance throughout every ship , and make the navy the more sufficient and serviceable , and thereby also save a great deale of needlesse expence in superfluous powder and shot , that is now pretended to be delivered out according to this huge and excessive proportion of artillery , whereof if many had not been stricken downe into holt in many voyages and ( especially in this last journey to the islands ) divers of the ships , weight , heaft , and charge thereof , would have foundered in the sea : wherein i report me to such as have served in them , and saw the proofe thereof . for this journey to the islands , did most of all others , discover unto us these experiences and tryalls in the royall navy , for that it was the longest navigation that ever was made out of our realme , with so many of the princes ships , and tarrying out so late in the year , whereby both the winds and seas had power and time throughly to search and examine them . besides many times , there is no proportion of shot and powder allowed rateably by that quātity of the great ordnance , as was seen in the sea-battaile with the spaniards in the yeare 88. when it so neerly concerned the defence and preservation of the kingdome . so as then many of those great guns wanting powder and shot , stood but as cyphers and scarcrowes , not unlike to the easterling hulkes , who were wont to plant great red port-holes in their broad sides , where they carryed no ordnance at all . of calking and sheathing his majesties ships . there is a great error committed in the manner of calking his majesties ships , which being done with rotten ocum , is the cause they are leaky , and the reason is this , for that they make their ocum wherewith they calke the seams of the ships , of old seere and weather-beaten ropes , when they are overspent and growne so rotten , as they serve for no other use but to make rotten ocum , which moulders and washes away with every sea , as the ships labour and are tossed , whereas indeed of all other things , the most speciall & best choice would be made of that stuffe to have it both new and good , for that sparing to imploy old rotten ropes , is a great defect either in the building of new ships , or in the repairing of old , and is the cause why after every journey they must be new calked . and therefore it were much to be wished , as a thing fit for his majesties service , profitable for the navy , and happy for those that shall serve in them , that the whole navy throughout were all sheathed , as some of them are . the benefit and good whereof for sea-service is manifold , and no lesse frugall for his majesty in making his ships as strong and lasting thereby , as they are otherwise good of sayle . and then shall they never need ( scarcely once in ten years ) this new calking and repayring which now almost every yeare they have . and hereof let the censure be taken of the best seamen of england , and they will not vary from this opinion . of victualling . as his majesties due allowance for victualling of ships is very large and honourable , and would be greatly to the incouragement and strengthning of the marriners and souldiers that serve in them , if it were faithfully distributed , the sea-service ( indeed ) being very miserable and painfull , so againe as it is abused and purloyned , it is very scant and dishonourable to the great slander of the navy , to the discouragement of all them that are prest thereunto , and to the hinderance of his majesties service . for that many times they goe with a great grudging to serve in his majesties ships , as if it were to be slaves in the gallyes . so much doe they stand in feare of penurie and hunger ; the case being cleane contrary in all merchants ships , and therefore the purveyors and victuallers are much to be condemned , as not a little faulty in that behalfe , who make no little profit of those polings which is cause very lamentable , that such as sit in ease at home , should so raise a benefit out of their hunger and thirst , that serve their prince and country painfully abroad , whereof there hath a long time been great complaining , but small reformation . of beere caskes . there is also daily proofe made , what great inconveniences growes by the bad caske which is used in his majesties ships being commonly so ill seasoned and conditioned , as that a great part of the beere is ever lost and cast away , or ( if for necessity it be used ) it breeds infection , and corrupts all those that drinke thereof . for the victuallers for cheapnesse will buy stale caske that hath been used for herring , traine oyle , fish , and other such unsavory things , and thereinto fill the beere that is provided for the kings ships . besides the caske is commonly so ill hooped , as that there is wast and leaking made of the fourth part of all the drinke were it never so good , which is a great expence to his majesty , a hinderance of service , and a hazard of mens lives , when the provision failes so much and answers not the accompt . the which might easily be redressed , if the caske for his majesties shipping , were purposely hooped in such sort as wine caske is , or else hooped with iron , which would ever serve and save that continuall provision of new caske , which now falls out every voyage . but this course were more profitable for his majesty then for his officers , and therefore unpleasing to be spoken of , but yet such as serve in the ships have good cause to wish the reformation thereof . of the cookroomes in his majesties ships . and whereas now the cookroomes in all of his majesties ships are made below in hold in the wast , the inconveniences thereof are found many wayes by daily use and experience . for first it is a great spoile and annoyance to all the drinke and victualls which are bestowed in the hold , by the heat that comes from the cookroome . besides , it is very dangerous for fire , and very offensive with the smoake and unsavory smells which it sends from thence . moreover it is a great weakening to a ship to have so much weight and charge at both the ends , and nothing in the mid-ship , which causeth them to warpe , and ( in the sea-phrase ; and with marriners ) is tearmed camberkeeld : whereas if the cookroomes were made in the forecastle ( as very fitly they might be ) all those inconveniences above specified , would be avoyded , and then also would there be more roome for stowage of victualls , or any other necessary provisions , whereof there is now daily found great want . and the commoditie of this new cookroome the merchants have found to be so great , as that in all their ships ( for the most part ) the cookroomes are built in their fore-castles , contrary to that which hath been anciently used . in which change notwithstanding , they have found no inconvenience to their dressing of meat in foule weather , but rather a great ease , howbeit their ships goe as long voyages as any , and are for their burdens aswell mann'd . for if any stormes arise , or the sea grow so high as that the kettle cannot boyle in the forecastles , yet having with their beere and bisket , butter and cheese , and with their pickled herrings , oyle , vineger and onions , or with their red herrings and dry sprats , oyle and mustard , and other like provisions that needs no fire , these supply and varieties of victualls , will very sufficiently content and nourish men for a time , until the storme be over blowne that kept the kettle from boyling . of mustering and pressing able marriners . as concerning the musters and presses for sufficient marriners to serve in his majesties ships , either the care therein is very little , or the bribery very great , so that of all other shipping , his majesties are ever the worst manned , and at such times as the commissioners commissions come out for the pressing of marriners , the officers doe set out the most needy and unable men , and ( for considerations to themselves best knowne ) doe discharge the better sort , a matter so commonly used , as that it is growne into a proverbe amongst the saylers , that the mustermasters doe carry the best and ablest men in their pockets , a custome very evill and dangerous , where the service and use of men should come in tryall . for many of those poore fishermen and idlers , that are cōmonly presented to his majesties ships , are so ignorant in sea-service , as that they know not the name of a rope , and therefore insufficient for such labour . the which might easily bee redressed ; if the vice-admirall of the shire where men are mustered , and two justices had directions given , to joyn with the muster-masters for the pressing of the best men whom they well know , and would not suffer the service of their prince and country to be bought and sold , as a private muster-master would doe . besides , the captains themselves of the ships , if they bee bare and needy ( though pitty it were that men of such condition should have such charge committed unto them ) wil oftentimes for commodity chop and change away their good men , and therefore it were fitly provided to bridle such odd captains , that neither they themselves , nor any of their men , should receive his majesties pay but by the pole , and according as they were set downe in the officers books when they were delivered without changing of any names , except to supply such men as are wanting by death or sicknesse , upon good testimonie under the hands of the master , the boat swayne , the master gunner , the purser and other officers of the ship . for it neerly concerns them to looke well thereunto , having daily use of them . of arms and munition . it were a course very comfortable , defensive and honourable , that there were for al his majesties ships a proportion of swords , targets of proof , moryons , and curatts of proofe , allowed and set downe for every ship according to his burthen , as a thing both warlike , and used in the king of spains ships , the want whereof as it is a great discouragement to men if they come to any neere fight or landing , so would the use thereof be a great annoyance and terrifying to the enemy . and herein should his majesty need to be at no extra-ordinary expence : for the abating of the superfluous great pieces in every ship , with their allowance for powder , match and shot , would supply the cost of this provision in very ample manner . of captains to serve in his majesties ships . at al such times as his majest . ships are imployed in service , it were very convenient that such gentlemen as are his majesties owne sworne servants , should be preferred to the charge of his majesties ships , choice being made of men of valour , and capacitie ; rather then to imploy other mens men , and that other of his majesties servants should be dispersed privately in those services to gaine experience , and to make themselves able to take charge . by the which means his majestie should ever have gentlemen of good accompt his owne servants , captains of his owne ships , instead of pettie companions and other mens servants , who are often imployed , being ( indeed ) a great indignity to his majesty , to his shipping and to his owne gentlemen . for that in times past , it hath been reputed a great grace to any man of the best sort , to have the charge of the princes ship cōmitted unto him , and by this means there would ever be true report made unto the pr. what proceedings are used in the service , which these meaner sort of captains dare not doe , for feare of displeasing the lords their masters , by whom they are preferred , or being of an inferiour quality , have no good accesse to the presence of the prince , whereby to have fit opportunity to make relation accordingly . but now forasmuch as i doubt not , but that some contrary spirits may or will object this as a sufficient reason to infirme all those points that i have have formerly spoken of , and say unto me , why should his majesty and the state bee troubled with this needlesse charge of keeping and maintaining so great a navy in such exquisite perfection , and readinesse ? the times being now peaceable , and little use of armes or ships of warre , either at home or abroad , but all safe and secure , aswell by the uniting of the two nations , as by the peace which we hold with spaine , and all other christian princes . to this i answer , that this ( indeed ) may stand ( at the first sight ) for a prettie superficiall argument to bleare our eys , and lull us asleep in security , and make us negligent and carelesse of those causes from whence the effects of peace grows , and by the vertue whereof it must be maintained . but we must not flatter and deceive our selves , to thinke that this calme and concord proceeds either from a setled immutable tranquillity in the world ( which is full of alterations and various humours ) or from the good affections of our late enemies , who have tasted too many disgraces , repulses , and losses , by our forces and shipping , to wish our state so much felicity as a happy and peaceable government , if otherwise they had power to hinder it . and therefore though the sword be put into the sheath , we must not suffer it there to rust , or stick so fast , as that we shall not be able to draw it readily when need requires . for albeit our enemies have of late years sought peace with us , yet yet hath it proceeded out of the former tryall of our forces in times of war and enmity . and therefore we may well say of them as anneus ( pretor of the latines ) said of the roman ambassadours , who seemed curious and carefull to have the league maintained betweene them ( which the roman estate was not accustomed to seeke at their neighbours hands ) and thereupon saith this anneus , unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi ex cognitione virium & nostrarum & suarum . for with the like consideration and respect have our late enemies sought to renew the ancient friendship and peace with us . and well we may be assured , that if those powerfull means whereby we reduced them to that modesty and curtesie as to seeke us , were utterly laid aside and neglected , so as we could not againe upon occasion readily assume the use and benefit of them , as we have done , those proud mastering spirits , finding us at such advantage , would be more ready and willing to shake us by the ears as enemies , then to take us by the hands as friends . and therefore far be it from our hearts to trust more to that friendship of strangers , that is but dissembled upon policy and necessity , then to the strength of our owne forces , which hath been experienced with so happy successe . i confesse that peace is a great blessing of god , and blessed are the peacemakers , and therefore doubtlesse blessed are those means whereby peace is gained and maintained . for well we know that god worketh all things here amongst us mediatly by a secondary means , the which meanes of our defence and safety being shipping , and sea-forces , are to be esteemed as his guifts , and then only availeable and beneficiall , when he withall vouchsafeth his grace to use them aright . finis . sir walter rawleigh his apologie . if ill successe of this enterprise of mine had bin without example , i should have needed a large discourse and many arguments for my justification , but if the atempts of the greatest princes of europe , both among themselves and against the great turk , are in all moderne histories left to every eye to peruse . it is not so strange that my selfe being but a private man , and drawing after me the chaines and fetters whereunto i have been thirteen yeares tyed in the tower , being unpardoned and in disgrace with my soveraigne lord , have by other mens errours failed in the attempt i undertooke . for if that charles the fifth returned with unexampled losse , i will not say dishonour , from algire in africa : if king sebastian lost himselfe and his army in barbary : if the invincible fleet and forces of spaine in eighty eight were beaten home by the lord charles howard admirall of england : if mr. strozzi the count brizack the count of vinnnoso and others , with the fleet of fifty eight sayle and six thousand souldiers , encountered with far lesse numbers could not defend the terceres . leaving to speake of a world of other attempts furnished by kings and princes . if sir francis drake , sir iohn hawkins and sir thomas baskervile men for their experience and valour as eminent as england had any , strengthned with divers of her majesties ships , and fild with souldiers at will , could not possesse themselves of the treasure they sought for , which in their view was imbarked in certaine frigotts at puerto rico , yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty negroes upon the mountains of vasques numius , or sierra de capira in their passage towards panania : if sir iohn norris ( though not by any fault of his ) failed in the attempts of lysbone and returned with the losse , by sicknesse and otherwise , of eight thousand men . what wonder is it , but that mine ( which is the last ) being followed with a company of voluntiers who for the most part had neither seen the sea nor the warres , who , some forty gentlemen excepted , had we the very scumme of the world : drunkards , blasphemers and such others as their fathers brothers and freinds thought it an exceeding good gaine to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds , knowing they could not have liv'd a whole yeare so cheape at home : i say what wonder is it , if i have failed , where i could neither be present my selfe , nor had any of the commanders ( whom i most trusted ) living , or in state to supply my place ? now , where it was bruted , both before my departure out of england and by the most men beleived , that i meant nothing lesse then to go to guiana : but that being once at liberty and in mine owne power , having made my way with some forraigne prince i would turne pyratt and utterly forsake my countrey . my being at guiana , my returning into england unpardoned , and my not takeing the spoile of the subj . of any christian prince , hath ( i doubt not ) detroyed that opinion . but this is not all : for it hath been given out by an hypocritticall theife who was the first master of my shipp : and by an ungratefull youth which waited upon me in my cabbin , though of honourable worthy parents : and by others : that i carryed with me out of england twenty two thousand peices of twenty two shillings the peice , and thererefore needed not , or cared not to discover any mine in guiana , nor make any other attempt elsewhere : which report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship , and so spread through all the ships in the fleet which staid with me at trenidado while our land-forces were in guiana , had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most miserable fashion ; for it was consulted when i had taken my barge and gone a shoare ( either to discover or otherwise as i often did ) that my ship should have set saile and left me there , where either i must have suffered famine , been eaten with wilde beasts , or have fallen into the hands of the spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the english , which came thither but to trade only , had formerly been . to this report of riches , i make this protestation , that if it can be prooved , either now or hereafter , that i had in the world , either in my keeping or in my power , either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise , above one hundred peices when i departed london , of which i had left forty five peices with my wife , and fifty five i carried with me : i acknowledge my selfe for a reprobate , a villaine , a traitor to the king , and the most unworthy man that doth live , or ever hath liv'd upon the earth . now where the captaines that left me in the indies , and captaine baily , that ran away from me at cancerota , have , to excuse themselves , objected for the first , that i lingered at plimouth when i might have gone thence , and lost a faire wind and time of the yeare , or to that effect . it is strange that men of fashion and gentlemen should so grosly bely their owne knowledge : and that had not i lived nor returnd to have made answer to this faction , yet all that know us in plimouth and all that we had to deale withall knew the contrary . for after i had stayed at the isle of wight divers daies ; the thunder , commanded by sir warram st. leger by the negligence of her master , was at lee in the thames ; and after i arrived at plimouth , captaine pennington was not come then to the isle of wight , and being arrived there , and not able to redeeme his bread from the bakers , he rode back to london to intreat help from my wife to pay for it , who having not so much money to serve his turne , she wrote to mr. wood of portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds , which shee soone after payd him , without which ( as pennington himselfe protested to my wife ) he had not bin able to have gone the journey : sir iohn ferne i found there without all hope of being able to proceed , having nor men nor mony ▪ and in great want of other provision , insomuch as i furnished him by my cozen herbert with a hundred pounds , having supplied himselfe in wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to plimouth : and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest deane of exeter doctor sutcliffe . captaine whitney , whome i also stayed for , had a third part of his victualls to provide , insomuch as having no mony to help him withall i sold my plate in plimouth to supply him . baily i left at the isle of wight , whose arrivall i also attended here some ten or twelve daies as i remember , and what should move baily only to leave me as he did at the canaries , from whence he might have departed with my love and leave , and at his returne to do me all the wrong he could devise , i cannot conceive ; he seemed to me from the begining not to want any thing , he only desired of me some ordnance and some iron-bound caske , and i gave it him ; i never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindnesse to my knowledge : it is true , that i refused him a french shallop which he tooke in the bay of portingall outward bound , and yet after i had bought her of the french , and paid fifty crownes ready mony for her if baily had then desired her he might have had her ; but to take any thing from the french , or from any other nation , i meant it not . true it is , that as many things succeeded both against reason and our best endeavours ; so it is most commonly true , that men are the cause of their owne misery , as i was of mine , when i undertooke my late enterprise without a pardon for all my company , having heard it avowed in england before they went , that the commission i had , was granted to a man who was non ens in law , so hath the want thereof taken from me both armes and actions : which gives boldnesse to every petty companion to spread rumours to my defamation and the wounding of my reputation , in all places where i cannot be present to make them knaves and lyars . it hath been secondly objected , that i put into ireland and spent much time there , taking care to revictuall my selfe and none of the rest . certainly i had no purpose to see ireland when i left plimouth , but being encountered with a strong storme some eight leagues to the westward of scilly , in which captaine chudleyes pinace was suncke , and captaine king thrust into bristoll : i held it the office of a commander of many ships , and those of divers saylings and conditions , of which some could hull and trye , and some of them beat it up upon a tack , and others neither able to doe the one nor the other , rather to take a port and keep his fleete together , then either to endanger the losse of masts and yardes ; or to have it severed farre asunder , and to be thrust into divers places . for the attendance of meeting them againe at the next randezvous , would consume more time and victuall , and perchance the weake ships might be set upon , taken , or disordered , then could be spent by recovering a harbour , and attending the next change of wind . that the dissevering of fleets hath beene the overthrow of many actions , i could give many examples , were it not in every mans knowledge . in the last enterprize of worth , undertaken by our english nation with three squadrons of ships , commanded by the earle of essex , the earle of suffolke and my selfe , where was also present the earle of southampton , if we being storme-beaten in the bay of alcashar or biscaye had had a port under our lee , that we might have kept our transporting ships with our men of war , we had in all likelihood both taken the indian fleet and the asores . that we staid long in ireland it is true , but they must accuse the clouds and not me , for our stay there ; for i lost not a day of a good wind : and there was not any captaine of the fleet but had credit or might have had for a great deale of more victualls then we spent there , and yet they had of me fifty beeves among them and somewhat else . for the third accusation , that i landed in hostile maner at lancerota ; certainly captaine baily had greate want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back , for i referr my selfe to mr. barney , who i know will ever justifie a truth , to whom ( when he came to me from captaine baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest ) i made this answer , that he might land them if it pleased him , or otherwise keepe them aboard , for i had agreed with the governor for a proportion of victuall which i hourely expected : and it is true , that the governor being desirous for to speake with me with one gentleman with him with their rapiers only , which i accepting , and taking with me leivetenant bradshaw , we agreed : that i should send up an english factor ( whose ship did then ride in the roade ) and that whatsoever the island could yeeld should be delivered at a reasonable rate ; i sent the english factor according to our agreement , but the governour put it off from one morning to an other , and in the end sent me word , that except i would imbarque my men which lay on the sea side , slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our provisions : i did so , but when the one halfe were gotten aboard two of our centinells forct , one slaine and the english factor sent to tell mee that he had nothing for us , whom he still believed to be a fleet of the turks , who had lately taken and destroyed puerto sancto . hereupon all the companies would have marched toward the towne and have sackt it , but i knew it would not only dislike his majesty , but that our merchants having a continuall trade with those islands , that their goods would have bin stayed , and amongst the rest , the poor english man riding in the road having all that he brought thither ashore , would have been utterly undone . hereof i complained to the governour of the grand canaries , whom i also desired that we might take water without any disturbance , but instead of answer , when we landed some hundred men , far from any habitation , and in a desart place of the island , where we found some fresh water , there ambush was layd , and one fisher of sir iohn fernes ship wounded to death , and more had been slain had not captaine thornburst and master robert hayman my sonnes lievtenant , two exceeding valiant gentlemen , who first made head against them , seconded by sir warham sentleger and my sonne with halfe a dozen more , made forty of them runne away . from hence because there was scarcity of water , we sayled to gomarrah , one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the islands and the best port : the towne being seated upon the very wash of the sea , at the first entrance of our ships , they shot at us , and ours at them , but as soone as i my selfe recovered the harbour , and had commanded that there should be no more shooting , i sent a spaniard a shore ( taken in a barque which came from cape blanke ) to tell the governour that i had no purpose to make warr with any of the spanish kings subjects , and if any harme were done by our great ordnance to the towne , it was his fault , which by shooting first gave the occasion . he sent me for answer that he thought we had beene the turkish fleet , which destroyed puerto sancto , but being resolved by the messenger that we were christians and english , and sought nothing but water , he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take , if he might be assured that we would not attempt his towne-houses , nor destroy the gardens and fruits ; i returned him answer that i would give him my faith , and the word of the king of great brittaigne my soveraigne lord , that the people of the town and island should not loose so much as one orange or a grape without paying for it , i would hang him up in the market-street . now that i kept my faith with him , and how much he held himselfe bound unto me : i have divers of his letters to shew , for he wrote unto me every day and the countesse being of an english race a stafford by mother , and of the house of horn by the father , sent me divers presents of fruits , sugar , and ruske : to whom i returned because i would not depart in her debt ) things of greater value ; the old earle at my departure wrot a letter to the spanish ambassador here in england how i had behaved my selfe in those islands . there i discharg'd a barke of the grand canaries taken by one of my pinnaces coming from cape-blank in africa , and demanding of him what prejudice he had recieved by being taken , he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of sixe duckets , for which i gave him eight . from the canaries , it is said that i sayled to cape de verte knowing it to be an infectious place , by reason whereof i lost so many of my men ere i recovered the indies ; the truth is that i came no nerer to cape de vert then bravo , which is one hundred and sixty leagues off ; but had i taken it in my way , falling upon the coast or any other part of guiana , after the raines , there is as little danger of infection as in any other part of the world , as our english that trade in those parts every yeare doe well know ; there are few places in england or in the world neere great rivers which run through low grounds or neare moorish or marsh grounds , but the people inhabiting neare , are at some time of the yeare subject to feavers , witnes woollwich in kent and all down the rivers on both sides , other infection there is not found either in the indies or in affrica , except it be when the easterly wind or breefes are kept off by some high mountaines from the vallies , wherby the ayre wanting motion doth become exceeding unhealthfull as at nomber de dios and elsewhere . but as good successe admitts no examination , so the contrary allows of no excuse , how reasonable or just soever . sir francis drake , mr. iohn winter and iohn tomas , when they past the streights of malegan , meeting with a storme which drove winter back , which thrust iohn thomas upon the islands to the south where he was cast away , and sir francis nere a small island upon which the spaniards landed their cheins & murderers , from baldivia , and he found there phillip an indian who told him where he was and conducted him to baldivia , wher he took his first prize of treasure , and in that ship he found a pylot called john grege who guided him all that coast , in which he possest himselfe of the rest , which pylot because he should not rob him of his reputation and knowledge in those parts ( desisting the intreaties and teares of all his company ) he set him a shore upon the island of altegulors to be by them devoured . after which passing by the east-indies , he returned into england , and notwithstanding the peace between us and spaine , he enjoyed the riches he brought , and was never so much as called to accompt for cutting off douly his head at porte st. iulian having neither marshall law nor other commission availeable . mr. candish having past all the coasts of chyle and peru , and not gotten a farthing , when he was without hope , and ready to shape his course by the east homewards , met a ship which came from the phillippines at calestorvia , a thousand pounds to a nutshell . these two in these two voyages were the children of fortune , and much honored ; but when sir francis drake in his last attempt might have landed at cruces , by the river of chyagre within eight miles of panama , he notwithstanding set the troups on land at nomber de dios and received the repulse aforesaid , he dyed for sorrow . the same successe had candish in his last passage towards the streights . i say that one and the same end they both had , to wit drake and candish , when chance had left them to the tryall of their owne vertues . for the rest i leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge , by what neglect or errour of mine , the gold mine in guiana which i had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed , for after we had refreshed our selves in galleana , otherwise in the first discovery called poet howard , where we tarried captaine hastins , captaine pigott , and captaine snedall , and there recovered the most part of our sicke men . i did imbarque sixe companies of fifty to each company in five shipps , to wit , the encounter , commanded by captaine whitney , in the confidence by captaine woollastone , into two flyboats of my owne , commanded by captaine samuell king , and captaine robert smith , in a carvill which companies had for their leaders captaine charles parker , captaine north , my sonne , captaine thornhurst , captaine penjuglous lievtenant , and captaine chudlyes lievtenant prideux . at the tryangle islands i imbarked the companies for orrenoque between which and calliana i lay a ground twenty four houres , and if it had not been faire weather we had never come off the coast , having not above two fathome and a halfe of water : eight leagues off from whence , i directed them for the river of surniama , the best part of all that tract of land between the river amazones and orrenoque , there i gave them order to trim their boates and barges ; and by the indians of that place to understand the state of the spaniards in orrenoque , and whither they had replanted or strengthened themselves upon the entrances or elsewhere ; and if they found any indians there , to send in the little flyboate or the carvill into the river of dissebecke , where they should not faile to find pilots for orrenoque , for with our great ships we durst not aproach the coast we having been all of us a ground , and in danger of leaving our bands upon the shoules before wee recovered the tryangle islands as aforesaid ; the biggest shipp that could enter the river was the encounter , who might be brought to eleven foote water upon the bar , we could never understand neither by keymis , who was the first of any nation that had entered the maine mouth of orrenoque nor by any of the masters or marriners of our fleet , which had traded there ten or twelve yeares for tobaccho : for the chudley when she came nere the entrance , drawing but twelve foote , found her selfe in danger and bore up for trinidado . now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why i my selfe had not gone up with the companies i sent , i desire hereby to give them satisfaction , that besides my want of health and strength , and having not recovered my long and dangerous sicknesse , but was againe fallen into a relapse , my ship stoalde and layd a ground at seaventeene foote water , 7 leagues of the shore , so as the mr. nor any of my company durst adventure to come neare it , much lesse to fall between the shoules on the south side of the rivers side , and sands on the north side called puncto anegado , one of the most dangerous places in all the indies : it was therefore resolved by us all , that the five greater ships should ride at puncto gallo in trinidado , and the five lesser should enter the river , for if whitney and woollaston at eleven foote lay a ground three daies in passing up , in what case had i been which drew seaventeene foote , a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of ordnance , besides this impossibility , neither would my sonn nor the rest of the captaines and gentlemen have adventured themselves the river ( having but one moneths victualls and being thrust together a hundred of them in a smale flyboate ) had not i assured them that i would stay for them at trinidado , and that no force should drive me thence , except i were suncke in the sea or set on fire by the spanish gallions , for that they would have adventured themselves upon any other mans word or resolution , it were ridiculous to beleive . having in this sort resolved upon our enterprise , and having given instructions , how they should proceede before and after their entrance into orrenoque , keymis having undertaken to discover the myne with six or eight persons in sir iohn fernes shallop , i better bethinking my selfe and misliking his determination gave him this order , viz. keymis , whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into orrenoque to passe to the myne with my cousen harbert and six musketteers , and to that end you desired to have sir iohn fernes shallop , i doe not allow of that course , because you cannot land so secretly but that some indians on the river side may discover you , who giving knowledge of your passage to the spaniards you may be cut off before you can recover your boate , i doe therefore advise you to suffer the captaines and the companies of the english ●o passe up to the westwards of the mountaine aio , from whence you have no lesse then three miles to the myne , and to lodge and encampe between the spanish towne and you , if there be any town neer it , that being so secured you may make tryall what depth and bredth the myne holds , and whether or no it answer our hopes . and if you find it royall , and the spaniards begin to warre upon you , then let the serjeant major repell them if it be in his power , and drive them as far as he can . but if you find that the myne be not so rich as it may perswade the holding of it , and draw on a second supply , then shall you bring but a basket or two to satisfy his majesty , that my designe was not imaginatory but true , though not answerable to his majesties expectation , for the quantity of which i never gave assurance , nor could . on the other side , if you shall find that any great number of souldiers be newly sent into orrenoque , as the cassique of caliana told us that there were , and that the passages be already forc'd so that without manifest perill of my sonne , your selfe , and other captaines , you cannot passe toward the myne , then be well advised how you land , for i know ( that a few gentlemen excepted ) what a scumme of men you have , and i would not for all the world receive a blow from the spaniards to the dishonour of our nation ; i my selfe for my weaknes cannot be present , neither will the company land , except i stay with the ships , the gallioones of spaine being daily expected . pigott the sergeant-major is dead . sir warrham my leiftenant , without hope of life , and my nephew your sergeant-major now but a young man : it is therefore no your judgement that i rely whom i trust god will direct for the best . let me heare from you as soone as you can , you shall find me at puncto gallo dead or alive , and if you finde not my ships there , yet you shall find their ashes ; for i will fire with the gallioones if it come to extreamity , but runne away i will never . that these my instructions were not followed , was not my fault , but it seemes that the sergeant-major , keymis and the rest were by accident forced to change their first resolution , and that finding a spanish towne or rather a village , set up twenty mile distant from the place where antonio berro the first governour by me taken in my first discovery who had attépted to plant to meet some two leagues to the westward of the mine : they agreed to land and encamp between the myne and the towne , which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was , and meaning to rest themselves on the rivers side till the next day , they were in the night set upon and charged by the spaniards , which being unlooked for , the common sort of them were so amazed , as had not the captaines and some other valiant gentlemen made a head and encouraged the rest , they had all been broken and cut in pieces . to repell this force putting themselves in order , they charged the spaniards , and following them upon their retreat they were ready to enter the town , ere they knew where they were , and being then charged againe by the governour , and foure or five captaines which lead their companies ; may sonne not tarrying for my musketiers run up in the head of a company of pikes , where he was first shot , and pressing upon a spanish captaine called erinetta with his sword ; erinetta taking the small end of his musket in his hand strucke him on the head with the stock and feld him , whom againe iohn plesington , my sonnes serjeant , thrust through with his halbert , at which time also the governour diego palmeque and the rest of the spanish captaines being slaine , and their companies divided , they betooke themselves into a house , or hold adjoyning to the market place , where they slew and wounded the english at their pleasure , so as we had no way to save our selves ; but by firing those houses adjoyning , which done all the spaniards ran into the bordering woods , and hills , keeping the english still waking with perpetuall alarums . the town such as it was being in this sort possest . keymis prepared to discover the myne , which at this time he was resolved to doe , as appeareth by his letter to me of his owne hand writing hereafter inserted ; he tooke with him captaine thornhurst , master william herbert , sir iohn hambden , and others , but at his first approach neer the banke where he meant to land , he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his company , hurt six others , and wounded captaine thornhurst in the head , of the which he languished three months after . keymis his letter dated the eight of ianuary from orrenoque . all things that appertaine to humane condition in that proper nature and sence , that of fate and necessity belongeth unto them , maketh me choose rather with griefe to let you know from me this certaine truth then uncertainties from others ; which is , viz. that had not this extraordinary valour and forwardnesse , which with the constant vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath expressed these words . ( lord have mercy upon me and prosper your enterprise ) leade them all on , when some began to pause and recoyle shamefully : this action had neither been attempted as it was , nor performed as it is with his surviving honour . this indian pilot whom i have sent , if there be occasion to use his service in any thing will prove sufficient and trusty : peter andrewes whom i have sent with him can better certify your lordship of the state of the towne , the plenty , the condition of our men , &c. then i can write the same . we have the governours servant prisoner that waited on him in his bed-chamber , and knows all things that concerned his master . we find there are foure refiners houses in the towne ; the best houses of the towne . i have not seen one piece of coyne , or bullyon , neither gold or silver ; a small deale of plate only excepted . captain whitney and woollastone are but now come to us , and now i purpose ( god willing ) without delay to visit the myne , which is not eight miles from the towne , sooner i could not goe by reason of the murmurings , the discords and vexations , wherewith the serjeant major is perpetually tormented and tyred , having no man to assist him but my selfe only , things are now in some reasonable order , and so soone as i have made tryall of the myne , i will seeke to come to your lordship , by the way of the river . to goe and to search the channels ( that if it be possible ) our ships may shorten their course for trinidado , when time serves , by those passages ; i have sent your lordship a parcell of scattered papers . ( i reserve a carte loade ) one roule of tobacco , one tortoyse , and some oranges and limmons , praying god to give you strength and health of body , and a mind armed against all extreamities . i rest ever to be commanded this 8. of january , 1617. your lordships keymis . now it seemes that the death of my son , fearing also ( as he told me when he came to trinidado ) that i was either dead of my first sicknesse , or that the news of my sonnes death would have hastened my end , made him resolve not to open the myne , to the which he added for excuse , and i thinke it was true , that the spaniards being gone off in a whole body , lay in the woods betweene the myne and their passage , that it was impossible , except they had bin beaten out of the country , to passe up the woody and craggy hills without the losse of those commanders which should have lead them , who had they been slaine , the rest , would easily enough have bin cut in pieces in their retreate ; for being in possession of the towne , which they guarded with the greatest part of three companies , they had yet their handfull to defend themselves from fireing , and the daily and nightly alarums , wherewith they were vexed . he also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any companies at the myne , for want of victuall , which from the towne they were not able to carry up the mountaine their companies being divided ; he therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the spaniards , themselves neither being able to worke it , nor possesse it then to excuse himselfe to the company , said that he could not find it ; all which his fancies when i received , and before divers of the gentlemen disavowed his ignorance , for i told him that a blind man might find it , by the marks which himself had set down under his hand , and that i told him that his care of loosing so many men in passing through the woods , was but fained , for after my sonne was slaine , i knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving , and therefore had he brought to the king but one hundred weight of the oare though with the losse of one hundred men , he had given his majesty satisfaction , preserved my reputation , and given our nation encouragement to have returned this next yeare , with greater force and to have held the country for his majesty to whom it belonged , and of which himselfe had given the testimony , that besides the excellent ayre , pleasantnesse , healthfulnesse , and riches : it hath plenty of corne , fruits , fish , fowle , wild and tame , beeves , horses , sheepe , hogs , deeres , coneys , hares , tortoyses , armadiles , wanaes , oyles , hony , wax , potatoes , suger canes , medicaments , balsamum , simples , gums , and what not ; but seeing he had followed his owne advice , and not mine , i should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his majesty , and the state , i should be glad of it , though for my part he must excuse me to justify it , that he , if it had pleased him , though with some losse of men might have gone d●●ectly to the place : with that he seemed greatly discontent , and so he continued divers dayes ; afterward he came to me in my cabbin , and shewed me a letter which he had written to the earl of arundell , to whom he excused himself , for not discovering of the myne : using the same arguments , and many others which he had done before , and prayed me to allow of his apology ; but i told him that he had undone me by his obstinacy , and that i would not favour or collour in any sort his former folly . he then asked me , whether that were my resolution , i answered , that it was : he then replyed in these words , i know not then sir what course to take ; and went out of my cabbin into his own , in which he was no sooner entred , but i heard a pistoll goe off . i sent up ( not suspecting any such thing as the killing of himselfe ) to know who shot a pistoll , keymis himself made answer lying on his bed , that he had shot it off , because it had been long charged , with which i was satisfied ; some half houre after this , the boy going into his cabbin , found him dead , having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart , and his pistoll lying by him , with which it appeared that he had shot himselfe , but the bullet lighting upon a rib , had but broken the rib and went no further . now he that knew keymis , did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution , and a man so far from caring to please or satisfie any man but my selfe , as no mans opinion from the greatest to the least could have perswaded him to have laid violent hands on himselfe , neither would he have done it , when he did it , could he have said unto me , that he was ignorant of the place , and knew no such myne ; for what cause had i then to to have rejected his excuses , or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge ; thus much i have added , because there are some puppies which have given it out , that keymis slew himselfe because he had seduced so many gentlemen and others with an imaginary myne ; but as his letter to me the 8. of ianuary proves that he was then resolved to open it , and to take off all these kinds of objections ; let captaine charls parker , captaine george ralegh and captaine king all living and in england ; be put to their oaths whether or no keymis did not confesse to them comming down the river , at a place where they cast anker , that he could from that place have gone to the myne in two hours , i say then that if the opening of the myne had bin at that time to any purpose ; or had they had had any victualls left then , to bring them away , or had they not been hastned by seeing the king of spaines letters before they came to my hands , which i am assured keymis had seene who delivered them to me , whereof one of them was dated at madrill the 17 of march before i left the river of thames , and with it , three other dispatches with a commission for the strengthning of orrenoque with 150 souldiers , which should have come downe the river from the new kingdome of granada ; and one other 150 from puerto rico with ten pieces of ordnance which should have come up the river from the entrance , by which two troupes they might have bin inclosed , i say had not the rest seene those dispatches ; and that having stayed in the river above two months , they feared the hourely arrivall of those forces , why had they not constrained keymis to have brought them to the myne , being as himselfe confesses within two houres march . againe , had the companies commanders but pincht the governours man whom they had in their possession , he could have told them of two or three gold mynes and a silver myne not above foure miles from the towne , and given them the names of their possessors ; with the reason why they forbare to worke them at that time , and when they left off from working them , which they did aswell because they wanted negroes , as because they feared least the english , french , or dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened , having not sufficient strength to defend themselves ; but to this , i have heard it said since my returne , that the governours man was by me perswaded , being in my power , to say that such mynes there were , when indeed there was no such thing , certainly they were but silly fooles , that discovered this subtilty of mine , who having not yet by the long calenture that weakened me , lost all my wits which i must have done , if i had left my reputation in trust with a malato , who for a pot or two of wine , for a dozen of hatchets , or a gay suite of apparell would have confessed , that i had taught him to speake of mynes , that were not in rerum natura , no i protest before the majesty of god , that without any other agreements or promises of mine , then well usage , he hath discovered to me , the way to five or sixe of the richest mynes which the spaniards have , and from whence , all the masse of gold that comes into spaine in effect is drawne . lastly , when the ships were come downe the river as farre as carapana's country ( who was one of the naturall lords ) and one that reserved that part of guiana to her maje . hearing that the english had abandoned st. thome , and left no force in the country , which he hoped they would have done , hee sent a great canooe with store of fruits and provisions to the captains , and by one of his men which spake spanish , having as it seemed bin long in their hands ; hee offered them a rich gold myne in his own country , knowing it to be the best argument to perswade their stay , and if it please them to send up any one of the english to view it , he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe returne . master leake , master moleneux and others offering themselves , which when the greater part refused ( i know nor by what reason lead ) he sent againe , leaving one of his men still aboard to entreate them to carry but two dayes , and he himselfe would come to them , and bring them a sample of the oare : for he was an exceeding old man , when i was first in the country some twenty foure yeares since , which being also neglected , and the ships under saile ; he notwithstanding sent a boat after them to the very mouth of the river in hope to perswade them : that this is true , witnesse captaine parker , captaine leake , master stresham , master maudict , master moleneux , master robert hamon , master nicholes , captaine king , peter andrews , and i know not how many others ; but besides his offer also , there hath not been wanting an argument though a foolish one ; which was that the spaniards , had employed the indians with a purpose to betray our men , but this treason had been easily prevented , if they had stayed the old mans comming ; who would have brought them the gold oare aboarde their ships , and what purpose could there be of treason when the guianians offered to leave pledges six for one , yea one of the indians which the english had aboarde them , whom they found in fetters when they tooke the towne of st. thome could have told them , that the cassique which sent unto them to shew them the gold myne in his country , was unconquered ; and are enemies to the spaniard , and could also have assured them , that this cassique had gold mynes in his country . i say then , that if they would neither force keymis to goe to the myne , when he was by his owne confession , within two houres march of it ; to examine from whence these two ingots of gold which they brought me , were taken , which they found laid by for kings quinto or fifth part ; or those small pieces of silver , which had the same marks and stamps ; if they refused to send any one of the fleete into the country to see the mynes which the cassique carapana offered them ; if they would not vouchsafe to stay two days for the comming of carapana himselfe , who would have brought them a sample of the gold oare , i say , that , there is no reason to lay it to my charge , that i carryed them with a pretence of gold , when neither keymis nor my selfe knew of any in those parts : if it had bin to have gotten my liberty , why did i not keep my liberty when i had it , nay why did i put my life in manifest peril to forgo it ? if i had had a purpose to have turned pyrate , why did i oppose my self against the greatest number of my company , and was there by in danger to be slaine or cast into the sea because i refused it ? a strange fancy had it been in me to have perswaded my sonne whom i have lost , and to have perswaded my wife to have adventured the 8000.l . which his majesty gave them for sherbone , and when that was spent , to perswade my wife to sell her house at micham , in hope of inriching them by the mynes of guiana ; if i my self had not seene them with my owne eyes ; for being old and weakely , thirty years in prison , and not used to the ayre to travell and to watching , it being ten to one that i should ever have returned , and to which by reason of my violent sicknesse , and the long continuance thereof , no man had any hope , what madnesse could have made me undertake this journey but the assurance of the myne , thereby to have done his majestie service , to have bettered my country by rhe trade , and to have restored my wife and children their srates ; they had lost for that , i have refused all other ways or means , for ●hat i had a purpose to have changed my master , and my country , my returne in the state i did returne may satisfie every honest and indifferent man. an unfortunate man i am , and it is to me a greater losse then all i have lost , that it pleaseth his majestie to be offended for the burning of a spanish towne in guiana ; of which these parts bordering the river orrenoque , and to the south as farre as the amazones doth by the law of narions belong to the crowne of england , as his majestie was well resolved when i prepared to goe thither , otherwise his majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there ; for i set it downe under my hand that i intended that enterprise and nothing else , and that i meant to enter the country by the river of orrenoque ; it was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the state here nor the spanish ambassadour who knew it aswell as i , that i pretended the journy of guiana which he alwaies held to be a pretence ; for he said it to master secretary windode and to others of my lords ; that if i meant to sayle to guiana , and had no intent to invade any part of his majesties west indies nor his fleets , i should not need to strengthen my selfe as i did , for i should worke any myne there , without any disturbance and in peace , to which i made answer , that i had set it under my hand to his majest . that i had no other purpose , nor meant to undertake any thing else ; but for the rest , that sir iohn haukins in his journey , to st. iohn de loa , notwithstanding that he had leave of the spanish king to trade in all parts of the west indies , and having the plate fleete in his power , did not take out of it one ounce of silver , but kept his faith and promise in all places , was set upon by don henrico de martines whom he suffered ( to save him from perishing ) to enter the porte ; upon martins faith , and enterchanged pledges delivered , he had iesus of lubeck a ship of her majesties of a 1000 tun burnt ; had his men slain which hee left on the land ; lost his ordnance , and all the treasure which he had got by trade ; what reason had i to goe unarmed upon the ambassadours promises , whose words and thoughts that they were one , it hath wel appeared since then , aswell by the forces which he perswaded his master to send to guiana to encounter me , and cut me off there ; as by his persecuting of me since my returne ; who have neither invaded his masters indies , nor his fleet , whereof he stood in doubt . true it is , that the spaniards cannot endure that the english nation should looke upon any part of america , being above a fourth part of the whole knowne world ; and the hundred part neither possessed by the spaniards , nor to them knowne , as acosta the jesuit in his description of the west indies doth confesse , and well know to be true : no though the king of spaine can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered , then the popes donation ; for from the straits of megellan to the river of plate , being a greater territory then al that the spaniards possesse in peru or chile , and from cape st. augustines to trinidado being a greater extent of land then all which he possesses in nova spaine , or elsewhere , they have not one foote of ground in their possession , neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their owne knowledge . in orrenoque they have lately set up a wooden towne , and made a kind of a forte , but they have never been able either to conquer the guianians ; nor to reconcile them , but the guianians before their planting , they did willingly resigne all that territory to her majesty , who by me promised to receive them , and defend them against the spaniards ; and though i were a prisoner for this last fourteene years , yet i was at the charge every yeare , or every second yeare , to send unto them to keepe them in hope of being relieved . and as i have said before the greatest of the naturall lords , did offer us a rich myne of gold in his owne country in hope to hold us there ; and if this usurped possession of the spaniards be a sufficient bar to his majesties right ; and that thereby the king of spaine calls himselfe king of guiana , why might he not aswell call himselfe duke of brittaine , because hee tooke possession of blewett , and built a forte there ; and calls himselfe king of ireland ; because he tooke possession at smerike and built a forte there . if the ambassadour had protested to his majesty that my going to guiana before i went would be a breach to the peace , i am perswaded that his majesty if he had not bin resolved that guiana had been his would have stayed me , but if it be not thought to be a breach of peace not for the going thither ( for that cannot be ) because i had no other intent , and went with leave ; but for taking and burning of a spanish towne in the country , certainly , if the country be the king of spains , it had been no lesse a breach of peace to have wrought any myne of his , and to have rob'd him of his gold ; then it is now cald'd a breach of peace to take a towne of his in guiana and burne it , and with as good reason might i have bin called a thiefe and a robber of the king of spaine , if the country be not his majesties , as i am now pursued for the invasion ; for either the country is the king of spains or not the kings ; if it be the kings , i have not then offended ; if it be not the kings , i must have perished , if i had but taken gold out of the mynes there , though i had found no spaniards in the country . for conclusion , if we had had any peace with the spaniards in those parts of the world ; why did even those spaniards , which were now encountered in guiana , tye six and thirty english men out of master walls ship of london and mine back to back , and cut their throats , after they had traded with them a whole month , and came to them a shore ; having not so much as a sword , or any other weapon , among them all , and if the spaniards to our complaints made answer , that there was nothing in the treate against our trading in the indies , but that we might trade at our perill ; i trust in god that the word perill shall ever be construed to be indifferent to both nations ; otherwise we must for ever abandon the indies , and loose all our knowledge , and our pylotage of that part of the world : if we have no other peace then this ; how can there be a breach of peace , which e're the spaniards will all nations , and all nations with them may trade upon their guard ? the readiest way that the spaniards ambassadour could have taken , to have stayed me from going to guiana ; had bin to have discovered the great practises which i had with his master against the king my soveraigne lord in the first yeare of his majesties reigne of great brittaine , for which i lost my estate and lay thirteene years in the tower of london , and not to urge my offences in guiana ; to which his master hath no title other then his sword , is with which to this day , he hath not conquered the least of these nations , and against whom contrary to the catholick profession , his captains have entertained , and doe entertaine whole nations of canniballs ; for in a letter of the governours to the king of spaine of the eighth of iuly : he not only complaineth that the guianians are in armes against him , but that ever those indians which under their noses live , doe in despight of all the kings edicts trade with los flamnicos & engleses , enemicos , with the flemish , and english enemies , never once naming the english nations but with the epitheton of an enemy . but in truth the spanish ambassadour hath complained against me to no other end , then to prevent my complaints against the spaniards . who landing my men in a territory appertaining to the crowne of england ; they were invaded and slaine before any violence offered to the spaniards ; and i hope that the ambassadour doth not esteeme us for so wretched and miserable a people , as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance ; howsoever , i have said it already , and i will say it againe ; that if guiana be not his majesties , the working of a myne there ; and the taking of a towne there ; had been equally perillous , for by doing the one , i had rob'd the king of spaine and bin a thiefe ; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace . a letter of sir walter rawleigh to my lord carevv touching guiana . because i know not whether i shall live , to come before the lords , i have for his majesties satisfaction here set downe as much as i can say , either for mine owne defence , or against my selfe , as things are now construed . it is true , that though i acquainted his majesty with my intent to land in guiana , yet i never made it knowne to his majesty that the spaniards had any footing there ; neither had i any authority by patent , to remove them from thence , and therefore his majesty had no interest in the attempt of saint thome by any foreknowledge in his majesty . but knowing his majesties title to the country to be best , and most christian , because the naturall lords did most willingly acknowledge queene elizabeth to be their soveraigne , who by me promised to defend them from the spanish cruelty , i made no doubt but i might enter the land by force , seeing the spaniards had no other title but force , ( the popes donation excepted ) considering also that they had got a possession there divers yeares since my possession for the crowne of england , for were not guiana his majesties , then might i aswell have bin questioned for a thiefe , for taking the gold out of the king of spains mynes , as the spaniards doe now call me a peace breaker ; for , from any territory that belongs to the king of spaine , it is no more lawfull to take gold , then lawfull for the spaniards to take tinne out of cornewall , were this possession of theirs a sufficient bar to his majesties right , the kings of spain may as well call themselves dukes of brittaine , because they held blewet , and fortified there ; and kings of ireland because they possessed smereck and fortified there , and so in other places . that his majesty was well resolved of his right there , i make no kind of doubt , because the english both under master charls leigh and master harecourt had leave to plant and inhabite the country . the orrenoque it selfe , had long ere this had 5000. english in it , i assure my selfe , had not my employment at cales , the next yeare after my returne from guiana , and after that our journy to the islands hindered me , for those two years after with tirones rebellion , made her majesty unwilling that any great number of ships or men should be taken out of england , till that rebellion were ended , and lastly , her majesties death , my long imprisonment gave time to the spaniards to set up a towne of sticks covered with leaves of trees upon the banke of orronoque , which they call st. thome , but they have neither reconciled nor conquered any of the cassiques or naturall lords of the country , which cassiques are still in armes against them , as by the governours letter to the king of spaine , may appeare : that by landing in guiana there can be any breach of peace , i thinke it ( under favour ) impossible , for to breake peace where there is no peace , it cannot be ; that the spaniards give us no peace there , it doth appeare by the kings letters to the governour , that they should put to death all those spaniards and indians that trade , con los engleses enemigos with english enemies : yea those very spaniards which we encountred at st. thome , did of late years murther six and thirty of master hales men of london , and mine , who landed without weapon , upon the spaniards faith to trade with them , master thorne also in tower-street in london besides many other english were in like sort murthered in orrenoque , the yeare before my deliverie out of the tower. now if this kind of trade be peaceable , there is then a peaceable trade in the indies , betweene us and the spaniards , but if this be cruell warre and hatred , and no peace , then there is no peace broken by our attempt ; againe , how doth it stand with the greatnesse of the king of spaine , first to call us enemies , when he did hope to cut us in pieces , and then having failed , to call us peace breakers : for to be an enemy and a peace breaker in one and the same action is impossible . but the king of spaine in his letters to the governour of guiana , dated at madrill the 29 of march , before we left the thames , calls us engleses enemigos , english enemies . if it had pleased the king of spaine to have written to his majest . in seaven months time , for we were so long in preparing , and have made his majesty know , that our landing in guiana would draw after it a breach of peace , i presume to thinke , that his majesty would have staied our enterprise for the present . this he might have done with lesse charge , then to leavy three hundred souldiers and transport ten pieces of ordnance from portarico , which souldiers added to the garrison of st. thome : had they arrived before our comming , had overthrowne all our raw companies , and there would have followed no complaints . for the maine point of landing neer st. thome , it is true , that we were of opinion , that we must have driven the spaniards out of the towne , before we could passe the thick woods upon the mountaines of the myne , which i confesse i did first resolve upon , but better bethinking my selfe , i reserved the taking of the towne , to the goodnesse of the myne , which if they found to be so rich , as it might perswade the leaving of the garrison , then to drive the spaniards thence , but to have burnt was never my intent , neither could they give me any reason why they did it , upon their returne i examined the serjeant-major and keymis why they followed not my last directions for the triall of the myne before the taking of the towne , and they answered me , that although they durst hardly , goe to the myne leaving a garrison of spaniards , between them and their boats , yet they offended their latter directions , and did land , betweene the towne and the myne . and that the spaniards without any manner of parley set upon them unawares , and charged them , calling them perros ingleses , & by skirmishing with them , they drew them on to the very entrance of the town before they knew where they were , so that if any peace had bin in those parts , the spaniards first brake the peace , and made the first slaughter , for as the english could not but land to seeke the myne , being come thither to that end , so being first reviled , and charged by the spaniards , they could doe no lesse then repell force by force , lastly it is a matter of no small consequence to acknowledge that wee have offended the king of spaine by landing in guiana . for first it weakens his majesties title to the country or quits it ; secondly , there is no king that hath ever given the least way to any other king or state in the traffick of the lives or goods of his subjects , to wit in our case , that it shall be lawfull for the spaniards to murther us , either by force or treason , and unlawfull for us to defend our selves and pay them with their owne coyne , for this superiority and inferiority is a thing which no absolute monarch ever yeilded to , or ever will. thirdly , it shews the english bears greater respect to the spaniard , and is more doubtfull of his forces , then either the french or dutch is , who daily invade all parts of the indies with not being questioned at their returne , yea at my owne being at plimouth , a french gentleman called flory went thence with foure saile , and three hundred land men , with commission to land and burne , and to sack all places in the indies that he could master , and yet the french king hath married the daughter of spaine . this is all that i can say , other then that i have spent my poore estate , lost my sonne , and my health , and endured as many sorts of miseries , as ever man did , in hope to do his majesty acceptable service ; and have not to my understanding committed any hostile act , other then entrance upon a territory belonging rightly to the crowne of england , where the english were first set upon and slaine by the usurping spaniards , i invaded no other parts of the indies , pretended by the spaniards . i returned into england with manifest perill of my life , with a purpose not to hold my life , with any other then his majesties grace , and from which no man , nor any perill could disswade me ; to that grace , and goodnesse , and kinglynesse i referre my self , which if it shall find that i have not yet suffered enough ▪ it yet may please to adde more affliction to the remainder of a wretched life . sir walter rawleigh his ansvver to some things at his death . i did never receive any direction from my lord carew to make any escape , nor did i ever tell stukely any such thing . i did never name my lord hay and my lord carew to stukeley in other words or sence , then to my honoùrable friends , among other lords . i did never shew unto stukely any letter , wherein there was 10000 named or any one pound , only i told him , that i hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his absence . i never had commission from the french king , i never saw the french kings hand or seale in my life . i never had any plot or practise with the french directly or indirectly , nor with any other prince or state unknowne to the king. my true intent was to goe to a myne of gold in guiana , it was not fained , but it is true , that such a myne there is within three miles of st. thome , i never had in my thought to goe from trinidado , and leave my companies to come after to the savage island , as hatby fearne hath falsly reported . i did not carry with me an hundred pieces , i had with me sixty , and brought back neer the said number , i never spake to the french manering any one disloyall word , or dishonourable speech of the king ; nay if i had not loved the king truly , and trusted in his goodnesse somewhat too much , i know that i had not now suffered death . these things are most true as there is a god , and as i am now to appeare before his tribunall seate , where i renounce all mercy , and salvation , if this be not the truth . at my death w.r. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57465-e170 juven . pluta●● notes for div a57465-e490 pindar . d : sic. lib. 6. lib ger. 1. cap. 1. livie 1. lib. dec. polidor lib. 3. isidor orig. 9. de navig . cap : 1. tacitus de moribus german : tribull eleg : strab : lib : 16. junius . 1. king. cap. 9. notes for div a57465-e5060 gen. cap. 1. ver . 28. generall history lib 2. cap. 2.28 . s. 4. t 3. first warre . second warre . anno domini 1569. anno. 1573. notes for div a57465-e11050 officers under the lo : admirall to bee men of the best experience in sea-service . no ships to be builded by the great . officer of the a●miraltie exactly look into the so●● buildin● of ship &c. the greatest ships least serviceable . the spaniards phrase . 〈◊〉 shipwrights . mary 〈◊〉 in h. ● . time . speciall observation . the high charging of ships a principall cause that brings them all ill qualities . ease of many cabbins and safety at once in sea-service not 〈◊〉 be expected . his majesties navy ( in such sort as they are ) not to bee pend up in rochester-water , &c. wight , portsmouth , garnsey and iersey , devonshire cornwall , wales , or ireland . portsmouth , dartmouth , plymouth , falmouth , milford and divers others , harbours very capable and convenient for shipping . halfe a dozen or eight of midling ships and some pynnaces to lye in the west , &c. ash-water by plymouth . nota. charges of conduct money for marriners well saved , &c. a magazin of all manner of necessary provisions , &c. his majesties ships not to be overcharged and pestered with great ordnance as they are . royall batterie for a prince . needlesse expence of superfluous powder and shot , &c. the journey to the islands . spaniards armado in 88. easterling hulkes . great error committed in manner of calking his majesties ships with rotten ocum . censure taken of the best seamen of england . his majesties allowance for victualling ships very large and honourable . great inconvenience by bad caske used in his majesties ships the great inconveniences of the cook-rooms in all his majesties ships made below in hold in the wast . sea-phrase . musters and presses for sufficient marriners to serve in his majesties ships the care therein very little , or the bribery very great . the saylers proverbe . a proportion of swords targets of proofe and the like allowed ; and set downe for every ship according to his burthen , &c. his majesties owne sworne servants to be preferred to the charge of his majesties ships . objection . the secrets of government and misteries of state plainly laid open, in all the several forms of government in the christian world / published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1697 approx. 250 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57590 wing r187 estc r226476 12383192 ocm 12383192 60793 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57590) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60793) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:28) the secrets of government and misteries of state plainly laid open, in all the several forms of government in the christian world / published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. milton, john, 1608-1674. [9], 238 p. s.n.], [london : 1697. written by walter raleigh. cf. nuc pre-1956. first published in 1658 as: the cabinet-council: containing the cheif arts of empire, and mysteries of state. place of publication from wing. advertisement: p. [9]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science -early works to 1800. monarchy -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-10 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the secrets of government , and misteries of state , plainly laid open , in all the several forms of government in the christian world . published by john milton , esq printed in the year , 1697. to the reader . having had the manuscript of this treatise , written by sir walter raleigh , many years in my hands , and finding it lately by chance among other books and papers , upon reading thereof , i thought it a kind of injury to withhold longer the work of so eminent an author from the publick ; it being both answerable in 〈◊〉 to other works of his already extant , as far as the subject would permit , and given me for a true copy by a learned man at his death , who had collected several such pieces . john milton . the principal contents . chap. i. the desinition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds page 1 chap. 2. of sovereign or monarchick government , with its essential marks and specifical differences p. 3 chap. 3. of monarchies seignioril , exemplisied in the turkish and west-indian empire p. 6 chap. 4. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them p. 8 chap. 5. of monarchies tyrannical p. 11 chap. 6. of new-found monarchies and principalities , with the means to 〈◊〉 them p. 12 chap. 7. of councils and counsellors in general p. 17 chap. 8. of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties and democraties p. 18 chap. 9. of officers and commissioners , with their respective distinctions p. 21 chap. 10. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections p. 22 chap. 11. observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war p. 24 chap. 12. extrinsick observations , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decypher their intendments p. 30 chap. 13. observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor p. 35 chap. 14. of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites p. 41 chap. 15. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment p. 48 chap. 16 of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated p. 51 chap. 17. of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained p. 53 chap. 18. of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes , and ways of prevention or discovery p. 55 chap. 19. of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it p. 58 chap. 20. of diffidence and dissimulation in the management of state affairs p. 67 chap. 21. of war defensive and invasive ; with iustructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline p. 70 chap. 22. of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions p. 83 chap. 23. of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick ; with advice how to make an honorable peace p. 87 chap. 24. of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof p. 97 chap. 25. a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events p. 107 chap. 26. maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations , and historical parallels p. 184 advertisement . the excellent woman described by her true characters , and their opposites . printed for j. watts . the secrets of government , and misteries of state , plainly laid open . chap. i. the definition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds . a common-wealth is a certain sovereign govornment of many families , with those things that are common among them . all common-wealths are either monarchies , aristocraties , or democraties . a monarchy is that state where the sovereignty resteth in the person of one only prince . an aristocraty , is where some small part of the people have in them as a body corporate , the sovereignty and supreme power of the whole state. a democraty , is where all the people have power and authority sovereign . so doth it appear , that the place and person where the sovereignty resteth , doth cause the state to be either a monarchy , an aristocraty , or popular government . chap. ii. of sovereign of monarchick government , with its essential marks , and specifical differences . sovereignty is an absolute and perpetual power in every publick state , and he is properly and only a sovereign , that acknowledgeth no superior or equal , nor holdeth of any other prince , person or power , but god and his own sword. the first mark of sovereignty , is absolute power and authority to command all subjects in general , and every of them in particular , without consent of any other person or persons , either greater or inferior to himself . the second mark of majesty is authority to make war , and conclude peace at his pleasure . the third is power to beslow all honors and chief offices at his pleasure . the fourth mark of sovereignty is appellation . the fifth mark and last , is power to pardon all subjects by rigor of law or otherwise , condemned in life , lands , goods or honors . these powers are not to be imparted to any officer , deputy or other magistrate , but in the prince's absence , and for some urgent occasion . monarchies are of three sorts , signioril , royal and tyrannical . the diversity of monarchies doth not proceed from the nature of the state , but the diverse proceedings of those princes that govern ; for great difference there may be between the nature of the commonwealth and the government thereof . that prince that giveth the magistracies honors and offices without respect of nobility , riches or vertue , may be said to govern popularly . and that monarchy may be said to be governed aristocratically , when the monarch imparteth the principal honors and offices to the noble and rich men only . the same difference there is to be sound in states aristocratical and popular ; for the one and the other may be both signioril or tyrannical . a monarch signioril is he who by force of arms and just war , is made owner of mens bodies and goods , and governeth them as a master of a family governeth base servants and slaves . a monarch royal , is he whose subjects are obedient unto his laws , of god and nature , suffering every subject to enjoy liberty natural , with property in lands and goods , governing as a father governeth his children . a monarch tyrannical , is he who without regard to the law of god or nature , commandeth free-men as slaves and useth their lands and goods as his own . chap. iii. of monarchy signioril , exemplisied in the turkisn and west-indian empire . all people subject to princes , are governed as free-men by their prince , and certain other particular lords of lands and liberties ; who not by the princes commission , but by ancient 〈◊〉 or custom , have inheritance and tenements ; or else they are by one prince and his ministers commanded , which ministers have not by law or ordinance , any authority or interest of themselves , but being like to the people ( base men and slaves ) they command only by commission in the princes name ; and the authority of those ministers doth cease at the princes pleasure , so that the people do not acknowledge any superior but the prince , nor owe any service to other mean lords : so as all the people stand without property in lands or goods ; for example , the empire of turky and the west-indies . the provinces of this monarchy are allotted to sundry magistrates or ministers , and they altered and removed at the princes pleasure ; but it is otherwise in a monarchy royal , because the monarch is there accompanied with many mean lords . and albeit those mean lords are subjects unto the prince , yet have they particular tenants , who may not , without just cause , be dispossessed by the prince ; and those people having had dependency of their lords and their ancestors , do ever beare unto them a certain natural love and dutiful respect ; whoso therefore compareth these principalities , shall perceive , that to conquer a state signioril there is great difficulty , but being conquered , it may easily be maintained ; for the difficulty to conquer such a state , proceedeth from the lack of mean lords to call in and assist the prince that doth invade : who therefore desireth to subdue a nation thus governed , must of force assault all the people , and rather trust in his own strength than the aid of the country . but if he can prevail , then one only fear remaineth , which is the prince's posterity , which necessarily must be extinguished , because the prince's race only hath interest both in the people and soldiers . but to enter a monarchy royal , is an enterprise of no great difficulty , when he that doth enter , hath the friendship and aid of some mean lords to take his part , and prepare the place where he is to arrive . chap. iv. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them . monarchies royal are for the most part ancient and hereditary , and consequently easie to be governed . for it is sufficient for the prince to maintain the old laws , and on occasion temporize with those accidents that happen : such a state cannot be taken from the prince without excessive force , and if it be , it shall be soon recovered . example , england and france . but if a monarchy newly conquered , be annexed unto an old , and not properly ancient , then it is with much more difficulty maintained . first , for that men naturally inclined to variation , are easily induced to take arms against him that newly governeth . secondly , every new prince is forced to exact as well upon those subjects that joyned with him , as those that did resist him , and therefore shall offend both . example , ireland annexed to the crown of england , sicilia and naples to spain . the means to maintain such a monarchy , is , first , to extinguish the race of him that was anciently prince . secondly , to continue all laws and customs in the former force ; for so shall the subject find nothing altered but the prince , and therefore will soon rest contented ; and the rather if that new monarchy , and the ancient dominion of the prince , be of one language : but if the people be of a contrary language and humor , then to hold it , there needeth great industry and fortune ; in that case the best way is , that the prince should inhabit there , as well to incounter all inconveniences proceeding from the subject , as to preserve the people from oppression of his own ministers . another way is , to send thither certain colonies , and plant them in fit places , or else to settle some garisons both of horse and foot ; but colonies are less chargeable to the prince . as for the people inhabitant ( who must necessarily remove , they being a small number and dispossessed ) they cannot have power to offend ; for in that case , this rule or maxim shall be found true , that men must be either kindly intreated , or with all extremity oppressed ; because of light injuries they may be revenged , but of utter oppression they cannot . a third way to hold a conquered dominion , is , to cherish and defend the neighbors of little power , and oppress or keep under those that are most potent ; and above all , to take order that no forreign prince or power do enter ; for it is ever to be looked for , that so many of the nation as are discontented , either for ambition or fear , will be ever ready to bring in strangers : and to conclude this matter of principality annexed , i say it behoveth every prince possessed of such a state , never to increase the power of any potent nighbor , never to oppress those that are of small power , never to permit any forreign potentate to enter , but ever to plant colonies and garisons , or else to make that dominion his chief habitation . chap. v. of monarchies tyrannical . tyrannical princes are not advanced by favor , neither do they trust unto fortune , but by degrees of war , or else by some other indirect means do aspire unto greatness ; and therein do maintain themselves by all ways either honest or dishonest , without respect of justice , conscience or law either of nations or nature : a prince by such impious means aspired , and desiring to hold that he hath gained , will take order that the cruelties he committeth may be done roundly , suddenly , and as it were at an instant ; for if they be executed at leisure and by piece-meal , then will the prince's fears continue long , and the terror in subjects take deeper impression , whose nature is such , that either they must be bound by benefits , or by cruelty made sure from offending : example , dionysius and agathocles . chap. vi. of new found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . some other princes there are , that from private estate have aspired to sovereignty , not by unnatural or impious proceedings as the former , but by vertue and fortune , and being aspired , have found no great difficulty to be maintained ; for such a prince having no other dominion , is forced to settle himself where he is become a prince : but here is to be noted , that albeit such a man be vertuous , yet wanting fortune , his vertue proveth to small purpose , and fortune without vertue doth seldom work any great effect . howsoever it be , a prince being aspired , both by the aid of the one and of the other , shall notwithstanding find some difficulty to hold what he hath gotten ; because he is forced to introduce new laws and new orders of government differing from the old , as well for his own security , as confirmation of the government ; for avoiding of which dangers , he is to consider whether he be of himself able to compel his subjects to obey , or must pray in aid of others : if he can do the first , he needeth not doubt , but being driven to the other , his greatness cannot long continu ; for albeit a matter of no difficulty , it is to perswade a people ; yet to make them constant , is a work well near impossible . example , theseus , cyrus , romulus . the second sort of new princes are such as be aspired by favor or corruption , or by the vertue or greatness of fortune or friends : a prince by any or all these means advanced , and desirous to hold his estate , must indeavor by his own vertue to maintain himself without depending upon any other ; which may be done by this means : first , to assure all enemies from offending . secondly , to win the love and friendship of so many neighbors as possibly he may . thirdly , to compass all designs tending to his honor or profit , and bring them to pass either by fraud or force . fourthly , to make himself honored and followed of captains and soldiers . fifthly , to oppress all those that would or can offend . sixthly , to be obsequious and liberal to friends , magnanimous and terrible to foes . seventhly , to cass all old and unfaithful bands , and entertain new . eighthly , to hold such amity with kings and princes , as they ought reasonably to favor him , or else they would offend ; easily they cannot . example , giovannio , torrigiani , caesar , borgi . the third and last means whereby private persons do aspire to principalities , is not force and violence , but meer good will and favor of men. the cause or occasion thereof , is only vertue or fortune , or at least a certain fortunate craft and wittiness , because he aspireth either by favor of the people , or by favor of the nobility ; for these contrary humors are in all common-wealths to be found . and the reason thereof is , that the great men do ever endeavor to oppress the people , and the people do labor not to be oppressed by them . of these divers appetites one of these three effects do proceed , viz. principality , liberty , or licentious life . principality may come either by love of the multitude , or of the great men ; for when any of these factions do find it self oppressed , then do they soon consent to make one a prince , hoping by his vertue and valor to be defended . example , francesco sforza , alessandro de medici . a prince in this sort aspired , to maintain his estate , must first consider well by which of these factions aforesaid he is advanced ; for if by favor of great men he be aspired , then must he meet with many difficulties ; for having about him divers persons of great quality , and such as were but lately his equals , hardly shall he command them in such sort as it behoveth : but if the prince be advanced by the people , few or none shall hardly disobey him . so it appeareth that a prince made by the multitude , is much more secure than he whom the nobility preferreth ; for common people do not desire to enjoy more than their own , and to be defended from oppression ; but great men do study not only to hold their own , but also to command and insult upon inferiors . note that all monarchies are principalities . but all principalities are not monarchies . chap. vii . of councils , and counsellors in general . a senate or council is a certain lawful assembly of counsellors , to give advice to him or them that have in the commonweale power sovereign . a counsellor is called in the latine senator ; which word signifieth in effect an old man : the grecians and romans also most commonly composed their councils of ancient and expert persons ; for if they , or the greater part of them had been young men , then might the council have more properly been called a juvenate than a senate . the chief and most necessary note required in a counsellor is to have no dependence of any other prince or commonweale ; either oath , homage , natural obligation , pention , or reward : in this point the venetians have been ever most precise , and for that reason , do not admit any cardinal or other clergy-man to be either of or at their councils , therefore when the venetian senate is assembled , the usher being ready to shut the door , cryeth aloud , fuora preti , depart priest. note also that in every state , of what quality soever , a secret or cabinet-council is mainly necessary . chap. viii . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties , and democraties . the king of spain , for the government of his dominions hath seven councils , ( viz. ) the council of the indies , the council of spain , the council of italy and the low countries , the council of war , the council of orders , the council of inquisition , and the council royal. in france are three councils , ( viz. ) the council srivy , the council of judges , which they call presidents et conceliers de parlament , and the great council , which they call assemblies du troys estates . of councils in aristocraties . in venice , beside the senate and great council , are four councils , ( viz. ) the sages of the sea , the sages of the land , the council of tenn , the three presidents of quarantia , and the senate : all which councils do amount to one hundred and twenty persons , with the magistrates . the great council of ragusa consisteth of sixty persons , and hath another privy council of twelve . of councils in democraties . genoua hath three councils : the great council of two hundred , the senate which consisteth of sixty , and the privy council which hath twenty six counsellors : so it doth appear that in all commonwealths , be they monarchies , aristocracies , or popular states . the council-privy is most necessary , and often used ; also this difference is to be noted between the councils in monarchies , and the councils in aristocracies and states popular ; that is to say , that all deliberations fit to be published , are in a monarchy consulted and resolved upon in the council privy , and after ratified by common council ; but in optimacies or popular government the custom is contrary . here also is to be noted , that albeit the use and authority of every senate a privy council is most needful , yet hath it no authority to command but in the name of those in whom the sovereignty resteth : for if counsellors had power to command absolutely , then should they be sovereigns , and consequently all execution at their pleasure ; which may not be without detracting from majesty , which is a thing so sovereign and sacred , as no citizen or subject of what quality soever , may touch or approach thereunto . chap. ix . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . an officer is a person publick , that hath charge ordinary and limited by law. a commissioner is also a person publick , but his charge is extraordinary and limited by commission . officers are of two sorts , and so be commissioners ; the one hath power to command , and are called magistrates : the other hath authority to execute : so the one and the other are persons publick : yet are not all publick persons either officers or commissioners . commissioners are ordained to govern in provinces , in war , in justice , in disposing the treasure , or some other function concerning the state ; but all commissions do spring and proceed from the sovereign , magistrates and commissioners . and here is to be noted , that every commission ceaseth if he that granted the commission doth dye , or revoke it , or if the commissioners during his commission shall aspire to office and authority equal to his that made it . chap. x. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . a magistrate is an officer having power to command in the state ; and albeit that every magistrate be an officer , yet every officer is not a magistrate , but they only that have power to command . also in making officers of and magistrates in every commonweale , three things are specially to be observed ( viz. ) who doth make them , what men they are that should be made , and the form and manner how they are made . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to him or them in whom the sovereignty resteth ; the second also belongeth to majesty ; yet therein the laws are commonly followed , especially in aristocracies and states popular ; in the one the magistrates are chosen out of the most wealthy or most noble : in the other , elected out of the whole multitude . the form and manner of choosing magistrates in aristocracies and states popular , is either by election , by lot , or by both , and their office is to compel those that do not obey what sovereignty commandeth : for all force of commandment lieth in compulsion . commandment likewise is of two sorts ; the one may be called sovereign and absolute , above laws , above magistrates , and above people . in monarchies such command is proper to the prince only ; in aristocracies it resteth in the nobility : and in democracies the people have that power . the second commandments are subject both to sovereignty and law. here is to be noted , that every magistrate may recall his own commandment , and forbid what he did command , yet cannot revoke that which he hath judged . * also in the presence of the sovereign , all authority of magistrates ceaseth ; and in presence of great magistrates the inferior have no power ; and magistrates equal cannot do any thing but by consent , if his colleagues or fellow-magistrates be present . chap. xi . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war. the first concern matter intrinsick . the second touch matter extrinsick . matters intrinsick are three . the administration of justice . the managing of the treasure . the disposing of things appertaining to war. matters extrinsick are also three . the skill how to deal with neighbors . the diligence to vent their designs . the way how to win so much confidence with some of them , as to be made partaker of whatsoever they mean to enterprise . touching administration of justice . the good and direct administration of justice , is in all places a principal part of government ; for seldom or never shall we see any people discontented and desirous of alteration , where justice is equally administred without respect of persons ; and in every state this consideration is required , but most of all in countries that do front upon other princes , or were lately 〈◊〉 hereunto the princes vigilancy and the magistrates uprightness are especially required ; for oft-tentimes the prince is deceived , and the magistrates corrupted ; it behoveth also the prince to maintain the judges and ministers of justice in their reputation , and yet to have a vigilant eye upon their proceedings , and the rather if their authority do include equity , and from their censure be no appeal ; and if their office be during life , and they are men born and dwelling in the same country ; all these things are duly to be considered of the rince ; for as to call the judges into question , is as it were to disgrace the judicial seat ; so to wink at their corruptions were matter of just discontent to the subject : in this case therefore the prince cannot do more than by his wisdom to make choice of good men ; and being chosen , to hold them in good reputation so as the ordinary course of justice may proceed ; for otherwise great disorder , contempt , and general confusion will ensue thereof . secondly , he is to keep his eye open upon their proceedings ; and lastly to reserve unto himself a supreme power of appellation . touching the treasure . the want of money is in all states very perilous , and most of all in those which are of least strength , and do confine upon nations with whom they have commonly war , or unassured peace , but most perilous of all to those governments which are remote from the prince , or place where they are to be relieved . the means to levy treasure are four. first , the customs and impositions upon all forts of merchandize and traffick is to be looked unto and advanced . secondly , the excessive eating of usury must be suppressed . thirdly , all supersluous charges and expences are to be taken away . lastly , the doings and accounts of ministers are severally to be exammed . touching the matter of custom and impost thereof , assuredly a great prosit is in every state to be raised ; chiefly where peace hath long continued , and where the country affordeth much plenty of commodities to be carried out , and where ports are to receive shipping . the moderating of interest is ever necessary , and chiefly in this age , by reason that money aboundeth in europe ; since the traffick into the indies ; for such men as have money in their hands great plenty , would in no wise imploy the same in merchandize , if lawful it were to receive the utmost usury , being a course of most profit and greatest security . the taking away of superfluous expences is no other thing than a certain wise and laudable parsimony ; which the romans and other well governed states did use . these expences consist in fees , allowances , and wages granted to ministers of little or no necessity ; also in pensions , rewards , entertainments and donaries , with small difficulty to be moderated , or easily to be suppressed . * by abridging or taking away of these needless expences a marvelous profit will be saved for the prince ; but if he continue them , and by imposing upon the people do think to increase his treasure or revenue , besides the loss of their love , he may also hazard their obedience , with many other inconveniences . touching war. whatsoever prince or common-weale is neighbour to any people which can , will , or were wont to offend , it is necessary to have not only all things prepared for defence of his person and country , but also to forecast and use every caution and other diligence : for the inconveniencies which happen to government , are sudden and unlook'd for ; yea , the providence and provision required in this case ought to be such as the expences all other ways imployed must stay to supply the necessity of war. chap xii . extrinsick observation , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decipher their intendments . this first point of matter extrinsick is of such quality as being well handled procureth great good , but otherwise becometh dangerous ; for the proceeding must be divers according to the diversity of the ends which the prince or governor intendeth ; for if he desire to continue peace with his neighbors , one way is to be taken ; but otherwise he is to work that seeketh occasion to break , and to become an enemy to one or more of his neighbors . is he do desire to live peaceably withal , then he is to observe these rules ( viz ) first , to hold and continue firmly all contracts and capitulations . secondly , to shew himself resolved neither to offer nor take the least touch of wrong or injury . thirdly , with all care and favor to further commerce and reciproke traffick for the profit of the subject , and increase of the princes revenue . fourthly , covertly to win so great confidence with neighbors , as in all actions of unkindness among them he may be made umpire . fifthly , to become so well believed with them as he may remove such diffidences as grow to his own disadvantage . sixthly , not to deny protection or aid to them that are the weakest , and chiefly such as do and will endure his fortune . lastly , in favouring , aiding and protecting ( unless necessity shall otherwise so require ) to do it moderately , so as they who are to be aided , become not jealous , and consequently seek adherency elsewhere , which oft-times hath opened way to other neighbors that desire a like occasion . how to prevent their designs . this point in time of war is with great diligence to be looked unto ; also in time of peace to prevent all occasions that may kindle war is behoveful ; for to foresee what may happen to the prejudice of a princes profit or reputation , is a part of great wisdom . the means to attain the intelligence of these things are two . the first is by friends , the next by espials ; the one for the most part faithful , the other not so assured . these matters are well to be considered ; for albeit the nature of man desireth nothing more than curiously to know the doings of others , yet are those things to be handled with so great secrecy and dissimulation as the princes intent be not in any wise suspected , nor the ministers made odious ; for these sometimes to win themselves reputation , do devise causes of difference where no need is , divining of things future which prove to the prejudice of their own prince . to win confidence with neighbors . this is chiefly attained unto by being loved and honored ; for these things do work so many good effects , as daily experience sufficeth without any express example to prove them of great force . the ways to win love and trust , is in all actions to proceed justly , and sometimes to wink at wrongs , or set aside unnecessary revenges ; and if any thing be done not justifiable , or unfit to be allowed , as oftentimes it happeneth , there to lay the blame upon the minister , which must be performed with so great show of revenge and dissimulation , by reproving and punishing the minister , as the princes offended may be satisfied , and believe that the cause of unkindness proceeded from thence . now only it resteth that somewhat should be said touching provision , to the end the people may not be drawn into despair by famine , or extream dearth of victual , chiefly for want of corn , which is one principal consideration to be regarded , according to the italian proverb , pane in piazza , giustitia in palazzo , siverezza per tutto : whereunto i could wish every prince or supreme governor to be thus qualified ( viz. ) facile de audienza : non facilede credenza , desioso de spedition , essemplare in costunii proprii , & inquei de sua casa tale che vorra governare , e non esser governato da altro ; he della raggione . chap. xiii . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . every good and lawful principality is either elective or successive of them election seemeth the more ancient ; but succession in divers respects the better : minore discrimine sumitur princeps quam quaeritur . tac. the chief and only endeavour of every good prince , ought to be the commodity and security of the subjects , as contrariwise the tyrant seeketh his own private profit with the oppression of his people : civium non servitus sed tutela tradita est . sal. to the perfection of every good prince , two things are necessarily required ( viz. ) prudence and vertue ; the one to direct his doings , the other to govern his life : rex eris si recte feceris . hor. the second care which appertaineth to a good prince , is to make his subjects like unto himself ; for thereby he is not only honored , but they also the better governed : facile imperium in bonos . plaut . subjects are made good by two means ( viz. ) by constraint of law , and the princes example ; for in all estates , the people do imitate those conditions whereunto they see the prince enclined : quicquid faciunt principes , praecipere videantur . quintil. all vertues be required in a prince , but justice and clemency are most necessary ; for justice is a habit of doing things justly , as well to himself as others , and giving to every one so much as to him appertaineth : this is that vertue that preserveth concord among men , and whereof they be called good : jus & aequit as vincula civitatum . cic. * it is the quality of this vertue also , to proceed equally and temperately ; it informeth the prince not to surcharge the subjects with infinite laws ; for thereof proceedeth the impoverishment of the subjects and the inriching of lawyers , a kind of men which in ages more ancient , did seem of no necessity : sine causidicis satis foelices olim fuere futuraeque sunt urbes . sal. the next vertue required in princes is clemency , being an inclination of the mind to lenity and compassion , yet tempered with severity and judgment ; this quality is fit for all great personages , but chiefly princes , because their occasion to use it is most ; by it also the love of men is gained : qui vult regnare , languida regnet manu . sen. after clemency , fidelity is expected in all good princes , which is a certain performance and observation of word and promise ; this vertue seemeth to accompany justice , or is as it were the same , and therefore most fit for princes : sanctissimum generis humani bonum . liv. as fidelity followeth justice , so doth modesty accompany clemency ; modesty is a temperature of reason , whereby the mind of man is so governed , as neither in action or opinion he over-deemeth of himself , or any thing that is his ; a quality not common in fortunate folk , and most rare in princes : superbia commune nobilitatis malum . sal. this vertue doth also moderate all external demonstration of insolence , pride and arrogance , and therefore necessary to be known of princes , and all others whom favor or fortune have advanced : impone faelicitati tua fraenos , facilius illam reges . curt. but as princes are to observe the bounds of modesty , so may they not forget the majesty appertaining to their supreme honor , being a certain reverend greatness due to princely vertue and royal state ; a grace and gravity no less beseeming a prince than vertue it self ; for neither over-much famili-arity , nor too great austerity , ought to be used by princes : facilit as autoritatem , severit as amorem minuit . tac. to these vertues we may apply liberality , which doth not only adorn , but highly advance the honor due to princes ; thereby also the good will of men is gained ; for nothing is more fitting a prince's nature than bounty , the same being accompanied with judgment , and performed according to the laws of liberality : perdere multi sciunt , donare nesciunt . tac. it seemeth also that prudence is not only fit , but also , among other vertues , necessary in a prince ; for the daily use thereof is in all humane actions required , and chiesly in matters of state and government : prudentia imperant is propria & unica virtus . arist. the success of all worldly proceedings , doth shew that prudence hath compassed the prosperous event of humane actions , more than force of arms or other power : mens una 〈◊〉 plurium vincit manus . eurip. prudence is either natural , or received from others ; for whoso can counsel himself what is fit to be done , needeth not the advice of others ; but they that want such perfection , and are nevertheless capable , and are willing to know what others inform , ought to be accounted wise enough : laudatissimus est qui cuncta videbit , sed laudandus est is qui paret recte monenti hesiod . chap. xiv . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites . albeit the excellent spirit of some princes be such as doth justly deserve the highest commendation ; yet for that every course of life needeth the aid of men , and the mind of one cannot comprehend the infinite care appertaining to publick affairs ; it behoveth princes to be assisted : magna negotia , adjutoribus egent . tac. the assistants may be properly divided into counsellors and ministers ; the one to advise , the other to execute : without counsel , no kingdom , no state , no private house can stand ; for experience hath proved , that common-weales have prospered so long as good counsel did govern , but when favor , fear or voluptuousness entered , those nations became disordered ; and in the end subject to slavery : quiddam sacrum profecto est consultatio . plato . counsellors are men specially selected to give advice to princes or common-wealths , as well in peace as in war ; the chief qualities required in such men , are fidelity and knowledge ; which two concurring do make them both good and wise , and consequently fit for counsel : prudentis proprium munus recte consulere . arist. the election of counsellors is and ought to be chiefly among men of long experience and grave years ; for as youth is fittest for action in respect of corporal strength ; so elder folk having felt the force of every fortune , and observed the course of worldly proceedings do seem most meet for consultation : consilia senum , facta juvenum . plato . albeit we say that the excellency of wisdom should be in counsellors ; yet do we not require so quick and fiery a conceit as is more apt for innovation than orderly government : hebetiores quam acutiores melius remp. administrant . thucyd. to fidelity and experience we wish that our counsellors should be endued with piety , liberty , constancy , modesty and silence ; for as the aid and assistance of god is that which governeth all good counsels , so liberty of speech , and magnanimous uttering of what is good and fit , is necessary in counsellors . likewise to be constant and not to vary in opinion , either for fear or favor , is very commendable : also as modesty in giving counsel escheweth all offences , and gaineth good will , so secresie is the best and most secure means to govern all publick affairs : res magnae sustineri non possunt ab eo qui tacere nequit . curt. the first obstacle to good counsel is pertinacy or opiniativeness ; a condition far unfit for counsellors ; yet some men are so far in love with their own opiniastre conceits , as that they cannot patiently endure opposition . secondly , discord must from counsellors be removed , because private offence many times impeacheth publick proceedings . thirdly , affection is an enemy to counsel , the same being commonly accompanied with anger , wherewith nothing can be 〈◊〉 or considerately done . lastly , 〈◊〉 seemeth a vice worthy to be 〈◊〉 of all counsellors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 away both fidelity and 〈◊〉 the principal pillars of all good counsel : pessimum veri affectus & judicii venenum , utilitas . tac. to good counsel other impediments there are , which square not with wisdom ; for all crafty and hazarding counsels do seem in the beginning likely to succeed ; but afterwards and chiefly in the end do prove hard and of evil event . it therefore seemeth behoveful to be wary in resolving , and bold in executing : animus vereri qui scit , scit tuto aggredi . pub. another lett to good consultation is immoderate desire , which every wise man must endeavor to restrain : 〈◊〉 pauca recte siunt , circumspectione plurima . thucyd. thirdly , haste is an enemy to good deliberation ; for whoso greedily desireth any thing , proceedeth rashly ; and rash proceeding endeth ever in repentance : scelera impetu , bona consilia mora valescunt . tac. of ministers of state. having already spoken of counsellors , somewhat is to be spoken of ministers ; i mean those that either publickly or privately serve the prince in any function ; in choice of which men , care must be had ; first , that they be persons honestly born ; for no man descended of base parentage may be admitted , unless in him be found some noble and excellent vertue : optimus quisque nobilissimus . plato . secondly , they ought to be of honest condition , and of good fame ; for that common-weale is better and more secure , where the prince is not good , than is that where his ministers are evil. it seemeth therefore that ministers should be men of good quality and blameless : emitur sola virtute potestas . claud. thirdly , consideration is to be had of their capacity and fitness , for that function wherein they are to be used ; for as some men are apt for learning , so others are naturally disposed to arms. also it is necessary that every one square with the office whereunto he is appointed , in which matter some princes have used great caution ; for as they little liked of men excellent , so they utterly detested the vitious ; the one they doubted to trust in regard of themselves , the other were thought a publick indignity to the state. wise men have therefore resolved , that those wits which are neither over-haughty and singular , nor they which be base or dull , are fittest for princes secrets and services ; howsoever we may hereof say with tacitus : nescio quomodo aulica haec comitia affectus dirigit , & fato quodam ac sorte nascendi , ut caetera , ita principum inclinatio in hos , offensio in illos est . tac. and because the course and quality of mens lives serving in court , is of all other the most uncertain and dangerous , great heed and circumspection ought therein to be used ; for whoso serveth negligently , forgetting the dutiful endeavors appertaining to the place , seemeth to take a way of no good speed : quanto quis obsequio promptior , tanto honoribus & opibus extollitur . tac. it shall also become such a man to look well unto his own profit , and behave himself rather boldly than bashfully : malus minister regii imperii pudor . sen. to be modest , and closely to handle all actions , is also a course well beseeming a courtier ; neither shall he do well to attribute any good success to his own vertue or merit , but acknowledge all to proceed from the prince's bounty and goodness , by which means envy is eschewed , and the prince not robbed of his honor : haec est conditio regum , casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant , secundos virtuti suae . prov. emped . and to conclude these precepts summarily , i say it behoveth all ministers and servants in court to be patient , wary and of sew words : fraudum sedes aula . sen. chap. xv. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . to govern , is a certain skill how to command and continue subjects in due obedience , so as offend they ought not , or if they will they cannot ; wherein two special things are to be considered ( viz. ) the nature of men , and the nature of the state ; but first the condition of the vulgar must be well conceived : noscenda natura vulgi , & quibus modis temperanter habeatur . tac. the disposition of men is divers ; some are apt to anger , some are hardy , some fearful ; it therefore behoveth the prince to accommodate his government to the humor of people whom he governeth : principis est virtus maxima nosse suos . mart. likewise the nature of commonweals is mutable and subject to change , and kings are not only accompanied with fortune , but also followed with hate , which breedeth a continual diffidence , chiefly towards those that are nearest to majesty : suspectus semper invisusque dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur . tac. moreover the vulgar sort is generally variable , rash , hardy , and void of judgment ; ex opinione multa , ex veritate pauca judicat . cic. to confirm a government , force and arms are of greatest necessity ; by force i mean the guards and arms which princes use for their defence or ornament ; miles in foro , miles in curia principem comitari debet . tac. to this may be added fortisication and strong buildings , in these days much used by new princes , and others also to whom people yield , not willing obedience . in ancient times princes planted colonies as well to suppress rebellion in conquered countries , as to front suspected neighbours : coloniae vera sedes servitutis . tac. the government of princes is also greatly increased by a virtue , which i call a commendable affection in subjects , proceeding of love and authority : these effects do grow from the princes own merit , but their being liveth in the mind of the people ; this love is gained by lenity , liberality , and mercy ; yet is every of them to be tempered : nec aut reverentiam terrore , aut amorem humilitate captibis . plin. affection is also no way sooner won then by liberality , the same being used with judgment and moderation . bellorum sociis , periculorum consortibus , sivi de te bene ac fortiter — — meritis . sen. by indulgence likewise , and pricely affability , the love of men is gain'd ; for the multitude desire no more than necessary food and liberty , to use ordinary recreations : vulgo , sicut pueris , omne ludicrum in pretio est . sen. chap. xvi . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . authority is a certain reverent impression in the minds of subjects and others touching the princes virtue and government ; it resteth chiefly in admiration and fear : ingenita quibusdam gentibus erga reges suos veneratio . curt. authority consisteth in three things : ( viz. ) the form of government , the strength of the kingdom , and the condition of the prince ; for in them all reputation and security resteth : majest as imperii , salutis tutela . curt. whoso desireth to govern well , it behoveth him to use severity , constancy and restraint ; for over much lenity introduceth contempt , and certain hope of impunity ; the condition of men being such as cannot be restrained by shame , yet it is to be commanded by fear : salutaris 〈◊〉 as vinicit inanem speciem 〈◊〉 cic. yet ought severity to be used with great respect and sparingly , because over great terror breedeth desparation : paena ad paucos , metus ad omnes 〈◊〉 cic. to govern constantly is nothing else but to continue the old and ancient laws in force without change or innovation unless exceeding great commodity or urgent necessity shall so require : for where extream punishments are used , reformation is always needful : nocet interdum prisucs rigor & nimia severitas . tac. also to restrain authority is a matter of great necessity and worthy a wise prince ; else he maketh others partakers of the honor and power to himself only due , the same being also dangerous : periculosum privati hominis nomen supra ( immo & juxta ) principes extolli . tac. it seemeth also perilous that great authority given to private men should belong ; for thereby oft-tentimes they are made insolent and apt to innovation : libertatis sive principatus magna custodia est , si magna imperio 〈◊〉 esse non sinas . liv. authority is also reinforced and enlarged by power , without which no prince can either take from others or defend his own : parum tuta sine viribus majestas . liv. chap. xvii . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . power and strength is attained by these five ways , money , arms , counsel , friends and fortune : but of these the first and most sorcible is money : nihil tam 〈◊〉 quod non expugnari pecunia possit . cic. next to money arms are of most use as well to defend as to offend ; to keep , and to conquer ; for oft-tentimes occasion is to be offered as well to take from others , as to hold what is our own : sua retinere private est domus , de 〈◊〉 certare regia laus est . tac. also of great and necessary use is counsel , to devise how arms ought to be employed or enforced : arma concilio temperanda . tac. likewise friends and consederates do greatly increase the virtue of power , the same being such as have both wit and ability to aid : in caducum parietem ne inclina . adri. the last , yet not the least part of power consisteth in fortune ; whereof daily experience may be seen ; for the success of all humane actions seem rather to proceed from fortune than virtue : omni ratione potentior fortuna . curt. to these particularities concerning power , we may add the qualities of the prince , which greatly grace his authority ; these are partly internal , and partly extenal : by the one i mean the virtues of the mind , by the other a certain seemly behavior and comely gesture of the body ; of the first kind i do suppose piety and providence to be the chief , for piety maketh a prince venerable , and like unto god : oportet principem res divinas videri curare serio & ante omnia . arist. providence is a forecast and likely conjectures of things to come , supposed to be in those princes that in their actions proceed slowly and circumspectly , it seemeth also a course of princely discretion to be retired aud not ordinarily to converse with many : autoritatem absentia tueare . suet. chap. xviii . of conspiracy and treason , with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . conspiracy is commonly addressed to the princes person ; treasons are addressed against his government , authority , country , subjects , or places of srength . these mischiefs are easily feared , but hardly eschewed ; for albeit open enemies are openly encountred , yet fraud and subtilty are secret foes , and consequently not to be avoided : occulta pericula neque praevidere neque vitare in promptu est . salust . the danger of conspiracy proceedeth of divers causes , as avarice , infidelity of subjects , ambition in servants , and corruption in soldiers , therefore with great difficulty to be avoided : vitae tuae dominus est , quisquis suam contempsit . sen. notwithstanding it seemeth that either by inquisition , punishment , innocency , or destiny , the evil affection of men may be oft-tentimes discovered : 1. for whoso will curiously inquire and consider the actions and ordinary speechees of men ( i mean those that be persons of honor and reputation ) may oft-tentimes vent the myne that lurketh in the minds : quoniam rarò nisi male loqunti mali faciunt . lips. 2. punishment is likewise a thing so terrible that the consideration thereof with the hope of reward doth often discover those dangerous intentions : cruciatu aut praemio cuncta pervia sunt . tac. but as it is wisdom in princes to give ear to informers , so are they not always to be believed ; for hope , envy , hate , or some other passion oft-tentimes draws them to speak untruly : quis innocens esse potest si accusare sufficit ? tac. 3. the third and likeliest desence against conspiracy is the princes own innocency ; sor never having injured any man , it cannot be thought there liveth any subject so lewd as will endeauor to hurt him : fidelissima custodia principis ipsius innocentia . plin. 4. the last and best bulward to withstand the force of this mischief we call destiny ; which proceeding from the fountain of divine providence , may be truly called the will of god ; in whose only power it resteth to protect and defend good princes : ille erit a latere tuo , & custodiet pedem tuum ne capiaris . salo. treasons are most commonly enterprized by covetous persons , who preferring private prosit before fame or fidelity , do not fear to enter into any impious action : to this humor ambitious men dissentious , and all such as be desirous of innovation , are inclined : pulcra loquentes iidem in pectore prava struentes . hom. to these offenders no punishment is equal to their impious merit , can be devised , being persons odious as well to friends as foes : proditores etiam in quos anteponunt , invisi sunt . tac. chap. xix . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . having briefly touched the virtues and means whereby princes are maintained in authority and honor , let something be said of the causes from whence their ruine doth proceed ; the chief whereof seemeth to be hate and contempt : hate cometh of fear , which the more common it is , the more dangerous : nulla vis imperii tanta est , quae premente metu possit esse diuturna . cic. the causes of fear are punishments , impositions and rigor ; and therefore it behoveth a prince not only to shun them , but to eschew those actions whereby he may reasonable incur their suspision : sentias enim homines ut metuant aut oderint , non minus opinione & fama , quam certa aliqua ratione moveri . cic. yet punishment , imposition and censure are in all states necessary , although they shew and seem terrible , and consequently breed a certain desperation in subjects , unless they be discreetly and modesty used ; for extream and frequent punishments taste of cruelty ; great and many imposts favor of covetousness ; censure of manners when it exceedeth the quality of offences , doth seem rigour in these matters ; therefore it behoveth the prince to be moderate and 〈◊〉 chiefly in capital punishment , which must be confined within the bounds of justice : sit apud 〈◊〉 parsimonia etiam viliffimi sanguinis . sen. but if for security sake the prince be forced to 〈◊〉 let the same be done with shew of great sorrow and lothness : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 nocum tormento ad castigandum veniat . sen. let all punishments also be slowly executed ; for they that are hastily punished do seem to have been willingly condemned ; neither ought any capital punishment to be inflicted but only that which is profitable to the commonweale , and for example sake : non tam ut ipsi pareant , quam ut alios pereundo deterreant . sen. in punishing also a specil respect must be had , that no shew of content or pleasure be taken therein : forma rabiei est sanguine & vulneribus gaudere . sen. also in punishing , equality must be observed , and the nature of the punishment according to the custom : nec eisdem de causis alii plectantur , alii ne appellentur quidem . cic. but in punishing publick offences wherein a multitude have part , the execution ought to be otherwise , and as it were at an instant , which may haply seem terrible , but in effect is not : frequens vindicta paucorum odium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at . sen. another means to satisfie a people offended is to punish the ministers of cruelty , and with their blood to wash away the common hatred . piaculares publici odii victimae . plin. by this king david did appease the gibeonites . the next cause of discontent cometh of impositions , under which word is comprehended all levies of money , a matter nothing pleasing to people , as that which they esteem equal to their own lives : pecunia anima & sanguis est mortalibus . plaut . first , to remove hate conceived of this cause , there is nothing better then publick expostulation of necessity : for what commonwealth or kingdom can be without tributes ? nulla quies gentium sine armis , nec arma sine stipendiis , nec stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt . tac. the second remedy against hate for impositions is to make moderate levies and rare . for as tiberius the emperor was wont to say , a sheep should be sleeced not slead : qui nimis emungit , elicit 〈◊〉 . tac. thirdly , also to eschew the offence of people , it behoveth the prince to have a vigilant eye on informers , promoters , and such fiscal ministers , whose cruelty and covetous proceedings do oft-tentimes occasion great hate ; but this mischief may be , though hardly , encountred , either by choosing honest officers , or ( proving otherwise ) not only to remain them but to use them as spunges : exprimendi post quam biberint . suet. in all impositions or taxations , no cruelty or force ought to be used , the second cause to kindle hate : and to meet with that mischief , nothing is better than to proceed moderately , and without extremity : ne boves ipsos , mox agros , postremo corpora servitio aut poenae tradant . tac. the fourth remedy is the princes own parsimony , not giving so largely to private persons as thereby to be forced to take from the multitude : magnae opes non tam multa capiendo , quam haud multa perdendo , quaeruntur . maecaenas . the last help against hate is in taxation to proceed equally , indifferently , and without favor or respect ; and that the assessors of taxes may be elected of the meaner sort of people : populis maximam fidem rerum suarum habet . tac. touching censure , which we numbred amongst the causes whereof hate is conceived , much needeth not to be spoken , because the same is discontinued , or rather utterly forgotten ; yet doth it seem a thing necessary , being a certain observation and controlement of such evil manners and disorders , as were not by law corrigible ; these officers were of the romans called magistri pudoris & modestiae . livi. to the function of censures these two things are anciently subject manners , and excess ; under manners i comprehend wantonness , drunkenness , dicing , brawling , perjury , and all such lawdness as modesty condemneth . these disorders were anciently punished by the discretion of censors in all ages and sexes , to the end that idleness might be generally avoided . universa plebs habeat negotia sua , quibus a malo publico detineatur . salust . excess includeth riotousness , expence of money , prodigal house-keeping , banquetting and superfluity in apparel , which things are the mothers of many mischiefs . it also seemeth in some sort perilous to the prince that the subject should exceed either in covetize or consuming : nemo nimis excedat , sive amicorum copia , sine opum . arist. the punishment inflicted upon these sorts of offenders , were either 〈◊〉 or pecuniary punishments : censoris judicium damnato nihil affert nisi ruborem . tac. the first and chiefest means to remove these inconveniences , is the princes own example , whose life being well censured , easily reduceth others to order . vit 〈◊〉 principis censura perpetua . plin. secondly , those disorders may be taken away without danger , if the censures do proceed by degrees and leasurely ; for the nature of man may not suddenly be altered . vitia quaedam tollit facilius princeps , si eorum sit patiens . sen. these are the chiefest rules whereby to esehew hate ; but impossible it is for any prince or minister utterly to avoid it ; for being himself good , he incurreth the offence of all bad folk , if he be evil , good men will hate him ; this danger therefore wise and vertuous princes have little regarded ; because hate may be gained as well by good as evil doing : odia qui nimium timet , regnare nescit . sen. one other means to remove this error , is , to reward the good and well deserving subjects ; for no man can think him cruel , that for love to vertue useth austerity ; which will appear , when he bestoweth bountifully on the good : praemio & poena respublica continetur . solon . the other vice which indangereth the state of princes , we call contempt , being a certain base and vile conceit , which entereth into the subjects , strangers or servants , of the prince and his proccedings ; for the authority of a king may be resembled to the powers of mans mind , whereunto the pland , the feet , the eyes , do by 〈◊〉 obey : vires imperii in consensu obedientium sunt . livi. the causes of contempt do proceed chiefly from the form of government , fortune , or the prince's manners ; the form of government becometh contemptible , when the prince , desiring to be thought merciful , ruleth rather pitifully than justly ; which manner of proceeding taketh away all reverence in the people , and in lieu thereof , entereth liberty , or at least a certain boldness to offend : facultas faciendi quod euilibet visum , non potest comprimere ingenitam singulis hominibus pravitatem . tac. also to be mutable , irresolute , light and inconsiderate in bestowing the honors and offices of state , maketh the prince contemptible : qui praesentibus fruitur , nec in longius consultat . arist. but if contempt be caused by fortune , or as may be said more reasonably , by destiny , and that those friends do fail , who ought in duty to defend the prince and his authority , then is there small hope to esehew contempt : fato obnoxia virius . plaut . the prince's manners do breed contempt , when he yieldeth his affections to sensuality and sloth , or if he incur the suspition of simplicity , cowardise , or any such vice , unworthy the dignity he beareth : common people do sometimes also disesteem the prince for external and light causes , as deformity of person , sickness or such like : mos vulgi est , fortuita & externa ad culpam trahere . tac. chap. xx. of dissidence and dissimulation in the management of state assairs . albeit roundness and plain dealing be most worthy praise , chiesly in private persons ; yet because all men in their actions do not so proceed , it behoveth wise men and princes , above others , at occasions to semble and dissemble ; for as in all actions a prince ought to be slow and advised ; so in consent and believing , haste and facility is most dangerous ; and though credulity be rather an error than a fault , yet for princes it is both unfit and perilous . wherefore it importeth them to be desended with this caution , nihil credendo , atque omnia cavendo . cic. notwithstanding he must not shew himself diffident or distrustful utterly ; but as i wish he should not over-slightly believe all men , so ought he not for small causes distrust every man : multi fallere docuerunt , dum timent falli . sen. dissimulation is as it were begotten by dissidence , a quality in princes of so great necessity , as moved the emperor tiberius to say , nescit regnare , qui nescit dissimulare the necessity of dissimulation is chiefly to be used with strangers and enemies ; it also sheweth a certain discretion in magistrates , sometimes to disguise with friends when no offence doth thereof follow : doli non sunt doli , nisi astu colas . plaut . this kind of craft , albeit in every mans conceit not praisable , is nevertheless tolerable , and for princes and maglstrates ( the same being used to good ends ) very necessary . but those cunnings which are contrary to vertue , ought not of honest men to be used ; neither dare i commend adulation and corruption , though they be often used in court , and are of some learned writers allowed : decipere pro moribus temporum , prudentia est . plin. by great subtilty and frauds , contrary to vertue and piety , i mean perjury and injustice , which though all men in words detest , yet in deeds are used of many , perswading themselves , by cavillations and sophistications , to excuse the impiety of their false oaths ; as it is written of lysander , 〈◊〉 talis , viros jurament is circumvenire 〈◊〉 plut. chap. xxi . of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline . the art military is of all other qualities most necessary for princes , for without it they cannot be defended ; force of men only sufficeth not , unless the same be governed by council , and martial wisdom : duo sunt quibus resp . servatur ; in hostes sortitudo , & domi 〈◊〉 . tac. military knowledge concerneth war , and every war is either forreign or domestical . touching forreign , it must be considered when it must be begun , how to continue it , and when to be ended ; to begin war , a prince is to take heed that the cause be just , and the enterprise advisedly entred into : sunt enim & belli 〈◊〉 pacis jura , justeque ea non 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 gerere debes . livi. the laws of arms are in all common-weales to be duly observed ; for to enter fight rashly and without respect to reason , were beastly ; also to kill or slay would work no better effect , than that all nations should without mercy murder one another : barbaro ritu coedem coede , & sanguinem sanguine expiare . sal. no war therefore is to be made , but such as is just ; and in every just war these three things are to be looked into ( viz. ) that the author be of authority , that the cause be good , and the end just ; for in all states , the prince , or they in whom the sovereignty resteth , are the just authors of war ; others have no such authority : si quis privatim sine publico scito , pacem bejumve fecerit , capitale esto . plato . wars are of two sortt ; defensive and offensive ; the one to resist , the other to invade ; against desence nothing can be said , because it is natural and necessary . est non modo justum sed 〈◊〉 necessariam cum vi vis illat a desenditur . cic. defensive war is of two sorts , either to defend thine own , or thy friends ; for it is reason that every one should keep securely that which to him appertaineth ; and therewith also by arms to defend the liberty of country , parents and friends : nullum bellum a civitate suscipitur nisi aut pro side aut pro salute . cic. the like reason leadeth us to assist and protect friends ; for the common obligation of humanc society doth so require : qui enim non obsistit si potest , injuriae , tam est in vitio , quam si parentes aut patriam , aut socios deserat . cic. invasion is also just and allowable , but not ever ; for whoso hath been robbed , or spoiled of his lands or goods , may lawfully seek repossession by force ; yet so as before any force be used , he first civilly seek restitution , wherein is justice be denied , then is the use of arms necessary : justum bellum quibus necessarium ; & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes . liv. likewise invasion is lawsul against barbarians , whose religion and impiety ought to be abhorred , chiesly if they be potent and apt to offend ; for the cause of such war is compulsion and suppression of evil : cui licentia iniquitatis eripitur , utiliter vincitur . august . finally , to conclude this matter of invasion , i say , that no revenge , no desire of honor or empire , are any lawful causes of war ; but the intent thereof ought to be directed only to defence and security : for wise men do take arms to win peace , and in hope of rest they endure travel : it a bellum suscipiatur ut nihil aliud quam pax quaesita videatur . cic. having said somewhat against unjust war , let us speak of temerity and unadvised war , an enterprise worthy discommendation : omnes bellum sumunt facile , oegerrime desinunt ; nec in ejusdem potestate initium & sinis est . sal. a wise 〈◊〉 rince theresore ought neither to undertake any unlawful invasion , nor without sober and mature deliberation enter into any war , as he that is unwilling to oftend , yet of courage enough to desend : nec provoces bellum , nec timeas . plin. to make war three things are required , money , men and arms ; and to maintain a war , provision and council , are needsul : theresore a wise prince , before he begins a war , doth carefully consider what forces and charge thereunto belongeth : diu apparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius . pub. above all other provisions , care must be had , that bread be not wanting ; for without it neither victory nor life can be looked for : qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non praeparat , vincitur sine ferro . vegetius . lastly , it behoveth a prince always to have arms in readiness , i mean , harness , horses , weapons , artillery , engines , powder , and every other thing necessary either for service on horse or foot : we may add hereunto ships , and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture of offence or defence ; for these preparations make a prince sormidable , because no man dare do or attempt injury to that king or people , where preparation is ever ready to revenge : que desider at pacem , praeparat bellum . cass. by men we mean a multitude of subjects armed , trained to desend or offend : these are of two sorts , captains and soldiers ; and soldiers are either footmen or horse-men ; the one of great use in the champion , the other in mountainous places ; also for defence or assault of towns or grounds fortisied most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur . tac. for sudden service , horses do seem most meet , and the execution of any enterprise is by them most speedily performed : nevertheless the actions of foot-men do seem most certainly executed , chiesly if they be well armed , and skilfully lead ; for so experience hath of late time proved ; besides , that they are of less expence and of greater number : in universum aestimanti plus in pedite robur . tac. having thus proved , that both horse and foot be necessary , let us remember , that unless they be serviceable , great numbers are to small purpose : manibus opus est bello , non mult is nominibus . livi. to make soldiers serviceable , consisteth in good choice and good discipline ; the one at this day little regarded : emunt militem , non legunt . livi. soldiers ought to be elected out of the most honest and able number of bodies , and every company composed of men known one to the other ; for thereby they are made the more confident : but hereof is small heed taken , for commonly they are purgamenta urbium suarum . curt. touching discipline , it seemeth that thereof the external form , and not the certain substance , is observed : for as in former ages soldiers endeavored to be vertuous and modest , so now they rather study to excel in riot than in martial knowledge : exercitus lingua quam manu promptior , praedator est sociis , & ipsa praeda hostiam . sal. for as much as soldiers are made good by election and choice , it seemeth that the foundation and ground of service consisteth in the discretion and judgment of those that have authority to make election ; yet will we add , that they must be chosen of natural subjects , for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible ; they are also mutinous and cowardly : their custom likewise is to rob , burn and spoil both friends and foes , and to consume the princes treasure : ossa vides regum vacuis exsuct a medullis . juven . but the native soldier is faithful and obedient , resolute in fight , loving to his country , and loyal to his prince : gentes quae sub regibus sunt , pro deo colunt . curt. native soldiers are of two sorts , ( viz. ) they that be in continual pay , and they that are trained ready to serve , but do not withstanding attend their own private affairs , until they be called : the first are for all princes necessary : in pace decus , in bello praesidium . tac. of this sort no great number ought to be , as well to eschew disordor , as also to save expences . the second kind of foot soldiers are to be levied in villages , as people more patient of pains , and fit for the wars ; yet so judiciously disposed as the citizens : odio praesentium & non cupidine mut ationis . tac. touching the number of these extraordinary soldiers , that must be referred to discretion : bellum parare , simul & aerario parcere . to conclude , i say these numbers of ordinary and extraordinary foot ought to be according to the number of the people , not inserting any gentlemen ; for service on horse-back is to them only proper : alas rusticis non tribuo ; in nobilitatem & in divites haec a pauperibus oner a inclines . livi. the most certain notes whereby to conceive the disposition of men fit to become soldiers , are these five , the country where they are born , their age , proportion of body , their quality of mind , and their faculty . touching , first , their country , it is a thing apparently proved , that mountainous regions , or barren places , and northern habitations , do breed wits well disposed to the war : locorum asperitas hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. secondly , the age most apt for the war , was anciently observed to be about eighteen years , and so the romans used : facilius est ad virtutem inslraere novos milites , quaem revocare praeteritos . veget. thirdly , the stature of a soldier ought to be observed : marius liked best the longest bodies ; pyrrhus preferred large and well proportioned men ; but vegetius in his choice , rather esteems strength than stature : 〈◊〉 est fortes milites esse quam grandes . veget. fourthly , the mind or spirit of a soldier ought to be considered , for that mind which is quick , nimble , bold and confident , seemeth apt for war : he is also of good hope , that loveth honor more than ease or profit : in brief , is qui nihil metuit nisi turpem famam . sal. lastly , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath been bred ; for it may be presumed that fishers , fowlers , cooks , and orthers trained up in esseminate arts , are unfit for martial endeavor : and as these men were , in respect of their trade , thought unmeet , so in old time , slaves and masterless-men were repulsed from arms , as persons infamous : sed nunc tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt . veget. how soldiers ought to be chosen , these few words we have spoken , may suffice . let us therefore say somewhat of discipline . choice findeth out soldiers , but discipline doth make and continue them fit for service : paucos viros fortes natura procrear , bona institutione plures reddat industria . veget. discipline is a certain severe confirmation of soldiers in their valor and vertue , and is performed by four means , exercise , order , compulsion and example . the two first appertain to valor , the third to vertue , the last to both : but of exercise , first , i say , that a soldier being chosen , ought to be informed in arms , and used in exercise and action ; the word 〈◊〉 importeth nothing else : exercitus dicitur , quod melius fit exercitando varro . order consisteth in dividing , disposing , and placing of men aptly on all occasions to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct : this matter requireth a large discourse , and therefore i refer it to skilful captains and writers , as polybius , vegetius , dela nonne , and others . compulsion and correction , is that which bridleth and governeth the manners of soldiers ; for no order can be observed amongst them , unless they be continent , modest and abstinent ; for continency is chiesly to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires : degenerat a robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum . tac. the modesty of a soldier is perceived by his words , apparel and actions : for to be a vaunter , or vam-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honor or arms , seeing true vertue is silent : viri militiae nati , factis magni , ad verborum linguaeque certamina , rudes . tac. the apparel of a soldier sheweth modesty , if therein he do not exceed ; for albeit it fitteth well the profession of arms , to be well armed and decently apparelled ; yet all superfluity savoreth of ignorance or vanity : horridum militem esse decet , non coelatum auro argentoque sed ferro . livi. abstincnce is also fit for all soldiers ; for thereby guided , they refrain from violence and insolency ; by that rule also they are informed to govern themselves civilly in the country where they ferve , and likewise in their lodgings : never taking any thing from the owner , nor committing any outrage : vivaut cum provincialibus jure civili , nec insolescat animus qui se sensit armatum . the last mark of discipline we called 〈◊〉 under which word is comprehended reward and punishment : for men are rewarded whensoever they receive for any excellent or singular service , honor or riches : and for evil , they have their due when they taste the punishment thereunto belonging : necessarium est acrius ille dimicet , quem ad opes & dignitates ordo militiae & imperatoris judicium consuevit evehere . veget. likewise as gold and glory belongeth to good and well deserving soldiers ; so pumshment is due to those that be vitious and cowardly ; for nothing holdeth soldiers in obedience so much as the severity of discipline : milites imperatorum potius quam hostem metuere debent . veg. chap. xxii . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . of soldiers let this little suffice , we will now speak of what quality chieftains and leaders ought to be , for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies : militaris turba sine duce , corpus sine spiritu . curt. a chief or general in war , is either of his own authority chief , or a general that commandeth in the name of another . of the first sort are emperors , kings and princes ; of the other , be their deputies , lieutenants , colonels , and indeed all general commanders in the war : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person or by deputy , divers wise men have diversly thought , therefore it may be thus distinguished ; if the war do then only concern some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lieutenant ; but if the whole fortune of a prince do thereupon depend , then is he to command in his own person and not otherwise : dubiis bellorum exemplis summae rerum & imperii seipsum reservat . tac. it therefore importeth the prince sometimes by his own presence , sometimes by his deputation to perform that office ; but however occasion shall require , it ever behoveth that one only commander ought to be , ( for plurality of chieftains doth rarely or never work any good effect ) yet with this caution that he be of experience , and wise : in bellica praesectura major 〈◊〉 habendus peritiae quam virtutis aut morum . arist. the qualities required in a chieftain are these , skill , vertue , providence , authority and fortune : by skill we mean he should be of great knowledge , and long experience , or to make a suffieient captain ; the information of others , or his own reading is not enough : qui norit quis ordo agminis , quae cura exploandi , quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus . cic. military vertue is a certain vigor or force both of body and mind to exercise soldiers as well in fained war as to sight with the enemy ; and summarily a captain ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industrius in agendo , celeris in conficiendo . cic. next to vertue we placed providence as necessary in great captains ; for being of such wisdom , they will not hazard nor commit more to fortune than necessity shall inforce ; yet true it is , fools and vulgar folks , that commend or discommend actions according to success , were wont to say , cunctatio servilis , statim exequi , regium est . but advised and provident captains do think , temerit as praeterquam quod stulta , est etiam infelix . livi. albeit providence be the best mean of good speed , yet some captains of that quality and in skill excelling , have been in their actions unlucky , when others of less sufficiency have marvellously prevailed ; we may therefore reasonably say with cic. quod olim maximo , marcello , scipioni , mario & ceteris magnis imperatoribus non solum propter virtutem , sed etiam propter fortunam soepius imperia mandata , atque exercitus esse commissos . cic. lastly , we wished authority to be in chieftains , for it greatly importeth what opinion or conceit the enemy hath of such a governor , and likewise how much his friends and confederates do esteem him ; but the chief and only means to maintain authority , is austerity and terror : dux authoritatem maximam severitate sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus 〈◊〉 nulli errantium credatur ignoscere . veget. also experience hath proved , that such chieftains as were affable and kind to their soldiers , were much loved , yet did they incur a contempt ; but on the other side , those that commanded severely and terribly , although they gained no good will , yet were they ever obeyed : dux sacilis inutilis . app. chap. xxiii . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick , with advice how to make an honorable peace . after men found and framed sit for the war , to small or no purpose shall they serve , unles , they be 〈◊〉 by wisdom or good council : mon minus est imperatoris consilio quam vi persicere . tac. council in war is of two sorts , direct council and indirect ; the first sheweth a plain and orderly course for proceeding , as to lay hold on occasion ; for as in all other humane actions occasion 〈◊〉 of great force : occasio in bello solet amplius juvare quam virtus . veget. as occasions presented are means of good success , so fame worketh 〈◊〉 effects in the wars , therefore it 〈◊〉 a captain to be constant , and not 〈◊〉 to believe the vain rumors and report , of men : male imperatur , cum regit vulgus 〈◊〉 suos . sen. confidence is also to be eschewed , for no man is sooner surprised , than he who feareth least ; also contempt of the enemy hath been occasion of great discomfitures , therefore as a captain ought not to fear , so should he not contemn his enemy : nimia fiducia semper obnoxia . aemyl . as security , and overmuch estimation of our own vertue or valor is hurtful , so doth it import every good captain to be well informed , not only of his own forces but also of what strength the enemy is ; likewise it behoveth him to know the situation of the country , and the quality of the people , with every other circumstance . moreover , the generals honor and capacity ought to be known , with the condition and nature of the enemy : impetus acres cunctatione languescunt , aut in persidiam mutantur . tac. temerity in war is also dangerous , sor wise captains were wont not to enterprise any thing without deliberation and good opportunity , unless they were thereunto by necessity inforced : in rebus asperis & tenui spe , fortissima quaque consilia tulissima sunt . livi. some wise men , not superstitiously but discreetly , do think prodigious signs from heaven , or on earth , are not to be neglected , neither are dreams in time of war to be contemned : nam amat benignit as numinis , seu quod merentur homines , seu quod tangitur eorum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendent . aemi . a wise captain will also wait opportunities , and spy out fit times when the enemy is wearied , or pretending fear , draw him into danger ; which advantages , with many other , are gained chiesly by observing of time : quia si in occasionis momento , cujus 〈◊〉 opportunit as , cunct at us paulum fueris , nequicquam mox omissam querare . livi. next the observation of time , the place is to be well considered , whether it be for thine advantage or thine enemies : amplius prodest locus saepe quam virtus . veget. thirdly , it importeth much , that men be well ordered , trained , and prepared for the fight ; for the want of art is cause of many disadvantages , and many times a small supply of choice soldiers on horse-back or foot , doth seem to the enemy very terrible ; likewise a sudden shout or conceit hath amazed a whole army : milites vanis & inanibus , magis quam justis formidinis causis moventur . curt. fourthly , it were to good purpose , that in ordering of men for fight , soldiers of one country or nations , should be ranged together , and above all , to foresee that the least loss of blood be among the natural subjects , and so handle the matter , that the chief slaughter light upon strangers and mercenaries : ingens victoriae decus , citra domesticum sanguinem bellanti . tac. the generals own courage and lively disposition to fight , will greatly animate the multitude of soldiers , as a contrary 〈◊〉 or appearance of fear , will exceedingly amaze and daunt : necesse estad fugam parati sint , qui ducem suum sentiunt desperare . veget. it were also for thy great advantage , that the forces should be ordered for the fight , before the enemy be prepared . first , for that thou maist the better perform , what thou thinkest fit to be done . secondly , that thereby thine own forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assail the enemy , and to begin the fight : plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . livi. after victory it is not the best policy to execute the enemies with extream cruelty , but proceed moderately , for it shall suffice the victory is thine : clausis ex desperatione crescit audacia , & cum spei nihil est , sumit arma fermido . veget. lastly , i would advise that the general should be wary in his actions , and in every enterprise to frustrate the soldiers from spoils and pillage : saepe obstitit vincentibus pravum inter ipsos certamen , 〈◊〉 hoste spolia consectanda . tac. of direct councils , let that we have said suffice . we will now speak of councils indirect , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems or subtile practices : which manner of proceeding , hath been , in times past , of divers grave writers condemned : vir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & clanculum velit oscidere hoslem . eurip. notwithstanding the opinion of this , and divers other writers worthy credit , it seemeth reasonable , and in piety allowable , that stratagems and subtilties may be used in the war , yet with such caution , as the same may stand with fidelity and honor ; for fraud being used , contrary to contracts and agreements made with the enemy , is mere treachery : as to poyson him or her , a murtherer to kill him , were plain impiety : faederatum injuste fallere , impium . livi. also out of the war covertly to kill a particular enemy by secret assault or practice , is not warrantable , either by faith or honor ; yet to use all crast , cunning and subtilty in open war , is both allowable and praisable ; and so is thought by christian writers : cum justum 〈◊〉 suscipitur , ut aperte pugnet quis aut ex insidiis , nihil ad justitiam interest . aug. the same is also approved by divers authors of good credit : consice sive dolo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cominus euse . the same is also 〈◊〉 by xenophon , reipsa nihil utilius in bello dolis . thus having briefly touched what counsels are required in war , let us consider how victory is to be used , for the end of every good war is peace ; to the enjoying whereof , three things are required , wariness , mercy and modesty ; because over-great confidence may happily impeach the end of good success : res secundae negligentiam creant . livi. i also wish the victory to be handled mercifully , because all conquests are in their own nature cruel enough : and the ire of insolent soldiers , forces the conquered to become desperate : gravissime morsus irritate necessitatis . curt. to proceed modestly , is also and honorable quality in him that conquereth ; for in prosperous fortunes , men do hardly refrain covetous and proud doings ; yea , some good and great captains have in like cases forgotten what did best become them : in rebus secundis etiam 〈◊〉 duces insolescunt . tac. after victory followeth peace : for if war did ever continue , no state or government could stand : therefore how great , or how long soever the war be , the end must be peace ; the name whereof is not only sweet , but also comfortable : pax una triumphis innumeris potior . peace is not only good and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those that are victored : pacem reduci velle victori , expedit , victo necesse est . tac. nevertheless until good and honorable peace be offered , arms may not be laid aside : wherein i wish tully's advice to be followed : bellum gerendum est ; si bellum omittemus , pace nunquam fruemur . livi. in treaty of peace , two things must be considered : first , that the conditions be honorable . to condescend to any base conditions , is unto a princely mind not only great indignity , but also intolerable : cum dignitate potius cadendum , quam cum ignominia serviendum . plut. it also importeth , the peace should be simple , true and unseigned ; for all seigned and dissembling amity is to be doubted : pace suspecta tutius est bellum . mithrid . the fittest season to speak of peace , is either when the war beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equal force ; for if the war continueth , it must behove the weaker to yield to necessity : not unlike the ship-master , who to save himself doth cast the greatest part of his loading into the sea : necessitati pare , quam ne dil quidem superant . livi. finally , having generously defended thy self , and performed all things required in a magnanimous captain , and finding nevertheless thy force insufficient , it cannot be dishonorable to accept peace . wherefore laying aside hatred and hope , which are but weak supporters , thou maist recommend thee and thine to the approved discretion of an honorable enemy : victores secundae res in miserationem ex ira vertunt . livi. now for as as much as every peace promiseth rest and quiet , as well to the victorious as to the victored ; we may add thereunto , that the prince victorious receiveth thereby honor , profit and security . for although his happiness may occasion hope of great success , yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to listen to peace : decorum principi est cum victoriam prope in manibus habeat , pacem non abnuere , ut sciant omnes te & suscipere juste bellum , & finire . livi. it seemeth also the more honorable ; for who so is victorious , doth give peace and not take it : he also sheweth himself discreet by using a moderation in victory , and no extremity in spoiling , which our wise and godly writers have commended : pacem contemnentes , & gloriam appetentes , pacem perdunt & gloriam . bern. peace is also profitable for the victorious , because continual war breedeth weariness , and of violent proceeding desparation and peril cometh : maximi & mortiferi morsus esse solent morientium bestiarum . sen. likewise peace is more assured than any victory . hope of the one is in thine own power ; the other in the hand of god : add thereunto the force of fortune , which hath great power in all humane actions : in rebus secundis nihil in quenquam superbe ac violenter consulere decet , nec praesenti credere fortunae , cum quid vesper seral , incertus sis . sen. also conditions of peace ought to be reasonably and freely bestowed : for no people can live contented under such a law as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax bello bene mutatur . sen. chap. xxiv . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . the greatest and most grievous calamity that can come to any state is civil war ; for therein subjects take arms against their prince or among themselves , whereof followeth a misery more lamentable than can be described . non aet as , non dignit as quenquam protegit , quo minus stupra caedibus , & caedes stupris misceantur . tac. the first cause of civil war proceedeth of destiny , for god in his own divine providence foreseeth many years before , that great and mighty empires shall be ruined . in se magna 〈◊〉 laetis hinc numinarebus crescendi posuere modum / s / lucan . the second cause is , excess , riot , and dissolute life ; for nothing breedeth civil fury so soon as over great happiness ; also pompous apparel , banquetting and prodigal spending consumeth riches , and plenty is turned into poverty ; for by these means are men brought into desperation . rapacissimo cuique ac perditiffimo , non agri aut 〈◊〉 sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tac. now to consider how destiny might be eschewed , were in vain : for such a remedy no wit or wisdom can devise , being the decree of god , no doubt it is inevitable . ita fato placuit , nullius rei eodem semper loco stare fortunam . sen. there is nothing exempt from the peril of mutation ; the earth , heavens , and whole world is thereunto subject . 〈◊〉 eunt cuncta temporibus ; nasci debent , crescere , extingui . sen. touching the second causes of civil war some remedies may be used , because it proceedeth of faction , sedition or tyranny . i call faction a certain association of divers persons combined to the offence of others . it proceedeth often of private or publick displeasure , and more often of ambition . nemo eorum qui in rep. versantur , quos vincat , sed a quibus vincatur , aspicis . sen. 1. factions are of two sorts ; for either they consist of many or of few persons : both be dangerous , but the former more apt to take arms ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth arms of foreign forces . 2. the other faction wherein are fewer partakers , be commonly great personages or men of more importance than ordinary people ; and that proveth most perilous and bloody . nobilium factiones trahunt ad se , & in partes , universum etiam populum . arist. albeit some wise men have held opinion that factions are necessary , yet cannot that conceipt be reasonably maintained , unless it be upon consines , and in such places where conspiracy is feared , which cato in his private family used . semper contentiunculas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter servos callide serebat , suspectum habens nimiam concordiam orum , metuensque . plut. factions against the nobility , are sometimes suppressed by forbidding colors , or unknown bagdes to be worn , also to inhibit names or watch-words of mutinies is necessary , which was mecaenas counsel to augustus ; and aristotle thinketh it fit that laws should be made against the factions of noblemen . nobilium contentiones & partes etiam legibus oportet prohibere conari . arist. another cause of civil war , we call sedition , which is a sudden commotion or assembly of common people against their prince or his magistrates : the original of which disorders may proceed of divers causes , but chiefly of oppression . imminentium periculocum remedium , ipsa pericula arbitrari . arist. again , fear may be the occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injured , and is desirous to prevent it before it cometh . it may proceed also of over great mildness in government . non miseriis licentia sed licentia , tantum concitum turbarum , lascivire magis plebem quam saevire . livi. sedition many times ariseth of poverty , or of the artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no means whereof they can live . semper in civitate , quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invidem , vetera odere , nova expetunt , odio rerum suarum mutari omnia student . sab. lastly , sedition cometh of tyranny , insolency , or mutinous disposition of certain captains , cavaliers , or ring-leaders of the people ; for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , yet doth it stand firm , until some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per se immobilis . livi. of these movers some are ambitious , who wanting other means to aspire , hope by practice of sedition , to compass their designs ; or else they are unthrifts , who having consumed their own , seek by violence to possess themselves of other mens : or else they are vain and light persons , that without cause or reason , attempt innovation , themselves know not for what . non tam praemiis periculorum , quam ipsis periculis loeti , pro certis & olim partis , nova , ambiguae ancipitia maelunt . thus having told the causes of sedition , i wish the remedies were prepared . omne malum nascens facile opprimitur , inveteratum fit plerumque robustius . cic. the first way to suppress sedition , is eloquence and excellent perswasion , which oft-tentimes worketh great effects among the multitude ; chiesly when it proceedeth from some reverend and grave person , for his wisdom and integrity of life honored : for the prince himself is not to take office in hand , unless necessity so inforce : integra autorit as principis majoribus remediis servetur . tac. if perswasion cannot prevail , then force must compel : but before such violent proceedings , use , art and cunning , either to appease the people , or at least to disunite them ; and rather if the prince do offer fair and promise plausibly . verba apud populum plurimum valent . tac. it is lawful also in such cases for princes to use subtilty ; and the same not prevailing , to wash away the stain thereof with clemency : for when arms laid down , and every one yielded , general punishment were needless . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tac. the last cause of sedition we named tyranny , which is a certain violent government , exceediug the laws of god and nature . the difference between kings and tyrants is this ; the one imployeth arms in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrific those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate . auferre , trucidare , rapere , falsis nominibus imperium , atque ubi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant . tac. the quality of tyrants is to esteem promoters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others . they are also protectors of impious persons , and stand in daily doubt of noble and virtuous men. nobilitas , opes , amissi gestique honores , pro crimine : et ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. tyrants do also endeavor to suppress the knowledge of letters and civil life , to the end all arts should be exiled , and barbarism introduced . pellunt sapientiae professores , & omnes bonas artes in exilium agant . tac. these and such like , be the conditions of tyrants , who for the most part are deposed and slain ; for as kings live long and deliver their doininions to their children and postority : so tyrants being feared and hated of all men , cannot continue in their estate . adgenerum cereris sine coede & vulnere pauci descendunt reges & sicca morte tyranni . juvin . the remedies of these mischiefs which proceed from the violence of sach a prince , are persecution or patience . many generous spirits have used the first ; perswading themselves rather to dye , than endure the sight of a tyrant . also the grecians did think it a service acceptable to murther the person of such an impious prince . graeci homines deorum honores tribuebant iis qui tyrannos necaverunt . cic. nevertheless , in christian consideration , the other course is to be taken : let patience therefore incounter this mischief ; for seeing all kings , as well the bad as the good be sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . persecution is not only perilous , but for the most part infortunate : for therefore present revenge is taken by that prince that succeedeth . facinotis ejus ultor est , quisquis successerit . tac. the murther of tyrants is also followed with many inconveniences worse than civil war it self . principes bont , votis expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . tac. for as fire , floods , and other inevitable plagues are necessarily to be suffered : so evil princes in their covetousness and cruelty ought to be patiently indured , because their office is to command , and subjects must obey . indigna , digna habenda sunt , rex quae facit . sen. and as it is the use of vulgar people to find faults in the long reign of princes ; so the ambition of great subjects is desirous of novelty . proesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucyd. to conclude , we say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience : for so long as men are , so long will vices be . regum ingenia toleranda , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tac. chap. xxv . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . to the perfections of men , three things are necessarily required ; nature , nurture and use : the first giveth capacity , aptness and understanding ; which are graces from above . nurture , is learning , knowledge , art , or order . use , is practice , experience , and orderly observation ; whereof may be conceived , that nature alone susficeth not ; nor can nurture work any good effect , where natural aptness wanteth ; and they can frame no perfection , unless experience be also conjoined . nemo nascitur sapiens , sed fit . sen. ambassadors , negotiants , and generally all other ministers of mean fortune , in conversation with princes and superiors , must use great respect , shewing themselves rather ceremonious than presumptuous , and acknowledge their obligation great , for the favor and grace , they find in those which might command them . it is no wisdom ever to commend or discommend the actions of men by their success ; for oft-tentimes some enterprises attempted by good counsel , end unsortnately ; and others unadvisedly taken in hand , have happy success . who so then commendeth inconsiderate counsels for their fortunate event , thereby encourageth men to jar and discomfort the wiser sort to speak what they know , and by experience have proved . in actions publick , and every other matter of great moment , the beginning is well to be considered : for afterwards it lieth not in our power , without dishonor to abandon what was begun . the time doth not always serve , nor is apt occasion always offered to enterprise what would ; yer who so doth expect every opportunity , shall either attempt nothing at all , or if he do , the same for the most part turneth to his own disadvantage . when any resolution is taken , either with over great haste , or too much affection , seldom it receiveth good success : for he that doth the one , hath no leisure to consider ; the other transporteth the mind so as it cannot conceive more than that which presently presseth . to these we add others , i mean some of them that have leisure , and are void of affection , yet for want of natural capacity , or for continual negligence in their doings , never bring any thing well to pass . who so desireth to be beloved in a commonwealth , must rest content with that which men do give , and the laws allow him to take : so shall he neither incur danger nor envy : for indeed , that which is taken or extorted from others , and not that which is given , doth make men hated . arms , laws and religion , may not in any well governed state be disjoined ; every one of them in particular maintaineth them all united . in actions of war , courage and conduct are of great necessity ; yet all good government consisteth in using the virtues moral ; and in handling the matter of martial policy , it is fit to imitate the proceedings of ancient and approved captains . among mortal men , there is nothing more common than to believe the estate of one man to be better than another ; for hereof it cometh , that every one endeavoreth rather to take from others with travel , than to enjoy his own with rest . the state of princes is good , being well used ; so is the fortune of private men , if therewith they be contented . the rich man liveth happily , so long as he useth his riches temperately ; and the poor man that patiently endureth his wants , is rich enough . whensoever a man is so dangerously distressed , as either proceeding or standing , he liveth in like peril , then doth it behove him in any wise , to resolve upon action . the reason is , that so long as nothing is done , the same accidents that caused his dangers , do still remain in their former force ; but if he endeavor to enterprise somewhat , either he may meet with means to make him secure , or at the hardest , shew himself of so great courage and wit , as he dare and can attempt a way to do it . it seemeth a thing of great difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince or magistrate to eschew the evil speech and bad report of men ; for if they be good and virtuous , then they incur the backbiting of lewd persons ; if evil , then will all good men exclaim against them . all commonwealths ought to desire peace , yet it is necessary ever to be prepared for the war ; because peace disarmed is weak , and without reputation : therefore the poets feign , that pallas the goddess of wisdom did always appear armed . every prince ( well advised ) ought to govern his subjects and servants in such sort , that by his affability and virtue they may be induced rather to serve voluntarily , then for pay or hope of preferment . for otherwise doing , whensoever the prince shall want means to pay , the subjects likewise will fail of good will to serve . but he that faithfully loveth , doth neither in prosperity become arrogant , nor in contrary fortune retire , or complain of the small favor he findeth : for ( till death ) love and life remain at the princes commandment . where poor men find justice , evil men are punish'd , measures and weights be just , youth well nurtured , and old folk free from avarice , there is the commonwealth good and perfect . in war between neighbors , neutrality is commendable ; for by that means we eschew many troubles and great expences , so long as the forces of either side be so equal in strength , as we need not to fear the victory of any : for so long their discord is our security , and oft-tentimes offereth us means to increase our own state and reputation . the chief reasons to move war , are , the sustice of the cause , the facillity of success and the profit of the victory . in all humane actions it behoveth to accommodate the council of men unto present necessity , and never to expose security to manifest peril , nor hope of that which without great difficulty or impossibility cannot be obtained . it is the nature of men , having escaped one extreme , which by force they were constrained long to endure , to run headlong into the other extreme , forgetting that vertue doth always consist in the mean. the multitude is inclined to innovation , and easily induced by false perswasion , and consequently easily transported by seditious leaders . men are naturally disposed to fear those things which threaten danger and terror ; yet unless these perils , by some new accident , be daily revived , that fear by little and little vanisheth , and security recovereth the place . whoso findeth himself contemned , or not respected , becometh discontent ; which humor in generous minds , breedeth oftentimes adventerous imaginations , whereof audacious attempts have followed , chiefly in persons of authority and reputation ; for he that hopeth no good , feareth no evil : yet true it is , that dangerous enterprises , the more they be thought upon , the less hope they give of good success , for which reason conspiracies not suddenly executed , are for the most part revealed or abandoned . all people do naturally imitate the manners of their prince , and observing his proceedings , resolve to hate or love him : but if they happen once to hate the prince , then his doings , good or evil , are afterwards not good ; but if at the beginning he gained the love of the people , then every bad action is reputed a vertue ; as though he could not be induced to do amiss without good cause or reason . greatly are princes deceived , if in the election of ministers , they more respect their own particular affection , than the sufficiency of the person elected . a prince having conquered any new dominion , is thereby rather incumbered than strengthened , unless the same be after well governed ; and seldom is it seen , that a principality , by ill means gotten , hath been long enjoyed . as to the perfection of the whole body , soundness of head only sufficeth not , unless the other members also do their office ; even so it is not enough that a prince be faultless , but it behoveth also that the magistrates and ministers should perform their duty . great princes rarely resist their appetites , as for the most part private men can ; for they being always honored and obeyed , do seldom with patience indure the want of any thing reasonable , as being perswaded that what they desire is just , and that their commandment hath power to remove all difficulties . all men are naturally good , when no respect of profit or pleasure draws them to become evil. but this worlds corruption , and our frailty is such , as easily and often for our particular interest we incline to the worst ; which was the cause that wise law-makers found out reward and punishment ; the one to incite men to good , the other to fear them from being evil. a tyrant indeavoreth to maintain his estate by three means . first , he practiseth to hold all subjects in extreme awe , and to be basely minded , to the end they should want courage to take arms against him . secondly , he kindleth diffidence and discord among the great men ; thereby to remove occasion of conspiracy and combination . lastly , he holdeth them disarmed and idle , so as they neither know nor can attempt any thing against him . to govern , is nothing else but to hold subjects in love and obedience ; for in respect of the end , they ought not , and in regard of the other they cannot attempt any thing contrary to the governor's will and their duty . the laws and ordinances of a common-weale made at the beginning thereof when men were good , do often prove unprofitable when they are become evil ; and therefore new laws are made according to the accidents which happen . the discontent and disorder of people is ever occasioned by the inequality of their goods , because the poorer sort would be made equal to the rich ; but the offence that grows among great men is the desire of honor ; for they being equal , do endeavor to aspire to equal authority . a prince that desireth , by means of his ambassador , to deceive any other price , must first abuse his own ambassador , to the end he should do and speak with more earnestenss , being indeed perswaded that the intent and meaning of his master is simple , which happily would not , were he privy that his prince's meaning were to dissemble . this course is also commonly holden by those , that by imployment of a third person , would perswade any thing feigned or false . for the performance of conditions of treaty of peace , or league of amity , the promises , vows and oaths of princes are of great effect ; and because fidelity in a man is not ever certain , and time doth daily offer occasions of variation , there is no assurance so secure and good , as to stand so prepared , as the enemy may want able means how to offend . to resolve in matters doubtful , or answer requests which we are not willing to grant , the least offensive way is not to use direct denial , but by delays prolong the time , and so in effect , afford good expectation . the old proverb faith , magistratus virum ostendit ; which is no less true than ancient ; for men in such fortune , are occasioned not only to make proof of their sufficiency , but also to discover their affections ; and the more their greatness is , the less respect they have to contain those passions which are natural . albeit great troubles and continual adversity seem insupportable , yet is there nothing more dangerous , than overmuch prosperity ; and being pressed by new appetites , they disturb their own security . in speaking of occurrents doubtful , it is always wisdom to feign ignorance , or at least alledge that we believe them not ; for most commonly they are utterly untrue , or far other than vulgarly is believed . the actions of men are commonly liked or disallowed according to the bad or good success ; attributing that to council which sometimes is due to fortune . the multitude of men were wont to be more pleased with sudden than slow resolutions ; and many times account those enterprises generous , which are rashly and inconsiderately attempted . great difference there is between subjects desperate , and others which are only discontented ; for the one desire nothing but present alteration , which they endeavor with all hazard ; the other wish for innovation , inciting any motion or practice , because their intent is to attend time , and that occasion may present it self . a benefit bestowed on him who thinketh himself greatly injured , doth not suffice to raze the same out of his memory , chiefly if the benefit be given at such time as no mere motion , but necessity may seem the occasion thereof . that peace ought to be desired , which removed suspition , which assureth us from peril , which bringeth quiet certain , and acquitteth us of expences ; but when it worketh contrary effects , it may be called a dangerous war , covered with the name of deceitful trust , not unlike a perilous poyson ministred in lieu of a wholsome medicine . the effect of things , and not external show , or seeming , ought to be regarded ; yet it is credible what great grace is gained by courteous speech and affability ; the reason whereof is , as i suppose , that every man believeth he doth merit more than indeed he is worthy , and consequently holdeth himself injured , whensoever he findeth men not to afford him like estimation . men ought in any wise , to refrain to do or say any thing which may offend , for which respect it were great folly , either in presence or absence , to utter displeasing speech , unless necessity inforceth . the matters whereof counsellors are chiesly to consider , are five , the prince's revenue , peace and war , defence , traffick , and what laws are to be made . in giving council divers things are to be observed ; but amongst them are two of most importance : first , it behoveth , that he who is counselled should be wise ; for seeing counsel is nothing else but a certain considerate discourse of things to be done or not done , if he who is to take counsel be not of discretion , then will he refuse all good advice offered , and rather incline to that which his own fancy affecteth , because the want of judgment draweth him to take i leasure in vain things ; and as one incapable of what is good and true , will follow that which is evil and false : so on the other side , if he that giveth counsel be not faithful , then will he a thousand ways disguise and dissemble the truth , and consequently miscarry the mind of him that is counselled ; yea in the end utterly abuse him . the affairs and proceedings of the world , are so variable , and accompanied with so many chances and changes , as impossible it seemeth to judge what is best ; therefore experience informeth , that the conjectures of the most wise , prove vain and uncertain . i therefore mislike the judgment of those men , that will let slip opportunity of present good ( though it be small ) for fear of a future evil , notwithstanding it be greater unless the evil be very near at hand , or certain . for if that do not follow which is feared , then wilt thou repent to have omitted that which was desired . whensoever a general opinion is conceived , of the singular vertue and knowledge of any man , although he be indeed ignorant , and far unworthy that account , yet it is hard to remove such a settled conceit : the reason is , that men having at the first given credit to common report , do make thereof so deep an impression , as afterwards , without great difficulty , cannot be removed . the bodies of men , munition and money , may justly be called the sinews of war , yet of them the two first are more necessary , for men and arms have means to find money and meat ; but money and meat cannot so easily find soldiers and swords . one wise general having but a thousand men , is more to be feared and esteemed , than twenty commanders of equal authority ; for they being commonly of divers humors , or judging diversly , do never , or very rarely , what is to be done , and consequently lose much time before any resolution can be taken . a prince of mean force , ought not in any wise to adventure his estate upon one days fight ; for if he be victorious he gaineth nothing but glory ; but if he lose , he is utterly ruined . the most part of men are delighted with histories , for the variety of accidents therein contained ; yet are there few that will imitate what they read , and find done by others ; being perswaded that imitation is not only hard but impossible , as though the heavens and men were changed in their motion , or order and power , which they anciently had . the nature of men is such , as will not endeavor any thing good , unless they be forced thereunto ; for where liberty aboundeth , there confusion and disorder follow . it is therefore supposed , that hunger and poverty make men industrious ; but good laws inforce them to be honest ; for if men were of themselves good , then laws were needless . there are two kinds of adulation : the first proceedeth from a subtle malice : the second cometh by an ordinary use of conversation ; the one tendeth to profit and deceiving ; the other hath no farther design , than a respect or fear to offend ; whereunto the most honest are in some sort bound . whoso bindeth himself to flattery , doth thereby bewray his intent , either to gain , or not to lose that he hath . for the person slattered , is always superior to him that doth flatter , or at least one as may in some sort stand him in stead . it may therefore be inferred , that only men of base and miserable condition , and such as cannot help or hurt , be free from flatterers . and contrariwise , magnanimous and fortunate folk , proud men , and such as content themselves with their present estate , are seldom found to be flatterers . every wise prince doth presuppose , that times of trouble may come , and that all such occasions he shall be forced to use the service of men diversly qualified . his study therefore is , in the mean time so to entertain them , as when those storms arise , he may rest assured to command them ; for whosoever perswades himself , by present benefits , to gain the good will of men , when perils are at hand , shall be deceived . in ancient times princes and governors were wont , when peace and security were most like to continue , to find or feign occasions to draw their subjects to fear , to the end that doubt might move them to be more careful of their own well-doing ; for well they knew it a general defect in men , to be reachless , and never willing to use industry ; unless by necessity they were constrained . all histories do shew , and wise politicians do hold it necessary , that for the well governing of every common-weal , it behoveth to presuppose that all men are evil , and will declare themselves so to be , when occasion is offered ; for albeit some inconvenience doth lye hid for a time , it proceedeth from a covert occasion , which for want of experience , was not found , until time the mother of truth discover it . neutrality is always a thing dangerous and disallowable , because it offendeth all parties : he that is strong looketh to be assisted in his greatness ; and he that is weak , not being defended , holdeth himself offended ; the one is not assured from foes , and the other holdeth no friends . albeit neutrality procure present quiet and security , during the troubles of others ; yet after the same falleth out a disadvantage , because it entertaineth a certain falseness , and so in short space will be perceived ; not unlike those men that borrow upon usury ; for albeit they enjoy a certain time , without trouble or charge , yet the same being 〈◊〉 and the day of payment come , they then feel the great danger which their short pleasure hath purchased . whoso examineth all humane actions shall find , that in eschewing one inconvenience , we presently incur another . as for example , if we endeavor to make our dominions mighty , it behoveth to have the same fully replenished with people , and well armed , and so being , they are not easily governed . on the other side , if our country be not well peopled , or disarmed , then it is easily holden in obedience ; yet therewith so weak , that it can neither increase the bounds thereof , nor defend it self . it is therefore necessary , in all our deliberations , to consider what inconvenience is least , and choose that as the best ; for to find all perfect , void and secure of suspect or imperfection , is impossible . a prince being instantly required to take part with other princes , the one being in arms against the other , is he deny both , incurreth suspicion of both , and may be thought to have secret intelligences with one or both of them ; so as either of them shall account him an enemy , and consequently he that proves victorious will be revenged ; and the other holding him suspected , will not acknowledge his friendship . it is the use of men to presume much upon their own merit , and seeing the success of some others to be such , as without cause or desert , are aspired to dignity thereby encouraged , they promised to themselves the like : nevertheless being entred into the course of their design , and finding many crosses and impeachments they do not a little repent their overweening and presumption , but also many times utterly abandon their rash and unadvised enterprize ; neither can i think , that the vertue or sufficiency of any man without the favor of the heavens , can advance him ; for as the poet saith , nec velle juvat , potiusve nocet , si fat a repugnant . whoso serveth a prince far from his presence , shall with great difficulty content him . for if he commit any error , it shall be aggravated : besides that , the instructions sent unto him cannot be particularly conceived , because the state of wordly things doth daily alter . also to serve aloof , is a thing full of danger and far from reward ; which inconvenience may for the most part be avoided by him that attendeth near to his prince's person . let no man that cometh to serve in court , assure himself by his wisdom to be advanced or eschew all encounters . neither is he to bear himself so careless as to commit all to fortune , but be perswaded that this worldly life is like to a voiage by sea ; wherein albeit art with the favor of the wind may do much , yet can we not assure our selves to arrive safe in the haven appointed ; for daily experience doth shew , that some strange ships in the calmest weather , are drowned or impeached by the way , when others much weaker and disarmed pass securely . among men worthy of commendations , those have merited best that first planted true religion : next they that framed kingdoms and commonwealths ; the third place is due to such as have augmented or enlarged their dominions ; lastly , learned men deserve fame and memory : and as every of these are worthy of fame and honor ; so ought they to be accompted infamous that introduce atheism , or the subversion of kingdoms , or are become enemies to learning and virtue . whosoever taketh in hand to govern a multitude either by way of liberty , or principality , and cannot assure himself of those persons that are enimies to that enterprise , doth frame a state of short perseverance : yet true it is that such princes be infortunate , as for their own security are inforced to hold a course extraordinary , and have the multitude their enemy ; for he that hath few foes may with small dishonor be assured ; but he that is generally hated can by no means live assured ; and the more cruelty he useth , the weaker his principality proveth . in commending another man , great moderation is to be used ; for as contumely offendeth him against whom , it is used ; so great praise , besides that it is uttered with danger to his judgment that speaketh it , the same doth oft-tentimes offend him that heareth it . for self-love which commonly possesseth men , causes the good or evil we hear , to be measured with our own . and consequently every man that is touched with like deserts and defects , doth grow offended that his commendation is not set forth , and feareth lest his imperfection should be discovered . it is often , or rather ever seen , that the force of leagues not used in their first heat , becomes cold ; because suspition soon entereth , which in short space will destroy whatsoever was concluded , and may not without long time be rejoined . the power of ambition which possesseth the minds of men , is such , as rarely or never suffereth them to rest : the reason thereof is , that nature hath framed in them a certain disposition to desire all things , but not to obtain them ; so as our desires being greater than our power , therefore following discontenr and evil satisfaction . hereof also proceedeth the variation of fortune ; for some men desiring to get , and others fearing to lose that they had gotten , do occasion one man to injure another , and consequently publick wars do follow ; by means whereof , one country is ruined , and another inlarged . princes of great power , and chiesly those that are inhabitants of the north , having many children , were wont to be much inclined to the wars , as well to win unto themselves honor , as also to get possessions for their sons ; which manner of proceedings did oft-tentimes remove such disturbance as the plurality of brethren bringeth . these and other reasons induced princes to attempt war against those kingdoms , which in cheir opinion seemed easily conquered , or whereunto they can pretend little ; for by colour thereof they may the rather justifie their proceedings . when a prince deferreth to answer an ambassador , it proceedeth from some of these respects ; either because he will take time to resolve himself of somewhat whereof he doubteth , or that he intendeth covertly to deny that which is demanded , or that he esteemeth not the prince that doth demand , or that he disdaineth the person by whom the demand is made , or else that he intendeth to hear from his own ministers to be better resolved : wherefore a discreet negotiator ought in such cases to consider which of these reasons move the prince where he is employed , to entertain him with delays , and make his dispatch accordingly . the sufficiency of good counsellors consistetd in fonr things . first , they ought to be wise and skilful how to handle their affairs , directing all doings to publick commodity . secondly , to be just in their proceedings , giving to every one that which to him appertaineth . thirdly , to be stout , and void both of partial respects and fear . and lastly , to be temperate and moderate in their desires . whoso desireth to govern well and securely , it behoveth him to have a vigilant eye to the proceedings of great princes , and to consider seriously of their designs : for it is matter of small difficulty to live in peace with him who desireth our amity , and provideth for others that endeavor to offend us . the intelligences that princes study to attain , are procured by divers means : some are brought by report , some vented by conversation and sounding , some by means of espials ; but the most sure and credibe occurrents , are those which come from ambassadors , chiesly those that either for the greatness of their prince , or their own virtue , be of most reputation . for those men conversing daily with great personages , and pondering diligently their manners , words , wisdom , and the order of each man's troceedings , yea , of the prince himself , may with commodity attain unto matters of great importance sooner than they that are writers of rumors , or that take upon them to conjecture of things to come . whensoever a people is induced to commit so great an error , as to give reputation to one only man , to the end he should oppress all those great men whom they hate , they thereby give him opportunity to become their prince ; and so being assisted with their favor and aid , he may likewise extinguish all the rest of the nobility ; and they being extirpated , he will also endeavor to tyrannize over the people , by whose help he aspired . so many as are not consenting to the tyranny , rest enemies to the person of the tyrant , who can by no means gain the love of all . for impossible it is , that the riches of any tyrant should be so great , and the honors he can give so many as may satisfie all . hereof it cometh , that those tyrants that are favored of the people , and disfavored of the nobles , are most secure ; because their tyranny is supported with a greater strength ( having the multitude their friends ) then is the tyrant whom the humor of the nobles only hath advanced . a dangerous thing it is in all commonwealths by continual punishing , to hold the minds of subjects in suspition ; for men ever fearing their ruine , will ( without respect ) determine to save them selves , and as men desperate , attempt innovation . all capital executions ought therefore to be executed suddenly , and as it were at one instant , so to assure the minds of men from furher molestations . the intent of every wise prince that maketh war , either by election or ambition , is to gain and hold what is gotten : also to use the matter so as thereby he may inrich himself , and not impoverish his own people or country . he that inlargeth his dominions , doth not always increase his power ; but he that increaseth in force as well as in dominion , shall thereby grow great ; otherwise he gained no more than is shortly to be lost , and consequently he ruineth himself : for who spends more in the war , than he gains by victory , loseth both labor and cost . every prince and commonwealth must above all things take heed , that no necessity how great soever , do perswade him to bring into his dominion any auxiliary soldiers ; because the hardest conditions the enemy can offer , are more easie than is such a resolution . a prince sheweth his ruine at hand , whensoever he beginneth to break the , laws and customs , which are 〈◊〉 have been long time obeyed by the to people of his dominion . that prince which careth to keep himself secure from conspiracy , ought rather to fear those to whom he hath done over-great favors , than them whom he hath much injured : for these want opportunities , the other do not ; and both their desires are as one ; because the appetite of commanding , is always as much or more than the desire of revenge . whensoever a prince discovers a conspiracy , he must well consider the quality thereof , measuring the force of the conspirators with his own ; and finding them many and mighty , the knowledge thereof is to be dissembled , until the princes power be prepared to oppose them ; otherwise he hazardeth his own security . it hath been by long experience found better to send one general to an army , though he be of mean sufficiency , than to give the same authority to two or more excellent personages with equal commission . he that coveteth to be over-much loved , oft-tentimes becomes contemptible ; and he that endeavoreth to be over-much feared , is ever hated : and to hold the mean between them , cannot be exactly done , because nature will not so permit . whoso aspireth to any dignity , must resolve himself to endure the envy of men , and never to be moved for any offence conceived against him , though they that be offended , be his dear friends : neither shall he for the first affront or encounter , relinquish his hope ; for he that constantly maketh head against the assault of fortune , shall after with facility arrive where he designed . in giving council to a prince or commonwealth , and therefore desiring to eschew danger and offence , no other mean is to be taken than that the counsellor shall without passion or perswasion pronounce his opinion , and never to affirm any thing as a resolution , but with modesty to defend that he speaketh ; so as the prince which follows his advice , may seem to do it voluntarily , and not forced by the importunity of him that gave the counsel . a discreet captain being in the field against the enemy , of whose virtue he hath had no proof , ought first by light skirmishes to feel of what virtue he is ; and not to enterprise any general adventnre , to the end that terror or fame should not daunt nor discourage his own soldiers . albeit fraud be in all actions detested , yet is the same in martial enter prises commendible and glorious : for that captain who compasseth his designs by wit or stratagem , is no less commended than he that vanquisheth the enemy by violence and force . in times of extremity , when resolution must be taken for the having or utter loss of the state , then no regard is to be had of justice or injustice , mercy or cruelty , honor or ignominy , but rather setting aside all respects , that course is to be followed which defended the lives and liberties of men. whoso desireth to know what will be hereafter , let him think of that is past ; for the world hath ever been in a circular revolution : whatsoever is now , was heretofore , and things past or present are no other than such as shall be again : redit orbis in orbem . a prince that desireth to obtain any thing at the hand of another , must if it be possible urge a sudden answer , and lay before him that is moved , a necessity to resolve presently , giving him to understand that denial or delays may breed a perilous and sudden indignation . there is nothing more difficult , doubtful and dangerous than to attempt innovation : for he that taketh in hand an enterprize of such quality , maketh all those his enemies which lived well under the old order , and findeth them cold defenders that affect his novelties , which coldness proceedeth chiefly of incredulity ; for men are not easily induced to believe a new thing till experience hath proved it to be good . there is no art nor knowledge so seemly and necessary for a prince as the art military with theordinances and discipline thereof : for that is the only skill required in him that commandeth , and such a virtue as doth not only maintain them that are born princes , but often advanceth private men to that dignity . the deep impressions which old injuries make in the minds of great men cannot with new benefits be razed out ; it is also to be remembred that injuries be done all together : for they offend the less , and will be forgotten the sooner ; but benefits should by little and little be bestowed , so shall the memory of them long continue . a small pleasure or displeasure presently done , doth move more than a great good turn bestowed in times past ; for the taste of things present doth make a deeper impression in the minds of men , than doth the memory of things past , or expectation of things to come . it is a matter of small difficulty to sound the discontentment of other men. for every one doth willingly tell the well and ill deserving of friends , and likewise how much or how little foes can do , if we have patience to hear , which patience is the beginning of all good speed ; but he that delighteth to speak much , and hear little , shall ever inform others more than himself can learn. among other dangers which a prince incurreth by being disarmed , the greatest is , that thereby he becometh contemptible ; for no comparison there is between men armed and them that are disarmed : and no reason there is that he that is armed should yield obedience to him that is disarmed , neither is it like that a prince disarmed can be secure from his own subjects armed . a prince ignorant of martial knowledge , among other misfortunes cannot be esteemed or trusted of his own soldiers ; it behoveth him therefore as well in time of peace as war to exercise arms , which may be done by two means ; the one by action of body , the other by contemplation of mind . the body may be exercised in hunting , hawking , and such like pastimes ; thereby to be made apt to endure travel : his mind likewise may be informed by reading of histories , and the consideration of actions performed by excellent captains , observing the occasion of their victories or losses , to the end he may imitate the one , and eschew the other . he that doth not as other men do , but endeavoureth that which ought to be done , shall thereby rather incur peril than preservation ; for whoso laboureth to be sincerely perfect and good , shall necessarily perish , living among men that are generally evil. a prince that useth liberality to his prejudice , ought not to regard the infamy of miserable , because his parsimony will in time enable him to be liberal , and so may declare himself to be , having by parsimony increased his power , and therefore without imposing upon the people , may defend himself from all such as will make war ; so shall he use liberality to all them from whom he taketh nothing , who are infinite ; and use miserliness to those only to whom he giveth , who are but few . there is nothing that consumeth it self like to librality ; for if it be long used , it taketh away the means to continue it , and consequently doth make men poor and basely minded : or else to eschew poverty , they shall be forced to extortion and become odious . it is better to incur the name of covetous ( which is a scandal without hate ) then with desire to be accounted liberal , deserve the infamy of opperession ( an ignominy accompanied with hatred . ) a prince ought to be slow in believing , and advised in proceeding ; he should also beware not to make himself over much feared , but in all his actions shew great wisdom tempered with curtesie ; so shall not over much considence induce him to be careless , nor over much diffidence render him intolerable . whoso observeth , shall see that man offended , less respect him whom they love , than him whom they fear . for love is maintained by a certain reciproque obligation , which because men are evil , useth to be by every occasion of profit broken . but fear is continued by a certain dread of punishment which never faileth . a prince that holdeth in the field an army wherein are great numbers of soldiers , ought not to care though he be accompted cruel : for without such an opinion conceived , he cannot keep his forces united , nor apt to attempt any enterprize . men for the most , do use rather to judge by their eyes , than by their hands , for every one may see , but few can certainly know . every one seeth what thou seemest to be , but few can understand what thou art indeed ; and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of many which have the majesty of estate to defend them . also in the actions of all men , and chiefly princes , from whom is no appellation , the end is ever observed . machiavel . a prince being forced to use the condition of beasts , must among them make choice of the fox and the lyon ; for the lyon cannot take heed of snares , and the fox is easily overcome by the wolves : it behoveth him therefore to be a fox to discover the snares , and a lyon to terrifie the wolves . a prince newly advanced cannot observe those rules , which are the cause that men be accounted good ; be being many times constrained for defence of his state to proceed contrary to promise , contrary to charity , and all vertue ; and consequently it behoveth him to have a mind apt to alteration , as the wind and variation of fortune shall direct ; yet ought he not to abandon the good , if so he can , but be ready to use what is evil , if so he shall be inforced . every prince ought to have two ears , the one intrinsick , in respect of subjects ; the other extrinsick , in respect of forreign potentates , from whom he may be defended with good arms , and good friends : also matters intrinsick will ever stand well , so long as all things abroad rest firm . a prince that is favoured of the multitude , need not to doubt conspiracy ; but contrary wise , where the people is generally discontented and hareth the prince , then may he reasonably doubt every thing , and every person ; for no man is so poor , that wanteth a weapon wherewith to offend . when any occasion is presented to have that thou desirest , fail not to lay hold thereof ; for these worldly things do vary , and that so suddenly , as hard it is to assure our selves of any thing , unless the same be already in hand : on the other side , if any trouble threaten thee , defer it so long as thou mayest ; for time may occasion some accident to remove all dangers . the prince that doubteth the fidelity of his subjects , must of force build fortresses ; but he that feareth foreign force more than his own people , were better to leave them unbuilt . howsoever it be , that prince that desireth generally to be respected and esteemed , must perform some notable enterprise , and give testimony of great vertue and valour . a prince shall do well at all times to be counselled so as no man do presume to give counsel but when the prince doth ask it . it is also to be noted , that he who is not of himself wise , cannot be well counselled of others , unless happily he yield to some wise men the government of his whole affairs . for good counsels from whomsoever they proceed , shall be thought to come from the prince , and not the wisdom of the prince to proceed from the counsel of others . he that taketh delight to be employed in publick affairs , must by all means endeavour to continue in such services : for oft one business dependeth on another , whereunto the florentine proverb may be applied , di cosa , nasae cosa , & it tempole governa . some men have not only desired , but also compassed honour and profit ; yet being in possession of both , were not therewith so satisfied , as they hoped to be ; which being believed , would happily extinguish the immeasurable ambition wherewith many men are possessed . by experience i have learned , that great folly it is to account that ours which we have not , or spend presently in hope of suture gain . therefore merchants , during the adventure of their goods , do not increase domestical expences , but fearing the worst assure what is in hand . for such men as have gained unto themselves reputation and are accounted vertuous , to maintain that conceit , and 〈◊〉 envy , there is nothing better than a life retired from daily conversation , and chiefly of the multitude . fugiat sapiens commercia 〈◊〉 the end that moveth a prince to make war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the euemy : neither is victory desired for other purpose than thereby to become the more mighty , and make the enemy weak : consequently wheresoever thy victory doth impoverish thee , or thy gain therein doth weaken thee , it followeth that either thou pass or undergo that 〈◊〉 whereunto the intention of war was directed . and that prince is by victory 〈◊〉 that can 〈◊〉 the enemies power , and become master of his goods and possessions . and that prince is by victory impoverished when the enemy , notwithstanding he be victored , can still maintain himself , and the spolis and possessions are not taken to the use of the prince victorious , but imparted unto his soldiers . for then may he be thought in his own losing infortunate , and in victory unhappy ; for if he be vanquished , then must he endure the osfence by foes : and being victorious shall be 〈◊〉 to abide the wrong offered by friends ; which as they be less reasonable , so are they also less supportable , because he is still by impositions forced to burthen the subjects , whereof may be inferred . that the prince , having in him any generosity , cannot justly rejoyce at that victory which causeth the subject to lament . who so desireth to obtain any thing , hopeth to compass his desire , either by intreaty , presents , or threatning ; for so shall he , to whom the request is made , be moved either with compassion , profit , or fear : nevertheless , with covetous and cruel men , and such as are in their opinion mighty , none of these can prevail . and consequently in vain do they labour , that go about by suit to stir them to pity , by gifts to gain them , or by threats to fear them . who so is persuaded that any common-weal can continue disunited , doth greatly deceive himself : true it is , that some divisions do maintain the estate , but other do indamage the same . they which do harm , are such as with sects and partakings be accompanied ; they which help without sects and partakings , be maintained . a wise governour therefore , albeit he cannot so exactly foresee but some enemies will arise in the state , yet may he take order that no factions may thereby grow . it is therefore to be noted , that the citizens of every estate , may aspire to reputation , either by private or publick means . reputation by publick means , is gained chiefly in the war , either by obtaining victory in some battle , or surprising of some city ; or else by performing some ambassage deligently , prosperously : but private reputation is gotten by doing favour to this or that man , and protecting them from magistrates , giving them mony , advancing them unworthily to honour and office ; and by great feasts , entertaining the multitude ; of which manner of proceeding , sects , factions and partakings do grow : and as reputation thus gained is dangerous , so the other without faction is profitable ; because the same is founded on common welfare , and no private profit : and albeit among citizens of this sort , will oft arise great hate , yet wanting followers for their particular profit , the state shall not be indangered , but rather strengthned ; for every man endeavouring to deserve well , will hold himself within the bounds of civil life , and by vertuous merits labout to be advanced . to persuade or dissuade particular persons , is a matter of no difficulty : for if words suffice not , yet authority will prevail : but hard and perilous it is to remove a false opinion conceived by a whole multitude , for therein fair speech and no compulsion must be used . the best means which wise captains can use to make their soldiers resolute , is to take from them all hope ; which resolution may also be increased with the love of our country and confidence in the captain : for confidence groweth by the valour of men , and discipline in former victories , and trust reposed in the leader . the love of our country is natural , but the affection we bear to the captain , proceedeth rather from his vertue , than the benefits he hath bestowed . necessity also may do much , and chiefly that where no choice is left , but either overcome by arms or dye in desperation . there is nothing of so great force to hold an army united , as the reputation os the captain , which proceedeth only from his vertue ; for neither dignity nor authority without valour can work that effect . the first care that a captain must have , is to hold his soldiers well punished and paid ; for where payment faileth , punishment ought not to be inflicted : and consequently no reason it is to punish him for robbery , whom want of pay enforceth to shift ; but where the soldier is paid , and not punished ( offending ) then will he , without respect , become insolent towards his captain ; whereof ensue mutinies , discord , and utter ruin. it is a custom , very honourable , not to promise more than thou wilt assuredly perform : yet true it is , that whosoever is denied ( though justly ) doth rest ill-contented ; for men indeed are . not governed by reason : otherwise it is for him that promiseth ; and so good promises shall stand in stead of performance : besides that , he may find excuse enough , because the most part of men are so simple , that fair words alone have power to abuse them , chiefly when they proceed from a person of reputation and authority . the best way , therefore , is not to promise precisely , but entertain the suitors with answers . general , and full of good hope : yet not such as shall directly and absolutely bind . the greatest and most material displeasures that use to arise between the nobility and people , are caused by the diversity of humours , the one labouring to command , the other endeavouring not to obey ; so as all troubles and disorders in every common-weal , do thereof receive nutriment . the city which is maintained rather by factions than laws , so soon as one faction is become strong , and without opposition , the same of necessity must be divided in it self : for those particular causes which were at the first taken , are not of force enough to maintain it . it is the nature of men not to endure any discommodity , unless necessity do thereunto enforce them : which may apparently be perceived by their habitations ; for as the fear of war draweth them to places of strength ( for their defence ) so that peril being past , they do for the most part remove themselves to inhabit countries of more commodity and profit . it may seem strange , and no even measure ( yet approved by experience ) that where many offend , few are punished . also petty errors are severely corrected , but great and grievous crimes be rewarded . in like manner , where many receive wrong , few seek revenge . for injurics universal , are with more patience than particular offences endured . all , or the greatest part of men that have aspired to riches or power , have attained thereunto either by force or fraud : and without they have by craft or cruelty gained , to cover the foulness of their fact , they call purchase as a name more honest . howsoever he , that for want of will or wit useth not those means , must rest in servitude and poverty . the reason thereof is , that as nature hath laid before men the chief of all fortunes , so she disposes them rather to rapine than honest industry , and more subject to bad than good endeavours : hereof it cometh , that one man eateth another , and he that is weakest must always go to the worst . where necessity forceth , boldness is reputed wisdom , and in great enterprises peril is not to be made accompt of . for those attempts that begin with danger , always end with honour , or reward ; also from one peril there is no way to escape , but by entring into another . a wise man ought not to desire to inhabit that country where men have more authority than laws : for indeed that country deserves to be desired where every one may securely enjoy his own ; not that , where with facility it may be taken away ; and that friends for fear to lose their own , are inforced to forsake them . some magistrates either by over great zeal or ignorance take a course of rigour , which being for the present favoured , they are ever the more imployed , as men meet to extirpate inconveniences . but thereby the subjects are often drawn into desperation , and consequently have recourse unto arms , as their uttermost refuge . in this case a wise prince for appeasing the people is sorc'd to disallow his ministers , and sometimes also to inflict publick punishment . a prince naturally suspicious , and having about him persons inclined to envy , is easily induced to mistrust those men that have served him with most sufficiency : which danger they cannot eschew , because they who are worthiest commendation are oftentimes envied by such persons as have access unto the prince . who so cannot endure both envy and hate , must refrain to enterprise great matters : for great honours being desired of many , it behoveth him that aspireth unto them , to be for his dignity envied , and for his authority hated ; which authority , albeit the same be well used , yet they who hate or envy ( persuading themselves it might be better handled ) endeavour to oppress that power , as fearing it will be worse . among other things which worketh the inconveniences of common weals , ambition and desperation are chief ; of both , desperation is worst : for ambition may attend occasion , desperation will not , as that cannot endure delays . historians desiring to write the actions of men , onght to set down the simple truth , and not say any thing for love or hatred : also to chuse such an opportunity for writing as it may be lawful to think what they will , and write what they think , which is a rare happiness of the time. in commending or disallowing the actions of men , it is a course very requisite to consider the beginning , the proceeding , and end : so shall we see the reasons and causes of things , and not their bare events only ; which for the most part are governed by fortune . it is a matter of much necessity , that every man , and chiefly a prince should in his first actions , give some testimony of vertue ; for falling at first into obloquie , do he well or ill , all isill-taken . the custom of the common people is to judge rather by their eyes than by their ears : which is the cause they allow more of external shew than inward vertue : and true it is , where excellency of mind , and beauty of body concur , the commendation due to such a person is far the greater . gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus . a prince or great personage that constantly endureth adversity , deserveth great praise : yet greater commendation is due to him that beareth himself modestly in his happiness . for miseries are ost born with patience , but felicity corrupteth . to be descended of princes , or great personages , is a matter of meer fortune , and so to be esteemed : but adoption proceedeth from the judgment of men , therefore seemeth incorrupt , and seldom abused . it hath been long observed , and is a rule which rarely faileth , that he shall be ever suspected of the prince in possession , whom men account worthy to be a prince in reversion . it hath been a use very ancient to give credit to astrologers , and other such persons , who by their star-learning or blind divination , take upon them to tell of things to come . the reason thereof is , that the most part of men believe that soonest which they least understand ; and if they see the event of a prediction , though it happeneth by meer chance to fall out according to that was premised , thereupon they settle so firm an impression , as albeit many other fail , yet the good conceipt of their cunning cannot be removed . liberality is a vertue which gaineth love , but much are they deceived whom riot in lieu thereof abuseth . to cast away and consume is soon learned , but to give in good order few have the skill . in time of sudden mutiny , conspiracy , and offence of people , the wisest resolution is not to oppose force to prevent fury , but rather give space for the bad to amend , and the good to consent : for treasons prevail on the sudden , but good council gathers forces by leisure . mature deliberation ought ever to be used ; but when arms are to determine , speedy execution is the best : because no delay in that euterprise is sit which cannot be commended before it be ended . who so is pleased to observe the proceedings of men in authority , shall observe that some of them hold a plain course without respect ; others projecting for time to come , do forecast how to hold their present good fortune or at least to escape danger : for they mistrusting present prosperity and fearing a change , prepare beforehand some private friends to oppose against publick hatred : whereof may be inferred , that no care is taken of innocency , but every one studieth how to pass without punishment . in captains and all military commanders , three things are required , vertue , discipline , and authority ; but in private soldiers obedience and courage only sufficeth ; for by due obeying , and no curious scanning the leaders directions are maintained ; and the army in danger is alwaies most valiant , which before the danger is most quiet . let the soldier therefore be well armed and valiantly minded . to advise and direct must be the captains care . it is a matter of no great moment , yet always worthy the noting , that any exterior behaviour , or garment presenting pride or greatness , chiefly in persons lately advanced , though no man be thereby interessed or injured , doth move in others a certain offence : for the nature of man is such , as beholdeth the new prosperity of others with an envious eye , and wisheth a moderation of fortune no where so much as in those we have known in equal degree with our selves . in all enterprises of war ( if present necessity doth not otherwise require ) leisure and deliberation ought to be used ; for often it sufficeth in lieu of wisdom , to take the advantage of other mens solly . all men that are to consider of great actions , ought to be informed whether that which is undertaken be profitable for the commonweal , honourable to themselves , and easie to be effected ; or at least not greatly difficult . also he that persuadeth , is to be examined whether besides bare words and counsel , he will 〈◊〉 his own peril ; and if fortune favour the attempt , to whom the principal glory shall redound . the perils which accompany private enterprises , are far unlike to those which he doth enter that aspireth to principality . for in private attempts a man may pause or proceed as he will : but to him that aspires to empire there remains no middle course , but either by victory to triumph as a prince ; or being vanquished to endure death as a traytor . let no man in his prosperity , give much credit to common applause or service , assured by any of whom in meaner fortune he hath had no experience ; for the base people are learned in no lesson , only without difference of truth or falshood to slatter men in authority , and with shouts and words of great rejoycing make shew of great affection . as overmuch haste is dangerous , so too great delay oftentimes proveth disadvantagious ; for albeit consultation ought to forego action , yet to dispute long and in the end reject the advice of either side , or take a middle course ( which in cases of doubt and danger is worst ) was ever accompted great diseretion . there is no course more comely , nor any resolution so well beseeming a wise man , having made prcos of his own vertue ( and finding in age no fortune due to such effect ) as to retire himself from the court and company ; for so shall he shun the inconveniences of contempt and the discommodity of travel ( jucunda senectuti otia ) yet true it is , that whoso hath lived a prince or governed as a publick person , cannot expect security in a private estate . whensoever danger draweth near , and terror is at hand , all men look about , but none willingly adventure : for in such cases every man will give council , but few will take part of the peril . in common-wealths where sects or partialities be , the leader of any side is able to kindle civil war ; yet is he unable to moderate the victory : for to stir up dissentions and troubles , the worst man most commonly bears the stroke ; but peace and quietness are not established but by men of rare gifts and excellent vertue . it may seem strange and contrary both to courtesie and christian profession , that men are far more mindful of injuries done unto them , than of benefits received by them . the reason thereof is , that thankfulness is accompted a burden , but revenge is sweet , and reckoned a great gain . of reconciled foes , and such as know that our harms were caused by their means , we oft-times expect favour , as persuaded that new friendship will repair the loss of old displeasure : but the matter doth seldom so fall out ; for the quality of man's nature is ever to hate those whom he hath hurt , and love them whom he hath made beholding . quos laeserunt oderunt . tac. to common persons and such as are ignorant in matters of state , every taxation and imposition seemeth heavy or superfluous ; yet the wiser sort know , that the end of all publick endeavour is to confirm people in peace , and peace cannot be maintained without arms , nor arms without pay , nor pay without impositions . as fortunate folk are envied , so are the poor contemned ; which rule reacheth also to princes : the one lives in plenty with war , the other in poverty with peace . for 〈◊〉 is it seen , that those people are assaulted where nothing is to be gained , and whose base beings afford no other spoils than blood and beggery . wisemen have observed that in matter of state , and the managing thereof , three things are especially to be looked unto : the. first is , occasion ; the second , the intentions of other men ; the third , our own affection . for there is nothing that slippeth away so soon as occasion , nothing so difficult as to judge what an other man intendeth ; nor any thing more 〈◊〉 than our own immoderate 〈◊〉 it hath been ever a course observed by wise princes , but much more by arislocracies and popular states , against force and fury of the multitude , to desend themselves with silver and gold. how much more it importeth all princes to lead a vertuous life , and give daily example of piety and justice , appears apparently in the proceedings of the roman bishops ; who by the well-doing of some few of them at the first , became greatly honoured ; but afterwards they became contemptible : for the reverence which men did bear to the sanctity of their lives failing , it was impossible of so contrary manners and examples to look for like effects . the success of the war chiefly dependeth on the reputation of the prince , which declining , the vertue also of the soldiers faileth : likewise the sidelity of the people decayeth , and their mony to maintain the war , ceaseth ; contrarywise , the courage of the enemy is increased , they that stood doubtful become resolved , and every difficulty augmenteth . the authority which princes give , is chiefly in respect of wisdom and valour : yet true it is , that for the most part they account them the wisest men that can best accommodate themselves to their humour . the greatest distress and difficulty which can come to any army , doth proceed of these causes : want of mony , scarcity of victuals , hatred of people , discord of captains , disobedience of soldiers , and their flying to the enemy , either of necessity or free-will . a prince or great magistrate having long maintained the reputation of wisdom and vertue , must take heed that no rash or dangerous resolution do taint the honourable fame of his former life : for to be transported with anger against his own profit , is lightness ; and to esteem small dangers more than great , is want of judgment . a prince or person of great estate , must be wary not to inure the conceit of double dealing : for little sincerity and trust is looked in his actions , of whom there is an opinion of crast and falshood conceived . experience hath always proved , that whatsoever the most part of men desire , rarely cometh to pass : the reason hereof is , that the effects of human actions commonly depend on the will of a few ; and their intentions ever differing from the greater number , the end and success cannot be other than as pleaseth the few that are to direct them . there is nothing more dangerous than to enterprise a war , or other actions of importance upon popular persuasion ; for such expectations are vain , and such designs fallible : also the fury of the multitude is great , when danger is little or far off ; but perils growing great and near , their courage quaileth , as they whose passions have no rule or measure . it is strange to see how apt men are to doubt displeasure threatned by enemies , chiefly when they draw near ; for the people do naturally over-much fear dangers at hand , and esteem less than is fit of things present : also to make small account of those that are far from them , because divers remedies may be hoped as well by time , as other accidents . the offensive words or answers of indignation , proceeding from great princes , ought never to admit displeasure into the minds of them against whom they are spoken : for having by speech uttered a great part of choler , the edge of their deeds becomes the calmer , and more easily appeased : such is the condition of noble and generous spirits . to judge right of other mens merit , seems of great difficulty ; for time and tryal is thereto required : also it is not easie to answer the expectation of men , but ost-times inconsiderate , and not measured in due proportion . it is a part of great discretion to divide the seasons of affairs and vacations : for as it sitteth well a prince or person of dignity in times of audience and judgment , to be grave , heedsul , and austere : so those offices performed , all shew of authority and sad looks ought to be set apart ; for by that means , neither courteous behaviour shall detract from the reverence due to his place , nor severity diminish the love which to his behaviour appertaineth . magistrates must look into all things , but not exact all things to rigor . light faults may be pardoned , but great offences severely 〈◊〉 yet not always proceeding to punishing , but ost contented with repentance . to be bitter in rebuking is also fit for a magistrate , shewing himself sowre to the bad , and sweet to the good ; framing both countenance and condition according to the merit of men , and be persuaded that it is more honest to offend , than to hate . soldiers must be encouraged in all fortunes to stand resolved , and not to be daunted with any passed misadvantage ; ever attending a time and opportunity of revenge ; which commonly cometh to pass where mens minds are united : for common danger must be repelled with union and concord . among other reasons wherewith soldiers are encouraged , necessity and distress doth oft inforce them : for as men of vertue perform the actions of arms for honour , so the coward must do them for his security . all enterprises attempted by arms , are honourable ; but those that are done in countries remote , are more praiseable : for the less they be in knowledge , the greater is the glory to atchieve them . to be truly and faithfully loved , is a thing greatly to be desired ; for terror and fear are weak works of affection : for they being taken away , he that ceaseth to fear , will soon begin to hate ; and as they that by force are kept under , obey with ill will ; so they that govern without line justly , rule against right . some men either deserving to be accounted of excellent wisdom , or singular in that skill whereof they make profession , do ordinarily love the proceedings of others ; taking that advantage of their ill success : yet sure it is , that disaster and unhappy event of some actions , proceed not of disorder , for human imperfection , but from a certain fatal fury , which neither counsel nor constancy of men can withstand . it is a matter of much difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince to maintain the law , civil or military , without severity : for where men hope to be easily pardoned , there are they apt to offend . contrarily , where mens actions are precisely sitted , there do they live in over-great aw , and hatred doth always accompany such severity . the best course therefore is to punish offences severely , and reward vertuous merits liberally ; so shall fear be converted to reverend respect , and none have cause to complain : for as it lies in each man's power to shun offending , so is it in their power also to deserve well , and merit reward . whosoever , aster mature deliberation , hath resolved what course to hold in the action he hath in hand , must not after repent , or fear any difficulty : for such thoughts would break the vigour of the mind , and impeach the proceedings of that which was resolved . and albeit some differences do happily arise , yet must he believe that every other course would have been accompanied with the same or greater impediments . young men for the warmness of their blood , and for not having before-time been deceived by fortune , more willingly enterprise actions rather honourable than severe . but old men as well for that their heat is cooled , as also for having attempted many things in vain , make choice of enterprises severe , rather than those that are followed with fame and glory . the greatness of one prince is nothing else but the ruin and distress of another : likewise his strength is the weakness and oppression of others . some conquests are of such quality , as albeit a victorious captain merit triumphal honour ; yet a modest resusal becomes his greater glory . the dignity of magistrates is not assured without arms ; for when obedience faileth , no other means is left to continue a people united . as willing obedience in subjects is the prince's strength , so is the same their own security : for as by the princes authority the people are governed , so by their consent he is maintained . three things men covet with immoderate desire , lands , riches , and honours ; but as seldom they compass their full content , so are they for the most part to endure a destiny far other than they wished . strange it is , yet by experience proved true , that in time of danger , fortune ( or rather destiny ) so much amazeth the judgment of wise men , as seldom they conceive what resolution is best to be taken . no great free-city can long continue quiet , unless the same be used to foreign assaults : for wanting foes without , some inward enmity will arise , not unlike to strange bodies of men , which being secure from external injury , are nevertheless by their own poise oppressed . as every pilot of ordinary skill knoweth in calm and quiet seas to direct the course of his ship ; so every governor of capacity doth understand how the affairs of state are in peaceable times to be handled : but when tempests are , and subjects bent to sedition ; the one requires an excellent sailer , the other the aid of some excellent wisdom . it oft happens , that publick duty is opposite to private friendship ; so as we are either forced to omit the offices due to our country , or draw our dearest friends into danger : in which case we are to prefer publick respect , before particular obligation . the nature of base people is such , as either they obey slavishly , or command insolently : for liberty being the mark whereat they aim , is by them of that quality , neither moderately desired nor discreetly continued ; and always there are some seditious leaders to be found , who of disorder are inclined to kindle the ire and offence of ignorant people . dux rebus motis , facile invenitur . salust . experience hath oft proved , that men in best fortune , and such as esteem themselves most secure , even then fall soonest into disadventure , because those dangers unfeared be as it were contemned , and not regarded . to enter needless dangers , was ever accounted madness ; yet in times of extream peril and apparent distress , bold and hazardous attempts are greatest security . the divers adventures which happen to men , may well inform , that much better it is , chiefly in arms , to be governed by reason than by fortune . a certain peace is ever accounted better security than victory hoped or expected melior tutiorque certa pax quam sperata victoria . liv. if to our prosperity god were pleased to add the grace of 〈◊〉 we should thereby judge not only of what is past , but also of all that can succeed hereafter . rarely or never can we consider truly of worldly proceedings , unless first we have felt the deceits of fortune . discord or dissention in any state or city , offers opportunity to such men as are ambitious to work their will : for the humor of sects and partialities is such , as the weaker faction doth ever chuse 〈◊〉 to call for aid of strangers , than yield to the dominion of an adverse party . ancient customs may not violently and suddenly be taken away . fortune which altereth all things , will by little and little wear them out of use . to be oft in fight , and converse much with men , breedeth a kinde of satiery : therefore it behoveth persons of great estate and authority to be retired , lest over-much familiarity should detract from the reverence due to honorable estate . the natures of men not content to live according to their fortune and birth , are of all others most prone to envy ; because they hate the vertue and welfare of all such as are in estimation above them . great heed is to be taken , that no citizen or subject , be suffered to aspire to such greatness , as cannot be forced to obey the laws ; and no order there is of more necessity , than that every man of what quality soever , may be without respect accused and judged . for conservation of particular greatness and dignity , there is nothing more noble and glorious , than to have felt the force of every fortune . it is the quality of wise men only , to know how to use prosperity , and never to trust too much to the favors of present happiness . a man well advised in his prosperity , beareth not himself towards others either proud or violent ; nor must he believe in his own present felicity , for the day knows not what the night bringeth : he only is to be reputed a man , whose mind cannot be puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by any adverse fortune . men of cholerick humor are easily moved with insolent speeches , but wise men laugh them to scorn . the way whereby a prince eschues the hate of subjects , is , not to take from them their lands or goods ; yet albeit the blood of some few be tainted , unless the same be accompanied with confiscation ( which a prince is rarely forced to use ) it seldom causeth him to become odious . a rule most cerain it is that he who commands any thing unpleasing , must by severe means cause it to be observed ; and who desireth to be obeyed , must know how to command : and he only knows how to command , that doth compare his own force with those that are to obey ; wherein finding a proportion , then he may boldly proceed , otherwise forbear . in actions of difficulty great courage is to be used , and who so compasseth any thing by violence , cannot maintain it by mildness , nor command by affability : he therefore that is of nature soft , should do best to refrain all extraordinary commands . and in matters ordinary imploy the vertue of his mild spirit ; because ordinary punishments are not imputed to the prince or his magistrates , but to the laws and ordinances of state. when necessity presseth , desperation is deemed wisdom , and generous minds do not account of danger , because those attempts which begin with peril , do for the most part end with glory . he that endeavours to be good among many that are evil , or will uphold that which those labour to pull down of force , worketh his own undoing . all common-wealths alter from order to disorder , from disorder to order again ; for nature having made all worldly things variable , so soon as they have attained their utmost perfection and height , they must descend ; so from good they fall back to evil ; and from evil they return to good . war begets quiet , quiet idleness , idleness disorder , disorder ruin ; likewise ruin order , order vertue , vertue glory and good fortune . wise men have observed that arms were before learning , and captains before philosophers ; for good and well regulated armies having gained victory , established rest and security , whereof the study of letters and liberal sciences ensued . that country deserveth to be loved of all men , which loves all men indifferently , and not that country which respecting the best part , advanceth a few : no man therefore is to be blamed , if for such cause he desire rather to abandon than embrace his country . common wealths are bodies mixt , yet have they of bodies simple some resemblance : and as in these , many infirmities grow , which without violent medicines cannot be cured ; so in the other many mischiefs arise , which a good and godly patient should offend to leave uncured , though therein he use both force and fire . those wars be most just which are most necessary ; and those arms are most merciful where no hope of help remains but in them only . in actions which promise either publick glory , or private honour , men may be reasonably persuaded to adventure life and living , because great hope there is to die with reputation , or live to recover that peace which war hath consumed : but where men are no less oppressed by insolency of commanders , than by insolency of foes , there is the calamity doubled , and of two evils the danger of war seemeth least ; for that hath end , the other is infinite . who so persuades himself to be no less esteemed in evil than good fortune , is deceived : for promises made , during distress , are rarely persormed , unless the same necessity continue . the intent of every prince , or other state that makes war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory for other occasions sought , nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desir'd , than to make themselves mighty , and their enemy weak . it sollows then , that so oft as the victory impoverishes them , or the gains weaken them , either they pass or come short of that mark whereat the war was aimed . ancient and well-governed common-wealths were wont by their conquests to fill the treasuries with gold and silver , to give reward to soldiers , to spare the people from tributes , to make triumphs and publick feasts : but in later times the wars have used , first , to consume the treasure , and after impoverish the people without assuring them from their enemies . a prince or state that leaves promises unperformed , by reason of unexpected impediments , and for no ill intent , ought not to be blamed : neither are such accidents any just cause or colour why friends should abandon their confederates . where magistrates govern justly , subjects obey dutifully ; where private persons grow rich , and princes enlarge their empire ; there is the common-wealth blessed , and the people fortunate . chap. xxvi . maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations and historical parallels . all cities and towns of state are builded either by people dwelling in or about the place where they are builded , or else they are made by strangers : of the first are athens and venice , of the other alexandria and florence . the fortune of every city builded , and vertue of the builder , appeareth by choice of the place , and quality of laws : for as fertile places occasion men to be slothful , unless by good laws they be forced to labour , so barrenness compels them to industry ; which reason induceth wise men to plant habitations in either : examples of the first are ferrara and rome , of the second ragusa and genoa . all laws whereby commonwealths are governed were either made by some one excellent man , and at an instant ; or else they were ordained at sundry times , according to such accidents as befel . example , the laws of sparta made at the beginnig by lycurgus , the laws of rome at sundry times . the government of every city in time becomes corrupt ; principality changeth into tyranny : the optimacy is made the government of the people ; and the popular estate turns to licentious disorder ; which instability or alteration moved some law-makers to take order that in the government of their city there should be a mixture of all three , and was the cause that the policy of sparta continued 800 years , when the popular state of athens endured not one hundred . example , the laws of sparta made by lycurgus , and the laws of athens by solon . whoso taketh in hand to frame any state or government , ought to presuppose that all men are evil , and at occasions will shew themselves so to be . example , the envy of the people of rome to the nobles , and their insolency towards them appeared not so long as the kings governed ; but the tarquins being banished , opportunity was thereby offered , that the malice of the one and the other became discovered . the divers honours of the nobility and people , the one desiring to command , the other not to obey , are the cause of continual troubles , unless some third mean there be of more authority than either , to bridle the force of both . example , the kings in rome expulsed , forthwith arose much mutiny , and could not be suppress'd till the tribum plebis were created ; whose authority wrought the same effect which the kings had done . some states endeavour to enlarge their dominions , and some others labor only to maintain that estate they antiently possessed . example of the first was the city of rome , of the second sparta . all states desiring to live at liberty , think fit that every man should be permitted to accuse any citizen that offendeth , which manner of proceeding works two excellent effects : first , that the people should not dare for fear of accusing to attempt ought against the state ; or if they do , they shall be presently and without respect punished . secondly , by liberty of accusing , every man hath means to utter the offence wherewith he can charge others , which he could not ; unless it were lawful to take such an ordinary course , and consequently be driven to ways extraordinary , particular revenge , or calling in foreign forces . example , coriolanus and appius , claudius at rome , lucanncve at chinsi , francisco valeri in florence . as accusations are in every state necessary , so slanders are dangerous , and worthy of punishment ; the difference betwixt accusations and slanders , is , that the one is publickly performed before magistrates , with good proofs and witnesles to maintain the truth of the accusation ; but slanders are as well publickly performed as dispersed in secret , and places of repair , without witness and justification , so as every man may be slandered , but few are orderly accused . example , appius claudius accused by l. virginius ; furius camillus , slandered by manlius capitolinus . the only means to suppress slander is , to give authority to some persons of repute , to compel every slanderer to become an accuser ; and if the accusation prove true , then to reward the accuser , or at least not to punish him . example , manlius the slanderer of camillus for his untrue information punished . a rule most certain and assured it is , that every kingdom and state at the first well framed , or after well informed , doth take the perfection thereof from the wisdom of some excellent man , who ought not to be blind though in a matter of great moment he happily useth some extraordinary violence or proceedings ; for he that employeth force to mend and not to mar , deserves commendation . example , romulus , lycurgus , cleomenes . there lives no man so simple or wise , so wicked or well-disposed , but prefers those persons that are praiseable before those that are blameable : not withstanding for that well-near all men are beguil'd in discerning what indeed is good , deeming that honourable which in truth is otherwise ; they suffer themselves either willingly or ignorantly to be carried into a course which merits rather infamy than commendation . example , every man wisheth himself timoleon , or agesilaus , rather than dionysius or phalaris ; rather a titus or trajan , than caligula or vitellius . who reads histories treating of great actions shall perceive that good princes indeed are more secure and better defended by the love of the people , and fidelity of counsellors , than were they that entertained many legions and men of war. example , of all those emperours which reigned after caesar until maximiinus , the greatest number were for their vices taken and slain , only galba and pertinax excepted , who were good emperours . a prince of great knowledge both in arms and wisdom , so firmly setleth the foundation of government , as albeit his successor be of the less vertue , yet may he be maintained even by the memory of his predecessor : but if it happen that the third prince prove not more like the first than the second , then all that is past goeth to ruine . example , the martial valour of romulus was the cause that numa might govern safely in peace : which tullus could not have done , had he been unlike to romulus ; nor should bajazet emperour of turky have enjoyed the state of his father mahomet , and left the same to his posterity , if selim his son had not been more like to his grand father than to bajazet his father . the succession of two excellent princes , chiefly if they be of long life , works wondrous effects : the like is seen in optimacies and popular states , where the governours successively elected be men of great vertue and understanding . example , the first appeared in philip of macedon , and alexander his son , the second in the consuls of rome . in every state , where soldiers are not , the fault thereof proceeds from the governours . wise princes were therefore wont even in times of peace to cause warlike exercises to be used ; for without them the most warlike nations become not only ignorant in martial knowledge , but also effeminate . example , pelopidas & epaminondas in thebes , and king tullus in rome as well in peaceable as troublesome times used the exercise of arms. no prince or state well advised , hazards his whole estate upon the valour of some few persons , nor ought to strength of strait places , where the enemy is to pass . example , tully king of rome , and metius king of alba , condescended that three of their nobility for either side , chosen should enter combate , and that nation which was victorious should command the other . francis the french king going to recover lombardy , was by the switzers attended into two or three places in the mountains , hoping there to repulse him , but the king taking another way , passed securely and prevailed . every state well governed doth reward men of good merit , and punish all offenders ; and if any person of good desert shall wilfully be a delinquent , the same man ought not withstanding his former service , be punisht . example , the same horatto that in combat gained the victory against the albani , having insolently slain his own sister , was notwithstanding his egregious act and the fresh memory thereof , called into trial of his life , and with great difficulty obtained pardon : and manlius who had with great glory saved the capitol , for moving sedition in rome , was after from the same cast down headlong . every wise man having performed any great service to his prince or country , ought to be content with such recompence as it shall please the prince or country to bestow : measuring the same according to the power of the giver , and not the merit of him that receiveth . example , horatius cocles for having lost his hand in defence of the bridge of rome , and mutius scaevola suffering his hand to be burnt for his attempt to kill king porsenna , were rewarded with a small portion of land ; and manlius that defended the capitol from the galleys , had no greater reward than a little measure of meal . ingratitude is a vice so natural and common , as not only private persons , but princes and states also either through covetousness or suspition are there with infected . example , vespasian proclaimed emperor , was chiefly aided by antonius primus , and by his help prevailed against vitellius , in reward of which service vespasian removed him from the command of his army , and gave that honour to mutianus . consalvo ferranoe having taken the kingdom of naples from the french , was first removed from his command of the castles and soldiers , and in the end brought into spain , where in disgrace he ended his life . collatinus tarquinius who with the aid of brutus suppressed the tarquins of rome , and with him pub. valerius were banish'd for no other cause but for being of the name of tarquin , the other because he 〈◊〉 a house upon mount caelio . all errors that great captains commit , are either wilful or ignorant , towards the one and the other of which offenders to use greater lenity than the quality of their offences deserves , seemeth necessary : for men of honour suffer nought by the infamy which evil service doth bring . it is also to be considered that a great captain being cumbred with many cares , cannot proceed in his actions couragiously , if he stand in daily doubt to be punish'd for every error that hapneth . example , sergius and virginius were before veio , the one part of the army on the one side of the city , the other not far from the place . sergius being assaulted by the falisci was not aided by virginius , neither would he require his help , such was the envy the one bare to the other ; and consequently their offence is wilful and worthy of capital punishment . likewise when varro by his ignorance , received an overthrow by hannibal at cannae , he was nevertheless pardoned and honourably welcomed home by the whole senate . whensoever an inconvenience ariseth within or without the state , it seems a resolution more sure to dissemble the knowing thereof , than to seek by sudden violence to suppress it . example , cosmo de medioes having gained extraordinary reputation in florence , the citizens imagined , that to suffer the same to increase was dangerous , and therefore they banished him : which extream proceeding , so offended the friends of cosme , being the stronger , as they sorced the citizens to revoke him , and make him prince of that city . the like hapned in rome , where caesar for his vertue , much admired and followed , became afterwards to be feared ; and they that feared , not considering their force to be inferior to the power of caesar , endeavouring to oppress him , were the occasion of his greater glory . in every republick , an excessive authority given to one or two persons for long time , proveth dangerous , chiefly when the same is not restrained . example , the dictatorship given to caesar for life , was an occasion to oppress the liberties of the romans . the same effect was before that time like to follow the decemvirate , by suffering appius claudius to prolong the time of his dignity . the ambition of men is such , as rarely they will obey when formerly they have commanded ; neither do they willingly accept of mean office , having before sate in higher place : yet the citizens of well-governed states , did not refuse as well to obey as command . example , the victory the romans obtained against the veienti , q. fabius was slain , having the year before been consul : nevertheless he then served in meaner place under c. manilius , and m. fabius his own brother then consul . there is nothing more strange , yet by experience proved true , that men in adverse fortune be much grieved , and in prosperity also discontented ; which is the reason , that not being forced to fight for necessity , they will nevertheless contend for ambition ; and that humour doth as well possess those that live aloft , as others whom fortune holdeth down . example , the people of rome having by the authority of the tribunes obtained to make themselves secure from oppression of the nobility , forthwith required , that the honour and office of state might be also imparted unto them . the like ambition moved them to have their part of lands by force of lex agaria , which was at last the overthrow of the roman liberty . it seemeth that people displeased with some innovations hapned in the state , do sometime without just reasons complain of those that govern : not unlike to a sick man , who deemeth that the physician , not the fever , is the cause of his grief . example , the people of rome were persuaded that the ambition of consuls was the cause of continual war , therefore required that no more consuls should be ; yet they were content that certain tribunes should command with like authority ; so was nothing altered in the government , but the governors title , which alone did courent them . nothing can corrupt and alter the nature of man so much , or so soon as the immoderate desire of honour ; in so much as men of honest minds and vertuous inclinations are sometimes by ambition , drawn to abuse that goodness whereunto they are inclined . example , appius claudius having lived long an enemy to the multitude , hoping by their aid to continue his authority of the decemviri in rome , became their friend , and disfavoured the factions of great men. likewise q. fabius a man of singular vertue , being also called to that dignity by appius's self , adulterated his nature and became like unto him . seldom or never is any people discontented without just cause ; yet if happily they be asked whereof their offence proceedeth , many times for want of some fit man to pronounce their grief , they stand silent . example , the romans at the death of virginia , were gathered together armed upon mount sacro , and being asked by the senate , for what cause they so did ? no answer was made ; until virginio father of the virgin had procured , that twenty of the tribunes might be made to be as head of the people , and confer with the senate . a great folly or rather meer madness it seemeth to desire any thing , and tell before-hand that the end purpose of the desire is evil ; for thereby he sheweth reason why it ought not to be granted . example , the romans required of the senate that appius and the rest of the decemviri should be delivered into their hands , being determined to burn them all alive . the first part of their request seemed reasonable , but the end thereof unreasonable . a course very dangerons it is in all states , by continual accusing and punishing , to hold the subject in doubt and daily fear : for he that stands always looking for some trouble , becometh careless and apt to attempt innovation . example , the decemviri being opprest , the tribunes authorized in their place , endeavoured daily to call in question the most part of the decemviri , and many other citizens also , whereof great inconveniences arose , and much danger would have ensued , had not a decree propounded by m. duillius been made , that for one year no roman citizen should be accused . strange it is to see how men in seeking their own security , lay the injuries which they fear , upon other men ; as though it were necessary , either to offend or to be offended . example , the romans among themselves , united and strong , always endeavoured to offend the nobles ; and the nobles likewise being persuaded they were strong , laboured to oppress the people : which humours were the cause of continual troubles . to make estimation and choice of men fit to govern , the best course is to consider in particular ; otherwise it might be imagined , that among the multitude or meaner people , they being the greatest numbers , might be found some persons of more perfection . example , the people of rome desiring that the consulship might be given among them as men of most merit , did by all means endeavour to obtain that honour ; but being come to election , and every mans vertue particularly considered , there could not be among the multitude only one found fit for so great a place ; and therefore the people themselves consented , that the dignity should still remain as it was . to persuade a multitude to any enterprise , is easie , if that which is persuaded , doth promise either profit or honour ; yet oft under that external apparence lies hid loss or disadvantage . example , the romans persuading themselves that the slow proceeding of fabius maximus in the war , was both chargeable and cowardly , required , that the general of the horse might direct the war ; which course had ruined rome , if the wisdom of fabius had not been . likewise , when hannibal had divers years reigned in italy , one m. centenius penuta , a man of base birth , yet a soldier of some repute , undertook that if he with such voluntiers as would follow him , might have authority to fight , he would within few days deliver hannibal either alive or dead : which offer was by the senate accounted rash , yet for fear to offend the people , granted ; and penula with his soldiers was cut in pieces . to appease a mutiny or tumult in any camp or city , there is no means more speedy or successful , than if some person of great quality and respect , present himself to the people , and by his wisdom lay before them the damage of their discords , persuading them to peace and patience . example , the faction of the frateschi and arratiati in florence ; the one ready to assault the other . franciso soderini , bishop of voterra , in his episcopal habit , went between the parties and appeased them : also count egremont , by the authority of his wisdom and presence , supprest a great mutiny in autwerp , between the martinists and papists . a people corrupted , do rarely or never observe any order or ordinance , unless by force of some prince's power they be thereto inforced ; but where the multitude is incorrupt and religious , all things are done justly , and without compulsion . example , camillus at the victory against the vrienti , vowed that the tenth part of the pillage should be offered to apollo ; but the senate supposing that the people would not consent to so great a contribution , studied to dispense with that vow , and to please apollo and the people also by some other means : whereat the people shewed themselves openly offended , and willingly gave no less than the sum formerly decreed . when the free-cities of germany are occasioned to make mony for any publick service , the magistrates impose one or two in the hundred on every city , which done , every one is sworn to lay down so much as in his own conscience he is able ; and he with his own hand , no other witness being present , casteth the mony into a coffer prepared for the purpose ; which he would not , if his own conscience did not inforce him . when any extraordinary occasion happens to a city or province , some prodigious voice is heard , or some marvelous sights are seen . before t. gracchus general of the roman army was betraid by flavius lucanus , the aruspices discovered two serpents eating the entrails of the beasts sacrificed ; which done , they vanish'd : which vision , as they divined , prognosticated the general 's death : likewise f. savanarola foretold the coming of king charles viii . into italy : and m. sedigitus , when the gauls first came towards rome , informed the senate he heard a voice much louder than any man's , crying aloud , galli veniunt . the multitude of base people is naturally audacious and apt to innovation ; yet unless they be directed by some persons of reputation and wisdom , rarely do they joyn in any action of great import . example , the romans , when their city was taken and sack'd by the gauls , went to veio with determination to dwell there : the senate informed thereof , commanded , that upon great pain every citizen should return to rome , whereat the people at first mocked ; but when every man particularly within himself considered his own peril , all in general determined to obey the magistrates . in the employment of men for service , neither age nor fortune ought so much to be regarded as vertue ; for young men having made trial of their valour , soon become aged , and thereby either unapt or unable to serve : therefore well governed commonwealths , preferred military vertue before any other respect . example , valerius corvinus , with others , made consul the three and twentieth year of his age , and pompey triumphed in his youth . no wise or well-advised prince or other state will undertake without excessive forces to invade the dominions of any other prince , unless he assure himself of some friends there to be a mean , and as it were a gate to prepare his passage . example , the romans by aid of the saguntines . entred spain , the aetoli called them into greece , the hediai into france : likewise the palaeologi incited the turk to come into thrace ; and ludovicus 〈◊〉 occasioned charles the french king to come into italy . a republick desirous to extend the bounds thereof , must endeavour to be fully furnish'd with inhabitants , which may be done both by love and force : love is gained by suffering strangers to inhabit the city securely ; and force compels people to come thither , when other cities and towns near at hand be demolished or desaced : and impossible it is without this order of proceeding . to enlarge any city or make the same of greater power . example , the romans to enlarge their city demolished alba , and many other towns , and therewith also entertained all strangers courtcously : so as rome grew to such greatness , that the city only could arm six hundred and forty thousand men ; but sparta or athens could never exceed twenty thousand , for that lycurgus had inhibited the access of strangers . a commonwealth that consumes more treasure in the war , than it profits in victory , seems to have rather hindred than honoured or inriched the state. a wise captain therefore in his actions , ought as well to profit the republick , as to gain to himself glory . example , the consuls of rome did seldom desire triumph , unless they returned from the war loaden with gold , silver and other rich spoils fit to be delivered into the common treasury . all foreign war 's with princes or other states taken in hand , be either for ambition or desire of glory , or else for necessity . example , the romans for their ambition conquered many nations , with intent only to have the obedience of the people ; yet did they suffer them to hold possession of their houses , and sometimes they were permitted to live only with their old laws . likewise alexander the great endeavoured to suppress many princes for his glory , but did not dispossess the people , nor kill them . otherwise it is where a whole nation inforced by famine or fury of war , abandon their own dwellings , and are forced to inhabit elswhere . example , the goths and other people of the north invaded the roman empire , and many other provinces , whereof their alteration of names did ensue ; as illyria , now called slavonia , england formerly named britain . a common conceit and saying it is , that mony makes the war strong , and is the force and sinews thereof ; as though he who hath most treasure , be also most mighty ; but experience hath apparently shewed the contrary . example , after the death of alexander king of macedon , a multitude of gauls went into greece , and being there arrived , sent certain ambassadors to the king , who supposing to make them afraid of his power , shewed them his treasure , which wrought a contrary effect ; for the gauls , before desirous of peace , resolved then to continue the war , in hope to win that mighty mass of mony. likewise darius should have vanquished alexander , and the greeks might have conquered the romans , if the richer prince might ever by his mony have prevailed . every league made with a prince or republick remote , is weak and rather aideth us with fame than effect , and consequently deceiveth all those that in such amity repose confidence . example , the florentines being assaulted by the king of naples and the pope , prayed aid of the french king ; who being far distant , could not in time succour them : and the cedicini desiring aid of the capuani against the samnites , a people of no force , were deceived . a prince whose people is well arm'd and train'd , shall do better to attend his enemy at home , than by invasion to assault his country : but such princes whose subjects are disarmed , had need to hold the enemy aloof . example , the romans , and in this age the swisses , being well armed , may attend the war at home ; but the carthaginians and italians being not so well furnished , did ever use to seek the enemy . the plurality of commanders in equal authority , is for the most part occasion of slow proceeding in the war. example , there was at one time in rome created four tribuni militares with authority of consuls , viz. t. quintus after his consulship , cajus furius , m. posthumus , and a. cornelius cassius , amongst whom arose so much diversity and contrariety of opinion , as nothing could be done till their authority ceased , and m. aemylius made dictator . a victory obtained by any great captain with the authority of his prince's commission , 〈◊〉 and directions , ought ever to be imputed rather to the wisdom of the prince , than the valour of the captain : which made the emperors of rome to permit no captains ( how great soever his victories were ) to triumph , as before that time the consuls had done ; and even in those days a modest refusal of triumph was commended . example , m. fulvius having gained a great victory against the tuscans , was both by the consent of the senate and people of rome , admitted to triumph ; but the 〈◊〉 of that honour proved his great glory . all they that from private estate have aspired to principality , either by force or fraud be come thereunto , unless the same be given , or by inheritance descended : yet it is rarely seen , that force alone prevaileth , but fraud without force oft-times sufficeth . example , agathocles by such means became prince of 〈◊〉 john galeazzo by abusing his uncle barnabas , gained the dominion of lombardy ; and cyrus circumvented cyaxares his mothers brother , and by that craft aspired to greatness . sudden resolutions are always dangerous ; and no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful delays . example , when hieron prince of syracuse died , the war even then being in great heat between the romans and carthaginians , they of syracusa consulted , whether it were better to follow the fortune of rome or carthage . in which doubt they continued until apollonides , a chief captain of syracusa , laid before them , that so long delay would make them hated both of romans and carthaginians . likewise the florentines being by lewis the twelfth required to give his army passage towards naples , mused so long upon an answer , that he became their enemy , and they forced to recover his favour full dearly . to govern a state is nothing else but to take such order as the subjects may not , or ought not to offend ; which may be done , either by removing from them all means to disobey , or by affording them so great favours , as reasonably they ought not to change their fortune ; for the mean course proveth dangerous . example , the latins being by the valour of camillus overcome , yielded themselves to endure what punishment it pleased the romans to inflict . an ingenious and magnanimous answer being made unto wise magistrates , doth oft obtain both pardon and grace . example , when the privernates had rebelled , and were by force constrained to return to the obedience of the romans , they sent certain of the city unto rome , to desire pardon ; who being brought before the senate , one of the senators asked the privernates , what punishment themselves did think they had deserved : the same , quoth they , which men living in freedom , think they are worthy of . whereto the consul thus replied , quid si poenam remittimus ? qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus ? the privernates answered , si bonam dederitis , & fidelem & perpetuam : si malam , haud diuturnam . which answer was thought to proceed from generous men , and therefore they were not only pardoned , but also honoured and received into the number of the roman citizens . all castles , forcresses , and places of strength , be made for defence , either against the enemy or subject : in the first case they are not necessary , in the second dangerous . for thereby the prince may at his pleasure take occasion to insult upon the subject , when much more seemly he might settle his estate upon the love and good affection of men. example , the castle of millan made by duke francisco sforza , incited his heirs to become insolent ; and consequently they became odious ; which was also the cause that so soon as that city was assaulted , the enemy with facility did possess it . that prince or potentate which builds his severity rather upon the trust he hath in fortresses , than the love of men , shall be deceived : for no place is so strong , as can long defend it self , unless by the love and aid of men it be in time of necessity succoured . example , pope julio having drawn the bentivoli out of bologm , built there a strong castle ; the governor thereof robbed the people , and they there with grieved , in a short time took the castle from him . so after the revolt of genoa , lewis the twelsth came to the recovery thereof , and builded there the strongest fortification of italy , as well for sight as the circumstances inexpugnable . nevertheless the citizens rebelled , and within sixteen months the french were sorced to yield the castle and government to octavio fragosa . to build forts upon places of strength , either for defence of our own , or to hold that which is taken from others , hath ever proved to small purpose . example , the romans having supprest the rebellion of the latins and privernates , albeit they were people warlike , and lovers of liberty ; yet to keep them subject , built there no castle , nor other places fortified : and the lacedemonians did not only forbear to fortifie the towns they conquered , but also left their chief city of sparta unwalled . the necessity or use of fortification is only upon frontiers , or such principal places where princes make their habitation ; to the end the fury of sudden assaults may be staid , and time for succor entertained : otherwise , example , the castle of millan being made to hold the state in obedience , could not so do either for the house of sforza or france . guido ubaldo , duke of velin , driven from his dominion by caesar borgia , so soon as he recovered his country , caused all the forts to be demolished : for by experience be found the love of men was the surest defence , and that fortifications prevailed no less against him than for him . the causes of division and faction in every commonweal proceed most commonly of idleness and peace , and that which unieth , is fear war. example , the 〈◊〉 and elinsci having intelligence of great contention between the nobility and people of rome , thought that a sit opportunity to oppress the one and the other : but the romans informed of such an intention , appeased all do mestick anger , and by the valour of their arms , conducted by gn. manlius and m. fabius defeated the enemies forces . the means to usurp an estate 〈◊〉 is , first before arms be taken , to become , as it were , an arbitrator or a friend indifferent ; and after arms be taken , then to send moderate aid to the weak side , as well to entertain the war between the factions , as also to consume the strength both of the one , and the other ; yet in no wise to employ any great forces , for thereby either party may discover the intents to suppress them . example , the city of pistoia fallen into division , the florentines took occasion sometimes to favor the one , and sometimes the other , that in the end both sides weary of the war , voluntarily yielded to their devotion . philippo viscount , hoping sundry times by occasion of faction to oppress the florentines , did often assault them with great forces , which was the cause that they became reunited ; and consequently the duke deceived of his expectation . a great wisdom it is to resrain opprobrious and injurious speech : for as neither the one nor the other can any whit decrease the enemies force , so doth it move him to greater hate , and more desire to offend . example , gabides , a general of the persians having long besieged amida , became weary , and preparing to abandon the enterprise , raised his camp , which they of the city beholding , began to revile the persians , and from the walls reproved them of cowardise ; which undiscreet words so highly 〈◊〉 gabides , as thereupon he resolved to continue the siege , and within 〈◊〉 days won the city . tiberius gracchus appointed captain of certain bands of men , whom for want of other soldiers the romans entertained , proclaimed in his camp , that no man , upon pain of death , should contumeliously call any soldier slave , either in earnest or jest. nam facetiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere , acrem suimem riam 〈◊〉 likewise alexander the great having conquered well near all the east , brought his forces before tyre , they fearing alexander's fury , offered upon honourable considerations to yeild him obedience , only requiring , that neither he nor any of his forces should enter the city , which motion after four months alexander accepted , and so signified by his ambassador , who arriving at tyre was by the proud citizens slain , whereat alexander grew into choler , and being ready to forsake the siege , staid his forces , and in the end sacked the city and put the people to the sword. a prince or any other state being assaulted by an enemy of far more puissance than himself , ought not to refuse any honourable compositions , chiefly when they are offered ; for no conditions can be so base , but shall in some 〈◊〉 turn to advantage and honour of him that accepts them . example , 〈◊〉 1512. certain florentines procured great forces of spaniards to come thither , as well to reposess the medici then banish'd , as also to sack the city ; promising that so soon as the army of spain did come into the florentine dominion , the faction of medici would be ready armed to receive them . but the spaniards being come , found no forces at all to joyn with them ; and therefore wanting victual , offered composition . the florentines finding the enemy distressed grew insolent and refused peace , whereof followed the loss of prato , and many other inconveniences . the like happened to them of tyre , as before . the denial or delay of justice desired in revenge of injuries either publick or privately offered , is a thing very dangerous to every prince or other state ; for that the party injured doth oft by indirect means , though with hazard of his country and himself , seek satisfaction : example , the complaint which the galli made against the fabii who sent ambassadors in favour of the tossani , not being heard , nor any punishment inflicted upon them for fighting against the law of nations , was the cause that the galli were offended with the states , whereof followed the sack of rome ; and the delay of justice in philip of macedon , for not revenging the incestuous oppression of attalus to pausanias , was the motive to murther that king. whoso endeavours the alteration of any state must of necessity proceed with all severity , and leave some memorable example to those that shall impugn the ordinance of government newly setled . example , when junius brutus had by his great valour banish'd the traquins , and sworn the people that no king should ever reign in rome ; within short time after , many young nobles , among whom was brutus's son , impatient of the equality of the new government , conspired to recall the tarquins ; but brutus thereof informed , caused his own son not only to be condemned to death , but was himself present at the execution . as health and soundness of the hands . legs , and other outward members cannot continue life , unless the heart and vital spirits within be strong and sirm ; so fortifications and frontier-desences do not prevail , unless the whole corps of the kingdom and people be well armed : example , when the emperor came into italy , and had with some difficulty past the confines of the venetians well near without resistance ; his army march'd to venice , and might doubtless have possest the city , had it not been defended with water . likewise the english in their assault of france , excepting a few encounters on the frontiers , found no puissant resistance within the realm . and anno 1513. they forced all that state , and the king himself to tremble , as ost before they had done ; but contrariwise the romans knowing that life lay in the heart , ever held the body of their state strongest : for the nearer the enemy approach'd rome , the better they found the country armed and defended . the desire to command sovereignly is of so great force , as doth not only work in those that are in expectation of principality , but also in them that have no title at all . example , this appetite moved the wife of tarquinius priscus contrary to all natural duty to incite her husband to murder her own father servius , and possess his kingdom , as being persuaded it were much more honourable to be a queen than to be the daughter of a king. the violation of ancient laws , orders and customs , under which people have long time lived , is the chief and only cause whereby princes hazard their estate and royal dignity . example , albeit the deflowring of lucrece was the occasion , yet was it not the cause that moved the romans to take arms against tarquin ; for he having before that fact of sextus his son , governed tyrannically , and taken from the senate all authority , was become odious both to the senate , nobility and people , who finding themselves well-governed , never seek or wish any other liberty or alteration . a prince that desires to live secure from conspiracy , hath cause rather to fear those on whom he hath bestowed over-great riches and honors , than those whom he hath greatly injured ; because they want means to offend ; the other have many opportunities to do it : example , perrenius the prime favorite of commodus the emperor , conspired his death . plautianus did the like to severus , and sejanus to tiberius ; for being advanced to so great honors , riches and offices , as nothing remained desirable but the imperial title , they conspired against the persons of their sovereigns in hope of the dignity ; but in the end they endured that punishment which to such disloyalty and ingratitude appertaineth . an army which wants experience , albeit the captain be expert , is not greatly to be feared ; neither ought an army of well-train'd soldiers to be much esteemed , whose captain is ignorant . example , caesar going into africa against afranius and petraeus whose army was full of old soldiers , said he feared them little , quia 〈◊〉 ad exercitum sine duce . contrariwise , when he went to pharsalia to encounter pompey , he said , ibo ad ducem sine exercitu . a captain general commanding an army ought rather to govern with curtesie and mildness , than with over-much austerity and severity . example , q. and appius claudius being consuls , were appointed to govern the war. to q. was allotted one army which served very dutifully ; but appius commanding the other with great cruelty , was by his soldiers unwillingly obeyed . nevertheless tacitus seems of contrary opinion , saying , plus poena quam obsequium valet . therefore to reconcile these different conceits , i say , that a general having power to command men , either they are confederates or subjects : if confederates or voluntaries , he may not proceed to extream punishment ; if subjects , and his power absolute , they may be governed otherwise ; yet with such respect , as the insolence of the general inforce not the soldiers to hate him . honour may sometime be got as well by the loss as gaining of victory . every man knoweth glory is due to the victor , and we deny not the same priviledge to the vanquished , being able to make proof that the loss proceeded not from his default . neither is it dishonourable to violate those promises whereto the necessity or disadvantage of war inforceth . and forced promises which concern a whole state , are not binding , and rarely or ever kept , nor is the breaker thereby to receive disgrace . example , posthumus the consul having made a dishonourable peace with the samnites , was by them with his whole army sent home disarmed . being arrived at rome , the consul informed the people they were not bound to perform the base conditions he was compelled to yield unto ; albeit , he and those few that promised , were bound to perform them . the senate thereupon concluded to send him prisoner to samno , where he constantly protested the fault to be only his own ; wherefore the people by that peace incurred no dishonour at all : and fortune so much favoured posthumus , as the samnites were content presently to return him to rome ; where he became more glorious for losing the victory , than was pontius at samno for having won the victory . wise men have long observed , that who so will know what shall be , must consider what is past ; for all worldly things hold the same course they had at first . the reason is , that as long as men are possest with the same passions with former ages , consequently of these doings the same effects ensue . example , the almains and french have ever been noted for their avarice , pride , fury and infidelity , and so in divers ages , experience hath proved even to this present : for perfidious dealing the french have given sufficient proof , not only in ancient times , but also in the time of charles viii . who promised to render to the florentines the forts of pisa , but having divers times received mony , held them not with standing in possession . the florentines found the like in the almains ; for in the wars of the visconti , dukes of milan , they prayed aid of the emperor , who promised them great forces ; in consideration whereof , he was to receive of the florentines one hundred thousand crowns in hand , and as much more when his army was arrived in italy , both which payments were performed ; but as soon as the emperor came to verona he devised cavillations of unkindness whereupon he returned home . a prince desirous to obtain any thing of another , must if occasion so permit , urge his demand so earnestly and press for so sudden and present answer , as he who is prest may not have leisure to consider how to excuse himself in denial . example , pope julio endeavoured to drive out of bologna all the bentivoli , in which action he thought the aid of the french recessary , and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neutial ; and by divers 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 them to that 〈◊〉 but not 〈◊〉 any resolute an 〈◊〉 he though 〈◊〉 with those sew 〈◊〉 he had to take his journey to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the venetians 〈◊〉 him they would remain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the french king forthwith sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as searing the popes 〈◊〉 likewise the tuscans having for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aid of the samnites against the romens , took arms suddenly and 〈◊〉 their request which the samnites 〈◊〉 before denied . when a multitude 〈◊〉 all may not be 〈◊〉 because they are too many : to punish part and leave the rest 〈◊〉 were injury to the suflerers ; and to those that escape , an encouragement to offend again ; therefore to eshew all extremity , mean courses have been anciently used . example , when all the wives of the romans conspired to poyson their husbands , a convenient number of them wero punisht , and the rest suffered to pass likewise at the conspiracy of the bacchanals in the time of the macedonian war , wherein many thousands men and women had part , every tenth person only was put to death by lot , although the ossence were general ; by which manner of punishing , he that suffered , complain'd on his fortune ; and he that escaped , was put in fear , that offending again , the same punishment might light upon himself , and therefore would no more offend . a battel or great action in arms ought not to be enterprised without special commission or command from the prince ; otherwise the general incurs great danger . example , 〈◊〉 the dictator punisht the general of the horse in the roman army , for having sought without his 〈◊〉 adthough he had in battle slain 20000 enemies without loss of 200 of his own : and caesar commended his captain 〈◊〉 for having refrain'd to fight , though with great advantage he might . also count egmont hazarded the favor of the king his master for giving battel to marshall de thermes , albeit he were victorious : for upon the success of that action the loss or safety of all the low countries depended . to govern without council is not only dangerous in aristocracies and popular states , but unto independent princes an occasion of utter ruin . example , hieron the first king of sicily in all his proceedings used the advice of counsels , and lived fifty years prosperously in peace ; but his grand-child succeeding , refusing all counsel lost his kingdom , and was with all his kinsfolk and friends cruelly slain . in all monarchies the senate or privy-council is or ought to be composed of persons of great dignity , or men of approved wisdom and understanding . example , in polonia no man is counsellor unless he be a palatine , a bishop , a castellan , a captain , or such a one as hath been ambassador : and in turky the title of counsellor is not given but only to the four bassaes. the two cadelesquires , the twelve beglerbegs , and kings son , who in his fathers absence , is as it were a president of the divano or senate . many princes ancient and modern have used to select out of their council , two or three , or four at most , to whom only they did impart their affairs . example , the emperor augustus had maecenas and agrippa ; julius caesar , q. paedius and cor. balbus , whom he only trusted with his cipher and secrets , being counsellors of the cabinet ( as we now call them . ) the alteration of old laws , or introduction of new , are in all states very dangerous , notwithstanding any appearance of profit or publick utility , which moved wise governours to decree , that ancient laws once established might never be called in question . example , the athenians decreed that no law should be propounded to the people without the consent of the senate : the like use is observed in venice , where no petition is preferred to the senate but by advice of the sages ; and among the loerians the custom was , that whosoever presented any new law to be confirmed , should come with a halter about his neck , and be therewith hanged if his request were rejected ; also lycurgus to prevent the alteration of his laws , did swear the people of sparta to observe them untilhis return , and thereupon retired himself into voluntary exile , with intent never to return . when necessity or good reason moves innovation or abolition of laws , a course more secure it is to do it rather by degrees than suddenly . example , the romans finding the laws of the twelve tables unprofitable , suffered them to be observed or neglected at discretion , but would not publickly suppress them for fear of calling other laws into contempt : so did they continue 700 years , and were then cassed by ebutius the tribune . but agis king of lacedemon desirous to revive the laws of lycurgus , long discontinued , 〈◊〉 all men to bring in their evidence and writings to be cancelled , to the end a new partition of lands and goods might be made ; which suddain and violent proceeding proved so 〈◊〉 that it moved a dangerous sedition , wherein he was disposed and with his mother and friends put to death ; which example haply moved the 〈◊〉 not to attempt any thing against the authority of augustino barberino their duke . but after his death , and 〈◊〉 the election of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new ordinances 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ducal authority . whoso hath won to himself so great love and affection , as thereby to become master of the forces , and at his pleasure commands the subjects apt for arms , may also without right or title assure himself of the whole estate . example , hugh capat a subject to the crown of france , being greatly honoured by the soldiers , sound means thereby to prevent charles duke of lorrain of the crown , being right heir by descent from charlemain . and albeit the families of the paleologi , ebrami and turcan . be of the blood royal and right 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 empire , when the 〈◊〉 line shall fail ; yet it is like that 〈◊〉 chief bassa having the love of the 〈◊〉 will usurp the state , because the paleologi and other competitors be far from the turks person , poor and without means to purchase the soldiers favor . a commander general in arms , ought upon pain of great punishment be enjoyned , not to imploy or retain any forces longer than the time of his commission . example , the dictators of rome were in this point so precise , as never any of them dared to transgress the time prefixed , till caesar obtained that dignity should continue in him for life ; which was the cause of his usurpation of the state. also the thebans commanded , that if the general of their army did hold his forces one day longer than the time prefixt , he should thereby incur danger of death : which justice was executed upon epaminondas and pelopidas . banishment of great lords , or citizens of great reputation , hath been in divers places diversly used : for in the one , they were inforced only to absent themselves without further infliction ; in the other , banishment was accompanied with consiscation , a course of great danger . example , in argos , athens , ephesus , and other cities of greece , the citizens puissant in friends , vertue or riches , were many times banish'd for envy or fear , but never or very rarely forced to absent themselves longer than ten years ; and that without loss of goods , which was the cause that never any of them warred against the country : but dion being banish'd syracusa by dionysius junior , and coriolanus from rome , did make mighty wars against their own country . the like was done by the medici in florence . honourable and magnanimous men were wont not only to enterprise great acts , but also to suffer patiently all injuries which foes or fortune could expose them to : as resolved , that no calamity was so great as to make their minds abject , or to forget the dignity appertaining to persons vertuous : example , after the defeat of the roman army upon the river allia , the 〈◊〉 persued the victory even to 〈◊〉 walls : whither being come , and finding the gates open , without any sign of resistance they entred the streets , where all honourable palaces were also unshut , which caused the galli greatly to doubt . nevertheless looking into the houses , they found in every of them a senator set in a chair of state , and in his hand a rod of ivory ; his person was also vested with robes of dignity , which majestick spectacle did marvelously amate the galli , not having before that time seen any such reverend sight ; and therefore did not only refrain to osfer violence , but highly admired the roman courage , chiesly in that fortune . nevertheless at length a rude gall hapned with his hand to touch the white beard of m. papyrius , whereat he taking 〈◊〉 disdain struck him with his rod , in requital whereof the barbarian slew papyrius , and by that example all the other senators and persons of dignity were also slain . albeit the knowledge and study of letters be both commendable and necesssary in all well regulated states ; yet if under so honest pretence , idleness enter , such abuses most seasonably be soreseen and rernoved . example , when deognis and 〈◊〉 two excellent philosophers , were sent ambassadors from athens to the rommans , many of the nobility that besore disposed themselves to arms , allured with their eloquence and marvelous wisdom , began with great admiration to follow them : and in lieu of arms , turned their endeavours to the study of letters , which the wise cato discerning , procured the senate to decree that ( to eschew all inconveniences which so honest idleness might breed ) no philosophers should from thenceforth be received into rome . the honour due to magistrates was anciently much regarded , and contrariwise all irreverent and undutisul behaviour with great severity punish'd . example , the censors of rome degraded a citizen only for having yawned loud in their presence : and another called vectius was slain in the field , for not doing due reverence to a tribune when he past by him . it is also observed , that the son of fab. maximus when he was censor , meeting his father on horseback , and seeing the sarjeans assraid to speak to him to dismount , did himself command him so to do , which command the father cheerfully and willingly obeyed , saying , domestick power must give place to publick authority . tyrannous princes having incurred the universal hate of people , sound no means so meet to preserve them from popular fury , as to execute or deliver into their hands their own chief minions and intimate counsellors . example , tiberius delivered to the people his favourite seianus : nero , tigellinus . henry king of swede committed to their fury his best beloved servant george 〈◊〉 caracalla caused all his flatterers to be slain that had persuaded him to kill his brother . the like was done by caligula , whereby he escaped himself . a prince that rewards or pardons a person that kills another prince , albeit by that means he is aspired to soveraignty , shall thereby both incur great danger and hate , and encourage men therein to attempt the like against 〈◊〉 therefore wise princes have not only lest such services quite 〈◊〉 but also most severely punished them . example , the emperor severus put all those to death that consented to the murder of pertinax ; and alexander the great executed him that slew darius , as abhorring that subject that would lay violent hands on his prince , not withstanding he were an enemy . likewise vitellius put to death all the murderers and conspirators against galba ; and domitian executed his secretary epaphroditus for the murder of nero , although he instantly desired his aid . the vertuous and vitious examples of princes incite subjects to imitate the same qualities ; which rule never or very rarely fails . example , francis the first king of france , and other princes in divers ages and places , had great esteem of learned men ; and forthwith all the princes , nobles , nobility and clergy , disposed themselves so earnestly to study , as before that time had not been seen so many and so great a number of learned men , as well in tongues as sciences . contrariwise , alexander the great , otherwise a prince of great vertue , by his immoderate use of drinking , did draw the greatest number of his court and people also to delight in drunkenness the like effect followed the excessive intemperance of mithridates , king of amasia . the last and not the least considerable , is , to observe how great effects devotion and contempt of human glory worketh in the minds not only of private persons , but of kings and princes also , who have oft abandoned worldly profit , honour and pleasure , to embrace the con templative retired life . example , ramirus king of aragon , verecundus king of spain , charlemain son of carolus martellus , matilda queen of france , amurath king of turbay , with many others . imperio maximus , exemplo major . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57590-e1010 * commissions determine in presence of him that granted them . * so henry the fourth of france by putting his courtiers to board-wages was said to make money with his teeth . * the author of the epistle dedicatory to the dutchess of suffolk , prefix'd to mr. latimer's sermons , saith , that lawyers covetousness hath almost devoured england . discipline . tam bene quam male facta praemunt . mart. the arts of empire and mysteries of state discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms, grounded on authority and experience, and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1692 approx. 253 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57355 wing r155 estc r20812 12404703 ocm 12404703 61345 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57355) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61345) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 289:11) the arts of empire and mysteries of state discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms, grounded on authority and experience, and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. milton, john, 1608-1674. [9], 238, [3] p. printed by g. croom for joseph watts ..., london : 1692. first ed. published in 1658 as: the cabinet-council, containing the chief arts of empire and mysteries of state. cf. bm. advertisements: p. [9] at beginning and p. [1]-[2] at end. reproduction of original in university of michigan libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science -early works to 1800. monarchy. 2002-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the arts of empire , and mysteries of state discabineted . in political and polemical aphorisms , grounded on authority and experience . and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations . by the ever-renowned knight sir walter raleigh , published by john milton esq quis martem tunica tectum , adamantina digne scripserit ? london , printed by g. croom , for joseph watts at the angel in st. paul's church-yard , 1692. to the reader . having had the manuscript of this treatise , written by sir walter raleigh , many years in my hands , and finding it lately by chance among other books and papers , upon reading thereof , i thought it a kind of injury to withhold longer the work of so eminent an author from the publick ; it being both answerable in stile to other works of his already extant , as far as the subject would permit , and given me for a true copy by a learned man at his death , who had collected several such pieces . john milton , the principal contents . chap. 1. the definition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds page 1 chap. 2. of sovereign or monarchick government , with its essential marks and specifical differences p. 3 chap. 3. of monarchies seignioril , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire p. 6 chap. 4. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them p. 8 chap. 5. of monarchies tyrannical p. 11 chap. 6. of new-found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them p. 12 chap. 7. of councils and counsellors in general p. 17 chap. 8. of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties and democraties p. 18 chap. 9. of officers and commissioners , with their respective distinctions p. 21 chap. 10. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections p. 22 chap. 11. observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war p. 24 chap. 12. extrinsick observations , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decypher their intendments p. 30 chap. 13. observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor p. 35 chap. 14. of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites p. 41 chap. 15. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment p. 48 chap. 16. of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated p. 51 chap. 17. of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained p. 53 chap. 18. of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes , and ways of prevention or discovery p. 55 chap. 19. of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it p. 58 chap. 20. of diffidence and dissimulation in the management of state affairs p. 67 chap. 21. of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline p. 70 chap. 22. of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions p. 83 chap. 23. of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick ; with advice how to make an honorable peace p. 87 chap. 24. of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof p. 97 chap. 25. a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events p. 107 chap. 26. maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations , and historical parallels p. 184 advertisement . the excellent woman described by her true characters , and their opposites , printed for j. watts . the arts of empire , and mysteries of state. chap. i. the definition and division of publick weales and sovereign states , according to their several species or kinds . a common-wealth is a certain sovereign government of many families , with those things that are common among them . all common-wealths are either monarchies , or all common-wealths are either aristocraties , or all common-wealths are either democraties . or a monarchy is that state where the sovereignty resteth in the person of one only prince . an aristocraty , is where some small part of the people have in them as a body corporate , the sovereignty and supreme power of the whole state. a democraty , is where all the people have power and authority sovereign . so doth it appear , that the place and person where the sovereignty resteth , doth cause the state to be either a monarchy , an aristocraty , or popular government . chap. ii. of sovereign or monarchick government , with its essential marks , and specifical differences . sovereignty is an absolute and perpetual power in every publick state , and he is properly and only a sovereign , that acknowledgeth no superior or equal , nor holdeth of any other prince , person or power , but god and his own sword. the first mark of sovereignty , is absolute power and authority to command all subjects in general , and every of them in particular , without consent of any other person or persons , either greater or inferior to himself . the second mark of majesty is authority to make war , and conclude peace at his pleasure . the third is power to bestow all honors and chief offices at his pleasure . the fourth mark of sovereignty is appellation . the fifth mark and last , is power to pardon all subjects by rigor of law or otherwise , condemned in life , lands , goods or honors . these powers are not to be imparted to any officer , deputy or other magistrate , but in the prince's absence , and for some urgent occasion . monarchies are of three sorts , signioril , royal and tyrannical . the diversity of monarchies doth not proceed from the nature of the state , but the diverse proceedings of those princes that govern ; for great difference there may be between the nature of the commonwealth and the government thereof . that prince that giveth the magistracies honors and offices without respect of nobility , riches or vertue , may be said to govern popularly . and that monarchy may be said to be governed aristocratically , when the monarch imparteth the principal honors and offices to the noble and rich men only . the same difference there is to be found in states aristocratical and popular ; for the one and the other may be both signioril or tyrannical . a monarch signioril is he who by force of arms and just war , is made owner of mens bodies and goods , and governeth them as a master of a family governeth base servants and slaves . a monarch royal , is he whose subjects are obedient unto his laws , and the monarch himself obeyeth the laws of god and nature , suffering every subject to enjoy liberty natural , with property in lands and goods , governing as a father governeth his children . a monarch tyrannical , is he who without regard to the law of god or nature , commandeth free-men as slaves and useth their lands and goods as his own . chap. iii. of monarchy signioril , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire . all people subject to princes , are governed as free-men by their prince , and certain other particular lords of lands and liberties ; who not by the princes commission , but by ancient laws or custom , have inheritance and tenements ; or else they are by one prince and his ministers commanded , which ministers have not by law or ordinance , any authority or interest of themselves , but being like to the people ( base men and slaves ) they command only by commission in the princes name ; and the authority of those ministers doth cease at the princes pleasure , so that the people do not acknowledge any superior but the prince , nor owe any service to other mean lords : so as all the people stand without property in lands or goods ; for example , the empire of turky and the west-indies . the provinces of this monarchy are allotted to sundry magistrates or ministers , and they altered and removed at the princes pleasure ; but it is otherwise in a monarchy royal , because the monarch is there accompanied with many mean lords . and albeit those mean lords are subjects unto the prince , yet have they particular tenants , who may not , without just cause , be dispossessed by the prince ; and those people having had dependency of their lords and their ancestors , do ever beare unto them a certain natural love and dutiful respect ; whoso therefore compareth these principalities , shall perceive , that to conquer a state signioril there is great difficulty , but being conquered , it may easily be maintained ; for the difficulty to conquer such a state , proceedeth from the lack of mean lords to call in and assist the prince that doth invade : who therefore desireth to subdue a nation thus governed , must of force assault all the people , and rather trust in his own strength than the aid of the country . but if he can prevail , then one only fear remaineth , which is the prince's posterity , which necessarily must be extinguished , because the prince's race only hath interest both in the people and soldiers . but to enter a monarchy royal , is an enterprise of no great difficulty , when he that doth enter , hath the friendship and aid of some mean lords to take his part , and prepare the place where he is to arrive . chap. iv. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them . monarchies royal are for the most part ancient and hereditary , and consequently easie to be governed . for it is sufficient for the prince to maintain the old laws , and on occasion temporize with those accidents that happen : such a state cannot be taken from the prince without excessive force , and if it be , it shall be soon recovered . example , england and france . but if a monarchy newly conquered , be annexed unto an old , and not properly ancient , then it is with much more difficulty maintained . first , for that men naturally inclined to variation , are easily induced to take arms against him that newly governeth . secondly , every new prince is forced to exact as well upon those subjects that joyned with him , as those that did resist him , and therefore shall offend both . example , ireland annexed to the crown of england , sicilia and naples to spain . the means to maintain such a monarchy , is , first , to extinguish the race of him that was anciently prince . secondly , to continue all laws and customs in the former force ; for so shall the subject find nothing altered but the prince , and therefore will soon rest contented ; and the rather if that new monarchy , and the ancient dominion of the prince , be of one language : but if the people be of a contrary language and humor , then to hold it , there needeth great industry and fortune ; in that case the best way is , that the prince should inhabit there , as well to incounter all inconveniences proceeding from the subject , as to preserve the people from oppression of his own ministers . another way is , to send thither certain colonies , and plant them in fit places , or else to settle some garisons both of horse and foot ; but colonies are less chargeable to the prince . as for the people inhabitant ( who must necessarily remove , they being a small number and dispossessed ) they cannot have power to offend ; for in that case , this rule or maxim shall be found true , that men must be either kindly intreated , or with all extremity oppressed ; because of light injuries they may be revenged , but of utter oppression they cannot . a third way to hold a conquered dominion , is , to cherish and defend the neighbors of little power , and oppress or keep under those that are most potent ; and above all , to take order that no forreign prince or power do enter ; for it is ever to be looked for , that so many of the nation as are discontented , either for ambition or fear , will be ever ready to bring in strangers : and to conclude this matter of principality annexed , i say it behoveth every prince possessed of such a state , never to increase the power of any potent nighbor , never to oppress those that are of small power , never to permit any forreign potentate to enter , but ever to plant colonies and garisons , or else to make that dominion his chief habitation . chap. v. of monarchies tyrannical . tyrannical princes are not advanced by favor , neither do they trust unto fortune , but by degrees of war , or else by some other indirect means do aspire unto greatness ; and therein do maintain themselves by all ways either honest or dishonest , without respect of justice , conscience or law either of nations or nature : a prince by such impious means aspired , and desiring to hold that he hath gained , will take order that the cruelties he committeth may be done roundly , suddenly , and as it were at an instant ; for if they be executed at leisure and by piece-meal , then will the prince's fears continue long , and the terror in subjects take deeper impression , whose nature is such , that either they must be bound by benefits , or by cruelty made sure from offending : example , dionysius and agathocles . chap. vi. of new found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . some other princes there are , that from private estate have aspired to sovereignty , not by unnatural or impious proceedings as the former , but by vertue and fortune , and being aspired , have found no great difficulty to be maintained ; for such a prince having no other dominion , is forced to settle himself where he is become a prince : but here is to be noted , that albeit such a man be vertuous , yet wanting fortune , his vertue proveth to small purpose , and fortune without vertue doth seldom work any great effect . howsoever it be , a prince being aspired , both by the aid of the one and of the other , shall notwithstanding find some difficulty to hold what he hath gotten ; because he is forced to introduce new laws and new orders of government differing from the old , as well for his own security , as confirmation of the government ; for avoiding of which dangers , he is to consider whether he be of himself able to compel his subjects to obey , or must pray in aid of others : if he can do the first , he needeth not doubt , but being driven to the other , his greatness cannot long continue ; for albeit a matter of no difficulty , it is to perswade a people ; yet to make them constant , is a work well near impossible . example , theseus , cyrus , romulus . the second sort of new princes are such as be aspired by favor or corruption , or by the vertue or greatness of fortune or friends : a prince by any or all these means advanced , and desirous to hold his estate , must indeavor by his own vertue to maintain himself without depending upon any other ; which may be done by this means : first , to assure all enemies from offending . secondly , to win the love and friendship of so many neighbors as possibly he may . thirdly , to compass all designs tending to his honor or profit , and bring them to pass either by fraud or force . fourthly , to make himself honored and followed of captains and soldiers . fifthly , to oppress all those that would or can offend . sixthly , to be obsequious and liberal to friends , magnanimous and terrible to foes . seventhly , to cass all old and unfaithful bands , and entertain new . eighthly , to hold such amity with kings and princes , as they ought reasonably to favor him , or else they would offend ; easily they cannot . example , giovannio , torrigiani , caesar , borgi . the third and last means whereby private persons do aspire to principalities , is not force and violence , but meer good will and favor of men. the cause or occasion thereof , is only vertue or fortune , or at least a certain fortunate craft and wittiness , because he aspireth either by favor of the people , or by favor of the nobility ; for these contrary humors are in all common-wealths to be found . and the reason thereof is , that the great men do ever endeavor to oppress the people , and the people do labor not to be oppressed by them . of these divers appetites one of these three effects do proceed , viz. principality , liberty , or licentious life . principality may come either by love of the multitude , or of the great men ; for when any of these factions do find it self oppressed , then do they soon consent to make one a prince , hoping by his vertue and valor to be defended . example , francesco sforza , alessandro de medici . a prince in this sort aspired , to maintain his estate , must first consider well by which of these factions aforesaid he is advanced ; for if by favor of great men he be aspired , then must he meet with many difficulties ; for having about him divers persons of great quality , and such as were but lately his equals , hardly shall he command them in such sort as it behoveth : but if the prince be advanced by the people , few or none shall hardly disobey him . so it appeareth that a prince made by the multitude , is much more secure than he whom the nobility preferreth ; for common people do not desire to enjoy more than their own , and to be defended from oppression ; but great men do study not only to hold their own , but also to command and insult upon inferiors . note that all monarchies are principalities . but all principalities are not monarchies . chap. vii . of councils , and counsellors in general . a senate or council is a certain lawful assembly of counsellors , to give advice to him or them that have in the commonweale power sovereign . a counsellor is called in the latine senator ; which word signifieth in effect an old man : the grecians and romans also most commonly composed their councils of ancient and expert persons ; for if they , or the greater part of them had been young men , then might the council have more properly been called a juvenate than a senate . the chief and most necessary note required in a counsellor is to have no dependence of any other prince or commonweale ; either oath , homage , natural obligation , pention , or reward : in this point the venetians have been ever most precise , and for that reason , do not admit any cardinal or other clergy-man to be either of or at their councils , therefore when the venetian senate is assembled , the usher being ready to shut the door , cryeth aloud , fuora preti , depart priest. note also that in every state , of what quality soever , a secret or cabinet-council is mainly necessary . chap. viii . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties , and democraties . the king of spain , for the government of his dominions hath seven councils , ( viz. ) the council of the indies , the council of spain , the council of italy and the low countries , the council of war , the council of orders , the council of inquisition , and the council royal. in france are three councils , ( viz. ) the council privy , the council of judges , which they call presidents et conceliers de parlament , and the great council , which they call assemblies du troys estates . of councils in aristocraties . in venice , beside the senate and great council , are four councils , ( viz. ) the sages of the sea , the sages of the land , the council of tenn , the three presidents of quarantia , and the senate : all which councils do amount to one hundred and twenty persons , with the magistrates . the great council of ragusa consisteth of sixty persons , and hath another privy council of twelve . of councils in democraties . genoua hath three councils : the great council of two hundred , the senate which consisteth of sixty , and the privy council which hath twenty six counsellors : so it doth appear that in all commonwealths , be they monarchies , aristocracies , or popular states . the council-privy is most necessary , and often used ; also this difference is to be noted between the councils in monarchies , and the councils in aristocracies and states popular ; that is to say , that all deliberations fit to be published , are in a monarchy consulted and resolved upon in the council privy , and after ratified by common council ; but in optimacies or popular government the custom is contrary . here also is to be noted , that albeit the use and authority of every senate a privy council is most needful , yet hath it no authority to command but in the name of those in whom the sovereignty resteth : for if counsellors had power to command absolutely , then should they be sovereigns , and consequently all execution at their pleasure ; which may not be without detracting from majesty , which is a thing so sovereign and sacred , as no citizen or subject of what quality soever , may touch or approach thereunto . chap. ix . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . an officer is a person publick , that hath charge ordinary and limited by law. a commissioner is also a person publick , but his charge is extraordinary and limited by commission . officers are of two sorts , and so be commissioners ; the one hath power to command , and are called magistrates : the other hath authority to execute : so the one and the other are persons publick : yet are not all publick persons either officers or commissioners . commissioners are ordained to govern in provinces , in war , in justice , in disposing the treasure , or some other function concerning the state ; but all commissions do spring and proceed from the sovereign , magistrates and commissioners . and here is to be noted , that every commission ceaseth if he that granted the commission doth dye , or revoke it , or if the commissioners during his commission shall aspire to office and authority equal to his that made it . chap. x. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . a magistrate is an officer having power to command in the state ; and albeit that every magistrate be an officer , yet every officer is not a magistrate , but they only that have power to command . also in making officers of and magistrates in every commonweale , three things are specially to be observed ( viz. ) who doth make them , what men they are that should be made , and the form and manner how they are made . the first appertaineth to him or them in whom the sovereignty resteth ; the second also belongeth to majesty ; yet therein the laws are commonly followed , especially in aristocracies and states popular ; in the one the magistrates are chosen out of the most wealthy or most noble : in the other , elected out of the whole multitude . the form and manner of choosing magistrates in aristocracies and states popular , is either by election , by lot , or by both , and their office is to compel those that do not obey what sovereignty commandeth : for all force of commandment lieth in compulsion . commandment likewise is of two sorts ; the one may be called sovereign and absolute , above laws , above magistrates , and above people . in monarchies such command is proper to the prince only ; in aristocracies it resteth in the nobility : and in democracies the people have that power . the second commandments are subject both to sovereignty and law. here is to be noted , that every magistrate may recall his own commandment , and forbid what he did command , yet cannot revoke that which he hath judged . * also in the presence of the sovereign , all authority of magistrates ceaseth ; and in presence of great magistrates the inferior have no power ; and magistrates equal cannot do any thing but by consent , if his colleagues or fellow-magistrates be present . chap. xi . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure and war. the first concern matter intrinsick . the second touch matter extrinsick . matters intrinsick are three . the administration of justice . the managing of the treasure . the disposing of things appertaining to war. matters extrinsick are also three . the skill how to deal with neighbors . the diligence to vent their designs . the way how to win so much confidence with some of them , as to be made partaker of whatsoever they mean to enterprise . touching administration of justice . the good and direct administration of justice , is in all places a principal part of government ; for seldom or never shall we see any people discontented and desirous of alteration , where justice is equally administred without respect of persons ; and in every state this consideration is required , but most of all in countries that do front upon other princes , or were lately conquered : hereunto the princes vigilancy and the magistrates uprightness are especially required ; for oft-tentimes the prince is deceived , and the magistrates corrupted ; it behoveth also the prince to maintain the judges and ministers of justice in their reputation , and yet to have a vigilant eye upon their proceedings , and the rather if their authority do include equity , and from their censure be no appeal ; and if their office be during life , and they are men born and dwelling in the same country ; all these things are duly to be considered of the prince ; for as to call the judges into question , is as it were to disgrace the judicial seat ; so to wink at their corruptions were matter of just discontent to the subject : in this case therefore the prince cannot do more than by his wisdom to make choice of good men ; and being chosen , to hold them in good reputation so as the ordinary course of justice may proceed ; for otherwise great disorder , contempt , and general confusion will ensue thereof . secondly , he is to keep his eye open upon their proceedings ; and lastly to reserve unto himself a supreme power of appellation . touching the treasure . the want of money is in all states very perilous , and most of all in those which are of least strength , and do confine upon nations with whom they have commonly war , or unassured peace , but most perilous of all to those governments which are remote from the prince , or place where they are to be relieved . the means to levy treasure are four. first , the customs and impositions upon all forts of merchandize and traffick is to be looked unto and advanced . secondly , the excessive eating of usury must be suppressed . thirdly , all superfluous charges and expences are to be taken away . lastly , the doings and accounts of ministers are severally to be examined . touching the matter of custom and impost thereof , assuredly a great profit is in every state to be raised ; chiefly where peace hath long continued , and where the country affordeth much plenty of commodities to be carried out , and where ports are to receive shipping . the moderating of interest is ever necessary , and chiefly in this age , by reason that money aboundeth in europe ; since the traffick into the indies ; for such men as have money in their hands great plenty , would in no wise imploy the same in merchandize , if lawful it were to receive the utmost usury , being a course of most profit and greatest security . the taking away of superfluous expences is no other thing than a certain wise and laudable parsimony ; which the romans and other well governed states did use . these expences consist in fees , allowances , and wages granted to ministers of little or no necessity ; also in pensions , rewards , entertainments and donaries , with small difficulty to be moderated , or easily to be suppressed . * by abridging or taking away of these needless expences a marvelous profit will be saved for the prince ; but if he continue them , and by imposing upon the people do think to increase his treasure or revenue , besides the loss of their love , he may also hazard their obedience , with many other inconveniences . touching war. whatsoever prince or common-weale is neighbour to any people which can , will , or were wont to offend , it is necessary to have not only all things prepared for defence of his person and country , but also to forecast and use every caution and other diligence : for the inconveniencies which happen to government , are sudden and unlook'd for ; yea , the providence and provision required in this case ought to be such as the expences all other ways imployed must stay to supply the necessity of war. chap xii . extrinsick observation , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decipher their intendments . this first point of matter extrinsick is of such quality as being well handled procureth great good , but otherwise becometh dangerous ; for the proceeding must be divers according to the diversity of the ends which the prince or governor intendeth ; for if he desire to continue peace with his neighbors , one way is to be taken ; but otherwise he is to work that seeketh occasion to break , and to become an enemy to one or more of his neighbors . if he do desire to live peaceably withal , then he is to observe these rules ( viz. ) first , to hold and continue firmly all contracts and capitulations . secondly , to shew himself resolved neither to offer nor take the least touch of wrong or injury . thirdly , with all care and favor to further commerce and reciproke traffick for the profit of the subject , and increase of the princes revenue . fourthly , covertly to win so great confidence with neighbors , as in all actions of unkindness among them he may be made umpire . fifthly , to become so well believed with them as he may remove such diffidences as grow to his own disadvantage . sixthly , not to deny protection or aid to them that are the weakest , and chiefly such as do and will endure his fortune . lastly , in favouring , aiding and protecting ( unless necessity shall otherwise so require ) to do it moderately , so as they who are to be aided , become not jealous , and consequently seek adherency elsewhere , which oft-times hath opened way to other neighbors that desire a like occasion . how to prevent their designs . this point in time of war is with great diligence to be looked unto ; also in time of peace to prevent all occasions that may kindle war is behoveful ; for to foresee what may happen to the prejudice of a princes profit or reputation , is a part of great wisdom . the means to attain the intelligence of these things are two . the first is by friends , the next by espials ; the one for the most part faithful , the other not so assured . these matters are well to be considered ; for albeit the nature of man desireth nothing more than curiously to know the doings of others , yet are those things to be handled with so great secrecy and dissimulation as the princes intent be not in any wise suspected , nor the ministers made odious ; for these sometimes to win themselves reputation , do devise causes of difference where no need is , divining of things future which prove to the prejudice of their own prince . to win confidence with neighbors . this is chiefly attained unto by being loved and honored ; for these things do work so many good effects , as daily experience sufficeth without any express example to prove them of great force . the ways to win love and trust , is in all actions to proceed justly , and sometimes to wink at wrongs , or set aside unnecessary revenges ; and if any thing be done not justifiable , or unfit to be allowed , as oftentimes it happeneth , there to lay the blame upon the minister , which must be performed with so great show of revenge and dissimulation , by reproving and punishing the minister , as the princes offended may be satisfied , and believe that the cause of unkindness proceeded from thence . now only it resteth that somewhat should be said touching provision , to the end the people may not be drawn into despair by famine , or extream dearth of victual , and chiefly for want of corn , which is one principal consideration to be regarded , according to the italian proverb , pane in piazza , giustitia in palazzo , siverezza per tutto : whereunto i could wish every prince or supreme governor to be thus qualified ( viz. ) facile de audienza : non facile de credenza , desioso de spedition , essemplare in costunii proprii , & inquei de sua casa tale chevorra governare , e non esser governato da altro ; he della raggione . chap. xiii . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . every good and lawful principality is either elective or successive : of them election seemeth the more ancient ; but succession in divers respects the better : minore discrimine sumitur princeps quam quaeritur . tac. the chief and only endeavor of every good prince , ought to be the commodity and security of the subjects , as contrariwise the tyrant seeketh his own private profit with the oppression of his people : civium non servitus sed tutela tradita est . sal. to the perfection of every good prince , two things are necessarily required ( viz. ) prudence and vertue ; the one to direct his doings , the other to govern his life : rex eris si recte feceris . hor. the second care which appertaineth to a good prince , is to make his subjects like unto himself ; for thereby he is not only honored , but they also the better governed : facile imperium in bonos . plaut . subjects are made good by two means ( viz. ) by constraint of law , and the princes example ; for in all estates , the people do imitate those conditions whereunto they see the prince enclined : quicquid faciunt principes , praecipere videantur . quintil. all vertues be required in a prince , but justice and clemency are most necessary ; for justice is a habit of doing things justly , as well to himself as others , and giving to every one so much as to him appertaineth : this is that vertue that preserveth concord among men , and whereof they be called good : jus & acquit as vincula civitatum . cic. * it is the quality of this vertue also , to proceed equally and temperately ; it informeth the prince not to surcharge the subjects with infinite laws ; for thereof proceedeth the impoverishment of the subjects and the inriching of lawyers , a kind of men which in ages more ancient , did seem of no necessity : sine causidicis satis foelices olim fuere futur acque sunt urbes . sal. the next vertue required in princes is clemency , being an inclination of the mind to lenity and compassion , yet tempered with severity and judgment ; this quality is fit for all great personages , but chiefly princes , because their occasion to use it is most ; by it also the love of men is gained : qui vult regnare , languida regnet manu . sen. after clemency , fidelity is expected in all good princes , which is a certain performance and observation of word and promise ; this vertue seemeth to accompany justice , or is as it were the same , and therefore most fit for princes : sanctissimum generis humani bonum . liv. as fidelity followeth justice , so doth modesty accompany clemency ; modesty is a temperature of reason , whereby the mind of man is so governed , as neither in action or opinion he over-deemeth of himself , or any thing that is his ; a quality not common in fortunate folk , and most rare in princes : superbia commune nobilitatis malum . sal. this vertue doth also moderate all external demonstration of insolence , pride and arrogance , and therefore necessary to be known of princes , and all others whom favor or fortune have advanced : impone foelicitati tua fraenos , facilius illam reges . curt. but as princes are to observe the bounds of modesty , so may they not forget the majesty appertaining to their supreme honor , being a certain reverend greatness due to princely vertue and royal state ; a grace and gravity no less beseeming a prince than vertue it self ; for neither over-much familiarity , nor too great austerity , ought to be used by princes : facilitas autoritatem , severitas amorem minuit . tac. to these vertues we may apply liberality , which doth not only adorn , but highly advance the honor due to princes ; thereby also the good will of men is gained ; for nothing is more fitting a prince's nature than bounty , the same being accompanied with judgment , and performed according to the laws of liberality : perdere multi sciunt , donare nesciunt . tac. it seemeth also that prudence is not only fit , but also , among other vertues , necessary in a prince ; for the daily use thereof is in all humane actions required , and chiefly in matters of state and government : prudentia imperantis propria & unica virtus . arist. the success of all worldly proceedings , doth shew that prudence hath compassed the prosperous event of humane actions , more than force of arms or other power : mens una sapiens plurium vincit manus . eurip. prudence is either natural , or received from others ; for whoso can counsel himself what is fit to be done , needeth not the advice of others ; but they that want such perfection , and are nevertheless capable , and are willing to know what others inform , ought to be accounted wise enough : laudatissimus est qui cuncta videbit , sed laudandus est is qui paret recte monenti . hesiod . chap. xiv . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministres of state , with their several requisites . albeit the excellent spirit of some princes be such as doth justly deserve the highest commendation ; yet for that every course of life needeth the aid of men , and the mind of one cannot comprehend the infinite care appertaining to publick affairs ; it behoveth princes to be assisted : magna negotia , adjutoribus egent . tac. the assistants may be properly divided into counsellors and ministers ; the one to advise , the other to execute : without counsel , no kingdom , no state , no private house can stand ; for experience hath proved , that common-weales have prospered so long as good counsel did govern , but when favor , fear or voluptuousness entered , those nations became disordered ; and in the end subject to slavery : quiddam sacrum profecto est consultatio . plato . counsellors are men specially selected to give advice to princes or common-wealths , as well in peace as in war ; the chief qualities required in such men , are fidelity and knowledge ; which two concurring do make them both good and wise , and consequently fit for counsel : prudentis proprium munus recte consulere . arist. the election of counsellors is and ought to be chiefly among men of long experience and grave years ; for as youth is fittest for action in respect of corporal strength ; so elder folk having felt the force of every fortune , and observed the course of worldly proceedings do seem most meet for consultation : consilia senum , facta juvenum . plato . albeit we say that the excellency of wisdom should be in counsellors ; yet do we not require so quick and fiery a conceit as is more apt for innovation than orderly government : hebetiores quam acutiores melius remp. administrant . thucyd. to fidelity and experience we wish that our counsellors should be endued with piety , liberty , constancy , modesty and silence ; for as the aid and assistance of god is that which governeth all good counsels , so liberty of speech , and magnanimous uttering of what is good and fit , is necessary in counsellors . likewise to be constant and not to vary in opinion , either for fear or favor , is very commendable : also as modesty in giving counsel escheweth all offences , and gaineth good will , so secresie is the best and most secure means to govern all publick affairs : res magnae sustineri non possunt ab eo qui tacere nequit . curt. the first obstacle to good counsel is pertinacy or opiniativeness ; a condition far unfit for counsellors ; yet some men are so far in love with their own opiniastre conceits , as that they cannot patiently endure opposition . secondly , discord must from counsellors be removed , because private offence many times impeacheth publick proceedings . thirdly , affection is an enemy to counsel , the same being commonly accompanied with anger , wherewith nothing can be rightly or considerately done . lastly , avarice seemeth a vice worthy to be abhorred of all counsellors , because it driveth away both fidelity and honesty , the principal pillars of all good counsel : pessimum veri affectus & judicii venenum , utilit as . tac. to good counsel other impediments there are , which square not with wisdom ; for all crafty and hazarding counsels do seem in the beginning likely to succeed ; but afterwards and chiefly in the end do prove hard and of evil event . it therefore seemeth behoveful to be wary in resolving , and bold in executing : animus vereri qui scit , scit tuto aggredi . pub. another lett to good consultation is immoderate desire , which every wise man must endeavor to restrain : cupiditate pauca recte fiunt , circumspectione plurima . thucyd. thirdly , haste is an enemy to good deliberation ; for whoso greedily desireth any thing , proceedeth rashly ; and rash proceeding endeth ever in repentance : scelera impetu , bona consilia mora valescunt . tac. of ministers of state. having already spoken of counsellors , somewhat is to be spoken of ministers ; i mean those that either publickly or privately serve the prince in any function ; in choice of which men , care must be had ; first , that they be persons honestly born ; for no man descended of base parentage may be admitted , unless in him be found some noble and excellent vertue : optimus quisque nobilissimus . plato . secondly , they ought to be of honest condition , and of good fame ; for that common-weale is better and more secure , where the prince is not good , than is that where his ministers are evil. it seemeth therefore that ministers should be men of good quality and blameless : emitur sola virtute potestas . claud. thirdly , consideration is to be had of their capacity and fitness , for that function wherein they are to be used ; for as some men are apt for learning , so others are naturally disposed to arms. also it is necessary that every one square with the office whereunto he is appointed , in which matter some princes have used great caution ; for as they little liked of men excellent , so they utterly detested the vitious ; the one they doubted to trust in regard of themselves , the other were thought a publick indignity to the state. wise men have therefore resolved , that those wits which are neither over-haughty and singular , nor they which be base or dull , are fittest for princes secrets and services ; howsoever we may hereof say with tacitus : nescio quomodo aulica haec comitia affectus dirigit , & fato quodam ac sorte nascendi , ut caetera , ita principum inclinatio in hos , offensio in illos est . tac. and because the course and quality of mens lives serving in court , is of all other the most uncertain and dangerous , great heed and circumspection ought therein to be used ; for whoso serveth negligently , forgetting the dutiful endeavors appertaining to the place , seemeth to take a way of no good speed : quanto quis obsequio promptior , tanto honoribus & opibus extollitur . tac. it shall also become such a man to look well unto his own profit , and behave himself rather boldly than bashfully : malus minister regii imperii pudor . sen. to be modest , and closely to handle all actions , is also a course well beseeming a courtier ; neither shall he do well to attribute any good success to his own vertue or merit , but acknowledge all to proceed from the prince's bounty and goodness , by which means envy is eschewed , and the prince not robbed of his honor : haec est conditio regum , casus tantum adversos hominibus tribuant , secundos virtuti suae . prov. emped . and to conclude these precepts summarily , i say it behoveth all ministers and servants in court to be patient , wary and of few words : fraudum sedes aula . sen. chap. xv. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . to govern , is a certain skill how to command and continue subjects in due obedience , so as offend they ought not , or if they will they cannot ; wherein two special things are to be considered ( viz. ) the nature of men , and the nature of the state ; but first the condition of the vulgar must be well conceived : noscenda natura vulgi , & quibus modis temperanter habeatur . tac. the disposition of men is divers ; some are apt to anger , some are hardy , some fearful ; it therefore behoveth the prince to accommodate his government to the humor of people whom he governeth : principis est virtus maxima nosse suos . mart. likewise the nature of commonweals is mutable and subject to change , and kingsare not only accompanied with fortune , but also followed with hate , which breedeth a continual diffidence , chiefly towards those that are nearest to majesty : suspectus semper invisusque dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur . tac. moreover the vulgar sort is generally variable , rash , hardy , and void of judgment ; ex opinione multa , ex veritate pauca judicat . cic. to confirm a government , force and arms are of greatest necessity ; by force i mean the guards and arms which princes use for their defence or ornament ; miles in foro , miles in curia principem comitari debet . tac. to this may be added fortification and strong buildings , in these days much used by new princes , and others also to whom people yield , not willing obedience . in ancient times princes planted colonies as well to suppress rebellion in conquered countries , as to front suspected neighbors : coloniae vera sedes servitutis . tac. the government of princes is also greatly increased by a virtue , which i call a commendable affection in subjects , proceeding of love and authority : these effects do grow from the princes own merit , but their being liveth in the mind of the people ; this love is gained by lenity , liberality , and mercy ; yet is every of them to be tempered : nec aut reverentiam terrore , aut amorem humilitate captibis . plin. affection is also no way sooner won then by liberality , the same being used with judgment and moderation . bellorum sociis , periculorum consortibus , sivi de te bene ac fortiter — — meritis . sen. by indulgence likewise , and princely affability , the love of men is gain'd ; for the multitude desire no more than necessary food and liberty , to use ordinary recreations : vulgo , sicut pueris , omne ludicrum in pretio est . sen. chap. xvi . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . authority is a certain reverent impression in the minds of subjects and others touching the princes virtue and government ; it resteth chiefly in admiration and fear : ingenita quibusdam gentibus erga reges suos veneratio . curt. authority consisteth in three things ; ( viz. ) the form of government , the strength of the kingdom , and the condition of the prince ; for in them all reputation and security resteth : majest as imperii , salutis tutela . curt. whoso desireth to govern well , it behoveth him to use severity , constancy and restraint ; for over much lenity introduceth contempt , and certain hope of impunity ; the condition of men being such as cannot be restrained by shame , yet it is to be commanded by fear : salutaris severit as vincit inanem speciem clementiae . cic. yet ought severity to be used with great respect and sparingly , because over great terror breedeth desparation : poena ad paucos , metus ad omnes perveniat . cic. to govern constantly is nothing else but to continue the old and ancient laws in force without change or innovation unless exceeding great commodity or urgent necessity shall so require : for where extream punishments are used , reformation is always needful : nocet interdum priscus rigor & nimia severitas . tac. also to restrain authority is a matter of great necessity and worthy a wise prince ; else he maketh others partakers of the honor and power to himself only due , the same being also dangerous : periculosam privati hominis nomen supra ( immo & juxta ) principes extolli . tac. it seemeth also perilous that great authority given to private men should belong ; for thereby oft-tentimes they are made insolent and apt to innovation : libertatis sive principatus magna custodia est , si magna imperio diuturna esse non sinas . liv. authority is also reinforced and enlarged by power , without which no prince can either take from others or defend his own : parum tuta sine viribus majestas . liv. chap. xvii . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . power and strength is attained by these five ways , money , arms , counsel , friends and fortune ; but of these the first and most forcible is money : nihil tam munitum quod non expugnari pecunia possit . cic. next to money arms are of most use as well to defend as to offend ; to keep , and to conquer ; for oft-tentimes occasion is to be offered as well to take from others , as to hold what is our own : sua retinere privatae est domus , de alienis certare regia laus est . tac. also of great and necessary use is counsel , to devise how arms ought to be employed or enforced : arma concilio temperanda . tac. likewise friends and confederates do greatly increase the virtue of power , the same being such as have both wit and ability to aid : in caducum parietem ne inclina . adri. the last , yet not the least part of power consisteth in fortune ; whereof daily experience may be seen ; for the success of all humane actions seem rather to proceed from fortune than virtue : omni ratione potentior fortuna . curt. to these particularities concerning power , we may add the qualities of the prince , which greatly grace his authority ; these are partly internal , and partly external : by the one i mean the virtues of the mind , by the other a certain seemly behavior and comely gesture of the body ; of the first kind i do suppose piety and providence to be the chief , for piety maketh a prince venerable , and like unto god : oportet principem res divinas videri curare serio & ante omnia . arist. providence is a forecast and likely conjectures of things to come , supposed to be in those princes that in their actions proceed slowly and circumspectly , it seemeth also a course of princely discretion to be retired aud not ordinarily to converse with many : autoritatem absentia tueare . suet. chap. xviii . of conspiracy and treason , with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . conspiracy is commonly addressed to the princes person ; treasons are addressed against his government , authority , country , subjects , or places of srength . these mischiefs are easily feared , but hardly eschewed ; for albeit open enemies are openly encountred , yet fraud and subtilty are secret foes , and consequently not to be avoided : occulta pericula neque praevidere neque vitare in promptu est . salust . the danger of conspiracy proceedeth of divers causes , as avarice , infidelity of subjects , ambition in servants , and corruption in soldiers , therefore with great difficulty to be avoided : vitae tuae dominus est , quisquis suam contempsit . sen. notwithstanding it seemeth that either by inquisition , punishment , innocency , or destiny , the evil affection of men may be oft-tentimes discovered : 1. for whoso will curiously inquire and consider the actions and ordinary speechees of men ( i mean those that be persons of honor and reputation ) may oft-tentimes vent the myne that lurketh in the minds : quoniam rarò nisi male loqunti mali faciunt . lips. 2. punishment is likewise a thing so terrible that the consideration thereof with the hope of reward doth often discover those dangerous intentions : cruciatu aut praemio cunct a pervia sunt . tac. but as it is wisdom in princes to give ear to informers , so are they not always to be believed ; for hope , envy , hate , or some other passion oft-tentimes draws them to speak untruly : quis innocens esse potest si accusare sufficit ? tac. 3. the third and likeliest defence against conspiracy is the princes own innocency ; for never having injured any man , it cannot be thought there liveth any subject so lewd as will endeauor to hurt him : fidelissima custodia principis ipsius innocentia . plin. 4. the last and best bulward to withstand the force of this mischief we call destiny ; which proceeding from the fountain of divine providence , may be truly called the will of god ; in whose only power it resteth to protect and defend good princes : ille erit a latere tuo , & custodiet pedem tuum ne capiaris . salo. treasons are most commonly enterprized by covetous persons , who preferring private profit before fame or fidelity , do not fear to enter into any impious action : to this humor ambitious men dissentious , and all such as be desirous of innovation , are inclined : pulcra loquentes iidem in pectore prava struentes . hom. to these offenders no punishment is equal to their impious merit , can be devised , being persons odious as well to friends as foes : proditores etiam in quos anteponunt , invisi sunt . tac. chap. xix . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . having briefly touched the virtues and means whereby princes are maintained in authority and honor , let something be said of the causes from whence their ruine doth proceed ; the chief whereof seemeth to be hate and contempt : hate cometh of fear , which the more common it is , the more dangerous : nulla vis imperii tanta est , quae premente metu possit esse diuturna . cic. the causes of fear are punishments , impositions and rigor ; and therefore it behoveth a prince not only to shun them , but to eschew those actions whereby he may reasonable incur their suspision : sentias enim homines ut metuant aut oderint , non minus opinione & fama , quam certa aliqua ratione moveri . cic. yet punishment , imposition and censure are in all states necessary , although they shew and seem terrible , and consequently breed a certain desperation in subjects , unless they be discreetly and modestly used ; for extream and frequent punishments taste of cruelty ; great and many imposts savor of covetousness ; censure of manners when it exceedeth the quality of offences , doth seem rigour in these matters ; therefore it behoveth the prince to be moderate and cautelous , chiefly in capital punishment , which must be confined within the bounds of justice : sit apud principem parsimonia etiam viliffimi sanguinis . sen. but if for security sake the prince be forced to punish , let the same be done with shew of great sorrow and lothness : tanquam invitus & magnocum tormento ad castigandum veniat . sen. let all punishments also be slowly executed ; for they that are hastily punished do seem to have been willingly condemned ; neither ought any capital punishment to be inflicted but only that which is profitable to the commonweale , and for example sake : non tam ut ipsi pareant , quam ut alios pereundo deterreant . sen. in punishing also a specil respect must be had , that no shew of content or pleasure be taken therein : forma rabiei est sanguine & vulneribus gaudere . sen. also in punishing , equality must be observed , and the nature of the punishment according to the custom : nec eisdem de causis alii plectantur , alii ne appellentur quidem . cic. but in punishing publick offences wherein a multitude have part , the execution ought to be otherwise , and as it were at an instant , which may haply seem terrible , but in effect is not : frequens vindict a paucorum odium reprimit ; omnium irritat . sen. another means to satisfie a people offended is to punish the ministers of cruelty , and with their blood to wash away the common hatred . piaculares publici odii victimae . plin. by this king david did appease the gibeonites . the next cause of discontent cometh of impositions , under which word is comprehended all levies of money , a matter nothing pleasing to people , as that which they esteem equal to their own lives : pecunia anima & sanguis est mortalibus . plaut . first , to remove hate conceived of this cause , there is nothing better then publick expostulation of necessity : for what commonwealth or kingdom can be without tributes ? nulla quies gentium sine armis , nec arma sine stipendiis , nec stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt . tac. the second remedy against hate for impositions is to make moderate levies and rare . for as tiberius the emperor was wont to say , a sheep should be fleeced not flead : qui nimis emungit , elicit sanguinem . tac. thirdly , also to eschew the offence of people , it behoveth the prince to have a vigilant eye on informers , promoters , and such fiscal ministers , whose cruelty and covetous proceedings do oft-tentimes occasion great hate ; but this mischief may be , though hardly , encountred , either by choosing honest officers , or ( proving otherwise ) not only to remain them but to use them as spunges : exprimendi post quam biberint . suet. in all impositions or taxations , no cruelty or force ought to be used , the second cause to kindle hate : and to meet with that mischief , nothing is better than to proceed moderately , and without extremity : ne boves ipsos , mox agros , postremo corpora servitio aut poenae tradant . tac. the fourth remedy is the princes own parsimony , not giving so largely to private persons as thereby to be forced to take from the multitude : magnae opes non tam multa capiendo , quam haud multa perdendo , quaeruntur . maecaenas . the last help against hate is in taxation to proceed equally , indifferently , and without favor or respect ; and that the assessors of taxes may be elected of the meaner fort of people : populis maximam fidem rerum suarum habet . tac. touching censure , which we numbred amongst the causes whereof hate is conceived , much needeth not to be spoken , because the same is discontinued , or rather utterly forgotten ; yet doth it seem a thing necessary , being a certain observation and controlement of such evil manners and disorders , as were not by law corrigible ; these officers were of the romans called magistri pudoris & modestiae . livi. to the function of censures these two things are anciently subject manners , and excess ; under manners i comprehend wantonness , drunkenness , dicing , brawling , perjury , and all such lewdness as modesty condemneth . these disorders were anciently punished by the discretion of censors in all ages and sexes , to the end that idleness might be generally avoided . universa plebs habeat negotia sua , quibus a malo publico detineatur . salust . excess includeth riotousness , expence of money , prodigal house-keeping , banquetting and superfluity in apparel , which things are the mothers of many mischiefs . it also seemeth in some sort perilous to the prince that the subject should exceed either in covetize or consuming : nemo nimis excedat , five amicorum copia , sine opum . arist. the punishment inflicted upon these sorts of offenders , were either ignominy , or pecuniary punishments : censoris judicium damnato nihil affert nisi ruborem . tac. the first and chiefest means to remove these inconveniences , is the princes own example , whose life being well censured , easily reduceth others to order . vita principis censura perpetua . plin. secondly , those disorders may be taken away without danger , if the censures do proceed by degrees and leasurely ; for the nature of man may not suddenly be altered . vitia quaedam tollit facilius princeps , si eorum sit patiens . sen. these are the chiefest rules whereby to eschew hate ; but impossible it is for any prince or minister utterly to avoid it ; for being himself good , he incurreth the offence of all bad folk , if he be evil , good men will hate him ; this danger therefore wise and vertuous princes have little regarded ; because hate may be gained as well by good as evil doing : odia qui nimium timet , regnare nescit . sen. one other means to remove this error , is , to reward the good and well deserving subjects ; for no man can think him cruel , that for love to vertue useth austerity ; which will appear , when he bestoweth bountifully on the good : praemio & poena respublica continetur . solon . the other vice which indangereth the state of princes , we call contempt , being a certain base and vile conceit , which entereth into the subjects , strangers or servants , of the prince and his proceedings ; for the authority of a king may be resembled to the powers of mans mind , whereunto the hands , the feet , the eyes , do by consent obey : vires imperii in consensu obedientium sunt . livi. the causes of contempt do proceed chiefly from the form of government , fortune , or the prince's manners ; the form of government becometh contemptible , when the prince , desiring to be thought merciful , ruleth rather pitifully than justly ; which manner of proceeding taketh away all reverence in the people , and in lieu thereof , entereth liberty , or at least a certain boldness to offend : facult as faciendi quod cuilibet visum , non potest comprimere ingenitam singulis hominibus pravitatem . tac. also to be mutable , irresolute , light and inconsiderate in bestowing the honors and offices of state , maketh the prince contemptible : qui praesentibus fruitur , nec in longius consultat . arist. but if contempt be caused by fortune , or as may be said more reasonably , by destiny , and that those friends do fail , who ought in duty to defend the prince and his authority , then is there small hope to eschew contempt : fato obnoxia virtus . plaut . the prince's manners do breed contempt , when he yieldeth his affections to sensuality and sloth , or if he incur the suspition of simplicity , cowardise , or any such vice , unworthy the dignity he beareth : common people do sometimes also disesteem the prince for external and light causes , as deformity of person , sickness or such like : mos vulgi est , fortuita & externa ad culpam trahere . tac. chap. xx. of diffidence and dissimulation in the management of state affairs . albeit roundness and plain dealing be most worthy praise , chiefly in private persons ; yet because all men in their actions do not so proceed , it behoveth wise men and princes , above others , at occasions to semble and dissemble ; for as in all actions a prince ought to be slow and advised ; so in consent and believing , haste and facility is most dangerous ; and though credulity be rather an error than a fault , yet for princes it is both unfit and perilous . wherefore it importeth them to be defended with this caution , nihil credendo , atque omnia cavendo . cic. notwithstanding he must not shew himself diffident or distrustful utterly ; but as i wish he should not over-slightly believe all men , so ought he not for small causes distrust every man : multi fallere docuerunt , dum timent falli . sen. dissimulation is as it were begotten by diffidence , a quality in princes of so great necessity , as moved the emperor tiberius to say , nescit regnare , qui nescit dissimulare . the necessity of dissimulation is chiefly to be used with strangers and enemies ; it also sheweth a certain discretion in magistrates , sometimes to disguise with friends when no offence doth thereof follow : doli non sunt doli , nisi astu colas . plaut . this kind of craft , albeit in every mans conceit not praisable , is nevertheless tolerable , and for princes and magistrates ( the same being used to good ends ) very necessary . but those cunnings which are contrary to vertue , ought not of honest men to be used ; neither dare i commend adulation and corruption , though they be often used in court , and are of some learned writers allowed : decipere pro moribus temporum , prudentia est . plin. by great subtilty and frauds , contrary to vertue and piety , i mean perjury and injustice , which though all men in words detest , yet in deeds are used of many , perswading themselves , by cavillations and sophistications , to excuse the impiety of their false oaths ; as it is written of lysander , pueros talis , viros juramentis circumvenire solebat . plut. chap. xxi . of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers and military discipline . the art military is of all other qualities most necessary for princes , for without it they cannot be defended ; force of men only sufficeth not , unless the same be governed by council , and martial wisdom : duo sunt quibus resp . servatur ; in hostes fortitudo , & domi concordia . tac. military knowledge concerneth war , and every war is either forreign or domestical . touching forreign , it must be considered when it must be begun , how to continue it , and when to be ended ; to begin war , a prince is to take heed that the cause be just , and the enterprise advisedly entred into : sunt enim & belli sicut pacis jura , justeque ea non minus ac fortiter gerere debes . livi. the laws of arms are in all common-weales to be duly observed ; for to enter fight rashly and without respect to reason , were beastly ; also to kill or slay would work no better effect , than that all nations should without mercy murder one another : barbaro ritu coedem coede , & sanguinem sanguine expiare . sal. no war therefore is to be made , but such as is just ; and in every just war these three things are to be looked into ( viz. ) that the author be of authority , that the cause be good , and the end just ; for in all states , the prince , or they in whom the sovereignty resteth , are the just authors of war ; others have no such authority : si quis privatim sine publico scito , pacem bejumve fecerit , capitale esto . plato . wars are of two sortt ; defensive and offensive ; the one to resist , the other to invade ; against defence nothing can be said , because it is natural and necessary . est non modo justum sed etiam necessarium cum vi vis illat a defenditur . cic. defensive war is of two sorts , either to defend thine own , or thy friends ; for it is reason that every one should keep securely that which to him appertaineth ; and therewith also by arms to defend the liberty of country , parents and friends : nullum bellum a civitate suscipitur nisi aut pro fide aut pro salute . cic. the like reason leadeth us to assist and protect friends ; for the common obligation of humane society doth so require : qui enim non obsistit si potest , injuriae , tam est in vitio , quam si parentes aut patriam , aut socios deserat . cic. invasion is also just and allowable , but not ever ; for whoso hath been robbed , or spoiled of his lands or goods , may lawfully seek repossession by force ; yet so as before any force be used , he first civilly seek restitution , wherein if justice be denied , then is the use of arms necessary : justum bellum quibus necessarium ; & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes . liv. likewise invasion is lawful against barbarians , whose religion and impiety ought to be abhorred , chiefly if they be potent and apt to offend ; for the cause of such war is compulsion and suppression of evil : cui licentia iniquitatis eripitur , utiliter vincitur . august . finally , to conclude this matter of invasion , i say , that no revenge , no desire of honor or empire , are any lawful causes of war ; but the intent thereof ought to be directed only to defence and security : for wise men do take arms to win peace , and in hope of rest they endure travel : it a bellum suscipiatur ut nihil aliud quam pax quaesit a videatur . cic. having said somewhat against unjust war , let us speak of temerity and unadvised war , an enterprise worthy discommendation : omnes bellum sumunt facile , agerrime desinunt ; nec in ejusdem potestate initium & finis est . sal. a wise i rince therefore ought neither to undertake any unlawful invasion , nor without sober and mature deliberation enter into any war , as he that is unwilling to offend , yet of courage enough to defend : nec provoces bellum , nec timeas . plin. to make war three things are required , money , men and arms ; and to maintain a war , provision and council , are needful : therefore a wise prince , before he begins a war , doth carefully consider what forces and charge thereunto belongeth : diu apparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius . pub. above all other provisions , care must be had , that bread be not wanting ; for without it neither victory nor life can be looked for : qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non praeparat , vincitur sine ferro . vegetius . lastly , it behoveth a prince always to have arms in readiness , i mean , harness , horses , weapons , artillery , engines , powder , and every other thing necessary either for service on horse or foot : we may add hereunto ships , and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture of offence or defence ; for these preparations make a prince formidable , because no man dare do or attempt injury to that king or people , where preparation is ever ready to revenge : qui desiderat pacem , praeparat bellum . cass. by men we mean a multitude of subjects armed , trained to defend or offend : these are of two sorts , captains and soldiers ; and soldiers are either footmen or horse-men ; the one of great use in the champion , the other in mountainous places ; also for defence or assault of towns or grounds fortified most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur . tac. for sudden service , horses do seem most meet , and the execution of any enterprise is by them most speedily performed : nevertheless the actions of foot-men do seem most certainly executed , chiefly if they be well armed , and skilfully lead ; for so experience hath of late time proved ; besides , that they are of less expence and of greater number : in universum aestimanti plus in pedite robur . tac. having thus proved , that both horse and foot be necessary , let us remember , that unless they be serviceable , great numbers are to small purpose : manibus opus est bello , non multis nominibus . livi. to make soldiers serviceable , consisteth in good choice and good discipline ; the one at this day little regarded : emunt militem , non legunt . livi. soldiers ought to be elected out of the most honest and able number of bodies , and every company composed of men known one to the other ; for thereby they are made the more confident : but hereof is small heed taken , for commonly they are purgament a urbium suarum . curt. touching discipline , it seemeth that thereof the external form , and not the certain substance , is observed : for as in former ages soldiers endeavored to be vertuous and modest , so now they rather study to excel in riot than in martial knowledge : exercitus lingua quam manu promptior , praedator est sociis , & ipsa praeda hostiam . sal. for as much as soldiers are made good by election and choice , it seemeth that the foundation and ground of service consisteth in the discretion and judgment of those that have authority to make election ; yet will we add , that they must be chosen of natural subjects , for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible ; they are also mutinous and cowardly : their custom likewise is to rob , burn and spoil both friends and foes , and to consume the princes treasure : ossa vides regum vacuis exsucta medullis . juven . but the native soldier is faithful and obedient , resolute in fight , loving to his country , and loyal to his prince : gentes quae sub regibus sunt , pro deo colunt . curt. native soldiers are of two sorts , ( viz. ) they that be in continual pay , and they that are trained ready to serve , but do notwithstanding attend their own private affairs , until they be called : the first are for all princes necessary : in pace decus , in bello praesidium . tac. of this sort no great number ought to be , as well to eschew disorder , as also to save expences . the second kind of foot soldiers are to be levied in villages , as people more patient of pains , and fit for the wars ; yet so judiciously disposed as the citizens : odio praesentium & non cupidine mutationis . tac. touching the number of these extraordinary soldiers , that must be referred to discretion : bellum parare , simul & aerario parcere . to conclude , i say these numbers of ordinary and extraordinary foot ought to be according to the number of the people , not inserting any gentlemen ; for service on horse-back is to them only proper : alas rusticis non tribuo ; in nobilitatem & in divites haeo a pauperibus onera inclines . livi. the most certain notes whereby to conceive the disposition of men fit to become soldiers , are these five , the country where they are born , their age , proportion of body , their quality of mind , and their faculty . touching , first , their country , it is a thing apparently proved , that mountainous regions , or barren places , and northern habitations , do breed wits well disposed to the war : locorum asperit as hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. secondly , the age most apt for the war , was anciently observed to be about eighteen years , and so the romans used : facilius est ad virtutem instruere novos milites , quaem revocare praeteritos . veget. thirdly , the stature of a soldier ought to be observed : marius liked best the longest bodies ; pyrrhus preferred large and well proportioned men ; but vegetius in his choice , rather esteems strength than stature : utilius est fortes milites esse quam grandes . veget. fourthly , the mind or spirit of a soldier ought to be considered , for that mind which is quick , nimble , bold and confident , seemeth apt for war : he is also of good hope , that loveth honor more than ease or profit : in brief , is qui nihil metuit nisi turpem famam . sal. lastly , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath been bred ; for it may be presumed that fishers , fowlers , cooks , and others trained up in effeminate arts , are unfit for martial endeavor : and as these men were , in respect of their trade , thought unmeet , so in old time , slaves and masterless-men were repulsed from arms , as persons infamous : sed nunc tales sociantur armis quaeles domini habere fastidiunt . veget. how soldiers ought to be chosen , these few words we have spoken , may suffice . let us therefore say somewhat of discipline . choice findeth out soldiers , but discipline doth make and continue them fit for service : paucos viros fortes natura procreat , bona institutione plures reddat industria . veget. discipline is a certain severe confirmation of soldiers in their valor and vertue , and is performed by four means , exercise , order , compulsion and example . the two first appertain to valor , the third to vertue , the last to both : but of exercise , first , i say , that a soldier being chosen ought to be informed in arms , and used in exercise and action ; the word exercitium importeth nothing else : exercitus dicitur , quod melius fit exercitando varro . order consisteth in dividing , disposing , and placing of men aptly on all occasions to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct : this matter requireth a large discourse , and therefore i refer it to skilful captains and writers , as polybius , vegetius , de la nonne , and others . compulsion and correction , is that which bridleth and governeth the manners of soldiers ; for no order can be observed amongst them , unless they be continent , modest and abstinent ; for continency is chiefly to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires : degenerat a robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum . tac. the modesty of a soldier is perceived by his words , apparel and actions : for to be a vaunter , or vain-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honor or arms , seeing true vertue is silent : viri militiae nati , factis magni , ad verborum linguaeque certamina , rudes . tac. the apparel of a soldier sheweth modesty , if therein he do not exceed ; for albeit it fitteth well the profession of arms , to be well armed and decently apparelled ; yet all superfluity savoreth of ignorance or vanity : horridum militem esse decet , non coelatum auro argentoque sed ferro . livi. abstinence is also fit for all soldiers ; for thereby guided , they refrain from violence and insolency ; by that rule also they are informed to govern themselves civilly in the country where they serve , and likewise in their lodgings : never taking any thing from the owner , nor committing any outrage : vivant cum provincialibus jure civili , nec insolescat animus qui se sensit armatum . the last mark of discipline we called example , under which word is comprehended reward and punishment : for men are rewarded whensoever they receive for any excellent or singular service , honor or riches : and for evil , they have their due when they taste the punishment thereunto belonging : necessarium est acrius ille dimicet , quem ad opes & dignitates ordo militiae & imperatoris judicium consuevit evehere . veget. likewise as gold and glory belongeth to good and well deserving soldiers ; so punishment is due to those that be vitious and cowardly ; for nothing holdeth soldiers in obedience so much as the severity of discipline : milites imperatorum potius quam hostem metuere debent . veg. chap. xxii . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . of soldiers let this little suffice , we will now speak of what quality chieftains and leaders ought to be , for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies : militaris turba sine duce , corpus sine spiritu . curt. a chief or general in war , is either of his own authority chief , or a general that commandeth in the name of another . of the first sort are emperors , kings and princes ; of the other , be their deputies , lieutenants , colonels , and indeed all general commanders in the war : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person or by deputy , divers wise men have diversly thought , therefore it may be thus distinguished ; if the war do then only concern some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lieutenant ; but if the whole fortune of a prince do thereupon depend , then is he to command in his own person and not otherwise : dubiis bellorum exemplis summae rerum & imperii seipsum reservat . tac. it therefore importeth the prince sometimes by his own presence , sometimes by his deputation to perform that office ; but however occasion shall require , it ever behoveth that one only commander ought to be , ( for plurality of chieftains doth rarely or never work any good effect ) yet with this caution that he be of experience , and wise : in bellica praefectura major aspectus habendus peritiae quam virtutis aut morum . arist. the qualities required in a chiestain are these , skill , vertue , providence , authority and fortune : by skill we mean he should be of great knowledge , and long experience , or to make a sufficient captain ; the information of others , or his own reading is not enough : qui norit quis ordo agminis , quae cura exploandi , quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus . cic. military vertue is a certain vigor or force both of body and mind to exercise soldiers as well in fained war as to fight with the enemy ; and summarily a captain ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industrius in agendo , celeris in conficiendo . cic. next to vertue we placed providence as necessary in great captains ; for being of such wisdom , they will not hazard nor commit more to fortune than necessity shall inforce ; yet true it is , fools and vulgar folks , that commend or discommend actions according to success , were wont to say , cunctatio servilis , statim exequi , regium est . but advised and provident captains do think , temeritas praeterquam quod stulta , est etiam infelix . livi. albeit providence be the best mean of good speed , yet some captains of that quality and in skill excelling , have been in their actions unlucky , when others of less sufficiency have marvellously prevailed ; we may therefore reasonably say with cic. quod olim maximo , marcello , scipioni , mario & ceteris magnis imperatoribus non solum propter virtutem , sed etiam propter fortunam soepius imperia mandata , atque exercitus esse commissos . cic. lastly , we wished authority to be in chieftains , for it greatly importeth what opinion or conceit the enemy hath of such a governor , and likewise how much his friends and confederates do esteem him ; but the chief and only means to maintain authority , is austerity and terror : dux authoritatem maximam severitate sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus vindicet , nulli errantium credatur ignoscere . veget. also experience hath proved , that such chieftains as were affable and kind to their soldiers , were much loved , yet did they incur a contempt ; but on the other side , those that commanded severely and terribly , although they gained no good will , yet were they ever obeyed : dux facitis inutilis . app. chap. xxiii . of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick , with advice how to make an honorable peace . after men found and framed fit for the war , to small or no purpose shall they serve , unless they be imployed by wisdom or good council : mon minus est imperatoris consilio quam vi persicere . tac. council in war is of two sorts , direct council and indirect ; the first sheweth a plain and orderly course for proceeding , as to lay hold on occasion ; for as in all other humane actions occasion is of great force : occasio in bello solet amplius juvare quam virtus . veget. as occasions presented are means of good success , so fame worketh great effects in the wars , therefore it behoveth a captain to be constant , and not apt to believe the vain rumors and reports of men : male imperatur , cum regit vulgus duces suos . sen. confidence is also to be eschewed , for no man is sooner surprised , than he who feareth least ; also contempt of the enemy hath been occasion of great discomfitures , therefore as a captain ought not to fear , so should he not contemn his enemy : nimia fiducia semper obnoxia . aemyl . as security , and overmuch estimation of our own vertue or valor is hurtful , so doth it import every good captain to be well informed , not only of his own forces but also of what strength the enemy is ; likewise it behoveth him to know the situation of the country , and the quality of the people , with every other circumstance . moreover , the generals honor and capacity ought to be known , with the condition and nature of the enemy : impetus acres cunctatione languescunt , aut in perfidiam mutantur . tac. temerity in war is also dangerous , for wise captains were wont not to enterprise any thing without deliberation and good opportunity , unless they were thereunto by necessity inforced : in rehus asperis & tenui spe , fortissima quaque consilia tutissima sunt . livi. some wise men , not superstitiously but discreetly , do think prodigious signs from heaven , or on earth , are not to be neglected , neither are dreams in time of war to be contemned : nam amat benignitas numinis , seu quod merentur homines , seu quod tangitur eorum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendent . aemi . a wise captain will also wait opportunities , and spy out fit times when the enemy is wearied , or pretending fear , draw him into danger ; which advantages , with many other , are gained chiefly by observing of time : quia si in occasionis momento , cujus praetervolat opportunitas , cunctatus paulum fueris , nequicquam mox omissam querare . livi. next the observation of time , the place is to be well considered , whether it be for thine advantage or thine enemies : amplius prodest locus saepe quam virtus . veget. thirdly , it importeth much , that men be well ordered , trained , and prepared for the fight ; for the want of art is cause of many disadvantages , and many times a small supply of choice soldiers on horse-back or foot , doth seem to the enemy very terrible ; likewise a sudden shout or conceit hath amazed a whole army : milites vanis & inanibus , magis quam justis formidinis causis moventur . curt. fourthly , it were to good purpose , that in ordering of men for fight , soldiers of one country or nations , should be ranged together , and above all , to foresee that the least loss of blood be among the natural subjects , and so handle the matter , that the chief slaughter light upon strangers and mercenaries : ingens victoriae decus , citra domesticum sanguinem bellanti . tac. the generals own courage and lively disposition to fight , will greatly animate the multitude of soldiers , as a contrary countenance or appearance of fear , will exceedingly amaze and daunt : necesse estad fugam parati sint , qui ducem suum sentiunt desperare . veget. it were also for thy great advantage , that the forces should be ordered for the fight , before the enemy be prepared . first , for that thou maist the better perform , what thou thinkest fit to be done . secondly , that thereby thine own forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assail the enemy , and to begin the fight : plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . livi. after victory it is not the best policy to execute the enemies with extream cruelty , but proceed moderately , for it shall suffice the victory is thine : clausis ex desperatione crescit audacia , & cum spei nihil est , sumit arma fermido . veget. lastly , i would advise that the general should be wary in his actions , and in every enterprise to frustrate the soldiers from spoils and pillage : saepe obstitit vincentibus pravum inter ipsos certamen , omisso hoste spolia consectanda . tac. of direct councils , let that we have said suffice . we will now speak of councils indirect , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems or subtile practices : which manner of proceeding , hath been , in times past , of divers grave writers condemned : vir nemo mentis altae clanculum velit occidere hostem . eurip. notwithstanding the opinion of this , and divers other writers worthy credit , it seemeth reasonable , and in piety allowable , that stratagems and subtilties may be used in the war , yet with such caution , as the same may stand with fidelity and honor ; for fraud being used , contrary to contracts and agreements made with the enemy , is mere treachery : as to poyson him or her , a murtherer to kill him , were plain impiety : faederatum injuste fallere , impium . livi. also out of the war covertly to kill a particular enemy by secret assault or practice , is not warrantable , either by faith or honor ; yet to use all craft , cunning and subtilty in open war , is both allowable and praisable ; and so is thought by christian writers : cum justum bellum suscipitur , ut aperte pugnet quis aut ex insidiis , nihil ad justitiam interest . aug. the same is also approved by divers authors of good credit : confice sive dolo seu stricto cominus euse . the same is also affirmed by xenophon , reipsa nihil utilius in bello dolis . thus having briefly touched what counsels are required in war , let us consider how victory is to be used , for the end of every good war is peace ; to the enjoying whereof , three things are required , wariness , mercy and modesty ; because over-great confidence may happily impeach the end of good success : res secundae negligentiam creant . livi. i also wish the victory to be handled mercifully , because all conquests are in their own nature cruel enough : and the ire of insolent soldiers , forces the conquered to become desperate : gravissime mor sus irritate necessitatis . curt. to proceed modestly , is also an honorable quality in him that conquereth ; for in prosperous fortunes , men do hardly refrain covetous and proud doings ; yea , some good and great captains have in like cases forgotten what did best become them : in rebus secundis etiam egregii duces insolescunt . tac. after victory followeth peace : for if war did ever continue , no state or government could stand : therefore how great , or how long soever the war be , the end must be peace ; the name whereof is not only sweet , but also comfortable : pax una triumphis innumeris potior . peace is not only good and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those that are victored : pacem reduci velle victori , expedit , victo necesse est . tac. nevertheless until good and honorable peace be offered , arms may not be laid aside : wherein i wish tully's advice to be followed : bellum gerendum est ; si bellum omittemus , pace nunquam fruemur . livi. in treaty of peace , two things must be considered : first , that the conditions be honorable . to condescend to any base conditions , is unto a princely mind not only great indignity , but also intolerable : cum dignitate potius cadendum , quam cum ignominia serviendum . plut. it also importeth , the peace should be simple , true and unfeigned ; for all feigned and dissembling amity is to be doubted : pace suspect a tutius est bellum . mithrid . the fittest season to speak of peace , is either when the war beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equal force ; for if the war continueth , it must behove the weaker to yield to necessity : not unlike the ship-master , who to save himself doth cast the greatest part of his loading into the sea : necessitati pare , quam ne dii quidem superant . livi. finally , having generously defended thy self , and performed all things required in a magnanimous captain , and finding nevertheless thy force insufficient , it cannot be dishonorable to accept peace . wherefore laying aside hatred and hope , which are but weak supporters , thou maist recommend thee and thine to the approved discretion of an honorable enemy : victores secundae res in miserationem ex ira vertunt . livi. now for as much as every peace promiseth rest and quiet , as well to the victorious as to the victored ; we may add thereunto , that the prince victorious receiveth thereby honor , profit and security . for although his happiness may occasion hope of great success , yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to listen to peace : decorum principi est cum victoriam prope in manibus habeat , pacem non abnuere , ut sciant omnes te & suscipere juste bellum , & finire . livi. it seemeth also the more honorable ; for who so is victorious , doth give peace and not take it : he also sheweth himself discreet by using a moderation in victory , and no extremity in spoiling , which our wise and godly writers have commended : pacem contemnentes , & gloriam appetentes , pacem perdunt & gloriam . bern. peace is also profitable for the victorious , because continual war breedeth weariness , and of violent proceeding desparation and peril cometh : maximi & mortiferi morsus esse solent morientium bestiarum . sen. likewise peace is more assured than any victory . hope of the one is in thine own power ; the other in the hand of god : add thereunto the force of fortune , which hath great power in all humane actions : in rebus secundis nihil in quenquam superbe ac violenter consulere decet , nec praesenti credere fortunae , cum quid vesper ferat , incertus sis . sen. also conditions of peace ought to be reasonably and freely bestowed : for no people can live contented under such a law as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax bello bene mutatur . sen. chap. xxiv . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . the greatest and most grievous calamity that can come to any state is civil war ; for therein subjects take arms against their prince or among themselves , whereof followeth a misery more lamentable than can be described . non aetas , non dignitas quenquam protegit , quo minus stuprà caedibus , & caedes stupris misceantur . tac. the first cause of civil war proceedeth of destiny , for god in his own divine providence foreseeth many years before , that great and mighty empires shall be ruined . in se magna ruunt : laetis hinc numina rebus crescendi posuere modum — lucan . the second cause is , excess , riot , and dissolute life ; for nothing breedeth civil fury so soon as over great happiness ; also pompous apparel , banquetting and prodigal spending consumeth riches , and plenty is turned into poverty ; for by these means are men brought into desperation . rapacissimo cuique ac perditiffimo , non agri aut faenus sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tac. now to consider how destiny might be eschewed , were in vain : for such a remedy no wit or wisdom can devise , being the decree of god , no doubt it is inevitable . ita fato placuit , nullius rei eodem semper loco stare fortunam . sen. there is nothing exempt from the peril of mutation ; the earth , heavens , and whole world is thereunto subject . certis eunt cuncta temporibus ; nasci debent , crescere , extingui . sen. touching the second causes of civil war some remedies may be used , because it proceedeth of faction , sedition or tyranny . i call faction a certain association of divers persons combined to the offence of others . it proceedeth often of private or publick displeasure , and more often of ambition . nemo eorum qui in rep. versantur , quos vincat , sed a quibus vincatur , aspicis . sen. 1. factions are of two sorts ; for either they consist of many or of few persons : both be dangerous , but the former more apt to take arms ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth arms of foreign forces . 2. the other faction wherein are fewer partakers , be commonly great personages or men of more importance than ordinary people ; and that proveth most perilous and bloody . nobilium factiones trahunt ad se , & in partes , universum etiam populum . arist. albeit some wise men have held opinion that factions are necessary , yet cannot that conceipt be reasonably maintained , unless it be upon confines , and in such places where conspiracy is feared , which cato in his private family used . semper contentiunculas aliquas aut dissensum inter servos callide serebat , suspectum habens nimiam concordiam orum , metuensque . plut. factions against the nobility , are sometimes suppressed by forbidding colors , or unknown bagdes to be worn , also to inhibit names or watch-words of mutinies is necessary , which was mecaenas counsel to augustus ; and aristotle thinketh it fit that laws should be made against the factions of noblemen . nobilium contentiones & partes etiam legibus oportet prohibere conari . arist. another cause of civil war , we call sedition , which is a sudden commotion or assembly of common people against their prince or his magistrates : the original of which disorders may proceed of divers causes , but chiefly of oppression . imminentium periculocum remedium , ipsa pericula arbitrari . arist. again , fear may be the occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injured , and is desirous to prevent it before it cometh . it may proceed also of over great mildness in government . non miseriis licentia sed licentia , tantum concitum turbarum , lascivire magis plebem quam saevire . livi. sedition many times ariseth of poverty , or of the artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no means whereof they can live . semper in civitate , quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invidem , vetera odere , nova expetunt , odio rerum suarum mutari omnia student . sab. lastly , sedition cometh of tyranny , insolency , or mutinous disposition of certain captains , cavaliers , or ring-leaders of the people ; for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , yet doth it stand firm , until some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per se immobilis . livi. of these movers some are ambitious , who wanting other means to aspire , hope by practice of sedition , to compass their designs ; or else they are unthrifts , who having consumed their own , seek by violence to possess themselves of other mens : or else they are vain and light persons , that without cause or reason , attempt innovation , themselves know not for what . non tam praemiis periculorum , quam ipsis periculis loeti , pro certis & olim partis , nova , ambiguae ancipitia maelunt . thus having told the causes of sedition , i wish the remedies were prepared . omne malum nascens facile opprimitur , inveteratum fit plerumque robustius . cic. the first way to suppress sedition , is eloquence and excellent perswasion , which oft-tentimes worketh great effects among the multitude ; chiefly when it proceedeth from some reverend and grave person , for his wisdom and integrity of life honored : for the prince himself is not to take office in hand , unless necessity so inforce : integra autorit as principis majoribus remediis servetur . tac. if perswasion cannot prevail , then force must compel : but before such violent proceedings , use , art and cunning , either to appease the people , or at least to disunite them ; and rather if the prince do offer fair and promise plausibly . verba apud populum plurimum valent . tac. it is lawful also in such cases for princes to use subtilty ; and the same not prevailing , to wash away the stain thereof with clemency : for when arms laid down , and every one yielded , general punishment were needless . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tac. the last cause of sedition we named tyranny , which is a certain violent government , exceediug the laws of god and nature . the difference between kings and tyrants is this ; the one imployeth arms in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrifie those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate . auferre , trucidare , rapere , falsis nominibus imperium , at que ubi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant . tac. the quality of tyrants is to esteem promoters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others . they are also protectors of impious . persons , and stand in daily doubt of noble and virtuous men. nobilitas , opes , amissi gestique honores , procrimine : et ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. tyrants do also endeavor to suppress the knowledge of letters and civil life , to the end all arts should be exiled , and barbarism introduced . pellunt sapientiae professores , & omnes bonas artes in exilium agant . tac. these and such like , be the conditions of tyrants , who for the most part are deposed and slain ; for as kings live long and deliver their dominions to their children and posterity : so tyrants being feared and hated of all men , cannot continue in their estate . adgenerum cereris sine ceede & vulnere pauci descendunt reges & sicca morte tyranni . juvin . the remedies of these mischiefs which proceed from the violence of such a prince , are persecution or patience . many generous spirits have used the first ; perswading themselves rather to dye , than endure the sight of a tyrant . also the grecians did think it a service acceptable to murther the person of such an impious prince . graeci homines deorum honores tribuebant iis qui tyrannos necaverunt . cic. nevertheless , in christian consideration , the other course is to be taken : let patience therefore incounter this mischief ; for seeing all kings , as well the bad as the good be sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . persecution is not only perilous , but for the most part infortunate : for therefore present revenge is taken by that prince that succeedeth . facinoris ejus ultor est , quisquis successerit . tac. the murther of tyrants is also followed with many inconveniences worse than civil war it self . principes boni , votis expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . tac. for as fire , floods , and other inevitable plagues are necessarily to be suffered : so evil princes in their covetousness and cruelty ought to be patiently indured , because their office is to command , and subjects must obey . indigna , digna habenda sunt , rex quae facit . sen. and as it is the use of vulgar people to find faults in the long reign of princes ; so the ambition of great subjects is desirous of novelty . praesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucyd. to conclude , we say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience : for so long as men are , so long will vices be . regum ingenia toleranda , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tac. chap. xxv . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . to the perfections of men , three things are necessarily required ; nature , nurture and use : the first giveth capacity , aptness and understanding ; which are graces from above . nurture , is learning , knowledge , art , or order . use , is practice , experience , and orderly observation ; whereof may be conceived , that nature alone sufficeth not ; nor can nurture work any good effect , where natural aptness wanteth ; and they can frame no perfection , unless experience be also conjoined . nemo nascitur sapiens , sed sit . sen. ambassadors , negotiants , and generally all other ministers of mean fortune , in conversation with princes and superiors , must use great respect , shewing themselves rather ceremonious than presumptuous , and acknowledge their obligation great , for the favor and grace , they find in those which might command them . it is no wisdom ever to commend or discommend the actions of men by their success ; for oft-tentimes some enterprises attempted by good counsel , end unfortnately ; and others unadvisedly taken in hand , have happy success . who so then commendeth inconsiderate counsels for their fortunate event , thereby encourageth men to jar and discomfort the wiser sort to speak what they know , and by experience have proved . in actions publick , and every other matter of great moment , the beginning is well to be considered : for afterwards it lieth not in our power , without dishonor to abandon what was begun . the time doth not always serve , nor is apt occasion always offered to enterprise what would ; yer who so doth expect every opportunity , shall either attempt nothing at all , or if he do , the same for the most part turneth to his own disadvantage . when any resolution is taken , either with over great haste , or too much affection , seldom it receiveth good success : for he that doth the one , hath no leisure to consider ; the other transporteth the mind so as it cannot conceive more than that which presently presseth . to these we add others , i mean some of them that have leisure , and are void of affection , yet for want of natural capacity , or for continual negligence in their doings , never bring any thing well to pass . who so desireth to be beloved in a commonwealth , must rest content with that which men do give , and the laws allow him to take : so shall he neither incur danger nor envy : for indeed , that which is taken or extorted from others , and not that which is given , doth make men hated . arms , laws and religion , may not in any well governed state be disjoined ; every one of them in particular maintaineth them all united . in actions of war , courage and conduct are of great necessity ; yet all good government consisteth in using the virtues moral ; and in handling the matter of martial policy , it is fit to imitate the proceedings of ancient and approved captains . among mortal men , there is nothing more common than to believe the estate of one man to be better than another ; for hereof it cometh , that every one endeavoreth rather to take from others with travel , than to enjoy his own with rest . the state of princes is good , being well used ; so is the fortune of private men , if therewith they be contented . the rich man liveth happily , so long as he useth his riches temperately ; and the poor man that patiently endureth his wants , is rich enough . whensoever a man is so dangerously distressed , as either proceeding or standing , he liveth in like peril , then doth it behove him in any wise , to resolve upon action . the reason is , that so long as nothing is done , the same accidents that caused his dangers , do still remain in their former force ; but if he endeavor to enterprise somewhat , either he may meet with means to make him secure , or at the hardest , shew himself of so great courage and wit , as he dare and can attempt a way to do it . it seemeth a thing of great difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince or magistrate to eschew the evil speech and bad report of men ; for if they be good and virtuous , then they incur the backbiting of lewd persons ; if evil , then will all good men exclaim against them . all commonwealths ought to desire peace , yet it is necessary ever to be prepared for the war ; because peace disarmed is weak , and without reputation : therefore the poets feign , that pallas the goddess of wisdom did always appear armed . every prince ( well advised ) ought to govern his subjects and servants in such sort , that by his affability and virtue they may be induced rather to serve voluntarily , then for pay or hope of preferment . for otherwise doing , whensoever the prince shall want means to pay , the subjects likewise will fail of good will to serve . but he that faithfully loveth , doth neither in prosperity become arrogant , nor in contrary fortune retire , or complain of the small favor he findeth : for ( till death ) love and life remain at the princes commandment . where poor men find justice , evil men are punish'd , measures and weights be just , youth well nurtured , and old folk free from avarice , there is the commonwealth good and perfect . in war between neighbors , neutrality is commendable ; for by that means we eschew many troubles and great expences , so long as the forces of either side be so equal in strength , as we need not to fear the victory of any : for so long their discord is our security , and oft-tentimes offereth us means to increase our own state and reputation . the chief reasons to move war , are , the justice of the cause , the facillity of success , and the profit of the victory . in all humane actions it behoveth to accommodate the council of men unto present necessity , and never to expose security to manifest peril , nor hope of that which without great difficulty or impossibility cannot be obtained . it is the nature of men , having escaped one extreme , which by force they were constrained long to endure , to run headlong into the other extreme , forgetting that vertue doth always consist in the mean. the multitude is inclined to innovation , and easily induced by false perswasion , and consequently easily transported by seditious leaders . men are naturally disposed to fear those things which threaten danger and terror ; yet unless these perils , by some new accident , be daily revived , that fear by little and little vanisheth , and security recovereth the place . whoso findeth himself contemned , or not respected , becometh discontent ; which humor in generous minds , breedeth oftentimes adventerous imaginations , whereof audacious attempts have followed , chiefly in persons of authority and reputation ; for he that hopeth no good , feareth no evil : yet true it is , that dangerous enterprises , the more they be thought upon , the less hope they give of good success , for which reason conspiracies not suddenly executed , are for the most part revealed or abandoned . all people do naturally imitate the manners of their prince , and observing his proceedings , resolve to hate or love him : but if they happen once to hate the prince , then his doings , good or evil , are afterwards not good ; but if at the beginning he gained the love of the people , then every bad action is reputed a vertue ; as though he could not be induced to do amiss without good cause or reason . greatly are princes deceived , if in the election of ministers , they more respect their own particular affection , than the sufficiency of the person elected . a prince having conquered any new dominion , is thereby rather incumbered than strengthened , unless the same be after well governed ; and seldom is it seen , that a principality , by ill means gotten , hath been long enjoyed . as to the perfection of the whole body , soundness of head only sufficeth not , unless the other members also do their office ; even so it is not enough that a prince be faultless , but it behoveth also that the magistrates and ministers should perform their duty . great princes rarely resist their appetites , as for the most part private men can ; for they being always honored and obeyed , do seldom with patience indure the want of any thing reasonable , as being perswaded that what they desire is just , and that their commandment hath power to remove all difficulties . all men are naturally good , when no respect of profit or pleasure draws them to become evil. but this worlds corruption , and our frailty is such , as easily and often for our particular interest we incline to the worst ; which was the cause that wise law-makers found out reward and punishment ; the one to incite men to good , the other to fear them from being evil. a tyrant indeavoreth to maintain his estate by three means . first , he practiseth to hold all subjects in extreme awe , and to be basely minded , to the end they should want courage to take arms against him . secondly , he kindleth diffidence and discord among the great men ; thereby to remove occasion of conspiracy and combination . lastly , he holdeth them disarmed and idle , so as they neither know nor can attempt any thing against him . to govern , is nothing else but to hold subjects in love and obedience ; for in respect of the end , they ought not , and in regard of the other they cannot attempt any thing contrary to the governor's will and their duty . the laws and ordinances of a common-weale made at the beginning thereof when men were good , do often prove unprofitable when they are become evil ; and therefore new laws are made according to the accidents which happen . the discontent and disorder of people is ever occasioned by the inequality of their goods , because the poorer sort would be made equal to the rich ; but the offence that grows among great men is the desire of honor ; for they being equal , do endeavor to aspire to equal authority . a prince that desireth , by means of his ambassador , to deceive any other prince , must first abuse his own ambassador , to the end he should do and speak with more earnestness , being indeed perswaded that the intent and meaning of his master is simple , which happily would not , were he privy that his prince's meaning were to dissemble . this course is also commonly holden by those , that by imployment of a third person , would perswade any thing feigned or false . for the performance of conditions of treaty of peace , or league of amity , the promises , vows and oaths of princes are of great effect ; and because fidelity in a man is not ever certain , and time doth daily offer occasions of variation , there is no assurance so secure and good , as to stand so prepared , as the enemy may want able means how to offend . to resolve in matters doubtful , or answer requests which we are not willing to grant , the least offensive way is not to use direct denial , but by delays prolong the time , and so in effect , afford good expectation . the old proverb saith , magistratus virum ostendit ; which is no less true than ancient ; for men in such fortune , are occasioned not only to make proof of their sufficiency , but also to discover their affections ; and the more their greatness is , the less respect they have to contain those passions which are natural . albeit great troubles and continual adversity seem insupportable , yet is there nothing more dangerous , than overmuch prosperity ; and being pressed by new appetites , they disturb their own security . in speaking of occurrents doubtful , it is always wisdom to feign ignorance , or at least alledge that we believe them not ; for most commonly they are utterly untrue , or far other than vulgarly is believed . the actions of men are commonly liked or disallowed according to the bad or good success ; attributing that to council which sometimes is due to fortune . the multitude of men were wont to be more pleased with sudden than slow resolutions ; and many times account those enterprises generous , which are rashly and inconsiderately attempted . great difference there is between subjects desperate , and others which are only discontented ; for the one desire nothing but present alteration , which they endeavor with all hazard ; the other wish for innovation , inciting any motion or practice , because their intent is to attend time , and that occasion may present it self . a benefit bestowed on him who thinketh himself greatly injured , doth not suffice to raze the same out of his memory , chiefly if the benefit be given at such time as no mere motion , but necessity may seem the occasion thereof . that peace ought to be desired , which removed suspition , which assureth us from peril , which bringeth quiet certain , and acquitteth us of expences ; but when it worketh contrary effects , it may be called a dangerous war , covered with the name of deceitful trust , not unlike a perilous poyson ministred in lieu of a wholsome medicine . the effect of things , and not external show , or seeming , ought to be regarded ; yet it is credible what great grace is gained by courteous speech and affability ; the reason whereof is , as i suppose , that every man believeth he doth merit more than indeed he is worthy , and consequently holdeth himself injured , whensoever he findeth men not to afford him like estimation . men ought in any wise , to refrain to do or say any thing which may offend , for which respect it were great folly , either in presence or absence , to utter displeasing speech , unless necessity inforceth . the matters whereof counsellors are chiefly to consider , are five , the prince's revenue , peace and war , defence , traffick , and what laws are to be made . in giving council divers things are to be observed ; but amongst them are two of most importance : first , it behoveth , that he who is counselled should be wise ; for seeing counsel is nothing else but a certain considerate discourse of things to be done or not done , if he who is to take counsel be not of discretion , then will he refuse all good advice offered , and rather incline to that which his own fancy affecteth , because the want of judgment draweth him to take pleasure in vain things ; and as one incapable of what is good and true , will follow that which is evil and false : so on the other side , if he that giveth counsel be not faithful , then will he a thousand ways disguise and dissemble the truth , and consequently miscarry the mind of him that is counselled ; yea in the end utterly abuse him . the affairs and proceedings of the world , are so variable , and accompanied with so many chances and changes , as impossible it seemeth to judge what is best ; theresore experience informeth , that the conjectures of the most wise , prove vain and uncertain . i therefore mislike the judgment of those men , that will let slip opportunity of present good ( though it be small ) for fear of a future evil , notwithstanding it be greater unless the evil be very near at hand , or certain . for if that do not follow which is feared , then wilt thou repent to have omitted that which was desired . whensoever a general opinion is conceived , of the singular vertue and knowledge of any man , although he be indeed ignorant , and far unworthy that account , yet it is hard to remove such a settled conceit : the reason is , that men having at the first given credit to common report , do make thereof so deep an impression , as afterwards , without great difficulty , cannot be removed . the bodies of men , munition and money , may justly be called the sinews of war , yet of them the two first are more necessary , for men and arms have means to find money and meat ; but money and meat cannot so easily find soldiers and swords . one wise general having but a thousand men , is more to be feared and esteemed , than twenty commanders of equal authority ; for they being commonly of divers humors , or judging diversly , do never , or very rarely , what is to be done , and consequently lose much time before any resolution can be taken . a prince of mean force , ought not in any wise to adventure his estate upon one days fight ; for if he be victorious he gaineth nothing but glory ; but if he lose , he is utterly ruined . the most part of men are delighted with histories , for the variety of accidents therein contained ; yet are there few that will imitate what they read , and find done by others ; being perswaded that imitation is not only hard but impossible , as though the heavens and men were changed in their motion , or order and power , which they anciently had . the nature of men is such , as will not endeavor any thing good , unless they be forced thereunto ; for where liberty aboundeth , there confusion and disorder follow . it is therefore supposed , that hunger and poverty make men industrious ; but good laws inforce them to be honest ; for if men were of themselves good , then laws were needless . there are two kinds of adulation : the first proceedeth from a subtle malice : the second cometh by an ordinary use of conversation ; the one tendeth to profit and deceiving ; the other hath no farther design , than a respect or fear to offend ; whereunto the most honest are in some sort bound . whoso bindeth himself to flattery , doth thereby bewray his intent , either to gain , or not to lose that he hath . for the person flattered , is always superior to him that doth flatter , or at least one as may in some sort stand him in stead . it may therefore be inferred , that only men of base and miserable condition , and such as cannot help or hurt , be free from flatterers . and contrariwise , magnanimous and fortunate folk , proud men , and such as content themselves with their present estate , are seldom found to be flatterers . every wise prince doth presuppose , that times of trouble may come , and that all such occasions he shall be forced to use the service of men diversly qualified . his study therefore is , in the mean time so to entertain them , as when those storms arise , he may rest assured to command them ; for whosoever perswades himself , by present benefits , to gain the good will of men , when perils are at hand , shall be deceived . in ancient times princes and governors were wont , when peace and security were most like to continue , to find or feign occasions to draw their subjects to fear , to the end that doubt might move them to be more careful of their own well-doing ; for well they knew it a general defect in men , to be reachless , and never willing to use industry ; unless by necessity they were constrained . all histories do shew , and wise politicians do hold it necessary , that for the well governing of every common-weal , it behoveth to presuppose that all men are evil , and will declare themselves so to be , when occasion is offered ; for albeit some inconvenience doth lye hid for a time , it proceedeth from a covert occasion , which for want of experience , was not found , until time the mother of truth discover it . neutrality is always a thing dangerous and disallowable , because it offendeth all parties : he that is strong looketh to be assisted in his greatness ; and he that is weak , not being defended , holdeth himself offended ; the one is not assured from foes , and the other holdeth no friends . albeit neutrality procure present quiet and security , during the troubles of others ; yet after the same falleth out a disadvantage , because it entertaineth a certain falseness , and so in short space will be perceived ; not unlike those men that borrow upon usury ; for albeit they enjoy a certain time , without trouble or charge , yet the same being spent , and the day of payment come , they then feel the great danger which their short pleasure hath purchased . whoso examineth all humane actions shall find , that in eschewing one inconvenience , we presently incur another . as for example , if we endeavor to make our dominions mighty , it behoveth to have the same fully replenished with people , and well armed , and so being , they are not easily governed . on the other side , if our country be not well peopled , or disarmed , then it is easily holden in obedience ; yet therewith so weak , that it can neither increase the bounds thereof , nor defend it self . it is therefore necessary , in all our deliberations , to consider what inconvenience is least , and choose that as the best ; for to find all perfect , void and secure of suspect or imperfection , is impossible . a prince being instantly required to take part with other princes , the one being in arms against the other , if he deny both , incurreth suspicion of both , and may be thought to have secret intelligences with one or both of them ; so as either of them shall account him an enemy , and consequently he that proves victorious will be revenged ; and the other holding him suspected , will not acknowledge his friendship . it is the use of men to presume much upon their own merit , and seeing the success of some others to be such , as without cause or desert , are aspired to dignity thereby encouraged , they promised to themselves the like : nevertheless being entred into the course of their design , and finding many crosses and impeachments they do not a little repent their overweening and presumption , but also many times utterly abandon their rash and unadvised enterprize ; neither can i think , that the vertue or sufficiency of any man without the favor of the heavens , can advance him ; for as the poet saith , nec velle javat , potiusve nocet , si fata repugnant . whoso serveth a prince far from his presence , shall with great difficulty content him . for if he commit any error , it shall be aggravated : besides that , the instructions sent unto him cannot be particularly conceived , because the state of wordly things doth daily alter . also to serve aloof , is a thing full of danger and far from reward ; which inconvenience may for the most part be avoided by him that attendeth near to his prince's person . let no man that cometh to serve in court , assure himself by his wisdom to be advanced or eschew all encounters . neither is he to bear himself so careless as to commit all to fortune , but be perswaded that this worldly life is like to a voiage by sea ; wherein albeit art with the favor of the wind may do much , yet can we not assure our selves to arrive safe in the haven appointed ; for daily experience doth shew , that some strange ships in the calmest weather , are drowned or impeached by the way , when others much weaker and disarmed pass securely . among men worthy of commendations , those have merited best that first planted true religion : next they that framed kingdoms and commonwealths ; the third place is due to such as have augmented or enlarged their dominions ; lastly , learned men deserve fame and memory : and as every of these are worthy of fame and honor ; so ought they to be accompted infamous that introduce atheism , or the subversion of kingdoms , or are become enemies to learning and virtue . whosoever taketh in hand to govern a multitude either by way of liberty , or principality , and cannot assure himself of those persons that are enimies to that enterprise , doth frame a state of short perseverance : yet true it is that such princes be infortunate , as for their own security are inforced to hold a course extraordinary , and have the multitude their enemy ; for he that hath few foes may with small dishonor be assured ; but he that is generally hated can by no means live assured ; and the more cruelty he useth , the weaker his principality proveth . in commending another man , great moderation is to be used ; for as contumely offendeth him against whom it is used ; so great praise , besides that it is uttered with danger to his judgment that speaketh it , the same doth oft-ten-times offend him that heareth it . for self-love which commonly possesseth men , causes the good or evil we hear , to be measured with our own . and consequently every man that is touched with like deserts and defects , doth grow offended that his commendation is not set forth , and feareth lest his imperfection should be discovered . it is often , or rather ever seen , that the force of leagues not used in their first heat , becomes cold ; because suspition soon entereth , which in short space will destroy whatsoever was concluded , and may not without long time be rejoined . the power of ambition which possesseth the minds of men , is such , as rarely or never suffereth them to rest : the reason thereof is , that nature hath framed in them a certain disposition to desire all things , but not to obtain them ; so as our desires being greater than our power , therefore following discontent and evil satisfaction . hereof also proceedeth the variation of fortune ; for some men desiring to get , and others fearing to lose that they had gotten , do occasion one man to injure another , and consequently publick wars do follow ; by means whereof , one country is ruined , and another inlarged . princes of great power , and chiefly those that are inhabitants of the north , having many children , were wont to be much inclined to the wars , as well to win unto themselves honor , as also to get possessions for their sons ; which manner of proceedings did oft-tentimes remove such disturbance as the plurality of brethren bringeth . these and other reasons induced princes to attempt war against those kingdoms , which in cheir opinion seemed easily conquered , or whereunto they can pretend little ; for by colour thereof they may the rather justifie their proceedings . when a prince deferreth to answer an ambassador , it proceedeth from some of these respects ; either because he will take time to resolve himself of somewhat whereof he doubteth , or that he intendeth covertly to deny that which is demanded , or that he esteemeth not the prince that doth demand , or that he disdaineth the person by whom the demand is made , or else that he intendeth to hear from his own ministers to be better resolved : wherefore a discreet negotiator ought in such cases to consider which of these reasons move the prince where he is employed , to entertain him with delays , and make his dispatch accordingly . the sufficiency of good counsellors consistetd in fonr things . first , they ought to be wise and skilful how to handle their affairs , directing all doings to publick commodity . secondly , to be just in their proceedings , giving to every one that which to him appertaineth . thirdly , to be stout , and void both of partial respects and fear . and lastly , to be temperate and moderate in their desires . whoso desireth to govern well and securely , it behoveth him to have a vigilant eye to the proceedings of great princes , and to consider seriously of their designs : for it is matter of small difficulty to live in peace with him who desireth our amity , and provideth for others that endeavor to offend us . the intelligences that princes study to attain , are procured by divers means : some are brought by report , some vented by conversation and sounding , some by means of espials ; but the most sure and credibe occurrents , are those which come from ambassadors , chiefly those that either for the greatness of their prince , or their own virtue , be of most reputation . for those men conversing daily with great personages , and pondering diligently their manners , words , wisdom , and the order of each man's proceedings , yea , of the prince himself , may with commodity attain unto matters of great importance sooner than they that are writers of rumors , or that take upon them to conjecture of things to come . whensoever a people is induced to commit so great an error , as to give reputation to one only man , to the end he should oppress all those great men whom they hate , they thereby give him opportunity to become their prince ; and so being assisted with their favor and aid , he may likewise extinguish all the rest of the nobility ; and they being extirpated , he will also endeavor to tyrannize over the people , by whose help he aspired . so many as are not consenting to the tyranny , rest enemies to the person of the tyrant , who can by no means gain the love of all . for impossible it is , that the riches of any tyrant should be so great , and the honors he can give so many as may satisfie all . hereof it cometh , that those tyrants that are favored of the people , and disfavored of the nobles , are most secure ; because their tyranny is supported with a greater strength ( having the multitude their friends ) then is the tyrant whom the humor of the nobles only hath advanced . a dangerous thing it is in all commonwealths by continual punishing , to hold the minds of subjects in suspition ; for men ever fearing their ruine , will ( without respect ) determine to save themselves , and as men desperate , attempt innovation . all capital executions ought therefore to be executed suddenly , and as it were at one instant , so to assure the minds of men from further molestations . the intent of every wise prince that maketh war , either by election or ambition , is to gain and hold what is gotten : also to use the matter so as thereby he may inrich himself , and not impoverish his own people or country . he that inlargeth his dominions , doth not always increase his power ; but he that increaseth in force as well as in dominion , shall thereby grow great ; otherwise he gained no more than is shortly to be lost , and consequently he ruineth himself : for who spends more in the war , than he gains by victory , loseth both labor and cost . every prince and commonwealth must above all things take heed , that no necessity how great soever , do perswade him to bring into his dominion any auxiliary soldiers ; because the hardest conditions the enemy can offer , are more easie than is such a resolution . a prince sheweth his ruine at hand , whensoever he beginneth to break the laws and customs , which are ancient and have been long time obeyed by the people of his dominion . that prince which careth to keep himself secure from conspiracy , ought rather to fear those to whom he hath done over-great favors , than them whom he hath much injured : for these want opportunities , the other do not ; and both their desires are as one ; because the appetite of commanding , is always as much or more than the desire of revenge . whensoever a prince discovers a conspiracy , he must well consider the quality thereof , measuring the force of the conspirators with his own ; and finding them many and mighty , the knowledge thereof is to be dissembled , until the princes power be prepared to oppose them ; otherwise he hazardeth his own security . it hath been by long experience found better to send one general to an army , though he be of mean sufficiency , than to give the same authority to two or more excellent personages with equal commission . he that coveteth to be over-much loved , oft-tentimes becomes contemptible ; and he that endeavoreth to be over-much feared , is ever hated : and to hold the mean between them , cannot be exactly done , because nature will not so permit . whoso aspireth to any dignity , must resolve himself to endure the envy of men , and never to be moved for any offence conceived against him , though they that be offended , be his dear friends : neither shall he for the first affront or encounter , relinquish his hope ; for he that constantly maketh head against the assault of fortune , shall after with facility arrive where he designed . in giving council to a prince or commonwealth , and therefore desiring to eschew danger and offence , no other mean is to be taken than that the counsellor shall without passion or perswasion pronounce his opinion , and never to affirm any thing as a resolution , but with modesty to defend that he speaketh ; so as the prince which follows his advice , may seem to do it voluntarily , and not forced by the importunity of him that gave the counsel . a discreet captain being in the field against the enemy , of whose virtue he hath had no proof , ought first by light skirmishes to feel of what virtue he is ; and not to enterprise any general adventure , to the end that terror or fame should not daunt nor discourage his own soldiers . albeit fraud be in all actions detested , yet is the same in martial enterprises commendible and glorious : for that captain who compasseth his designs by wit or stratagem , is no less commended than he that vanquisheth the enemy by violence and force . in times of extremity , when resolution must be taken for the having or utter loss of the state , then no regard is to be had of justice or injustice , mercy or cruelty , honor or ignominy , but rather setting aside all respects , that course is to be followed which defended the lives and liberties of men. whoso desireth to know what will be hereafter , let him think of that is past ; for the world hath ever been in a circular revolution : whatsoever is now , was heretofore , and things past or present are no other than such as shall be again : redit orbis in orbem . a prince that desireth to obtain any thing at the hand of another , must if it be possible urge a sudden answer , and lay before him that is moved , a necessity to resolve presently , giving him to understand that denial or delays may breed a perilous and sudden indignation . there is nothing more difficult , doubtful and dangerous than to attempt innovation : for he that taketh in hand an enterprize of such quality , maketh all those his enemies which lived well under the old order , and findeth them cold defenders that affect his novelties , which coldness proceedeth chiefly of incredulity ; for men are not easily induced to believe a new thing till experience hath proved it to be good . there is no art nor knowledge so seemly and necessary for a prince as the art military with the ordinances and discipline thereof : for that is the only skill required in him that commandeth , and such a virtue as doth not only maintain them that are born princes , but often advanceth private men to that dignity . the deep impressions which old injuries make in the minds of great men cannot with new benefits be razed out ; it is also to be remembred that injuries be done all together : for they offend the less , and will be forgotten the sooner ; but benefits should by little and little be bestowed , so shall the memory of them long continue . a small pleasure or displeasure presently done , doth move more than a great good turn bestowed in times past ; for the taste of things present doth make a deeper impression in the minds of men , than doth the memory of things past , or expectation of things to come . it is a matter of small difficulty to sound the discontentment of other men. for every one doth willingly tell the well and ill deserving of friends , and likewise how much or how little foes can do , if we have patience to hear , which patience is the beginning of all good speed ; but he that delighteth to speak much , and hear little , shall ever inform others more than himself can learn. among other dangers which a prince incurreth by being disarmed , the greatest is , that thereby he becometh contemptible ; for no comparison there is between men armed and them that are disarmed : and no reason there is that he that is armed should yield obedience to him that is disarmed , neither is it like that a prince disarmed can be secure from his own subjects armed . a prince ignorant of martial knowledge , among other misfortunes cannot be esteemed or trusted of his own soldiers ; it behoveth him therefore as well in time of peace as war to exercise arms , which may be done by two means ; the one by action of body , the other by contemplation of mind . the body may be exercised in hunting , hawking , and such like pastimes ; thereby to be made apt to endure travel : his mind likewise may be informed by reading of histories , and the consideration of actions performed by excellent captains , observing the occasion of their victories or losses , to the end he may imitate the one , and eschew the other . he that doth not as other men do , but endeavoureth that which ought to be done , shall thereby rather incur peril than preservation ; for whoso laboureth to be sincerely perfect and good , shall necessarily perish , living among men that are generally evil. a prince that useth liberality to his prejudice , ought not to regard the infamy of miserable , because his parsimony will in time enable him to be liberal , and so may declare himself to be , having by parsimony increased his power , and therefore without imposing upon the people , may defend himself from all such as will make war ; so shall he use liberality to all them from whom he taketh nothing , who are infinite ; and use miserliness to those only to whom he giveth , who are but few . there is nothing that consumeth it self like to librality ; for if it be long used , it taketh away the means to continue it , and consequently doth make men poor and basely minded : or else to eschew poverty , they shall be forced to extortion and become odious . it is better to incur the name of covetous ( which is a scandal without hate ) then with desire to be accounted liberal , deserve the infamy of oppression ( an ignominy accompanied with hatred . ) a prince ought to be slow in believing , and advised in proceeding ; he should also beware not to make himself over much feared , but in all his actions shew great wisdom tempered with curtesie ; so shall not over much confidence induce him to be careless , nor over much diffidence render him intolerable . whoso observeth , shall see that man offended , less respect him whom they love , than him whom they fear . for love is maintained by a certain reciproque obligation , which because men are evil , useth to be by every occasion of profit broken . but fear is continued by a certain dread of punishment which never faileth . a prince that holdeth in the field an army wherein are great numbers of soldiers , ought not to care though he be accompted cruel : for without such an opinion conceived , he cannot keep his forces united , nor apt to attempt any enterprize . men for the most , do use rather to judge by their eyes , than by their hands , for every one may see , but few can certainly know . every one seeth what thou seemest to be , but few can understand what thou art indeed ; and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of many which have the majesty of estate to defend them . also in the actions of all men , and chiefly princes , from whom is no appellation , the end is ever observed . machiavel . a prince being forced to use the condition of beasts , must among them make choice of the fox and the lyon ; for the lyon cannot take heed of snares , and the fox is easily overcome by the wolves : it behoveth him therefore to be a fox to discover the snares , and a lyon to terrifie the wolves . a prince newly advanced cannot observe those rules , which are the cause that men be accounted good ; he being many times constrained for defence of his state to proceed contrary to promise , contrary to charity , and all vertue ; and consequently it behoveth him to have a mind apt to alteration , as the wind and variation of fortune shall direct ; yet ought he not to abandon the good , if so he can , but be ready to use what is evil , if so he shall be inforced . every prince ought to have two ears , the one intrinsick , in respect of subjects ; the other extrinsick , in respect of forreign potentates , from whom he may be defended with good arms , and good friends : also matters intrinsick will ever stand well , so long as all things abroad rest firm . a prince that is favoured of the multitude , need not to doubt conspiracy ; but contrary wise , where the people is generally discontented and hateth the prince , then may he reasonably doubt every thing , and every person ; for no man is so poor , that wanteth a weapon wherewith to offend . when any occasion is presented to have that thou desirest , fail not to lay hold thereof ; for these worldly things do vary , and that so suddenly , as hard it is to assure our selves of any thing , unless the same be already in hand : on the other side , if any trouble threaten thee , defer it so long as thou mayest ; for time may occasion some accident to remove all dangers . the prince that doubteth the fidelity of his subjects , must of force build fortresses ; but he that feareth foreign force more than his own people , were better to leave them unbuilt . howsoever it be , that prince that desireth generally to be respected and esteemed , must perform some notable enterprise , and give testimony of great vertue and valour . a prince shall do well at all times to be counselled so as no man do presume to give counsel but when the prince doth ask it . it is also to be noted , that he who is not of himself wise , cannot be well counselled of others , unless happily he yield to some wise men the government of his whole affairs . for good counsels from whomsoever they proceed , shall be thought to come from the prince , and not the wisdom of the prince to proceed from the counsel of others . he that taketh delight to be employed in publick affairs , must by all means endeavour to continue in such services : for oft one business dependeth on another , whereunto the florentine proverb may be applied , di cosa , nasae cosa , & il tempole governa . some men have not only desired , but also compassed honour and profit ; yet being in possession of both , were not therewith so satisfied , as they hoped to be ; which being believed , would happily extinguish the immeasurable ambition wherewith many men are possessed . by experience i have learned , that great folly it is to account that ours which we have not , or spend presently in hope of future gain . therefore merchants , during the adventure of their goods , do not increase domestical expences , but fearing the worst assure what is in hand . for such men as have gained unto themselves reputation and are accounted vertuous , to maintain that conceit , and eschew envy , there is nothing better than a life retired from daily conversation , and chiefly of the multitude . fugiat sapiens commercia vulgi . the end that moveth a prince to make war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory desired for other purpose than thereby to become the more mighty , and make the enemy weak : consequently wheresoever thy victory doth impoverish thee , or thy gain therein doth weaken thee , it followeth that either thou pass or undergo that mark whereunto the intention of war was directed . and that prince is by victory enriched , that can oppress the enemies power , and become master of his goods and possessions . and that prince is by victory impoverished when the enemy , notwithstanding he be victored , can still maintain himself , and the spoils and possessions are not taken to the use of the prince victorious , but imparted unto his soldiers . for then may he be thought in his own losing infortunate , and in victory unhappy ; for if he be vanquished , then must he endure the offence by foes : and being victorious shall be forced to abide the wrong offered by friends ; which as they be less reasonable , so are they also less supportable , because he is still by impositions forced to burthen the subjects , whereof may be inferred , that the prince , having in him any generosity , cannot justly rejoyce at that victory which causeth the subject to lament . who so desireth to obtain any thing , hopeth to compass his desire , either by intreaty , presents , or threatning ; for so shall he , to whom the request is made , be moved either with compassion , profit , or fear : nevertheless , with covetous and cruel men , and such as are in their opinion mighty , none of these can prevail . and consequently in vain do they labour , that go about by suit to stir them to pity , by gifts to gain them , or by threats to fear them . who so is persuaded that any common weal can continue disunited , doth greatly deceive himself : true it is , that some divisions do maintain the estate , but other do indamage the same . they which do harm , are such as with sects and partakings be accompanied ; they which help without sects and partakings , be maintained . a wise governour therefore , albeit he cannot so exactly foresee but some enemies will arise in the state , yet may he take order that no factions may thereby grow . it is therefore to be noted , that the citizens of every estate , may aspire to reputation , either by private or publick means . reputation by publick means , is gained chiefly in the war , either by obtaining victory in some battle , or surprising of some city ; or else by performing some ambassage diligently , prosperously : but private reputation is gotten by doing favour to this or that man , and protecting them from magistrates , giving them mony , advancing them unworthily to honour and office ; and by great feasts , entertaining the multitude ; of which manner of proceeding , sects , factions and partakings do grow : and as reputation thus gained is dangerous , so the other without faction is profitable ; because the same is founded on common welfare , and no private profit : and albeit among citizens of this sort , will oft arise great hate , yet wanting followers for their particular profit , the state shall not be indangered , but rather strengthned ; for every man endeavouring to deserve well , will hold himself within the bounds of civil life , and by vertuous merits labour to be advanced . to persuade or dissuade particular persons , is a matter of no difficulty : for if words suffice not , yet authority will prevail : but hard and perilous it is to remove a false opinion conceived by a whole multitude , for therein fair speech and no compulsion must be used . the best means which wise captains can use to make their soldiers resolute , is to take from them all hope ; which resolution may also be increased with the love of our country and confidence in the captain : for confidence groweth by the valour of men , and discipline in former victories , and trust reposed in the leader . the love of our country is natural , but the affection we bear to the captain , proceedeth rather from his vertue , than the benefits he hath bestowed . necessity also may do much , and chiefly that where no choice is left , but either overcome by arms or dye in desperation . there is nothing of so great force to hold an army united , as the reputation of the captain , which proceedeth only from his vertue ; for neither dignity nor authority without valour can work that effect . the first care that a captain must have , is to hold his soldiers well punished and paid ; for where payment faileth , punishment ought not to be inflicted : and consequently no reason it is to punish him for robbery , whom want of pay enforceth to shift ; but where the soldier is paid , and not punished ( offending ) then will he , without respect , become insolent towards his captain ; whereof ensue mutinies , discord , and utter ruin. it is a custom , very honourable , not to promise more than thou wilt assuredly perform : yet true it is , that whosoever is denied ( though justly ) doth rest ill-contented ; for men indeed are not governed by reason : otherwise it is for him that promiseth ; and so good promises shall stand in stead of performance : besides that , he may find excuse enough , because the most part of men are so simple , that fair words alone have power to abuse them , chiefly when they proceed from a person of reputation and authority . the best way , therefore , is not to promise precisely , but entertain the suitors with answers general , and full of good hope : yet not such as shall directly and absolutely bind . the greatest and most material displeasures that use to arise between the nobility and people , are caused by the diversity of humours , the one labouring to command , the other endeavouring not to obey ; so as all troubles and disorders in every common-weal , do thereof receive nutriment . the city which is maintained rather by factions than laws , so soon as one faction is become strong , and without opposition , the same of necessity must be divided in it self : for those particular causes which were at the first taken , are not of force enough to maintain it . it is the nature of men not to endure any discommodity , unless necessity do thereunto enforce them : which may apparently be perceived by their habitations ; for as the fear of war draweth them to places of strength ( for their defence ) so that peril being past , they do for the most part remove themselves to inhabit countries of more commodity and profit . it may seem strange , and no even measure ( yet approved by experience ) that where many offend , few are punished . also petty errors are severely corrected , but great and grievous crimes be rewarded . in like manner , where many receive wrong , few seek revenge . for injuries universal , are with more patience than particular offences endured . all , or the greatest part of men that have aspired to riches or power , have attained thereunto either by force or fraud : and without they have by craft or cruelty gained , to cover the foulness of their fact , they call purchase as a name more honest . howsoever he , that for want of will or wit useth not those means , must rest in servitude and poverty . the reason thereof is , that as nature hath laid before men the chief of all fortunes , so she disposes them rather to rapine than honest industry , and more subject to bad than good endeavours : hereof it cometh , that one man eateth another , and he that is weakest must always go to the worst . where necessity forceth , boldness is reputed wisdom , and in great enterprises peril is not to be made accompt of . for those attempts that begin with danger , always end with honour , or reward ; also from one peril there is no way to escape , but by entring into another . a wise man ought not to desire to inhabit that country where men have more authority than laws : for indeed that country deserves to be desired where every one may securely enjoy his own ; not that , where with facility it may be taken away ; and that friends for fear to lose their own , are inforced to forsake them . some magistrates either by over great zeal or ignorance take a course of rigour , which being for the present favoured , they are ever the more imployed , as men meet to extirpate inconveniences . but thereby the subjects are often drawn into desperation , and consequently have recourse unto arms , as their uttermost resuge . in this case a wise prince for appeasing the people is forc'd to disallow his ministers , and sometimes also to inflict publick punishment . a prince naturally suspicious , and having about him persons inclined to envy , is easily induced to mistrust those men that have served him with most sufficiency : which danger they cannot eschew , because they who are worthiest commendation are oftentimes envied by such persons as have access unto the prince . who so cannot endure both envy and hate , must refrain to enterprise great matters : for great honours being desired of many , it behoveth him that aspireth unto them , to be for his dignity envied , and for his authority hated ; which authority , albeit the same be well used , yet they who hate or envy ( persuading themselves it might be better handled ) endeavour to oppress that power , as fearing it will be worse . among other things which worketh the inconveniences of common weals , ambition and desperation are chief ; of both , desperation is worst : for ambition may attend occasion , desperation will not , as that cannot endure delays . historians desiring to write the actions of men , onght to set down the simple truth , and not say any thing for love or hatred : also to chuse such an opportunity for writing as it may be lawful to think what they will , and write what they think , which is a rare happiness of the time. in commending or disallowing the actions of men , it is a course very requisite to consider the beginning , the proceeding , and end : so shall we see the reasons and causes of things , and not their bare events only ; which for the most part are governed by fortune . it is a matter of much necessity , that every man , and chiefly a prince should in his first actions , give some testimony of vertue ; for falling at first into obloquie , do he well or ill , all isill-taken . the custom of the common people is to judge rather by their eyes than by their ears : which is the cause they allow more of external shew than inward vertue : and true it is , where excellency of mind , and beauty of body concur , the commendation due to such a person is far the greater . gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus . a prince or great personage that constantly endureth adversity , deserveth great praise : yet greater commendation is due to him that beareth himself modestly in his happiness . for miseries are oft born with patience , but felicity corrupteth . to be descended of princes , or great personages , is a matter of meer fortune , and so to be esteemed : but adoption proceedeth from the judgment of men , therefore seemeth incorrupt , and seldom abused . it hath been long observed , and is a rule which rarely faileth , that he shall be ever suspected of the prince in possession , whom men account worthy to be a prince in reversion . it hath been a use very ancient to give credit to astrologers , and other such persons , who by their star-learning or blind divination , take upon them to tell of things to come . the reason thereof is , that the most part of men believe that soonest which they least understand ; and if they see the event of a prediction , though it happeneth by meer chance to fall out according to that was premised , thereupon they settle so firm an impression , as albeit many other fail , yet the good conceipt of their cunning cannot be removed . liberality is a vertue which gaineth love , but much are they deceived whom riot in lieu thereof abuseth . to cast away and consume is soon learned , but to give in good order few have the skill . in time of sudden mutiny , conspiracy , and offence of people , the wisest resolution is not to oppose force to prevent fury , but rather give space for the bad to amend , and the good to consent : for treasons prevail on the sudden , but good council gathers forces by leisure . mature deliberation ought ever to be used ; but when arms are to determine , speedy execution is the best : because no delay in that enterprise is fit which cannot be commended before it be ended . who so is pleased to observe the proceedings of men in authority , shall observe that some of them hold a plain course without respect ; others projecting for time to come , do forecast how to hold their present good fortune or at least to escape danger : for they mistrusting present prosperity and fearing a change , prepare beforehand some private friends to oppose against publick hatred : whereof may be inferred , that no care is taken of innocency , but every one studieth how to pass without punishment . in captains and all military commanders , three things are required , vertue , discipline , and authority ; but in private soldiers obedience and courage only sufficeth ; for by due obeying , and no curious scanning the leaders directions are maintained ; and the army in danger is alwaies most valiant , which before the danger is most quiet . let the soldier therefore be well armed and valiantly minded . to advise and direct must be the captains care . it is a matter of no great moment , yet always worthy the noting , that any exterior behaviour , or garment presenting pride or greatness , chiefly in persons lately advanced , though no man be thereby interessed or injured , doth move in others a certain offence : for the nature of man is such , as beholdeth the new prosperity of others with an envious eye , and wisheth a moderation of fortune no where so much as in those we have known in equal degree with our selves . in all enterprises of war ( if present necessity doth not otherwise require ) leisure and deliberation ought to be used ; for often it sufficeth in lieu of wisdom , to take the advantage of other mens folly . all men that are to consider of great actions , ought to be informed whether that which is undertaken be profitable for the commonweal , honourable to themselves , and easie to be effected ; or at least not greatly difficult . also he that persuadeth , is to be examined whether besides bare words and counsel , he will joyn his own peril ; and if fortune favour the attempt , to whom the principal glory shall redound . the perils which accompany private enterprises , are far unlike to those which he doth enter that aspireth to principality . for in private attempts a man may pause or proceed as he will : but to him that aspires to empire there remains no middle course , but either by victory to triumph as a prince ; or being vanquished to endure death as a traytor . let no man in his prosperity , give much credit to common applause or service , assured by any of whom in meaner fortune he hath had no experience ; for the base people are learned in no lesson , only without difference of truth or falshood to flatter men in authority , and with shouts and words of great rejoycing make shew of great affection . as overmuch haste is dangerous , so too great delay oftentimes proveth disadvantagious ; for albeit consultation ought to forego action , yet to dispute long and in the end reject the advice of either side , or take a middle course ( which in cases of doubt and danger is worst ) was ever accompted great discretion . there is no course more comely , nor any resolution so well beseeming a wise man , having made proof of his own vertue ( and finding in age no fortune due to such effect ) as to retire himself from the court and company ; for so shall he shun the inconveniences of contempt and the discommodity of travel ( jucunda senectuti otia ) yet true it is , that whoso hath lived a prince or governed as a publick person , cannot expect security in a private estate . whensoever danger draweth near , and terror is at hand , all men look about , but none willingly adventure . for in such cases every man will give council , but few will take part of the peril . in common-wealths where sects or partialities be , the leader of any side is able to kindle civil war ; yet is he unable to moderate the victory : for to stir up dissentions and troubles , the worst man most commonly bears the stroke ; but peace and quietness are not established but by men of rare gifts and excellent vertue . it may seem strange and contrary both to courtesie and christian profession , that men are far more mindful of injuries done unto them , than of benefits received by them . the reason thereof is , that thankfulness is accompted a burden , but revenge is sweet , and reckoned a great gain . of reconciled foes , and such as know that our harms were caused by their means , we oft-times expect favour , as persuaded that new friendship will repair the loss of old displeasure : but the matter doth seldom so fall out ; for the quality of man's nature is ever to hate those whom he hath hurt , and love them whom he hath made beholding . quos laeserunt oderunt . tac. to common persons and such as are ignorant in matters of state , every taxation and imposition seemeth heavy or superfluous ; yet the wiser sort know , that the end of all publick endeavour is to confirm people in peace , and peace cannot be maintained without arms , nor arms without pay , nor pay without impositions . as fortunate folk are envied , so are the poor contemned ; which rule reacheth also to princes : the one lives in plenty with war , the other in poverty with peace . for seldom is it seen , that those people are assaulted where nothing is to be gained , and whose base beings afford no other spoils than blood and beggery . wisemen have observed that in matter of state , and the managing thereof , three things are especially to be looked unto : the first is , occasion ; the second , the intentions of other men ; the third , our own affection . for there is nothing that slippeth away so soon as occasion , nothing so difficult as to judge what an other man intendeth ; nor any thing more nocent than our own immoderate desires . it hath been ever a course observed by wise princes , but much more by aristocracies and popular states , against force and fury of the multitude , to defend themselves with silver and gold. how much more it importeth all princes to lead a vertuous life , and give daily example of piety and justice , appears apparently in the proceedings of the roman bishops ; who by the well-doing of some few of them at the first , became greatly honoured ; but afterwards they became contemptible : for the reverence which men did bear to the sanctity of their lives failing , it was impossible of so contrary manners and examples to look for like effects . the success of the war chiefly dependeth on the reputation of the prince , which declining , the vertue also of the soldiers faileth : likewise the fidelity of the people decayeth , and their mony to maintain the war , ceaseth ; contrarywise , the courage of the enemy is increased , they that stood doubtful become resolved , and every difficulty augmenteth . the authority which princes give , is chiefly in respect of wisdom and valour : yet true it is , that for the most part they account them the wisest men that can best accommodate themselves to their humour . the greatest distress and difficulty which can come to any army , doth proceed of these causes : want of mony , scarcity of victuals , hatred of people , discord of captains , disobedience of soldiers , and their flying to the enemy , either of necessity or free-will . a prince or great magistrate having long maintained the reputation of wisdom and vertue , must take heed that no rash or dangerous resolution do taint the honourable fame of his former life : for to be transported with anger against his own profit , is lightness ; and to esteem small dangers more than great , is want of judgment . a prince or person of great estate , must be wary not to inure the conceit of double dealing : for little sincerity and trust is looked in his actions , of whom there is an opinion of craft and falshood conceived . experience hath always proved , that whatsoever the most part of men desire , rarely cometh to pass : the reason hereof is , that the effects of human actions commonly depend on the will of a few ; and their intentions ever differing from the greater number , the end and success cannot be other than as pleaseth the few that are to direct them . there is nothing more dangerous than to enterprise a war , or other actions of importance upon popular persuasion ; for such expectations are vain , and such designs fallible : also the fury of the multitude is great , when danger is little or far off ; but perils growing great and near , their courage quaileth , as they whose passions have no rule or measure . it is strange to see how apt men are to doubt displeasure threatned by enemies , chiefly when they draw near ; for the people do naturally over-much fear dangers at hand , and esteem less than is fit of things present : also to make small account of those that are far from them , because divers remedies may be hoped as well by time , as other accidents . the offensive words or answers of indignation , proceeding from great princes , ought never to admit displeasure into the minds of them against whom they are spoken : for having by speech uttered a great part of choler , the edge of their deeds becomes the calmer , and more easily appeased : such is the condition of noble and generous spirits . to judge right of other mens merit , seems of great difficulty ; for time and tryal is thereto required : also it is not easie to answer the expectation of men , but oft-times inconsiderate , and not measured in due proportion . it is a part of great discretion to divide the seasons of affairs and vacations : for as it fitteth well a prince or person of dignity in times of audience and judgment , to be grave , heedful , and austere : so those offices performed , all shew of authority and sad looks ought to be set apart ; for by that means , neither courteous behaviour shall detract from the reverence due to his place , nor severity diminish the love which to his behaviour appertaineth . magistrates must look into all things , but not exact all things to rigor . light faults may be pardoned , but great offences severely corrected ; yet not always proceeding to punishing , but oft contented with repentance . to be bitter in rebuking is also fit for a magistrate , shewing himself sowre to the bad , and sweet to the good ; framing both countenance and condition according to the merit of men , and be persuaded that it is more honest to offend , than to hate . soldiers must be encouraged in all fortunes to stand resolved , and not to be daunted with any passed misadvantage ; ever attending a time and opportunity of revenge ; which commonly cometh to pass where mens minds are united : for common danger must be repelled with union and concord . among other reasons wherewith soldiers are encouraged , necessity and distress doth oft inforce them : for as men of vertue perform the actions of arms for honour , so the coward must do them for his security . all enterprises attempted by arms , are honourable ; but those that are done in countries remote , are more praiseable : for the less they be in knowledge , the greater is the glory to archieve them . to be truly and faithfully loved , is a thing greatly to be desired ; for terror and fear are weak works of affection : for they being taken away , he that ceaseth to fear , will soon begin to hate ; and as they that by force are kept under , obey with ill will ; so they that govern without line justly , rule against right . some men either deserving to be accounted of excellent wisdom , or singular in that skill whereof they make profession , do ordinarily love the proceedings of others ; taking that advantage of their ill success : yet sure it is , that disaster and unhappy event of some actions , proceed not of disorder , nor human imperfection , but from a certain fatal fury , which neither counsel nor constancy of men can withstand . it is a matter of much difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince to maintain the law , civil or military , without severity : for where men hope to be easily pardoned , there are they apt to offend . contrarily , where mens actions are precisely fitted , there do they live in over-great aw , and hatred doth always accompany such severity . the best course therefore is to punish offences severely , and reward vertuous merits liberally ; so shall fear be converted to reverend respect , and none have cause to complain : for as it lies in each man's power to shun offending , so is it in their power also to deserve well , and merit reward . whosoever , after mature deliberation , hath resolved what course to hold in the action he hath in hand , must not after repent , or fear any difficulty : for such thoughts would break the vigour of the mind , and impeach the proceedings of that which was resolved . and albeit some differences do happily arise , yet must he believe that every other course would have been accompanied with the same or greater impediments . young men for the warmness of their blood , and for not having before-time been deceived by fortune , more willingly enterprise actions rather honourable than severe . but old men as well for that their heat is cooled , as also for having attempted many things in vain , make choice of enterprises severe , rather than those that are followed with fame and glory . the greatness of one prince is nothing else but the ruin and distress of another : likewise his strength is the weakness and oppression of others . some conquests are of such quality , as albeit a victorious captain merit triumphal honour ; yet a modest refusal becomes his greater glory . the dignity of magistrates is not assured without arms ; for when obedience faileth , no other means is left to continue a people united . as willing obedience in subjects is the prince's strength , so is the same their own security : for as by the princes authority the people are governed , so by their consent he is maintained . three things men covet with immoderate desire , lands , riches , and honours ; but as seldom they compass their full content , so are they for the most part to endure a destiny far other than they wished . strange it is , yet by experience proved true , that in time of danger , fortune ( or rather destiny ) so much amazeth the judgment of wise men , as seldom they conceive what resolution is best to be taken . no great free-city can long continue quiet , unless the same be used to foreign assaults : for wanting foes without , some inward enmity will arise , not unlike to strange bodies of men , which being secure from external injury , are nevertheless by their own poise oppressed . as every pilot of ordinary skill knoweth in calm and quiet seas to direct the course of his ship ; so every governor of capacity doth understand how the affairs of state are in peaceable times to be handled : but when tempests are , and subjects bent to sedition ; the one requires an excellent sailer , the other the aid of some excellent wisdom . it oft happens , that publick duty is opposite to private friendship ; so as we are either forced to omit the offices due to our country , or draw our dearest friends into danger : in which case we are to prefer publick respect , before particular obligation . the nature of base people is such , as either they obey slavishly , or command insolently : for liberty being the mark whereat they aim , is by them of that quality , neither moderately desired nor discreetly continued ; and always there are some seditious leaders to be found , who of disorder are inclined to kindle the ire and offence of ignorant people . dux rebus motis , facile invenitur . salust . experience hath oft proved , that men in best fortune , and such as esteem themselves most secure , even then fall soonest into disadventure , because those dangers unfeared be as it were contemned , and not regarded . to enter needless dangers , was ever accounted madness ; yet in times of extream peril and apparent distress , bold and hazardous attempts are greatest security . the divers adventures which happen to men , may well inform , that much better it is , chiefly in arms , to be governed by reason than by fortune . a certain peace is ever accounted better security than victory hoped or expected . melior tutiorque certa pax quam sperata victoria . liv. if to our prosperity god were pleased to add the grace of wisdom , we should thereby judge not only of what is past , but also of all that can succeed hereafter . rarely or never can we consider truly of worldly proceedings , unless first we have felt the deceits of fortune . discord or dissention in any state or city , offers opportunity to such men as are ambitious to work their will : for the humor of sects and partialities is such , as the weaker faction doth ever chuse rather to call for aid of strangers , than yield to the dominion of an adverse party . ancient customs may not violently and suddenly be taken away . fortune which altereth all things , will by little and little wear them out of use . to be oft in fight , and converse much with men , breedeth a kinde of satiety : therefore it behoveth persons of great estate and authority to be retired , lest over-much familiarity should derract from the reverencc due to honorable estate . the natures of men not content to live according to their fortune and birth , are of all others most prone to envy ; because they hate the vertue and welfare of all such as are in estimation above them . great heed is to be taken , that no citizen or subject , be suffered to aspire to such greatness , as cannot be forced to obey the laws ; and no order there is of more necessity , than that every man of what quality soever , may be without respect accused and judged . for conservation of particular greatness and dignity , there is nothing more noble and glorious , than to have felt the force of every fortune . it is the quality of wise men only , to know how to use prosperity , and never to trust too much to the favors of present happiness . a man well advised in his prosperity , beareth not himself towards others either proud or violent ; nor must he believe in his own present felicity , for the day knows not what the night bringeth : he only is to be reputed a man , whose mind cannot be puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by any adverse fortune . men of cholerick humor are easily moved with insolent speeches , but wise men laugh them to scorn . the way whereby a prince eschues the hate of subjects , is , not to take from them their lands or goods ; yet albeit the blood of some few be tainted , unless the same be accompanied with confiscation ( which a prince is rarely forced to use ) it seldom causeth him to become odious . a rule most cerain it is that he who commands any thing unpleasing , must by severe means cause it to be observed ; and who desireth to be obeyed , must know how to command : and he only knows how to command , that doth compare his own force with those that are to obey ; wherein finding a proportion , then he may boldly proceed , otherwise forbear . in actions of difficulty great courage is to be used , and who so compasseth any thing by violence , cannot maintain it by mildness , nor command by affability : he therefore that is of nature soft , should do best to refrain all extraordinary commands , and in matters ordinary imploy the vertue of his mild spirit ; because ordinary punishments are not imputed to the prince or his magistrates , but to the laws and ordinances of state. when necessity presseth , desperation is deemed wisdom , and generous minds do not account of danger , because those attempts which begin with peril , do for the most part end with glory . he that endeavours to be good among many that are evil , or will uphold that which those labour to pull down of force , worketh his own undoing . all common-wealths alter from order to disorder , from disorder to order again ; for nature having made all worldly things variable , so soon as they have attained their utmost perfection and height , they must descend ; so from good they fall back to evil ; and from evil they return to good . war begets quiet , quiet idleness , idleness disorder , disorder ruin ; likewise ruin order , order vertue , vertue glory and good fortune . wisemen have observed that arms were before learning , and captains before philosophers ; for good and well regulated armies having gained victory , established rest and security , whereof the study of letters and liberal sciences ensued . that country deserveth to be loved of all men , which loves all men indifferently , and not that country which respecting the best part , advanceth a few : no man therefore is to be blamed , if for such cause he desire rather to abandon than embrace his country . common-wealths are bodies mixt , yet have they of bodies simple some resemblance : and as in these , many infirmities grow , which without violent medicines cannot be cured ; so in the other many mischiefs arise , which a good and godly patient should offend to leave uncured , though therein he use both force and fire . those wars be most just which are most necessary ; and those arms are most merciful where no hope of help remains but in them only . in actions which promise either publick glory , or private honour , men may be reasonably persuaded to adventure life and living , because great hope there is to die with reputation , or live to recover that peace which war hath consumed : but where men are no less oppressed by insolency of commanders , than by insolency of foes , there is the calamity doubled , and of two evils the danger of war seemeth least ; for that hath end , the other is infinite . who so persuades himself to be no less esteemed in evil than good fortune , is deceived : for promises made , during distress , are rarely performed , unless the same necessity continue . the intent of every prince , or other state that makes war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory for other occasions sought , nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desir'd , than to make themselves mighty , and their enemy weak . it follows then , that so oft as the victory impoverishes them , or the gains weaken them , either they pass or come short of that mark whereat the war was aimed . ancient and well-governed common-wealths were wont by their conquests to fill the treasuries with gold and silver , to give reward to soldiers , to spare the people from tributes , to make triumphs and publick feasts : but in later times the wars have used , first , to consume the treasure , and after impoverish the people without assuring them from their enemies . a prince or state that leaves promises unperformed , by reason of unexpected impediments , and for no ill intent , ought not to be blamed : neither are such accidents any just cause or colour why friends should abandon their confederates . where magistrates govern justly , subjects obey dutifully ; where private persons grow rich , and princes enlarge their empire ; there is the common-wealth blessed , and the people fortunate . chap. xxvi . maxims of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations and historical parallels . all cities and towns of state are builded either by people dwelling in or about the place where they are builded , or else they are made by strangers : of the first are athens and venice , of the other alexandria and florence . the fortune of every city builded , and vertue of the builder , appeareth by choice of the place , and quality of laws : for as fertile places occasion men to be slothful , unless by good laws they be forced to labour , so barrenness compels them to industry ; which reason induceth wise men to plant habitations in either : examples of the first are ferrara and rome , of the second ragusa and genoa . all laws whereby commonwealths are governed were either made by some one excellent man , and at an instant ; or else they were ordained at sundry times , according to such accidents as besel . example , the laws of sparta made at the beginning by lycurgus , the laws of rome at sundry times . the government of every city in time becomes corrupt ; principality changeth into tyranny : the optimacy is made the government of the people ; and the popular estate turns to licentious disorder ; which instability or alteration moved some law-makers to take order that in the government of their city there should be a mixture of all three , and was the cause that the policy of sparta continued 800 years , when the popular state of athens endured not one hundred . example , the laws of sparta made by lycurgus , and the laws of athens by solon . whoso taketh in hand to frame any state or government , ought to presuppose that all men are evil , and at occasions will shew themselves so to be . example , the envy of the people of rome to the nobles , and their insolency towards them appeared not so long as the kings governed ; but the tarquins being banished , opportunity was thereby offered , that the malice of the one and the other became discovered . the divers honours of the nobility and people , the one desiring to command , the other not to obey , are the cause of continual troubles , unless some third mean there be of more authority than either , to bridle the force of both . example , the kings in rome expulsed , forth with arose much mutiny , and could not be suppress'd till the tribum plebis were created ; whose authority wrought the same effect which the kings had done . some states endeavour to enlarge their dominions , and some others labor only to maintain that estate they antiently possessed . example of the first was the city of rome , of the second sparta . all states desiring to live at liberty , think fit that every man should be permitted to accuse any citizen that offend eth , which manner of proceeding works two excellent effects : first , that the people should not dare for fear of accusing to attempt ought against the state ; or if they do , they shall be presently and without respect punished . secondly , by liberty of accusing , every man hath means to utter the offence where with he can charge others , which he could not ; unless it were lawful to take such an ordinary course , and consequently be driven to ways extraordinary , particular revenge , or calling in foreign forces . example , coriolanus and appius , claudius at rome , lucanncve at chinsi , francisco valeri in florence . as accusations are in every state necessary , so slanders are dangerous , and worthy of punishment ; the difference betwixt accusations and slanders , is , that the one is publickly performed before magistrates , with good proofs and witnesses to maintain the truth of the accusation ; but slanders are as well publickly performed as dispersed in secret , and places of repair , without witness and justification , so as every man may be slandered , but few are orderly accused . example , appius claudius accused by l. virginius ; furius camillus , slandered by manlius capitolinus . the only means to suppress slander is , to give authority to some persons of repute , to compel every slanderer to become an accuser ; and if the accusation prove true , then to reward the accuser , or at least not to punish him . example , manlius the slanderer of camillus for his untrue information punished . a rule most certain and assured it is , that every kingdom and state at the first well framed , or after well informed , doth take the perfection thereof from the wisdom of some excellent man , who ought not to be blind though in a matter of great moment he happily useth some extraordinary violence or proceedings ; for he that employeth force to mend and not to mar , deserves commendation . example , romulus , lycurgus , cleomenes . there lives no man so simple or wise , so wicked or well-disposed , but prefers those persons that are praiseable before those that are blameable : notwithstanding for that well-near all men are beguil'd in discerning what indeed is good , deeming that honourable which in truth is otherwise : they suffer themselves either willingly or ignorantly to be carried into a course which merits rather infamy than commendation . example , every man wisheth himself timoleon , or agesilaus , rather than dionysius or phalaris ; rather a titus or trajan , than caligula or vitellius . who reads histories treating of great actions shall perceive that good princes indeed are more secure and better defended by the love of the people , and fidelity of counsellors , than were they that entertained many legions and men of war. example , of all those emperours which reigned after caesar until maximiinus , the greatest number were for their vices taken and slain , only galba and pertinax excepted , who were good emperours . a prince of great knowledge both in arms and wisdom , so firmly setleth the foundation of government , as albeit his successor be of the less vertue , yet may he be maintained even by the memory of his predecessor : but if it happen that the third prince prove not more like the first than the second , then all that is past goeth to ruine . example , the martial valour of romulus was the cause that numa might govern safely in peace : which tullus could not have done , had he been unlike to romulus ; nor should bajazet emperour of turky have enjoyed the state of his father mahomet , and left the same to his posterity , if selim his son had not been more like to his grand father than to bajazet his father . the succession of two excellent princes , chiesly if they be of long life , works wondrous effects : the like is seen in optimacies and popular states , where the governours successively elected be men of great vertue and understanding . example , the first appeared in philip of macedon , and alexander his son , the second in the consuls of rome . in every state , where soldiers are not , the fault thereof proceeds from the governours . wise princes were therefore wont even in times of peace to cause warlike exercises to be used ; for without them the most warlike nations become not only ignorant in martial knowledge , but also effeminate . example , pelopidas & epaminondas in thebes , and king tullus in rome as well in peaceable as troublesome times used the exercise of arms. no prince or state well advised , hazards his whole estate upon the valour of some few persons , nor ought to strength of strait places , where the enemy is to pass . example , tully king of rome , and metius king of alba , condescended that three of their nobility for either side , chosen should enter combate , and that nation which was victorious should command the other . francis the french king going to recover lombardy , was by the switzers attended into two or three places in the mountains , hoping there to repulse him , but the king taking another way , passed securely and prevailed . every state well governed doth reward men of good merit , and punish all offenders ; and if any person of good desert shall wilfully be a delinquent , the same man ought not withstanding his former service , be punisht . example , the same horatio that in combat gained the victory against the albani , having insolently slain his own sister , was notwithstanding his egregious act and the fresh memory thereof , called into trial of his life , and with great difficulty obtained pardon : and manlius who had with great glory saved the capitol , for moving sedition in rome , was after from the same cast down headlong . every wise man having performed any great service to his prince or country , ought to be content with such recompence as it shall please the prince or country to bestow : measuring the same according to the power of the giver , and not the merit of him that receiveth . example , horatius cocles for having lost his hand in defence of the bridge of rome , and mutius scaevola suffering his hand to be burnt for his attempt to kill king porsenna , were rewarded with a small portion of land ; and manlius that defended the capitol from the galleys , had no greater reward than a little measure of meal . ingratitude is a vice so natural and common , as not only private persons , but princes and states also either through covetousness or suspition are therewith infected . example , vespasian proclaimed emperor , was chiefly aided by antonius primus , and by his help prevailed against vitellius , in reward of which service vespasian removed him from the command of his army , and gave that honour to mutianus . consalvo ferranoe having taken the kingdom of naples from the french , was first removed from his command of the castles and soldiers , and in the end brought into spain , where in disgrace he ended his life . collatinus tarquinius who with the aid of brutus suppressed the tarquins of rome , and with him pub. valerius were banish'd for no other cause but for being of the name of tarquin , the other because he built a house upon mount coelio . all errors that great captains commit , are either wilful or ignorant , towards the one and the other of which offenders to use greater lenity than the quality of their offences deserves , seemeth necessary : for men of honour suffer nought by the infamy which evil service doth bring . it is also to be considered that a great captain being cumbred with many cares , cannot proceed in his actions couragiously , if he stand in daily doubt to be punish'd for every error that hapneth . example , sergius and virginius were before veio , the one part of the army on the one side of the city , the other not far from the place . sergius being assaulted by the falisci was not aided by virginius , neither would he require his help , such was the envy the one bare to the other ; and consequently their offence is wilful and worthy of capital punishment . likewise when varro by his ignorance , received an overthrow by hannibal at cannae , he was nevertheless pardoned and honourably welcomed home by the whole senate . whensoever an inconvenience ariseth within or without the state , it seems a resolution more sure to dissemble the knowing thereof , than to seek by sudden violence to suppress it . example , cosmo de medices having gained extraordinary reputation in florence , the citizens imagined , that to suffer the same to increase was dangerous , and therefore they banished him : which extream proceeding , so offended the friends of cosme , being the stronger , as they forced the citizens to revoke him , and make him prince of that city . the like hapned in rome , where caesar for his vertue , much admired and followed , became afterwards to be feared ; and they that feared , not considering their force to be inferior to the power of caesar , endeavouring to oppress him , were the occasion of his greater glory . in every republick , an excessive authority given to one or two persons for long time , proveth dangerous , chiefly when the same is not restrained . example , the dictatorship given to caesar for life , was an occasion to oppress the liberties of the romans . the same effect was before that time like to follow the decemvirate , by suffering appius claudius to prolong the time of his dignity . the ambition of men is such , as rarely they will obey when formerly they have commanded ; neither do they willingly accept of mean office , having before sate in higher place : yet the citizens of well-governed states , did not refuse as well to obey as command . example , the victory the romans obtained against the veienti , q. fabius was slain , having the year before been consul : nevertheless he then served in meaner place under c. manilius , and m. fabius his own brother then consul . there is nothing more strange , yet by experience proved true , that men in adverse fortune be much grieved , and in prosperity also discontented ; which is the reason , that not being forced to fight for necessity , they will nevertheless contend for ambition ; and that humour doth as well possess those that live aloft , as others whom fortune holdeth down . example , the people of rome having by the authority of the tribunes obtained to make themselves secure from oppression of the nobility , forthwith required , that the honour and office of state might be also imparted unto them . the like ambition moved them to have their part of lands by force of lex agaria , which was at last the overthrow of the roman liberty . it seemeth that people displeased with some innovations hapned in the state , do sometime without just reasons complain of those that govern : not unlike to a sick man , who deemeth that the physician , not the fever , is the cause of his grief . example , the people of rome were persuaded that the ambition of consuls was the cause of continual war , therefore required that no more consuls should be ; yet they were content that certain tribunes should command with like authority ; so was nothing altered in the government , but the governors title , which alone did content them . nothing can corrupt and alter the nature of man so much , or so soon as the immoderate desire of honour ; in so much as men of honest minds and vertuous inclinations are sometimes by ambition , drawn to abuse that goodness whereunto they are inclined . example , appius claudius having lived long an enemy to the multitude , hoping by their aid to continue his authority of the decemviri in rome , became their friend , and disfavoured the factions of great men. likewise q. fabius a man of singular vertue , being also called to that dignity by appius's self , adulterated his nature and became like unto him . seldom or never is any people discontented without just cause ; yet if happily they be asked whereof their offence proceedeth , many times for want of some fit man to pronounce their grief , they stand silent . example , the romans at the death of virginia , were gathered together armed upon mount sacro , and being asked by the senate , for what cause they so did ? no answer was made ; until virginio father of the virgin had procured , that twenty of the tribunes might be made to be as head of the people , and confer with the senate . a great folly or rather meer madness it seemeth to desire any thing , and tell before-hand that the end and purpose of the desire is evil ; for thereby he sheweth reason why it ought not to be granted . example , the romans required of the senate that appius and the rest of the decemviri should be delivered into their hands , being determined to burn them all alive . the first part of their request seemed reasonable , but the end thereof unreasonable . a course very dangerons it is in all states , by continual accusing and punishing , to hold the subject in doubt and daily fear : for he that stands always looking for some trouble , becometh careless and apt to attempt innovation . example , the decemviri being opprest , the tribunes authorized in their place , endeavoured daily to call in question the most part of the decemviri , and many other citizens also , whereof great inconveniences arose , and much danger would have ensued , had not a decree propounded by m. duillius been made , that for one year no roman citizen should be accused . strange it is to see how men in seeking their own security , lay the injuries which they fear , upon other men ; as though it were necessary , either to offend or to be offended . example , the romans among themselves , united and strong , always endeavoured to offend the nobles ; and the nobles likewise being persuaded they were strong , laboured to oppress the people : which humours were the cause of continual troubles . to make estimation and choice of men fit to govern , the best course is to consider in particular ; otherwise it might be imagined , that among the multitude or meaner people , they being the greatest number , might be found some persons of more perfection . example , the people of rome desiring that the consulship might be given among them as men of most merit , did by all means endeavour to obtain that honour ; but being come to election , and every mans vertue particularly considered , there could not be among the multitude only one found fit for so great a place ; and therefore the people themselves consented , that the dignity should still remain as it was . to persuade a multitude to any enterprise , is easie , if that which is persuaded , doth promise either profit or honour ; yet oft under that external apparence lies hid loss or disadvantage . example , the romans persuading themselves that the slow proceedings of fabius maximus in the war , was both chargeable and cowardly , required , that the general of the horse might direct the war ; which course had ruined rome , if the wisdom of fabius had not been . likewise , when hannibal had divers years reigned in italy , one m. centenius penula , a man of base birth , yet a soldier of some repute , undertook that if he with such voluntiers as would follow him , might have authority to fight , he would within few days deliver hannibal either alive or dead : which offer was by the senate accounted rash , yet for fear to offend the people , granted ; and penula with his soldiers was cut in pieces . to appease a mutiny or tumult in any camp or city , there is no means more speedy or successful , than if some person of great quality and respect , present himself to the people , and by his wisdom lay before them the damage of their discords , persuading them to peace and patience . example , the faction of the frateschi and arratiati in florence ; the one ready to assault the other . francisco soderini , bishop of voterra , in his episcopal habit , went between the parties and appeased them : also count egremont , by the authority of his wisdom and presence , supprest a great mutiny in antwerp , between the martinists and papists . a people corrupted , do rarely or never observe any order or ordinance , unless by force of some prince's power they be thereto inforced ; but where the multitude is incorrupt and religious , all things are done justly , and without compulsion . example , camillus at the victory against the urienti , vowed that the tenth part of the pillage should be offered to apollo ; but the senate supposing that the people would not consent to so great a contribution , studied to dispense with that vow , and to please apollo and the people also by some other means : whereat the people shewed themselves openly offended , and willingly gave no less than the sum formerly decreed . when the free-cities of germany are occasioned to make mony for any publick service , the magistrates impose one or two in the hundred on every city , which done , every one is sworn to lay down so much as in his own conscience he is able ; and he with his own hand , no other witness being present , casteth the mony into a coffer prepared for the purpose ; which he would not , if his own conscience did not inforce him . when any extraordinary occasion happens to a city or province , some prodigious voice is heard , or some marvelous sights are seen . before t. gracchus general of the roman army was betraid by flavius lucanus , the aruspices discovered two serpents eating the entrails of the beasts sacrificed ; which done , they vanish'd : which vision , as they divined , prognosticated the general 's death : likewise f. savanarola foretold the coming of king charles viii . into italy : and m. sedigitus , when the gauls first came towards rome , informed the senate he heard a voice much louder than any man's , crying aloud , galli veniunt . the multitude of base people is naturally audacious and apt to innovation ; yet unless they be directed by some persons of reputation and wisdom , rarely do they joyn in any action of great import . example , the romans , when their city was taken and sack'd by the gauls , went to veio with determination to dwell there : the senate informed thereof , commanded , that upon great pain every citizen should return to rome , whereat the people at first mocked ; but when every man particularly within himself considered his own peril , all in general determined to obey the magistrates . in the employment of men for service , neither age nor fortune ought so much to be regarded as vertue ; for young men having made trial of their valour , soon become aged , and thereby either unapt or unable to serve : therefore well-governed commonwealths , preferred military vertue before any other respect . example , valerius corvinus , with others , made consul the three and twentieth year of his age , and pompey triumphed in his youth . no wise or well-advised prince or other state will undertake without excessive forces to invade the dominions of any other prince , unless he assure himself of some friends there to be a mean , and as it were a gate . to prepare his passage . example , the romans by aid of the saguntines entred spain , the aetoli called them into greece , the hediai into france : likewise the palaeologi incited the turk to come into thrace ; and ludovicus sforza occasioned charles the french king to come into italy . a republick desirous to extend the bounds thereof , must endeavour to be fully furnish'd with inhabitants , which may be done both by love and force : love is gained by suffering strangers to inhabit the city securely ; and force compels people to come thither , when other cities and towns near at hand be demolished or defaced : and impossible it is without this order of proceeding . to enlarge any city or make the same of greater power . example , the romans to enlarge their city demolished alba , and many other towns , and therewith also entertained all strangers courteously : so as rome grew to such greatness , that the city only could arm six hundred and forty thousand men ; but sparta or athens could never exceed twenty thousand , for that lycurgus had inhibited the access of strangers . a commonwealth that consumes more treasure in the war , than it profits in victory , seems to have rather hindred than honoured or inriched the state. a wise captain therefore in his actions , ought as well to profit the republick , as to gain to himself glory . example , the consuls of rome did seldom desire triumph , unless they returned from the war loaden with gold , silver and other rich spoils fit to be delivered into the common treasury . all foreign wars with princes or other states taken in hand , be either for ambition or desire of glory , or else for necessity . example , the romans for their ambition conquered many nations , with intent only to have the obedience of the people ; yet did they suffer them to hold possession of their houses , and sometimes they were permitted to live only with their old laws . likewise alexander the great endeavoured to suppress many princes for his glory , but did not disposses the people , nor kill them . otherwise it is where a whole nation inforced by famine or fury of war , abandon their own dwellings , and are forced to inhabit elswhere . example , the goths and other people of the north invaded the roman empire , and many other provinces , whereof their alteration of names did ensue ; as illyria , now called slavonia , england formerly named britain . a common conceit and saying it is , that mony makes the war strong , and is the force and sinews thereof ; as though he who hath most treasure , be also most mighty ; but experience hath apparently shewed the contrary . example , after the death of alexander king of macedon , a multitude of gauls went into greece , and being there arrived , sent certain ambassadors to the king , who supposing to make them afraid of his power , shewed them his treasure , which wrought a contrary effect ; for the gauls , before desirous of peace , resolved then to continue the war , in hope to win that mighty mass of mony. likewise darius should have vanquished alexander , and the greeks might have conquered the romans , if the richer prince might ever by his mony have prevailed . every league made with a prince or republick remote , is weak and rather aideth us with fame than effect , and consequently deceiveth all those that in such amity repose confidence . example , the florentines being assaulted by the king of naples and the pope , prayed aid of the french king ; who being far distant , could not in time succour them : and the cedicini desiring aid of the capuani against the samnites , a people of no force , were deceived . a prince whose people is well arm'd and train'd , shall do better to attend his enemy at home , than by invasion to assault his country : but such princes whose subjects are disarmed , had need to hold the enemy aloof . example , the romans , and in this age the swisses , being well armed , may attend the war at home ; but the carthaginians and italians being not so well furnished , did ever use to seek the enemy . the plurality of commanders in equal authority , is for the most part occasion of slow proceeding in the war. example , there was at one time in rome created four tribuni militares with authority of consuls , viz. t. quintus after his consulship , cajus furius , m. posthumus , and a. cornelius cassius , amongst whom arose so much diversity and contrariety of opinion , as nothing could be done till their authority ceased , and m. aemylius made dictator . a victory obtained by any great captain with the authority of his prince's commission , counsel , and directions , ought ever to be imputed rather to the wisdom of the prince , than the valour of the captain : which made the emperors of rome to permit no captains ( how great soever his victories were ) to triumph , as before that time the consuls had done ; and even in those days a modest refusal of triumph was commended . example , m. fulvius having gained a great victory against the tuscans , was both by the consent of the senate and people of rome , admitted to triumph ; but the refusal of that honour proved his great glory . all they that from private estate have aspired to principality , either by force or fraud be come thereunto , unless the same be given , or by inheritance descended : yet it is rarely seen , that force alone prevaileth , but fraud without force oft-times sufficeth . example , agathocles by such means became prince of syracusa ; john galeazzo by abusing his uncle barnabas , gained the dominion of lombardy ; and cyrus circumvented cyaxares his mothers brother , and by that craft aspired to greatness . sudden resolutions are always dangerous ; and no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful delays . example , when hieron prince of syracuse died , the war even then being in great heat between the romans and carthaginians , they of syracusa consulted , whether it were better to follow the fortune of rome or carthage . in which doubt they continued until apollondies , a chief captain of syracusa , laid before them , that so long delay would make them hated both of romans and carthaginians . likewise the flcrentines being by lewis the twelfth required to give his army passage towards naples , mused so long upon an answer , that he became their enemy , and they forced to recover his favour full dearly . to govern a state is nothing else but to take such order as the subjects may not , or ought not to offend ; which may be done , either by removing from them all means to disobey , or by affording them so great favours , as reasonably they ought not to change their fortune ; for the mean course proveth dangerous . example , the latins being by the valour of camillus overcome , yielded themselves to endure what punishment it pleased the romans to inflict . an ingenious and magnanimous answer being made unto wise magistrates , doth oft obtain both pardon and grace . example , when the privernates had rebelled , and were by force constrained to return to the obedience of the romans , they sent certain of the city unto rome , to desire pardon ; who being brought before the senate , one of the senators asked the privernates , what punishment themselves did think they had deserved : the same , quoth they , which men living in freedom , think they are worthy of . whereto the consul thus replied , quid si poenam remittimus ? qualem nos patem vobiscum habituros speremus ? the privernates answered , si bonam dederitis , & fidelem & perpetuam : si malam , haud diuturnam . which answer was thought to proceed from generous men , and therefore they were not only pardoned , but also honoured and received into the number of the roman citizens . all castles , fortresses , and places of strength , be made for defence , either against the enemy or subject : in the first case they are not necessary , in the second dangerous . for thereby the prince may at his pleasure take occasion to insult upon the subject , when much more seemly he might settle his estate upon the love and good affection of men. example , the castle of millan made by duke francisco sforza , incited his heirs to become insolent ; and consequently they became odious ; which was also the cause that so soon as that city was assaulted , the enemy with facility did possess it . that prince or potentate which builds his severity rather upon the trust he hath in fortresses , than the love of men , shall be deceived : for no place is so strong , as can long defend it self , unless by the love and aid of men it be in time of necessity succoured . example , pope julio having drawn the bentivoli out of bologna , built there a strong castle ; the governor thereof robbed the people , and they therewith grieved , in a short time took the castle from him . so after the revolt of genoa , lewis the twelfth came to the recovery thereof , and builded there the strongest fortification of italy , as well for sight as the circumstances inexpugnable . nevertheless the citizens rebelled , and within sixteen months the french were forced to yield the castle and government to octavio fragosa . to build forts upon places of strength , either for defence of our own , or to hold that which is taken from others , hath ever proved to small purpose . example , the romans having supprest the rebellion of the latins and privernates , albeit they were people warlike , and lovers of liberty ; yet to keep them subject , built there no castle , nor other places fortified : and the lacedemonians did not only forbear to fortifie the towns they conquered , but also left their chief city of sparta unwalled . the necessity or use of fortification is only upon frontiers , or such principal places where princes make their habitation ; to the end the fury of sudden assaults may be staid , and time for succor entertained : otherwise , example , the castle of millan being made to hold the state in obedience , could not so do either for the house of sforza or france . guido ubaldo , duke of velin , driven from his dominion by caesar borgia , so soon as he recovered his country , caused all the forts to be demolished : for by experience he found the love of men was the surest defence , and that fortifications prevailed no less against him than for him . the causes of division and faction in every commonweal proceed most commonly of idleness and peace , and that which uniteth , is fear and war. example , the vejenti and elinsci having intelligence of great contention between the nobility and people of rome , thought that a fit opportunity to oppress the one and the other : but the romans informed of such an intention , appeased all domestick anger , and by the valour of their arms , conducted by gn. manlius and m. fabius , defeated the enemies forces . the means to usurp an estate disjoynted is , first before arms be taken , to become , as it were , an arbitrator or a friend indifferent ; and after arms be taken , then to send moderate aid to the weak side , as well to entertain the war between the factions , as also to consume the strength both of the one , and the other ; yet in no wise to employ any great forces , for thereby either party may discover the intents to suppress them . example , the city of pistoia fallen into division , the florentines took occasion sometimes to favor the one , and sometimes the other , that in the end both sides weary of the war , voluntarily yielded to their devotion . philippo viscount , hoping sundry times by occasion of faction to oppress the florentines , did often assault them with great forces , which was the cause that they became reunited ; and consequently the duke deceived of his expectation . a great wisdom it is to refrain opprobrious and injurious speech : for as neither the one nor the other can any whit decrease the enemies force , so doth it move him to greater hate , and more desire to offend . example , gabides , a general of the persians having long besieged amida , became weary , and preparing to abandon the enterprise , raised his camp , which they of the city beholding , began to revile the persians , and from the walls reproved them of cowardise ; which undiscreet words so highly offended gabides , as thereupon he resolved to continue the siege , and within few days won the city . tiberius gracchus appointed captain of certain bands of men , whom for want of other soldiers the romans entertained , proclaimed in his camp , that no man , upon pain of death , should contumeliously call any soldier slave , either in earnest or jest. nam facetiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere , acrem sui memoriam relinquunt . likewise alexander the great having conquered well near all the east , brought his forces before tyre , they fearing alexander's fury , offered upon honourable considerations to yeild him obedience , only requiring , that neither he nor any of his forces should enter the city , which motion after four months alexander accepted , and so signified by his ambassador , who arriving at tyre was by the proud citizens slain , whereat alexander grew into choler , and being ready to forsake the siege , staid his forces , and in the end sacked the city and put the people to the sword. a prince or any other state being assaulted by an enemy of far more puissance than himself , ought not to refuse any honourable compositions , chiefly when they are offered ; for no conditions can be so base , but shall in some sort turn to advantage and honour of him that accepts them . example , anno 1512. certain florentines procured great forces of spaniards to come thither , as well to reposess the medici then banish'd , as also to sack the city ; promising that so soon as the army of spain did come into the florentine dominion , the faction of medici would be ready armed to receive them . but the spaniards being come , found no forces at all to joyn with them ; and therefore wanting victual , offered composition . the florentines finding the enemy distressed grew insolent and refused peace , whereof followed the loss of prato , and many other inconveniences . the like happened to them of tyre , as before . the denial or delay of justice desired in revenge of injuries either publick or privately offered , is a thing very dangerous to every prince or other state ; for that the party injured doth oft by indirect means , though with hazard of his country and himself , seek satisfaction : example , the complaint which the galli made against the fabii who sent ambassadors in favour of the tossani , not being heard , nor any punishment inflicted upon them for fighting against the law of nations , was the cause that the galli were offended with the states , whereof followed the sack of rome ; and the delay of justice in philip of macedon , for not revenging the incestuous oppression of attalus to pausanias , was the motive to murther that king. whoso endeavours the alteration of any state must of necessity proceed with all severity , and leave some memorable example to those that shall impugn the ordinance of government newly setled . example , when junius brutus had by his great valour banish'd the tarquins , and sworn the people that no king should ever reign in rome ; within short time after , many young nobles , among whom was brutus's son , impatient of the equality of the new government , conspired to recall the tarquins ; but brutus thereof informed , caused his own son not only to be condemned to death , but was himself present at the execution . as health and soundness of the hands , legs , and other outward members cannot continue life , unless the heart and vital spirits within be strong and firm ; so fortifications and frontier-defences do not prevail , unless the whole corps of the kingdom and people be well armed : example , when the emperor came into italy , and had with some difficulty past the confines of the venetians well near without resistance ; his army march'd to venice , and might doubtless have possest the city , had it not been defended with water . likewise the english in their assault of france , excepting a few encounters on the frontiers , found no puissant resistance within the realm . and anno 1513. they forced all that state , and the king himself to tremble , as oft before they had done ; but contrariwise the romans knowing that life lay in the heart , ever held the body of their state strongest : for the nearer the enemy approach'd rome , the better they found the country armed and defended . the desire to command sovereignly is of so great force , as doth not only work in those that are in expectation of principality , but also in them that have no title at all . example , this appetite moved the wife of tarquinius priscus contrary to all natural duty to incite her husband to murder her own father servius , and possess his kingdom , as being persuaded it were much more honourable to be a queen than to be the daughter of a king. the violation of ancient laws , orders and customs , under which people have long time lived , is the chief and only cause whereby princes hazard their estate and royal dignity . example , albeit the deflowring of lucrece was the occasion , yet was it not the cause that moved the romans to take arms against tarquin ; for he having before that fact of sextus his son , governed tyrannically , and taken from the senate all authority , was become odious both to the senate , nobility and people , who finding themselves well-governed , never seek or wish any other liberty or alteration . a prince that desires to live secure from conspiracy , hath cause rather to fear those on whom he hath bestowed over-great riches and honors , than those whom he hath greatly injured ; because they want means to offend ; the other have many opportunities to do it : example , perrenius the prime favorite of commodus the emperor , conspired his death . plautianus did the like to severus , and sejanus to tiberius ; for being advanced to so great honors , riches and offices , as nothing remained desirable but the imperial title , they conspired against the persons of their sovereigns in hope of the dignity ; but in the end they endured that punishment which to such disloyalty and ingratitude appertaineth . an army which wants experience , albeit the captain be expert , is not greatly to be feared ; neither ought an army of well-train'd soldiers to be much esteemed , whose captain is ignorant . example , caesar going into africa against afranius and petraeus whose army was full of old soldiers , said he feared them little , quia ibat ad exercitum sine duce . contrariwise , when he went to pharsalia to encounter pompey , he said , ibo ad ducem fine exercitu . a captain-general commanding an army ought rather to govern with curtesie and mildness , than with over-much austerity and severity . example , q. and appius claudius being consuls , were appointed to govern the war. to q. was allotted one army which served very dutifully ; but appius commanding the other with great cruelty , was by his soldiers unwillingly obeyed . nevertheless tacitus seems of contrary opinion , saying , plus poena quam obsequium valet . therefore to reconcile these different conceits , i say , that a general having power to command men , either they are confederates or subjects : if confederates or voluntaries , he may not proceed to extream punishment ; if subjects , and his power absolute , they may be governed otherwise ; yet with such respect , as the insolence of the general inforce not the soldiers to hate him . honour may sometime be got as well by the loss as gaining of victory . every man knoweth glory is due to the victor , and we deny not the same priviledge to the vanquished , being able to make proof that the loss proceeded not from his default . neither is it dishonourable to violate those promises whereto the necessity or disadvantage of war inforceth . and forced promises which concern a whole state , are not binding , and rarely or ever kept , nor is the breaker thereby to receive disgrace . example , posthumus the consul having made a dishonourable peace with the samnites , was by them with his whole army sent home disarmed . being arrived at rome , the consul informed the people they were not bound to perform the base conditions he was compelled to yield unto ; albeit , he and those few that promised , were bound to perform them . the senate thereupon concluded to send him prisoner to samno , where he constantly protested the fault to be only his own ; wherefore the people by that peace incurred no dishonour at all : and fortune so much favoured posthumus , as the samnites were content presently to return him to rome ; where he became more glorious for losing the victory , than was pontius at samno for having won the victory . wise men have long observed , that who so will know what shall be , must consider what is past ; for all worldly things hold the same course they had at first . the reason is , that as long as men are possest with the same passions with former ages , consequently of these doings the same effects ensue . example , the almains and french have ever been noted for their avarice , pride , fury and infidelity , and so in divers ages , experience hath proved even to this present : for perfidious dealing the french have given sufficient proof , not only in ancient times , but also in the time of charles viii . who promised to render to the florentines the forts of pisa , but having divers times received mony , held them notwithstanding in possession . the florentines found the like in the almains ; for in the wars of the visconti , dukes of milan , they prayed aid of the emperor , who promised them great forces ; in consideration whereof , he was to receive of the florentines one hundred thousand crowns in hand , and as much more when his army was arrived in italy , both which payments were performed ; but as soon as the emperor came to verona he devised cavillations of unkindness whereupon he returned home . a prince desirous to obtain any thing of another , must if occasion so permit , urge his demand so earnestly and press for so sudden and present answer , as he who is prest may not have leisure to consider how to excuse himself in denial . example , pope julio endeavoured to drive out of bologna all the bentivoli , in which action he thought the aid of the french necessary , and that the venetians should stand neutral ; and by divers messengers did sollicite them to that effect ; but not receiving any resolute answer , he thought fit with those few forces he had to take his journey to bologna , whereupon the venetians advertised him they would remain neutral , and the french king forthwith sent him forces , as fearing the popes indignation ; likewise the tuscans having formerly desired aid of the samnites against the romans , took arms suddenly and obtained their request which the samnites had before denied . when a multitude offendeth , all may not be punish'd , because they are too many : to punish part and leave the rest unpunish'd , were injury to the sufferers ; and to those that escape , an encouragement to offend again ; therefore to eschew all extremity , mean courses have been anciently used . example , when all the wives of the romans conspired to poyson their husbands , a convenient number of them were punisht , and the rest suffered to pass : likewise at the conspiracy of the bacchanals in the time of the macedonian war , wherein many thousands men and women had part , every tenth person only was put to death by lot , although the offence were general ; by which manner of punishing , he that suffered , complain'd on his fortune ; and he that escaped , was put in fear , that offending again , the same punishment might light upon himself , and therefore would no more offend . a battel or great action in arms ought not to be enterprised without special commission or command from the prince ; otherwise the general incurs great danger . example , papyrius the dictator punisht the general of the horse in the roman army , for having fought without his consent , although he had in battle slain 20000 enemies without loss of 200 of his own ; and caesar commended his captain silanus for having refrain'd to fight , though with great advantage he might . also count egmont hazarded the favor of the king his master for giving battel to marshall de thermes , albeit he were victorious : for upon the success of that action the loss or safety of all the low countries depended . to govern without council is not only dangerous in aristocracies and popular states , but unto independent princes an occasion of utter ruin . example , hieron the first king of sicily in all his proceedings used the advice of counsels , and lived fifty years prosperously in peace ; but his grand-child succeeding , refusing all counsel lost his kingdom , and was with all his kinsfolk and friends cruelly slain . in all monarchies the senate or privv-council is or ought to be composed of persons of great dignity , or men of approved wisdom and understanding . example , in polonia no man is counsellor unless he be a palatine , a bishop , a castellan , a captain , or such a one as hath been ambassador : and in turky the title of counsellor is not given but only to the four bassaes. the two cadelesquires , the twelve beglerbegs , and kings son , who in his fathers absence , is as it were a president of the divano or senate . many princes ancient and modern have used to select out of their council , two or three , or four at most , to whom only they did impart their affairs . example , the emperor augustus had maecenas and agrippa ; julius caesar , q. paedius and cor. balbus , whom he only trusted with his cipher and secrets , being counsellors of the cabinet ( as we now call them . ) the alteration of old laws , or introduction of new , are in all states very dangerous , notwithstanding any appearance of profit or publick utility , which moved wise governours to decree , that ancient laws once established might never be called in question . example , the athenians decreed that no law should be propounded to the people without the consent of the senate : the like use is observed in venice , where no petition is preferred to the senate but by advice of the sages ; and among the locrians the custom was , that whosoever presented any new law to be confirmed , should come with a halter about his neck , and be therewith hanged if his request were rejected ; also lycurgus to prevent the alteration of his laws , did swear the people of sparta to observe them untilhis return , and thereupon retired himself into voluntary exile , with intent never to return . when necessity or good reason moves innovation or abolition of laws , a course more secure it is to do it rather by degrees than suddenly . example , the romans finding the laws of the twelve tables unprofitable , suffered them to be observed or neglected at discretion , but would not publickly suppress them for fear of calling other laws into contempt : so did they continue 700 years , and were then cassed by ebutius the tribune . but agis king of lacedemon desirous to revive the laws of lycurgus , long discontinued , enforced all men to bring in their evidence and writings to be cancelled , to the end a new partition of lands and goods might be made ; which suddain and violent proceeding proved so fatal , that it moved a dangerous sedition , wherein he was disposed and with his mother and friends put to death ; which example haply moved the venetians not to attempt any thing against the authority of augustino barberino their duke : but after his death , and before the election of lovedono , the signiory publisht new ordinances detractive from the ducal authority . whose hath won to himself so great love and affection , as thereby to become master of the forces , and at his pleasure commands the subjects apt for arms , may also without right or title assure himself of the whole estate . example , hugh capat a subject to the crown of france , being greatly honoured by the soldiers , found means thereby to prevent charles duke of lorrain of the crown , being right heir by descent from charlemain . and albeit the families of the paleologi , ebrami and turcani be of the blood royal and right heirs to the turkish empire , when the ottoman line shall fail ; yet it is like that the chief bassa having the love of the janisaries will usurp the state , because the paleologi and other competitors be far from the turks person , poor and without means to purchase the soldiers favor . a commander general in arms , ought upon pain of great punishment be enjoyned , not to imploy or retain any forces longer than the time of his commission . example , the dictators of rome were in this point so precise , as never any of them dared to transgress the time prefixed , till caesar obtained that dignity should continue in him for life ; which was the cause of his usurpation of the state. also the thebans commanded , that if the general of their army did hold his forces one day longer than the time prefixt , he should thereby incur danger of death : which justice was executed upon epaminondas and pelopidas . banishment of great lords , or citizens of great reputation , hath been in divers places diversly used : for in the one , they were inforced only to absent themselves without further infliction ; in the other , banishment was accompanied with confiscation , a course of great danger . example , in argos , athens , ephesus , and other cities of greece , the citizens puissant in friends , vertue or riches , were many times banish'd for envy or fear , but never or very rarely forced to absent themselves longer than ten years ; and that without loss of goods , which was the cause that never any of them warred against the country : but dion being banish'd syracusa by dionysius junior , and coriolanus from rome , did make mighty wars against their own country . the like was done by the medici in florence . honourable and magnanimous men were wont not only to enterprise great acts , but also to suffer patiently all injuries which foes or fortune could expose them to : as resolved , that no calamity was so great as to make their minds abject , or to forget the dignity appertaining to persons vertuous : example , after the defeat of the roman army upon the river allia , the galli persued the victory even to rome's walls : whither being come , and finding the gates open , without any sign of resistance they entred the streets , where all honourable palaces were also unshut , which caused the galli greatly to doubt . nevertheless looking into the houses , they found in every of them a senator set in a chair of state , and in his hand a rod of ivory ; his person was also vested with robes of dignity , which majestick spectacle did marvelously amate the galli , not having before that time seen any such reverend sight ; and therefore did not only refrain to offer violence , but highly admired the roman courage , chiefly in that fortune . nevertheless at length a rude gall hapned with his hand to touch the white beard of m. papyrius , whereat he taking great disdain struck him with his rod , in requital whereof the barbarian slew papyrius , and by that example all the other senators and persons of dignity were also slain . albeit the knowledge and study of letters be both commendable and necesssary in all well regulated states ; yet if under so honest pretence , idleness enter , such abuses most seasonably be foreseen and removed . example , when deognis and carneades , two excellent philosophers , were sent ambassadors from athens to the romans , many of the nobility that before disposed themselves to arms , allured with their eloquence and marvelous wisdom , began with great admiration to follow them : and in lieu of arms , turned their endeavours to the study of letters , which the wise cato discerning , procured the senate to decree that ( to eschew all inconveniences which so honest idleness might breed ) no philosophers should from thenceforth be received into rome . the honour due to magistrates was anciently much regarded , and contrariwise all irreverent and undutiful behaviour with great severity punish'd . example , the censors of rome degraded a citizen only for having yawned loud in their presence : and another called vectius was slain in the field , for not doing due reverence to a tribune when he past by him . it is also observed , that the son of fab. maximus when he was censor , meeting his father on horseback , and seeing the serjeans affraid to speak to him to dismount , did himself command him so to do , which command the father cheerfully and willingly obeyed , saying , domestick power must give place to publick authority . tyrannous princes having incurred the universal hate of people , found no means so meet to preserve them from popular fury , as to execute or deliver into their hands their own chief minions and intimate counsellors . example , tiberius delivered to the people his fa vourite seianus : nero , tigellinus . henry king of swede committed to their fury his best beloved servant george preston ; caracalla caused all his flatterers to be slain that had persuaded him to kill his brother . the like was done by caligula , whereby he escaped himself . a prince that rewards or pardons a person that kills another prince , albeit by that means he is aspired to soveraignty , shall thereby both incur great danger and hate , and encourage men therein to attempt the like against himself . therefore wise princes have not only left such services quite unrecompenced , but also most severely punished them . example , the emperor sever●● put all those to death that consented to the murder of pertinax ; and alexander the great executed him that slew darius , as abhorring that subject that would lay violent hands on his prince , notwithstanding he were an enemy . likewise uitellius put to death all the murderers and conspirators against galba ; and domitian executed his secretary epaphroditus for the murder of nero , although he instantly desired his aid . the vertuous and vitious examples of princes incite subjects to imitate the same qualities ; which rule never or very rarely fails . example , francis the first king of france , and other princes in divers ages and places , had great esteem of learned men ; and forth with all the princes , nobles , nobility and clergy , disposed themselves so earnestly to study , as before that time had not been seen so many and so great a number of learned men , as well in tongues as sciences . contrariwise , alexander the great , otherwise a prince of great vertue , by his immoderate use of drinking , did draw the greatest number of his court and people also to delight in drunkenness the like effect followed the excessive intemperance of mithridates , king of amasia . the last and not the least considerable , is , to observe how great effects devotion and contempt of human glory worketh in the minds not only of private persons , but of kings and princes also , who have oft abandoned worldly profit , honour and pleasure , to embrace the con templative retired life . example , ramirus king of aragon , verecundus king of spain , charlemain son of carolus martellus , matilda queen of france , amurath king of turbay , with many others . imperio maximus , exemplo major . finis . books printed for , and sold by joseph watts at the angel in st. paul's church-yard , viz. the history of ireland from the conquest thereof by the english to this present time , in two parts : by the honourable richard cox , esq one of the present judges for that kingdom . folio . the right honourable the marquis of carmarthen's state of his case . folio . his answer to the examination of the state of his case . folio . his answer to sir robert howard's book . folio . his reply to some libels lately printed . folio . tryal of the lord russel . folio . character of a popish successor . folio . the world's mistake in oliver cromwel : by sl. bethel , esq quarto . satyr against hypocrites . quarto . no protestant plot , 1st . 2d . and 3d. parts . quarto . diarry of his majesty's expedition into england . quarto . hunton's treatise of monarchy , in two parts . quarto . the earl of rochester's funeral sermon . quarto . the present settlement vindicated , and the late mis-government proved . quarto . rushworth's historical collections from 1618. to 1629. james's corruption of popish father's counsels , &c. octavo . the true nature of the divine law , &c. octavo . reformed devotions , in meditations , hymns and petitions , for every day in the week . twelves . the excellent woman described by her true characters , and their opposites . octavo . an earnest invitation to the sacrament : by dr. glanvill . twelves . at which place may be had acts of parliament , proclamations , declarations , orders of king and council , speeches in parliament ; choice pamphlets , both ancient and new ; tryals , narratives and gazzetts . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57355-e1080 * commissions determine in presence of him that granted them . * so henry the fourth of france by putting his courtiers to board-wages was said to make money with his teeth . * the author of the epistle dedicatory to the dutchess of suffolk , prefix'd to mr. latimer's sermons , saith , that lawyers covetousness hath almost devoured england . discipline . tam bene quam male facta praemunt . mart. the cabinet-council containing the cheif [sic] arts of empire and mysteries of state : discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms grounded on authority, and experience : and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a57360 of text r8392 in the english short title catalog (wing r156). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 262 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 105 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a57360 wing r156 estc r8392 12381382 ocm 12381382 60768 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57360) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60768) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 224:20) the cabinet-council containing the cheif [sic] arts of empire and mysteries of state : discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms grounded on authority, and experience : and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations / by the ever-renowned knight, sir walter raleigh ; published by john milton, esq. cabinet-council raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. milton, john, 1608-1674. [9], 199 p. : port. printed by tho. newcomb for tho. johnson ..., london : 1658. first ed., with "to the reader" signed: john milton. cf. nuc pre-1956. published in 1661 as: aphorisms of state, grounded on authority and experience; in 1692 as: the arts of empire, and mysteries of state discabineted; in 1697 as: the secrets of government, and misteries of state. for other issues under different titles see: brushfield, t.n. bibliography of sir walter raleigh, 1908, [no.] 268. reproduction of original in yale university library. eng political science -early works to 1800. monarchy -early works to 1800. a57360 r8392 (wing r156). civilwar no the cabinet-council: containing the cheif [sic] arts of empire, and mysteries of state; discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms, g raleigh, walter, sir 1658 44499 652 0 0 0 0 0 147 f the rate of 147 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tam marti , quam mercurio . the true and lively portraiture of the hoble. and learned knight sr. walter ralegh . ro : vaughan sculp : the cabinet-council : containing the cheif arts of empire , and mysteries of state ; discabineted in political and polemical aphorisms , grounded on authority , and experience ; and illustrated with the choicest examples and historical observations . by the ever-renowned knight , sir walter raleigh , published by john milton , esq ; quis martem tunicâ tectum adamantinâ dignè scripserit ? london , printed by tho. newcomb for tho. johnson at the sign of the key in st. pauls churchyard , near the west-end . 1658. to the reader . having had the manuscript of this treatise , written by sir walter raleigh , many years in my hands , and finding it lately by chance among other books and papers , upon reading thereof , i thought it a kinde of injury to withhold longer the work of so eminent an author from the publick ; it being both answerable in stile to other works of his already extant , as far as the subject would permit , and given me for a true copy by a learned man at his death , who had collected several such peices . john milton . the principal contents . chap. i. the definition and division of publick weals and soveraign states , according to their several species or kindes . pag. 1. chap. 2. of soveraign or monarchick government , with its essential marks , and specifical differences . pag. 2. chap. 3. of monarchies seigniorile , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire . pag. 5. chap. 4. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintain them . pag. 7. chap. 5. of monarchies tyrannical . pag. 9. chap. 6. of new-found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . pag. 10. chap. 7. of councils and counsellors in general . pag. 14. chap. 8. of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties and democraties . pag. 15. chap. 9. of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . pag. 17. chap. 10. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . pag. 18. chap. 11. observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure , and war . p. 20. chap. 12. extrinsick observations , shewing how to deal with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designs , and decypher their intendments . pag. 24. chap. 13. observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . pag. 28. chap. 14. of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites . pag. 32. chap. 15. the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . pag. 38. chap. 16. of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . pag. 40. chap. 17. of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . p. 42. chap. 18. of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . pag. 44. chap. 19. of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . pag. 47. chap. 20. of diffidence and dissimulation in the mannage of state affairs . pag. 54. chap. 21. of war defensive and invasive ; with instructions touching laws of arms , soldiers , and military discipline . pag. 56. chap. 22. of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . pag. 67. chap. 23. of councils in war , and directions tactick and stratagematick ; with advice how to make an honorable peace . pag. 71. chap. 24. of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . pag. 80. chap. 25. a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . pag. 88. chap. 26. maximes of state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policy in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narrations , and historical parallels . pag. 153. the cabinet council : containing the chief arts of empire , and mysteries of state . chap. i. the definition and division of publick weales and soveraign states , according to their several species or kinds . a common-wealth is a certain soveraign government of many families , with those things that are common among them . all common-wealths are either monarchies , aristocraties , democraties . a monarchie is that state where the soveraignty resteth in the person of one only prince . an aristocratie , is where some small part of the people have in the● as a body corporate , the soveraignty and supream power of the whole state . a democrati● , is where all the people have power and authority soveraign . so doth it appear , that the place and person where the soveraigntie resteth , doth cause the state to be either a monarchie , an aristocratie , or popular government . chap. ii. of soveraign or monarchick government , with its essential markes , and specifical differences . soveraigntie is an absolute and perpetual power in every publike state and he is properly and only a soveraign , that acknowledgeth no superior or equal , nor holdeth of any other prince , person or power , but god and his own sword . the first mark of soveraigntie is absolute power and authority to command all subjects in general , and every of them in particular , without consent of any other person or persons , either greater or inferior to himself . the second mark of majesty is authority to make war , and conclude peace at his pleasure . the third is power to bestow all honors and cheif offices at his pleasure . the fourth marke of soveraigntie is appellation . the fifth mark and last , is power to pardon all subjects by rigor of law or otherwise condemned in life , lands , goods , or honors . these powers are not to be imparted to any officer , deputy or other magistrate , but in the princes absence , and for some urgent occasion . monarchies are of three sorts signioril , royal , tyrannical . the diver●●tie of monarchies doth no● proceed from the nature of the state , but the diverse proceedings of those princes that governe ; for great difference there may be between the nature of the common wealth and the government thereof . that prince that giveth the magistracies , honors and offices without respect of nobility , riches or vertue , may be said to governe popularly . and that monarchy may be said to b● governed aristocratically , when the monarch imparteth the principal honors and offices to the noble and rich men only . the same difference there is to be found in states aristocratical and popular : for the one and the other may be both signioril , or tyrannical . a monarch signioril is he who by force of arms and just war , is made owner of mens bodies and goods , and governeth them as a master of a familie governeth base servants and slaves . a monarch royal , is he whose subjects are obedient unto his laws , and the monarch himself obeyeth the lawes of god and nature , suffering every subject to enjoy liberty natural , with property in lands and goods , governing as a father governeth his children . a monarch tyrannical , is he who without regard to the law of god or nature , commandeth free-men as slaves , and useth their lands and goods as his own . chap. iii. of monarchie signioril , exemplified in the turkish and west-indian empire . all people subject to princes , are governed as free-men by their prince and certain other particular lords of lands and liberties ; who not by the princes commission but by antient lawes or custom have inheritance and tenements ; or else they are by one prince and his ministers commanded , which ministers have not by law , or ordinance , any authority or interest of themselves , but being like to the people ( base men and slaves ) they command only by commission in the princes name ; and the authority of those ministers doth cease at the princes pleasure , so that the people doe not acknowledg any superior but the prince● nor owe any service to other mean lords : so as all the people stand without propertie in lands or goods ; for example , the empire of turky and the west indies . the provinces of this monarchie are allotted to sundrie magistrates or ministers , and they altered and removed at the princes pleasure ; but it is otherwise in a monarchie royal , because the monarch is there accompanied with many mean lords● and albeit those mean lords are subjects unto the prince , yet have they particular tenants who may not without just cause be dispossessed by the prince ; and those people having had dependency of their lords and their ancestors , do ever beare unto them a certain naturall love and dutifull respect : who so therefore compareth these principalities , shall perceive , that to conquer a state signioril there is great difficultie ; but being conquered , it may easily be maintained for the difficultie to conquer such a state , proceedeth from the lack of mean lords to call in and assist the prince that doth invade : who therefore desireth to subdue a nation thus governed , must of force assault , all the people , and rather trust in his own strength then the aide of the country . but if he can prevaile , then one only feare remaineth , which is the princes posteritie , which necessarily must be extinguished , because the princes race only hath interest both in the people and soldiers . but to enter a monarchy royal , is an enterprise of no great difficulty , when he that doth enter , hath the friendship and aide of some mean lords to take his part , and prepar the place where he is to arrive . chap. iiii. of monarchies royal , with the means to maintaine them . monarchies royal , are for the most part antient and hereditary , and consequently easie to be governed . for it is sufficient for the prince to maintain the old laws , ●and on occasion temporize with those accidents that happen● such a state cannot be taken from the prince without excessive force ; and if it be , it shall be soon recovered . example , england and france . but if a monarchie newly conquered , be annexed unto an old , and not properly antient , then is it with much more difficulty maintained . first , for that men naturally inclined to variation are easily induced ●o take arms against him that newly governeth . secondly , every new prince is forced to exact aswell upon those subjects that joyned with him as those that did resist him , and therefore shall offend both . example , ireland annexed to the crown of england : sicilia and naples to spain● . the means to maintain such a monarchie ; is● first to extinguish the race of him that was anciently prince . secondly , to continue all lawes and customes in the former force ; for so shall the subject find nothing altered but the prince , and therefore will soon rest contented : and the rather if that new monarchie and the antient dominion of the prince be of one language : but if the people be of a contrary language and humor , then to hold it , there needeth great industrie and fortune : in that case the best way is that the prince should inhabit there , as well to incounter all inconveniences proceeding from the subject , as to preserve the people from oppression of his own ministers . another way is to send thither certain colonies , and plant them in fit places , or else to settle some garisons both of horse and foot ; but colonies are less chargeable to the prince : as for the people inhabitant ( who must necessarily remove , they being a small number and dispossessed ) they cannot have power to offend : for in that case , this rule or maxime shall be found true , that men must be either kindly intreated● or with all extremity oppressed ; because of light injuries they may be revenged , but of utter oppre●●ion they cannot . a third way to hold a conquered dominion , is , to cherish and defend the neighbors of little power , and oppress or keep under those that are most potent ; and above all to take order that no forraign prince or power doe enter ; for it is ever to be looked for , that so many of the nation as are discontented , either for ambition or feare , will be ever readie to bring in strangers ; and to conclude this matter of principalitie annexed , i say it behoveth every prince possessed of such a state , never to increase the power of any potent neighbor , never to oppress those that are of small power , never , to permit any forraign potentate to enter , but ever to plant colonies and garisons , or else to make that dominion his cheif habitation . chap. v. of monarchies tyrannical . tyrannical princes are not advanced by favor , neither doe they trust unto fortune , but by degrees of warr , or else by some other indirect meanes do aspire unto greatness ; and therein do maintain themselves by all wayes either honest or dishonest , without respect of justice , conscience or law either of nations or nature : a prince by such impious means aspired , and desiring to hold that he hath gained , will take order that the cruelties he committeth may be done roundly , suddenly , and as it were at an instant ; for if they be exe●nted at leasure and by piece-meale , then will the princes fears continue long , and the terror in subjects take deeper impression , whose nature is such that either they must be bound by benefits , or by cruelty made sure from offending ; example , dionysius and agathocles . chap. vi . of new found monarchies and principalities , with the means to perpetuate them . some other princes there are that from private estate have aspired to soveraignty not by unnatural or impious proceedings as the former , but by vertue and fortune , and being aspired have found no great difficulty to be maintained ; for such a prince having no other dominion , is forced to settle himself where he is become a prince ; but here is to be noted that albeit such a man be vertuous , yet wanting fortune , his vertue proveth to small purpose , and fortune without vertue doth seldome work any great effect . howsoever it be , a prince being aspired , both by the aide of the one and of the other , shall notwithstanding find some difficulty to hold what he hath gotten : because he is forced to introduce new lawes and new orders of government differing from the old , aswell for his own security , as confirmation of the government : for avoiding of which dangers he is to consider whether he be of himself able to compell his subjects to obey , or must pray in aide of others ; if he can doe the first , he needeth not doubt ; but being driven to the other , his greatness cannot long continue● for albeit a matter of no difficultie it is to perswade a people , yet to make them constant , is a work well neer impossible . example , thes●us , cyrus , romulus . the second sort of new princes are such as be aspired by favor or corruption , or by the vertue or greatness of fortune or friends : a prince by any or all these means advanced , and desirous to hold his estate● must indeavor by his own vertue to maintain himself without depending upon any other : which may be done by this means ; first ; to assure all enemies from offending . secondly , to win the love and friendship of so many neighbours as possibly he may . thirdly to compass all designes tending to his honor or profit , and bring them to pas● either by fraud or force : fourthly , to make himself honoured and followed of captains and soldiers . fifthly , to oppress all those that would or can offend . sixthly to be obsequious & liberal to frinds , magnanimous & terrible to foes . seventhly , to c●sse all old and unfaithfull bands and entertain new . eighthly , to hold such amitie with kings and princes , as they ought reasonablie to favor him● or else they would offend ; easily they cannot● example , giovannie , torrigiani , caesar borgi● . the third and last meanes whereby private persons doe aspire to principalities , is not force and violence● but meer good-will and favor of men . the cause or occasion thereof , is only vertue , or fortune , or at least a certain fortunate craft and wittiness ; because he aspireth either by favor of the people , or by favor of the nobilitie ; for these contrary humors are in all common wealths to be found . and the reason thereof is , that the great men do ever endeavor to oppress the people , and the people do labor not to be oppressed by them . of these divers appetites one of these three ef●ects doe proceed , viz. principalitie , ●iberty , or licencious life . principality may come either by love of the multitude , or of the great men : for when any of these factions do find it self oppressed , then do they soon consent to make one a prince , hoping by his vertue and valor to be defended . example , francesco sforz● , alessandro de medici . a prince in this ●ort aspired , to maintain his estate , must first consider well by which of these factions aforesaid he is advanced : for if by favor of great men he be aspired , then must he meet with many difficulties ; for having about him divers persons of great qualitie , and such as were but lately his equals , hardly shall he command them in such sort as it behoveth ; but if the prince be advanced by the people● few or none shall hardly disobey him . so it appeareth that a prince made by the multitude is much more secure then he whom the nobilitie preferreth : for common people doe not desire to enjoy more then their own , and to be defended from oppression ; but great men doe studie not only to hold their own , but also to command and insult upon inferiors . note that all monarchies are p●incipalities , but all principalities are not monarchies . chap. vii . of councils , and counsellors in general . a senate or council is a certain lawful assembly of counsellors to give advice to him or them that have in the comon weale power soveraign . a counsellor is called in the latine senator ; which word signifieth in effect an old man : the grecians and romans also most commonly composed the●● councils of ancient and expert persons ; for if they or the greater part of them had bin young men , then might the council have more properly bin called a juvenate then a senate . the chief and most necessary note required in a counsellor is to have no dependance of any other prince or common-weale ; either oath , homage , natural obligation , pention , or reward : in this point the venetians have bin ever most precise , and for that reason , doe not admit any cardinal or other clergieman to be either of or at their councils , therefore when the venetian sena●e is assembled , the usher being ready to shut the dore cryeth aloud , fuora preti , depart priest . ] note also that in every state of what quality soever , a secret or cabinet-council is mainly necessary . chap. viii . of councils in some particular monarchies , aristocraties , and democraties . the king of spaine , for the government of his dominions hath seven councils ( viz ) the council of the indies , the council of spaine , the council of italy and the low countries , the council of war , the council of orders , the council of inquisition , and the council royal. in france are three councils ( viz ) the council privy , the council of judges , which they call presidents et conc●liers de parlament , and the great council which they call assemblei d● troys estates . of councils in aristocraties . in v●nice beside the senate and great council are four councils ( viz ) the sages of the sea , the sages of the land , the co●ncil of tenn , the three presidents of quarantia , and the senate : all which councils do amount to 120 persons , with the magistrates . the great council of ragusa consisteth of 60 persons , and hath another privie council of 12. of councils in democraties . genoua hath 3 councils● the great council of 200 , the senate which consisteth of 60 , and the privie council which hath 26 counsellors : so it doth appear that in all commonwealths , be they monarchies , aristocracies , or popular states , the council-privie is most necessarie and often used ; also this difference is to be noted between the councils in monarchies , and the councils in aristocracies and states popular ; that is to say , that all deliberations ●it ●o be published , are in a monarchie consulted and resolved upon in the council privie , and after ratified by common council ; but in optimacies or popular government the custom is contrary . here also is to be noted that albeit the use an● authorit● of ever● senate and privie councel is most needful , yet hath it no authority to command but in the name of those in whom the soveraignty resteth ; for if councellors had power to command absolutely , then should they be soveraigns , and consequently all execution at their pleasure ; which may not be without detracting from majestie , which is a thing so soveraign and sacred , as no citizen or subject of what quality soever , may touch or approach thereunto . chap. ix . of officers and commissioners with their respective distinctions . an officer is a person publick , that hath charge ordinary and limited by law . a commissioner is also a person publick● but his charge is extraordinary and limited by commission . officers are of two ●orts , and so be commissioners ; the one hath power to command , and are called magistrates ; the other hath authority to execute : so the one and the other are persons publick : yet are not all publick persons either officers or commissioners . commissioners are ordained to govern in provinces● in warr , in justice , in disposing the treasure , or some other function concerning the state ; but all commissions do spring and proceed from the soveraign , magistrates , and commissioners . and here is to be noted that every commission ceaseth if he that granted the commission doth dye , or revoke it , or if the commissioners during his commission shall aspire to office and authority equall to his that made it . chap. x. of magistrates , their qualifications and elections . a magistrate is an officer having power to command in the state ; and albeit that every magistrate be an officer , yet every officer is not a magistrate , but they only that have power to command . also in making of officers and magistrates in every commonweale , three things are specially to be observed ( viz ) who doth make them , what men they are that should be made , and the forme and manner how they are made . the first appertaineth to him or them in whom the soveraigntie resteth ; the second also belongeth to majestie ; yet therein the laws are commonly followed , especially in aristocracies and states popular ; in the one the magistrates are chosen out of the most wealthy or most noble : in the other , elected out of the whole multitude . the forme and manner of choosing magistrates in aristocracies and states popular , is either by election , by lot , or by both , and their office is to compel those that doe not obey what soveraigntie commandeth : for all force of commandment lyeth in compulsion . commandment likewise is of two sorts : the one may be called soveraign and absolute , above lawes , above magistrates , and above people . in monarchies such command is proper to the prince only ; in aristocracies it resteth in the nobility : and in democracies the people have that power . the second commandments are subject both to soveraignty and law . here is to be noted that every magistrate may recall his own commandement , and forbid what he did command , yet cannot revoke that which he hath judged . * also in presence of the soveraign , all authority of magistrates ceaseth ; and in presence of great magistrates the inferior have no power ; and magistrates equall cannot doe any thing but by consent , if his colleagues or fellow-magistrates be present . chap. xi . observations intrinsically concerning every publick state in points of justice , treasure , and warr . the first concern matter intrinsick . the second touch matter extrinsick . matters intrinsick are three . the administration of justice . the mannaging of the treasure . the disposing of things appertaining to war . matters extrinsick are also three . the skill how to deale with neighbours . the diligence to vent their designes● the way how to win so much confidence with some of them , as to be made partaker of whatsoever they mean to enterprise . touching administratio● of justice . the good and direct administration of justice , is in all places a principal part of government ; for seldome or never shall we see any people discontented and desirous of alteration , where justice is equally administred without respect of persons ; and in every state this consideration is required , but most of all in countries that doe front upon other princes , or were lately conquered : hereunto the princes vigilancy and the magistrates uprightness are especially required ; for oftentimes the prince is deceived , and the magistrates corrupted ; it behoveth also the prince to maintain the judges and ministers of justice in their reputation , and yet to have a vigilant eye upon their proceedings , and the rather if their authority doe include equity , and from their censure be no appeale ; and if their office be during life , and they are men born and dwelling in the same country ; all these things are duly to be considered of the prince ; for as to call the judges into q●estion , is as it were to disgrace the judicial seate ; so to wink at their corruptions were matter of just discontent to the subject ; in this case therefore the prince cannot doe more then by his wisdom to make choise of good men ; and being chosen , to hold them in good reputation so as the ordinary course of justice may proceed ; for otherwise great disorder , contempt , and general confusion will ensue thereof . secondly he is to keep his eye open upon their proceedings ; and lastly to reserve unto himself a supream power of appellation . touching the treasure . the want of money is in all states very perilous , and most of all in those which are of least strength , and doe confine upon nations with whom they have commonly war , or unassured peace , but most perilous of all to those governments which are remote from the prince , or place where they are to be relieved . the means to leavie treasure are four . first , the customs and impositions upon all sorts of merchandize and traffique is to be looked unto and advanced . secondly , the excessive eating of usury must be suppressed . thirdly , all super●luous charges and expences are to be taken away . lastly , the doings and accounts of ministers are severally to be examined . touching the matter of custom and impost , thereof assuredly a great profit is in every state to be raised ; chiefly where peace hath long continued , and where the country affordeth much plenty of commodities to be carried out , and where ports are to receive shipping . the moderating of interest is ever necessary , and chiefly in this age , by reason that money aboundeth in europe ; since the trafficke into the indies ; for such men as have money in their hands great plenty , would in no wise imploy the same in merchandize , if lawful it were to receive the utmost usury , being a course of most profit and greatest security . the taking away of superfluous expences is no other thing then a certain wise and laudable parsimony ; which the romans and other well governed states did use . these expences consist in fees , allowances , and wages granted to ministers of little or no necessity ; also in pensions , rewards , entertainmens and donaries , with small difficultie to be moderated , or easily to be suppressed . * by abridging or taking away of these needless expences a marvelous profit will be saved for the prince ; but if he continue them , and by imposing upon the people doe think to increase his treasure or revenew , besides the loss of their love , he may also hazzard their obedience , with many other inconveniences . touching warr . whatsoever prince or common weale is neighbor to any people which can , will , or were wont to offend , it is necessary to have not only all things prepared for defence of his person and country , but also to forecast and use every caution and other diligence : for the inconveniencies which happen to government , are suddain and unlookt for ; yea the providence and provision required in this case ought to be such as the expences all other waies imployed must stay to supply the necessity of war . chap. xii . extrinsick observation , shewing how to deale with neighbor princes and provinces respectively , how to prevent their designes , and decypher their intendments . this first point of matter extrinsick is of such quality as being well handled procureth great good , but otherwise becometh dangerous ; for the proceeding must be diverse according to the diversitie of the ends which the prince or governor intendeth ; for if he desire to continue peace with his neighbors , one way is to be taken ; but otherwise ●e is to work that seeketh occasion to break , and to become an enemy to one or more of his neighbors . if he do desire to live peaceably with all , then he is to observe these rules ( viz. ) first , to hold and continue firmly all contracts and capitulations secondly , to shew himself resolved neither to offer nor take the least touch of wrong or injury . thirdly , with all care and favor to further commerce and reciproke traffick for the profit of the subject , and increase of the princes revenue . fourthly , covertly to win so great confidence with neighbors , as in all actions of unkindness among them he may be made umpire . fifthly , to become so well bele●ved with them as he may remove such diffidences as grow to his own disadvantage . sixthly , not to deny protection or aid to them that are the weakest , and cheifly such as do and will endure his fortune . lastly , in favouring , aiding , and protecting ( unless necessity shall otherwise s● require ) to do it moderately , so as they who are to be aided , become not jealous , and consequently seek adherency elswhere , which ofttimes hath opened way to other neighbors that desire a like ●ccasion . how to prevent their designes . this point in time of war is with great diligence to be looked unto ; also in time of peace to prevent all occasions that may kindle warr is behoveful ; for to foresee what may happen to the prejudice of a prin●●s profit or reputation , is a part of great wisdom . the means to attain the intelligence of these things are two . the first is by friends , the next by espials ; the one for the most part faithfull , the other not so assured these matters are well to be considered● for albeit the nature of man desireth nothing more then curiously to know the doings of others , yet are those things to be handled with so great secrecy and dissimulation as the princes intent be not in any wise suspected , nor the ministers made odious ; for these sometimes to win themselves reputation , do devise causes of difference where no need is , divining of things future which prove to the prejudice of their own prince . to win confidence with neighbours . this is chiefly attained unto by being loved and honored ; for these things do work so many good effects , as daily experience sufficeth without any express example to prove them of great force . the waies to win love and trust , is in all actions to proceed justly , and sometimes to wink at wrongs , or set aside unnecessary revenges ; and if any thing be done not justifiable , or unfit to be allowed , as oftentimes it happneth , there to lay the blame upon the minister , which must be performed with so great show of revenge and dissimulation by reproving and punishing the minister , as the princes offended may be satisfied , and beleive that the cause of unkindness proceeded from thence . now only it resteth that somewhat should be said touching provision , to the end the people may not be drawn into despaire by famine or extream dearth of victual , and chiefly for want of corne , which is one principal consideration to be regarded , according to the italian proverb , pane in piazza , giustitia in palazzo , siverezza per tutto : whereunto i could wish every prince or supream governor to be thus qualified ( viz. ) facile de audienza : non facil●de credenz● , desi●s● de spedition , essemplare in costunii proprii , & inquei de sua casa tale chevorra governare , e non e●●er governato da altr● ; ●e della raggione . chap. xiii . observations confirmed by authorities of princes and principalities , charactering an excellent prince or governor . every good and lawful principality is either elective or successive : of them , election seemeth the more ancient ; but succession in divers respects the better ; minore discrimine sumitur princeps quam qu●eritur . tac. the chief and only endeavor of every good prince , ought to be the commodity and security of the subjects ; as contrarywise the tyrant seeketh his own private profit with the oppression of his people . civium non servitus sed tutela tradita est . sal. to the perfection of every good prince , two things are necessarily required ( viz ) prudence and vertue ; the one to direct his doings , the other to governe his life●rex eris●●i recte feceris . hor. the second care which appertaineth to a good prince , is to make his subjects like unto himself ; for thereby he is not only honored , but they also the better governed ; facile imperium in bonos . plaut. subjects are made good by two meanes ( viz ) by constraint of law , and the princes example ; for in all estates , the people do imitate those conditions whereunto they see the prince enclined ; quiquid faciunt principes , pr●ecipere videantur . quintil. all vertues be required in a prince , but justice and clemencie are most necessary ; for justice is a habit of doing things justly , as well to himself as others , and giving to every one so much as to him appertaineth ; this is that vertue that preserveth concord among men , and whereof they be called good : ●us & ●equitas vincula civitatum : cic. * it is the quality of this vertue also to proceed equally and temperately ; it informeth the prince not to surcharge the subjects with infinite laws ; for thereof proceedeth the impoverishment of the subjects and the inriching of lawyers , a kind ●f men which in ages more antient , did seem of no necessity : sine causidicis satis ●oelices olim fuer● futur●eque sunt urbes . sal. the next vertue required in princes is clemency , being an inclination of the mind to lenity and compassion , yet tempered with severity and judgment ; this quality is fit for all great personages , but chiefly princes , because their occasion to use it is most ; by it also the love of men is gained ; qui vult regnare , languida regnet manu . sen. after clemency , fidelity is expected in all good princes , which is a certain performance and observation of word and promise ; this vertue seemeth to accompany justice , or is as it were the same , and therefore most fit for princes : sanctissimum generis humani ●onum . liv. as fidelity followeth justice , so doth modesty accompany clemency ; modesty is a temperature of reason , whereby the mind of man is so governed● as neither in action or opinion he over-deemeth of himself , or any thing that is his ; a qualitie not common in fortunate folk ; and most rare in princes . super●ia commune nobilitatis malum . sal. this vertue doth also moderate all external demonstration of insolence , pride , and arrogance , and therefore necessary to be ●nown of princes , and all others whom ●avor or fortune have advanced : impone ●oelicitati t●●e fr●enos , facilius illam reges . curt. but as princes are to observe the bounds of modesty , so may they not forget the the majesty appertaining to their supream ●onor , being a certain reverend greatness due to princely vertue and royal state ; a grace and gravity no lesse beseeming a ●rince then vertue it self ; for neither overmuch familiarity , nor too great austeritie ●ought to be used by princes : facilitas ●ntoritatem , severitas amorem minuit . tac. to these vertues we may apply liberality , which doth not only adorn , but highly advance the honor due to princes ; there●y also the good will of men is gained ; for nothing is more fitting a princes nature then bounty , the same being accompanied with judgment , and performed according to the laws of liberality ; perdere multi sci●nt , donare nesciunt . tac. it seemeth also that prudence is not only fit , but also among other vertues necessary in a prince ; for the daily use thereof is in all humane actions required , and chiefly in matters of state and government . prudentia imperantis propria et unica virtus . arist. the success of all wordly proceeding● doth shew that prudence hath compassed the prosperous event of humane actions , more then force of arms or other power●mens una sapiens plurium vincit manus . eurip. prudence is either natural , or received from others ; for who so can counsel himself what is fit to be done , needeth not the advice of others ; but they that want such perfection , and are nevertheless capable , and are willing to know what others informe , ought to be accompted wise enough : laudatissimus est qui cuncta vid●bit , sed laudandus est is qui paret rectè monenti . hesiod . chap. xiiii . of the princes intimate counsellors and ministers of state , with their several requisites . albeit the excellent spirit of some princes be such as doth justly deserve the highest ●ommendation ; yet for that every course of life needeth the aid of men , and the mind of one cannot comprehend the infinite care appertaining to publick affairs ; it behooveth princes to be assisted : magna negocia , adjutoribus egent . tac. these assistants may be properly divided into counsellors and ministers ; the one to advise , the other to execute : without counsel , no kingdom , no state , no private house can stand ; for , experience hath proved that common weals have prospered so long as good counsell did governe , but when favor , fear , or voluptuosness entred , those nations became disordered ; and in the end subject to slavery : quiddam sacrum profecto est consultatio . plato . counsellors are men specially selected to give advice to princes or commonwealths , as well in peace as in war : the chief qualities required in such men , are fidelity and knowledg ; which two concurring do make them both good and wise , and consequen●●y fit for counsel ; prudentis proprium m●nus rectè con●ulere . arist. the election of counsellors is and ought to be chiefly among men of long experience , and grave years ; for as youth is fittest for action in respect of corporal strength ; so elder folk having felt the force of every fortune , and observed the course of worldly proceedings do seem most meet for consultation : consilia senum , facta juvenum . pla●● . albeit we say that the excellency of wisdom should be in counsellors ; yet do we not require so quick and fiery a conceipt as is more apt for innovation then orderly government . hebet ●ores quàm acutiores meliùs remp. a●ministrant . thucyd. to fidelity and experience we wish that our councellors should be endued with piety , liberty , constancy , modesty , and silence ; for as the aid and assistance of god is that which governeth all good counsels , so liberty of speech and magnanimus uttering of what is good and fit , is necessary in counsellors . likewise to be constant and not to varie in opinion , either for feare or favor , is very commendable : also as modesty in giving counsel escheweth all offences , and gaineth good will ; so secrecy is the best and most secure meanes to govern all publick affairs : res magnae sustineri non possunt ab ●o qui tacere nequit . curt. the first obstacle to good counsel is ●ertinacy or opiniativeness , a condition far unfit for counsellors ; yet some men are so far in love with their own opiniastre conceipts as that they cannot patiently endure opposition . secondly , discord must from counsellors be removed , because private offence many times impeacheth publick proceedings . thirdly affection is an enemy to counsel , the same being commonly accompanied with anger , wherewith nothing can be rightly or considerately done . lastly avarice seemeth a vice worthy to be abhorred of all counsellors because it driveth away both fidelity and honesty , the principall pillars of all good counsell : pessimum veri affectus et judicii venenum● utilitas . tac. to good counsell other impediments there are , which square not with wisdom ; for all crafty and hazarding counsells do seem in the beginning likely to succeed ; but afterwards and chiefly in the end do prove hard and of evil event . it therefore seemeth behovefull to be wary in resolving , and bold in executing : animus vereri qui scit , scit tutò aggredi . pub. an other let to good consultation is immoderate desire , which every wise man must endeavor to restrain . cupiditate pauca rectè fiunt , circumspectione plurima : thucyd. thirdly haste , is an enemy to good deliberation ; for whoso greedily desireth any thing , proceedeth rashly ; and rash proceeding endeth ever in repentance . scelera impetu , bona consilia morâ vales●unt . tac. of ministers of state . having already spoken of counsellors , somwhat is to be spoken of ministers ; i mean those that either publickly or privately serve the prince in any function ; in choice of which men , care must be had , first that they be person honestly born ; for no man descended of base parentage may be admitted , unless in him be found some noble and excellent vertue ; optimus quisque nobilismus . plato . secondly , they ought to be of honest condition , and of good ●ame ; for that common-weal is better and more secure , where the prince is not good , then is that where his ministers are evill . it seemeth therefore that ministers should be men of good quality and blamelesse . emitur sola virtute p●testas . claud. thirdly , consideration is to be had of their capacity and fitness for that function wherein they are to be used ; for as some men are apt for learning , so others are naturally disposed to arms . also it is necessary that every one square with the office whereuntoh e is appointed , in which matter some princes have used great caution ; for as they little liked of men excellent , so they utterly detested the vitious ; the one they doubted to trust in regard of themselves , the other were thought a publick indignity to the state . vvise men have therefore resolved that those witts which are neither over haughty and singular , nor they which be base or dull are fittest for princes secrets and services ; howsoever we may hereof say with tacitus : nesci● quomodo aulica hae● comitia affect us dirigit , et fato quodam ac sorte nascendi , ut caetera , it a principum inclinatio in hos , offensio in illos est . tac. and because the course and quality of mens lives serving in court , is of all other the most uncertain and dangerous , great heed and circumspection ought therein to be used ; for whoso serveth negligently forgetting the dutifull endeavors appertaining to the place , seemeth to take a way of no good speed : quanto quis obsequio promptior , tanto ●onoribus et ●pibus extollitur . tac. it shall also become such a man to look well unto his own profit and behave himself rather boldly then bashfully : malus minister regi● imperii p●dor . sen. to be modest , and closely to handle all actions ; is also a course well beseeming a courtier ; neither shall he do well to attribute any good success to his own vertue or merit , but acknowledg all to proceed from the princes bounty and goodness , by which meanes envy is eschewed , and the prince not robbed of his honor . haec est conditio regum , casus tantum advers●s hominibus tribuant , secundos virtuti suae . prov. emped . and to conclude these precepts summarily , i say it behooveth a●l ministers and servants in court to be patient , wary and of few words : fraudum sedes aula . sen. chap. xv . the art of ruling , or mystery of regiment . to governe , is a certain skill how to command and continue subjects in due obedience , so as offend they ought not , or if they will they cannot ; wherein two speciall things are to be considered ( viz ) the nature of men , and the nature of the state● but first the condition of the vulgar must be well conceived ; noscenda natura vulgi , et quibus modis temperanter hab●atur . tac. the disposition of divers men is , some are apt to anger , some are hardy , some fearful ; it therefore behooveth the prince to accommodate his government to the humor of people whom he governeth : principis est virtus maxima nosse suos . mart. likewise the nature of commonweals is mutable and subject to change , and kings are not only accompanied with fortune● but also followed with hate , which breedeth a continuall diffidence , chiefly towards those that are nearest to majesty : suspectus semper invisusq●e dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur . tac. moreover the vulgar sort is generally variable● rash , hardy , and void of judgment ; ex opinione multa , ex veritate pauca judicat . cic. to confirm a government , force and armes are of greatest necessity ; by force i mean the guards and armes which princes use for their defence or ornament ; miles in foro , miles in curia principem comitari debet . tac. to this may be added fortification and strong buildings , in these days much used by new princes , and others also to whom people yield , not willing obedience . in ancient times princes planted colonies as well to suppress rebellion in conquered countries , as to front suspected neighbors : coloniae vera sedes servitutis . tac. the government of princes is also greatly increased by a vertue , which i call a commendable affection in subjects , proceedi●g of love and authority : these effects do grow from the princes own merit , but their being liveth in the mind of the people ; this love is gained by lenity , liberality , and mercy ; yet is every of them to be tempered : nec aut reverentiam terrore , aut amorem humilitate captabis . plin. affection is also no way sooner won then by liberality , the same being used with judgment and moderation . bellorum sociis , periculorum c●n●ortibus , sive de te ben● ac fortiter — meritis . sen. by ●ndulgence likewise and princely affability the love of men is gained ; for the multitude desire no more then necessary food , and liberty to use ordinary recreation●●vulgo , sicut pueris , omne ludicrum in pretio est . sen. chap. xvi . of princely authority ; wherein it consists , and how far to be extended and delegated . authority is a certain reverent impression in the minds of subjects and others touching the princes vertue and government ; it resteth chiefly in admiration and ●ear●ingenita quibusdam gentibus ergareges ●uos veneratio . curt. authority consisteth in three things ; ( viz ) the form of government , the strength of the kingdom● and the condition of the prince ; for in them all reputation and ●ecurity resteth : majest as imperii , salut●s ●utela . curt. whoso desireth to governe well , it behoveth him to use severity , constancy , and restraint ; for over much lenity introduceth contempt , and certain hope of impunity ; the condition of men being such as canno● be restrained by shame , yet it is to be commanded by fear : salutaris s●veritas vincit inanem speciem clementiae . cic. yet ought severity to be used with great respect and sparingly , because over great terror breedeth desperation : poena ad paucos , metus ad omnes perveniat . cic. to governe constantly is nothing else but to continue the old and antient laws in force without change or innovation unles exceeding great commodity or urgent necessity shall so require : for where extream punishments are used , reformation is always needfull ; nocet interdum priscus rigor & nimia severitas . tac. also to restrain authority is a matter of great necessity ●nd worthy a wise prince● else he maketh others partakers of the honor and power to himself only due , the same being also dangerous : periculosum privati hominis nomen supra ( immó & juxta ) principes extolli . tac. it seemeth also perilous that great authority given to private men should be long● for thereby oftentimes they are made in●olent and apt to innovation : libertatis sive principatus magna imperia diuturna sse n● sinas . liv. authority is also reinforced and enlarged by power , without which no prince can either take from others or defend his own : parum tuta sine viribus majestas . liv. chap. xvii . of power and force ; and how to be raised and maintained . power and stength is attained by these ●ive ways , mony , armes , counsell , friends and fortune ; but of these the first and most ' forcible is mony : nihil tam munitum quod non exp●gnari pecuni● possit . cic. next to mony armes are of most use , as well to defend as to offend ; to keep , as to conquer ; for oftentimes occasion is to be offered as well to take from others , as to hold what is our own : sua retinere privatae est domus , de alie●is certare regia laus est . tac. also of great and necessary use is counsell , to devise how arms ought to be employed or enforced : arma concilio temperan●a . tac. likewise friends and confederates do greatly increase the vertue of power , the same being such as have both wit and ability to aid : in caducum parietem ne inclina : adri . the last , yet not the least part of power , consisteth in fortune ; whereof daily experience may be seen ; for the success of all humane actions seem rather to proceed from fortune then vertue . omni ratione potentior fortuna . curt. to these particularities concerning power , we may add the qualities of the prince , which greatly grace his authority ; these are partly internal● and partly external ; by the one i mean the vertues of the mind , by the other a certain seemly behavior and comly gesture of the body ; of the first kind i do suppose piety and providence to be the chief , for piety maketh a princk venerable , and like unto god ; oportet principem res divinas videri curare seri● & ant● omnia . arist. providence is a forecast and likely conjecture of things to come , supposed to be in those princes that in their actions proceed slowly and circumspectly ; it seemeth also a course of princely discretion to be retired and not ordinarily to converse with many : autoritatem absentiâ tueare . suet. chap. xviii . of conspiracy and treason ; with the causes and ways of prevention or discovery . conspiracy is commonly addressed to the princes person ; treasons are addressed again●t his government , authority , country , subjects , or places of strength . these mischiefs are easily feared , but hardly eschewed● for albeit open enemies are openly encountred , yet fraud and subtilty are secret foes , and consequently not to be avoided : occulta pericula n●que praevidere n q●e vitare in promptu ●st . salust . the danger of conspiracy preceedeth of divers causes , as avarice , infidelity of subjects , ambition in servants , and coruption in soldiers , therefore with great difficulty to be avoided : vitae tuae dominus est , quisquis suam contempsit . sen. notwithstanding it seemeth that either by inquisition , punishment , innocency , or destiny , the evill affection of men may be oftentimes discovered : 1. for whoso will curiously inquire and consider the actions and ordinary speeches of men ( i mean those that be persons of honor and reputation ) may oftentimes vent the myne that lurketh in the minds . quoniam raro nisi male loqunti male faciunt . lips . 2. punishment is likewise a thing so terrible that the consideration thereof with the hope of reward doth often discover those dangerous intentions : cruciaiu aut praemio cuncta pervia sunt . tac. but as it is wisdom in princes to give ear to informers , so are they not always to be believed ; for hope , envy , hate , or some other passion oftentimes draws them to speak untruly . quis innocens esse potest si accusare sufficit ? tac. 3. the third and likeliest defence against conspiracy is the princes own innocency ; for never having injured any man , it cannot be thought there liveth any subject so lewde as will endeavor to hurt him . fidelissima custodia principis ipsius in●ocentia . pli● . 4. the last and best bulwark to withstand the force of this mischief we call destiny ; which preceeding from the fountain of divine providence , may be truly called the will of god ; in whose only power it resteth to protect and defend good pri●ces . ille erit à latere tuo , & custodiet pedem tuum n● capiaris . salo. treasons are most commonly enterprized by covetous persons , who preferring private profit before fame or fidelity , do not fear to enter into any impious action : to this humor ambitious men , dissentious , and all such as be desirous of innovation , are inclined : pulcra loquentes iidem in pectore prava strue●tes . hom. to these offenders no punishment as equal to their impious merit , can be devised , being persons odious as well to friend as foes : proditores etiam in quos antepo●unt , invisi s●●t . tac. chap. xix . of publick hate and contempt , with the occasions and means to redress and avoid it . having briefly touched the vertues and means whereby princes are maintained ●n authority and honor , let something be said of the causes from whence their ruine doth proceed ; the cheif whereof seemeth to be hate and contempt : hate cometh of feare , which the more common it is , the more dangerous●nulla vis imperii tanta est , quae prement● met● possit esse di●turna● cic. the causes of feare are punishments impositions and rigor ; and therefore it behooveth a prince not only to shun them , but to eschew those actions whereby he may reasonably incur their suspition . sentias enim homines ut metuant a●t oderint , ●non minus opinio●e & fama , quam certa aliqua ratione moveri . cic. yet punishment● imposition , and censure are in all states necessary , although they shew and seem terrible , and consequently breed a certain desperation in subiects , unless they be discreetly and modestly used ; for extreme and frequent punishments taste of cruelty ; great and many imposts ●avour of covetousness ; censure of manners when it exceedeth the quality of offences , doth seem rigor in these matters ; therefore it behooveth the prince to be moderate and cautelous , chiefly in capital punishment , which must be confined within the bounds of justice . sit apud principem parsimonia etiam vilissimi sanguinis . sen. but if for securitie sake the prince be forced to punish , let the same be done with shew of great sorrow and lothness : tanquam invitus & magnocum tormento ad castigandum veniat . s●n . let all punishments also be slowly executed● for they that are hastily punished do seem to have bin willingly condemned ; neither ought any capital● punishment to be inflicted but only that which is profitable to the commonweale , and for example sake . non ●am ut ipsi pereant , quam ut alios pereundo deterreant . sen. in punishing also a special respect must be had , that no shew of content or pleasure be taken therein . formarabiei est sanguine & vulneribus gaudere . sen. also in punishing equality must be observed , and the nature of the punishment according to the custom . nec eisdem de causis alii plectantur , alii ne appellentur quidem● cic. but in punishing publick offences wherei● a multitude have part , the execution ought to be otherwise , and as it were at an instant , which may haply seem terrible , but in effect is not . frequens vindicta paucorum odium reprimit , omnium irritat . sen. another meanes to satisfie a people offended is to punish the ministers of cruelty , and with their blood to wash away the common hatred . piaculares publici odii victimae . plin. by this king david did appease the gibeonites . the next cause of discontent cometh of impositions under which word is comprehended all levies of mony , a matter nothing pleasing to people , as that which they esteem equall to their own lives . pecunia anima & sanguis est mortalibus . plaut. first , to remove hate conceived of this cause , there is nothing better then publick expostulation of necessity : for what commonwealth or kingdom can be without tributes ? nulla quies gentium sine armis , nec arma sine stipendiis , nec stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt , tac. the second remedy against hate for impositions is to make moderate levies and rare . for as tiberius the emperor was wont to say , a sheep should be fleeced not flead . qui nimis emungit , elicit sanguin●m . tac. thirdly , also to eschew the offence of people it behoveth the prince to have a vigilant eye on informers , promoters , and such fiscal ministers , whose cruelty and covetous proceedings do oftentimes occasion great hate ; but this mischief may be , though hardly , encountred , either by choosing honest officers , or ( proving otherwise ) not only to remaine them but to use them as spunges , exprimendi post qu●m biberint . suet. in all impositions or taxations , no cruelty or force ought to be used , the second cause to kindle hate : and to meet with that mischief , nothing is better then to proceed moderately , and without extremity . ne boves ipsos , mox agros , postremò corpora servitio aut poenae tradant , tac. the fourth remedy is the princes own parsimony , not giving so largely to private persons as thereby to be forced to take from the multitude . magnae opes no● tam multa capiendo , quam haud multa perdendo , quaerunt●r . maecaenas● the last help against hate is in taxation to proceed equally , indifferently , and without favor or respect ; and that the assessors of taxes may be elected of the meaner sort of people . populus maximam fidem rerum suarum hab●t . tac. touching censure , which we numbred amongst the causes whereof hate is conceived , much needeth not to be spoken , because the same is discontinued● or rather utterly forgotten ; yet doth it seem a thing necessary , being a certain observation and controlement of such evill manners , and disorders as were not by law corrigible ; these officers were of the romans called magistri pudoris & mod●stiae . livi. to the function of censures these two things are anciently subject manners , and excess ; under manners i comprehend wantonness , drunkenness , dicing , brawling , perjury , and all such lewdness as modesty condemneth . these disorders were anciently punished by the discretion of ●ensors in all ages and sexes , to the end that idleness might be generally avoided . vniversa plebs habeat neg●tia sua , quibus àmal● publico detineatur . salust excess includeth riotousness , expence of money , prodigal housekeeping , banqueting , and superfluitie in apparrel , which things are the mothers of many mischeifs . it also seemeth in some sort perillous to the prince that the subject should exceed either in covetize or consuming . nemo nimis excedat , sive amicorum copiâ , sine opum . arist. the punishment inflicted upon these sorts of offenders , were either ignom●ny , or pecuniarie punishments , censoris judicium d●mnato nihil affert nis● ruborem . tac. the first and chiefest meanes to remove these inconveniences , is the princes own example , whose life being well censured , easily reduceth others to order . ●ita principis censura perpetu● . plin. secondly , those disorders may be taken away without danger , if the censures doe proceed by degrees and leasurely ; for the nature of man may not suddenly be altered●vitia quaedam tol●it facilius princeps , si eorum sit p● ti●n● . sen. these are the cheifest rules whereby to eschew hate ; but impossible it is for any prince or minister utterly to avoid it ; for being himself good , he incurreth the offence of all bad folk : if he be evil , good men will hate him ; this danger therefore wise and vertuous princes have little regarded : because hate may be gained as well by good as evil doing . odia qui nimium timet , regnare nescit . sen. one other means to remove this error , is , to reward the good and well deserving subjects ; for no man can think him cruell that for love to vertue useth austeritie : which wil appear when he bestoweth bountif●lly on the good . praemio & ●oena respublica continetur solon . the other vice which indangereth the state of princes , we call contempt , being a certain base and vile conceipt , which entereth into the subjects , strangers or servants , of the prince and his proceedings ; for the authority of a king may be resembled to the powers of mans mind , whereunto the hands , the feet , the eyes , do by consent obey . vires imperii in consensu obedientium sunt livi. the causes of contempt do proceed chiefly from the form of government , fortune , or the princes manners ; the form of government becometh contemptible , when the prince desiring to be thought merciful , ruleth rather pittifully then justly : which manner of proceeding taketh away all reverence in the people , and in liew thereof entereth liberty , or at least a certain boldness to offend ; facultas faciendi quod cuilibet visum , non p●test comprimere ingenitam si●gulis hominibus pravitatem . tac. also to be mutable , irresolute , light and inconsiderate in bestowing the honors and offices of state , maketh the prince contemptible ; qui praesentibus fruitur , nec in longi●s consultat● arist. but if contempt be caused by fortune , or as may be said more reasonably , by destiny , and that those fri●nds do fail who ought in duty to defend the prince and his authority , then is there small hope to eschew contempt . fato obnoxia virtus . pl●ut . the princes manners do breed contempt , when he yeildeth his affections to sensuality and sloth , or if he incur the suspition of simplicity , cowardise , or any such vice , unworthy the dignity he beareth● common people do sometimes also disesteem the prince for external and light causes , as deformity of person , sickness or such like . mos vulgi est , fortuita & externa ad culpam trahe●e . tac. chap. xx . of diffidence and dissimulation in the mannage of state affairs . albeit roundness and plain dealing be most worthy praise , chiefly in private persons ; yet because all men in their actions do not so proceed it behooveth wise men and princes above others at occasions to semble and dissemble ; for as in all actions a prince ought to be slow and advised ; so in consent and beleiving haste and facility is most dangerous ; and though credulity be rather an error then a fault ; yet for princes it is both unfit and perilous . wherefore it importeth them to be defended with this caution , nihil credendo , atque omnia cav●ndo . ci● . notwithstanding he must not shew himself diffident or distrustful utterly ; but as i wish he should not over-slightly believe all men , so ought he not for small causes distrust every man . multi faller● d●cuerunt , dum timent falli . sen. dissimulation is as it were begotten by diffidence , a quality in princes of so great necessity as moved the emperor tiberi●● to say , nescit regnare , qui nescit dissim●lare . the necessity of dissimulation is chiefly to be u●ed with strangers and enemies : it also sheweth a certain di●cretion in magistrates sometimes to disguise with friends when no offence doth thereof follow . do●i non sunt d●li , nisi ast● colas . plaut. this kind of craf● albeit in every mans conceipt not praisable , is nevertheless tolerable , and for princes and magistrates ( the same being ●sed to good ends ) very necessary . but those cunnings which are contrary to vertue , ought not of honest men to be used : neither dare i commend adulation and corruption ; though they be often used in court and are of some learned writers allowed . decipere pro moribus temporum , prudentia est . plin. by great subtiltie and frauds contrary to vertue and piety , i mean perjury and injustice , which though all men in words detest , yet in deeds are used of many , perswading themselves by cavillations and sophistications to excuse the impiety o● their false oathes : as it is written of lysander , pueros ●●lis , viros juramentis circumvenire solebat . plut. chap. xxi . of warr defensive and invasive : with instructions touching laws of armes , soldiers , and military discipline . the art military is of all other qualities most necessary for princes ; for without it they cannot be defended ; force of men only sufficeth not , unless the same be governed by council , and martial wisdom . duo sunt quibus resp● servatur ; in hostes fortitudo , & domi concordia . tac. military knowledge concerneth warr , and every warr is either forreign or domestical . touching forriegn it must be considered when it must be begun , how to continue it , and when to be ended ; to begin war , a prince is , to take heed that the cause be just , and the enterprise advisedly entred into . sunt enim & belli sicut pacis jura , j●st●que ea non minus ac fortiter gerere debes . liv. the laws of arms are in all common-weales to be duly observed : for to enter fight rashly and without respect to reason , were beastly ; also to kill or slay would work no better effect , then that all nations should without mercy murder one another ; barbarority coe●em coede , & sanguinem sangnine expiare . sal● no warr therefore is to be made but such as is just . and in every just war these three things are to be looked into ( viz ) that the author be of authority , that the cause be good , and the end just ; for in all states , the prince , or they in whom the soveraignty resteth , are the just author● of warr : others have no such authority . si quis privatim si●e public● s●ito , pacem bellumve feceri● , capitale esto . plat● . warrs are of two sorts : defensive and offensive● the one to resist , the other to invade● against defence nothing can be said , because it is natural and necessary . est non modo justum sedetiam nec●ssarium cum vi vis illata defendi●ur . cic. defensive warr is of two sorts , either to defend thine own , or thy friends ; for it is reason that every one should keep securely that which to him appertaineth : and therewith also by arms to defend the liberty of country , parents , and friends . nullum bellum à civitate suscipitur nisi aut pro fid● aut pro salute . c●c . the like reason leadeth us to assist and protect friends : for the common obligation of humane society doth so require . qui enim non obsistit si potest , injuriae , tam est in viti● , quam si parentes aut patriam , aut socios deserat . cic. invasion is also just and allowable , but not ever ; for who so hath bin robbed , or spoiled of his lands , or goods , may lawfully seek repossession by force : yet so● as before any force be used , he first civilly seek restitution , wherein if justice be denied , then is the use of arms necessary : ●ustum bellum quib●s necessarium ; & pia arm● quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes . liv. likewise invasion is lawfull against barbarians , whose religion and impiety ought to be abhorred , chiefly if they be potent and apt to offend ; for the cause of such warr is compulsion and suppression of evil . cui lioenti● iniquitatis eripitur , utiliter vincitur . august . finally , to conclude this matter of in●asion , i say , that no revenge , no desire of ●onor or empire , are any lawful causes of ●ar ; but the intent thereof ought to be ●irected onely to def●nce and security : for ●ise men do take arms to win peace , and ●n hope of rest they endure travel . ita bil●um suscipiatur u● nihil aliud quam pax ●uaesita vid●atur . cic. having said somewhat against unjust ●ar , let us speak of temerity and unad●ised war , an enterprise worthy discom●endation . omnes bellum sumunt facil● , ●gerrimè de●inunt : n●c in ejusdem pot●state in●tium & finis est . sal. a wise prince therefore ought neither to undertake any unlawful invasion nor without sober and mature deliberation enter ●nto any war , as he that is unwilling to offend , yet of courage e●ough to defend . nec pr●voces bellum , nec timeas . plin. to make war , three things are required . money , men , and arms ; and to maintain a war , provision and council are needful : therefore a wise prince before he begins a war , doth carefully consider what forces and charge thereunto belongeth . diu ●pparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius . pub. above all other provisions , car● must be had , that bread be not wanting ; for without it , neither victory nor life can be looked for . qui frumentum necessariumque commeatum non praepar●t , vincitur sine ferro● vegetius . lastly , it behoveth a prince always to have arms in readiness , i mean , harness , horses , weapons , artillery , engines , powder , and every other thing necessary either for service on horse or foot : we may adde hereunto ships , and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture of offence or defence ; for these preparations make a prince formidable , because no man dare do or attempt injury to that king or people where preparation is ever ready to revenge . qui de●iderat pacem , praeparat bellum● ca●● . by men we mean a multitude of subjects armed , trained to defend or offend : these are of two sorts , captains and soldiers ; and soldiers are either footmen or horsemen● the one of great use in the champion , the other in mountainous places ; also for defence or assault of towns or grounds fortified most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur , tac. for sudden service , horses do seem most ●eet , and the execution of any enterprise ●s by them most speedily performed : ne●ertheless the actions of ●ootmen do seem more certainly executed , chiefly if they be well armed , and skilfully led ; for so ex●erience hath of late time proved ; be●ides , ●hat they are of less expence and of greater ●umber . in universum aestimanti plus in ●edite robur● tac. having thus proved , that both horse and ●oot be necessary ; let us remember , that ●nless they be serviceable● great numbers ●re to small purpose . manibus opus est bello , ●on multis nominibus , livi. to make soldiers serviceable , consisteth ●n good choice and good discipline ; the one at this day little regarded . emunt mili●em , non legunt , livi. soldiers ought to be elected out of the most honest and able number of bodies ; and every company composed of men known one to the other ; for thereby they are made the more confident : but hereof is small heed taken ; for commonly they are purgamenta urbium suarum , curt. touching discipline , it seemeth that thereof the external form , and not the certain substance , is observed : for as in former ages , soldiers endeavoured to be vertuous and modest , so now they rather study to excel in riot , then in martial knowledge . ex●ercitus lingua quam manu promptior● praedator est sociis , & ipse praeda hostium● sal. for as much as soldiers are made good by election and choice , it seemeth that the foundation and ground of service consisteth in the discretion and judgment o● those that have authority to make election ; yet will we adde , that they must be chosen of natural subjects● for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible ; they are also mutinous and cowardly : thei● custom likewise is to rob , burn , and spoyl both friends and foes , and to consume the princes treasure . ossa vides regum vacui● ex●ucta medullis● juven. but the native soldier is faithful and obedient● resolute in fight , loving to his countrey , and loyal to his prince . gent●● quae sub regibus s●nt , pro deo col●nt . curt● native soldiers are of two sorts , ( viz. ) they that be in continual pay , and they that are trained ready to serve , but do notwithstanding attend their own private affairs , until they be called : the first are for all princes necessary . in pace decus , in bello prae●idiu● . tac. of this sort no great number ought to be , as well to ●schew disorder , as also to save expences . the second kinde of foot soldiers are to be levied in villages , as people more patient of pains , and fit for the wars ; yet so judiciously disposed as the citizens . odio praesentium & non cupidine mutationis . tac. touching the number of these extraordinary soldiers , that must be referred to discretion : bellum parare , simul & aerario parcere . to conclude , i say these numbers of ordinary and extraordinary foot ought to be according to the number of the people , not inserting any gentlemen ; for service on hors-back is to them onely proper . alas rusticis non tribu● ; in nobilitatem & in divites haec à pauperibus onera inclines . livi. the most certain notes whereby to conceive the disposition of men fit to become soldiers , are these five . the country where they are born , their age , proportion of body , their quality of minde , and their faculty . touching first , the countrey , it is a thing apparently proved , that mouutainous regions , or barren places , and northern habitations do breed wits well disposed to the war . locorum asperitas hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. secondly , the age most apt for the war , was anciently observed to be about eighteen years , and so the romans used . facilius est ad virtutem instruere novos milites , quàm revocare pr●eteritos . veget. thirdly● the stature of a soldier ought to be observed : marius liked best the longest bodies ; pyrrhus preferred large and well proportioned men ; but vegetius in his choice , rather esteems strength then stature : ●t●lius est fo●tes milites ●sse quàm grande● . veget. fourthly , the minde or spirit of a soldier ought to be enosidered ; for that minde which is quick , nimble , bold , and con●ident , seemeth apt for war : he is also of good hope● that loveth honor more then ease or profit : in brief , is qui nihil metuit nisi turp●m ●amam . sal. lastly , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath been bred : for it may be presumed that fishers , fowlers , cooks , and others trained up in effeminate arts are unfit for martial endeavor : and as these men were in respect of their trade thought unme●t so in old time , slaves and masterless men were repulsed from arms , as persons in●amous . sed nunc tales sociantur armis quales domini haber●●astidiunt . veget. how soldiers ought to be chosen , these few words we have spoken , may su●fice . let us therefore say somewhat of discipline . choice findeth out soldiers , but discipline doth make and continue them fit for service . paucos viros fortes natura procreat , b●na institutione plures redda● indu●●ria : veget. discipline is a certain severe confirmation of soldiers in their valor and vertue , and is performed by four means , exercise , order , compulsion , and example . the two first appertain to valor , the third to vertue , the last to both : but of exercise , first , i say , that a soldier being chosen , ought to be informed in arms , and used in exercise and action ; the word exerciti●m impor●eth nothing else . exercit●● dic●tur quod melius fit exercitando . varro order consisteth in dividing , disposing , and placing of men aptly at all occasions to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct . this matter requireth a large discourse , and therefore i refer it to skilful captains and writers , as polybius , vegetius , de la nonne , and others . compulsion and correction , is that which bridleth and governeth the manners of soldiers : for no order can be observed amongst them , unless they be continent , modest , and abstinent ; for continency is cheifly to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires . degenerat à robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum . tac● the modesty of a soldier is perceived by his words , apparel , and actions : for to be a vaunter , or vain-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honor or arms , seeing true vertue is silent●viri militiae nati , ●actis magni● ad verborum linguaeque ce●tamina , rudes . tac. the apparel of a soldier sheweth modesty , if therein he do not exceed ; for albeit it fitteth well the profession of arms , to be well armed and decently apparelled ; yet all superfluity savoreth of ignorance or vanity . horriaum militem esse decet , non cae●atum auro argentoque sed ferro . livi. abstinence is also fit for all soldiers ; for thereby guided , they refrain from violence , and insolency ; by that rule also they are informed to govern themselves civilly in the country where they serve , and likewise in ●heir lodgings : never taking any thing from the owner , nor committing any outrage . vivant cum provincialibus ●ure civili● ne● insolescat animus quise sensit armatum . the last mark of discipline we called example , under which word is comprehended reward and punishment : for men are rewarded when●oever they receive for any excellent or singular service , honor or riches . and for evil , they have their due when they taste the punishment thereunto belonging . necessarium est acrius ille dimicet , quem ad opes & dignitates ordo militiae & imperatoris judicium c●nsuevit evehere . veget. likewise as gold and glory belongeth to good and well deserving soldiers ; so punishment is due to those that be vitious and cowardly● for nothing holdeth soldiers in obedience so much as the severity of discipline . milites impe●atorem potius quam hostem metuere debent● veg. chap. xxii . of generals and commanders , and their requisite abilities in martial enterprises and expeditions . of soldiers let this little suffice● we will now speak of what quality cheiftants and leaders ought to be● for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies . militaris turba sine duce , corpus sine sp●●itu . curte. a ●heif or general in warr , is either of his own authority cheif , or a general that commandeth in the name of another . of the first sort are emperors , kings , and princes ; of the other , be their deputies , lievtenants , collonels , and indeed all generall commanders in the war : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person or by deputy , divers wise men have diversly thought , therefore it may be be thus distinguished ; if the war do then only concern some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lievtenant ; but if the whole fortune of a prince do thereupon depend , then is he to command in his own person and not otherwise . dubiis bellorum ex●mplis summae r●rum & imperi● seipsum reservat . tac. it therefore importeth the prince sometimes by his own presence , sometimes by his deputation to performe that office : but however occasion shall require , it ever behoveth that one only commander ought to be ; ( for plurality of cheiftaines doth rarely or never worke any good effect ) yet with this caution that he be of experience , and wise . in b●●lica praefectura major asp●ctus habendus peritiae quam virtutis a●t morum● arist. the quali●ies required in a cheiftaine are these , skill , vertue , providence , authority , and fortune by skill we meane he should be of great knowledge , and long experience or to make a sufficient captai●e ; the information of others , or his own reading is not enough . qui ●orit quis ordo agminis , quae cura exploa ndi , quantus urgendo trahendove bello modus● cic● military vertue is a certain vigor or force both of body and minde to exercise soldiers aswell in fained war as to fight with the enemy ; and summarily a captain ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industrius in agendo , celeri● in conficiendo . cic. next to vertue we placed providence as necessary in great captains ; for being of such wisdome they will not hazard nor commit more to fortune then necessity shal inforce ; yet true it is● fools and vulger● folks that commend or discommend actions according to succeess , were wont to say : cunctatio servilis , statim exequi , regium est . but advised and provident captains do think ; temeritas praeterquam quod stulta , est etiam infelix . livi. albeit providence be the best mean of good speed ; yet some captains of that quality and in skill excelling , have bin in their actions unlucky ; when others of less sufficiency have marvellously prevailed ; we may therefore reasonably say with , cic. quod olim maxmo , marcello , scipi●ni , mari● & ceteris m gnis imperatoribus non solum propter virt●t●m , sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata , atque excercitus esse commissos . cic. lastly , we wished authority to be in cheiftains ; for it greatly importeth what opinion or conceipt the enemy hath of such a governor , and likewise how much his friends and confederates do esteem him : but the cheif and only means to maintain authority , is austerity and terror . dux authoritatem maximam ●●veritate sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus vindicet , nulli errantium credatur ignoscere● v●get . also experience hath proved that such cheiftains as were affable and kind to their soldiers , were much loved , yet did they incur a contempt : but on the otherside those that commanded severely and terribly , although they gained no good will● yet were they ever obeyed : dux facilis inutilis . app. chap. xxiii . of councils in war , and directions tactik and stratagematik : with advice how to make an honorable peace . after men found and framed fit for the warr , to small or no purpose shall they ●erve , unless they be imployed by wisdom or good council . mon minus est imperator is consili● quam vi perficere . tac. council in war is of two sorts ; direct council and indirect ; the f●rst sheweth a plain and orderly course for ●roceeding , as to lay hold on occasion : for as in all other human actions occasion is of great force ; occasio in bello solet amplius juvare quam virtus . veget. as occasions presented are means of good success ; so fame worketh great effects in the wars ; therefore it behooveth a captain to be constant , and not apt to beleive the vain rumors and reports of men . mal● imperatur , cum regit vulgus duces suos . sen. confidence is also to be eschewed ; for no man is sooner surprised , then he who ●eareth le●t : also contempt of the enemy hath bin occasion of great discomfitures , therefore as a captain ought not to fear , so should he not contemn his enemy . nimia ●●ducia semper obnoxia . aemyl . as security , and overmuch estimation of our own vertue or valor is hurtfull : so doth it import every good captain to be well informed not only of his own forces , but also of what strength the enemy is ; likewise it behooveth him to know the situation of the country and the quality of the people , with every other circumstance . moreover , the generals honor and capacity ought to be known with the condition and nature of the enemy . impetus acres c●nctatione languescunt , aut in perfidiam mutantur . tac. tem●●ty in war is also dangerous ; for wise captains were wont not to enterprise any thing without deliberation and good opportunity , unless they were thereunto by necessity inforced . in rebus asperis & tenuispe , fortissima quaque consilia tutissima sunt . livi. some wise men not superstitiously but discreetly do think prodigious signes from heaven or on earth are not to be neglected , neither are dreams in time of war to be contemned . nam amat benignitas numini● , seu quod merent●r homine● , seu quod tangitur ●orum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendent . aemi . a wise captain will also wait oportunities and spy out fit times when the enemy is wearied , or pretending fear , draw him into danger ; which advantages with many other , are gained chiefly by observing of time ; quia si in occasionis momento , cuj●s praetervolat o●p●rtunitas● cunctat●s paulum ●●eris , nequicquam mox omissam querare● livi. next the observation of time , the place is to be well considered , whether it be for thine advantage or thine enemies . amplius prodest locus ●aepè quàm virtus . veget● thirdly , it importeth much , that men be well ordered , trained , and prepared for the fight ; for the want of art is cause of many disadventures , and many times a small supply of choice soldiers on horsback or foot , doth seem to the enemy very terrible : likewise a sudden shout or conceit hath amazed a whole army . milites v●nis & inanibus , magis quam justis formidinis causis moventur . curt. fourthly , it were to good purpose , that in ordering of men for fight , soldiers of one cou●try or nations , should be ranged together , and above all to foresee , that the least loss of blood be among the natural subjects , and so handle the matter , that the cheif slaughter light upon strangers and mercenaries . ingens victoriae dec●s , citra domesticum sanguinem ●ellanti . tac. the generals own courage and lively disposition to fight , will greatly animate the multitude of soldiers ; as a contrary countenance or appearance of fear , will exceedingly maze and dant . necesse estad ●ugam p●rati sint , qui ducem suum sentiunt desperare . veget. it were also for thy great advantage● that the forces should be ordered for the fight , before the enemy be prepared . first , for that thou maist the better perform , what thou thinkest fit to be done . secondly , that thereby thine own forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assail the enemy , and to begin the fight . plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . livi. after victory it is not the best policy to execute the enemies with extteam cruelty , but proceed moderately ; for it shall suffice the victory is thine . ●lausis ex d●speratione crescit audacia , & cum spei nihil est , sumit arma f●rmid● . veget. lastly , i would advise that the general should be wary in his actions , and in every enterprise to frustrate the soldiers from spoils and pil●age . saepe obstitit vincentibus ●ravum inter ipsos certamen , omisso hoste spolia consectandi . tac. of direct councils , let that we have said suffice . we will now speak of councils indirect , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems or subtile practices : which manner of proceeding , hath been in times past of divers grave writers condemned . vir nemo mentis altae clanculum velit occidere hostem . eurip. notwithstanding the opinion of this , and divers other writers worthy credit , it seemeth reasonable , and in piety allowable : that stratagems and subtilt●es may be used in the war , yet with such caution as the same may stand with fidelity and honor : for fraud being used contrary to contracts and agreements made with the enemy , is meer treachery : as to poyson him or her , a murtherer to kill him , were plain impiety . faederatum injustè fallere impium . livi. also out of the war covertly to kill a particular enemy by secret assault or practice , is not warrantable , either by faith or honor ; yet to use all craft , cunning , and subtilty in open war , is both allowable and praisable ; and so is thought by christian writers . cum justum bellum suscipitur , ut apertè pugnet quis aut ex insidiis , nihil ad justitiam interest . aug. the same is also approved by divers authors of good credit . confice ●ive dolo seu stricto cominus euse . the same is also affirmed by xenophon , reipsa nihil utilius in bello dolis . thus having briefly touched what counsels are required in war , let us consider how victory is to be used ; for the end of every good war is peace : to the enjoying whereof , three things are required , wariness , mercy , and modesty ; because over-great confidence may happily impeach the end of good success . res se●und●● neglig●n●iam creant . livi. i also wish the victory to be handled mercifully , because all conquests are in their own nature cruel enough . and the ire of insolent soldiers , forces the conquered to become desperate . gravissime morsus irrita●ae necessitatis . curt. to proceed modestly , is also an honorable quality in him that conquereth : for in prosperous fortunes , men do hardly refrain covetous and proud doings ; yea , some good and great captains have in like cases forgotten what did best become them . in rebus secundis etiam ●gregii d●ces insolesc●nt . tac. after victory followeth peace : for if war did ever continue , no state or government could stand : therefore how great , or how long soever the war be , the end must be peace ; the name whereof is not onely sweet , but also comfortable , pax una triumphis innumeris potior . peace is not only good and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those that are victored . pacem reduci velle victori , expedit , victo necesse est . tac. nevertheless until good and honorable peace be offered , arms may not be laid aside : wherein i wish tullies advice to be followed . bellum gerendum est ; ●i bellum omitt●mus , pace n●nquam fr●emur . livi. in treaty of peace , two things must be considered : first , that the conditions be honorable● to condiscend to any base conditions , is unto a princely minde not onely great indignity , but also intolerable . cum dignitate potius cadendum , quam cum ignominia serviendum plut. it also importeth , the peace should be simple , true , and unfeigned ; for all feigned and dissembling amity is to be doubted . pace suspecta tutius est bellum . mithrid . the fittest season to speak of peace , is either when the war beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equal force ; for if the war continueth , it must behove the weaker to yield to necessity : not unlike the shipmaster , who to save himsel● doth cast the greatest part of his loading into the sea : necessiiati pare , quam ne dii quidem superant . livi. finally , having generously defended thy self , and performed all things required in a magnanimous captain , and finding nevertheless thy force insufficient , it cannot be dishonorable to accept peace . wherefore laying aside hatred and hope , which are but weak supporters , thou maist recommend thee and thine to the approved discretion of an honorable enemy . victores secundae res in miserationem ex ir● vertunt . livi. now for as much as every peace promiseth rest and quiet , as well to the victorious as to the victored ; we may adde thereunto , that the prince victorious receiveth thereby honor● profit , and security . for although his happiness may occasion hope o● greater success yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to lis●en to peace . decorum principi est cum victoriam propè i● manibus habeat , p●cem no● ab●●ere● ut sciant omnes te & suscipere ju●●è bellum & finire . livi. it seemeth also the more honorable ; for who so is victorious , doth give peace and not take it : he also sheweth himself discreet by using a moderation in victory , and no extremity in spoiling , which our wise and godly writers have commended●pacem contemnentes , & gloriam appetentes , ●acem perdunt & gloriam . bern. peace is also profitable for the victorious , because continual war breedeth weariness , and of violent proceeding desperation and peril cometh . maximi & mortiferi morsu● esse solent morientium bestiarum . sen. likewise peace is more assured then any victory . hope of the one is in thine own power ; the other in the hand of god : adde thereunto the force of fortune , which hath great power in all humane actions . in rebus secundis nihil in quenquam superbè a● violenter consulere decet , nec praesenti credere fortunae , cum quià v●sper ferat , incertus sis . sen. also conditions of peace ought to be reasonable and freely bestowed : for no people can live contented under such a law as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax bello benè mutatur . sen. chap. xxiiii . of civil war , with the causes and remedies thereof . the greatest and most greivous calamity that can come to any state is civil war ; for therein subjects take arms against their prince or among themselves , whereof followeth a misery more lamentable then can be described . non at as , non dignitas quenquam protegit , quo minus ●l●pra caedibus , & caedes st●pris misceantur . tac. the first cause of civ●l war proceedeth of destiny for god in his own divine providence foreseeth many years before , that great and mighty empires shall be ruined . in s●●agna ruunt : laetis hi●c numina rebus cresen●● p●suere modum — lucan . the second cause is , excesse , riot , and dissolute life ; for nothing breedeth civil fury so soon as over great happiness ; also pompous apparell● banquetting and prodigall spending consumeth riches , and plenty is turned into poverty ; for by these means ●re men brought into desperation . rapacissimo ●uique ac perditissim● , non agri aut faenus sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tac. now to consider how destiny might be eschewed , were in vain : for such a remedy no wit or wisdom can devise ; being the decree of god , no doubt it is inevitable . ita fato placuit , nullius rei eodem semper loc● stare fortunam . sen. there is nothing exempt from the peril of mutation ; the earth , heavens , and whole world is thereunto subject . certi● eunt cuncta temporibus ; nasci debent , crescere , extingui . sen. touching the second causes of civil war some remedies may be used , because it preceedeth of faction , sedition or tyranny . i call faction a certain association of divers persons combined to the offence of others . it proceedeth often of private or publick displeasure , and more often of ambition . nemo eorum qui in rep. versantur , quo● vincat , sed a quibus vincatur , aspicit . sen. 1. factions are of two sorts ; for either they consist of many or of few persons : both be dangerous , but the former more apt to take arms ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth arms of forrain forces . 2. the other faction wherein are fewer partakers , be commonly great personages or men of more importance than ordinary people ; and that proveth most perillous and bloody . n●bilium factiones trah●nt adse , & in partes , universum etiam populum● arist. albeit some wise men have held opinion that factions are necessary , yet cannot that conceipt be reasonably maintained , unless it be upon confines and in such places where conspiracy is feared , which cato in hisprivate family used . semper contentiunculas aliquas aut dissensum inter servos callidè serebat , s●●pectam habens nimiam c●ncordiam ●rum , m●tuensque . plut. factions amongst the nobility , are somtimes suppressed by forbidding colors , or unknown badges to be worn ; also to inhibit names or watch-words of mutinies is necessary , which was mecae●as counsel to augustus ; and aristotle thinketh it fit that laws should be made against the factions of noblemen . nobilium contentiones & part●s etiam legibus oportet prohibere conari . arist. another cause of civil war , we call sedition , which is a suddain commotion or assembly of common people against their prince or his magistrates : the original of which disorders may proceed of divers causes , but chiefly of oppression . imminentium periculorum remedium , ipsa peric●la arbitrari . arist. again , fear may be the occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injured , and is desirous to prevent it before it cometh . it may proceed also of over-great mildness in government . non ●iseriis sed licentia , tantum concitum turbarum , las●ivire magis plebem quàm saevire . livi. sedition many times ariseth of poverty , or of the artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no means whereof they can live . semper in civitat● , quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invident , veter● odere , n●va expetunt , odio rerum suarum m●tari omnia student . sab. lastly , sedition cometh of tyranny , insolency , or mutinous disposition of certain captains , cavaliers , or ringleaders of the people for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , yet doth it stand firm , until some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per se immobilis . livi. of these movers some are ambitious , who wanting other means to aspire , hope by practice of sedition , to compass their designs ; or else they are unthrifts , who having consumed their own , seek by violence to possess themselves of other mens : or else they are vain and light persons , that without cause or reason , attempt innovation , themselves know not for what . non tam praemiis periculor●m , quàm ipsis periculis laeti , pro certis & olim partis , nova , ambigua , ancipitia malunt . thus having told the causes of sedition , i wish the remedies were prepared . omne malum nascens facilè opprimitur , inveteratum fit plerumque robustius . cic. the first way to suppress sedition , is eloquence and excellent perswasion , which oftentimes worketh great effects among the multitude ; chiefly when it proceedeth from some reverend and grave person , for his wisdom and integrity of life honored : for the prince himself is not to take this office in hand , unless necessity so inforce : integra autoritas principis majoribus remediis servetur . tac. if perswasion cannot prevail , then force must compel : but before such violent proceedings , use art and cunning either to appease the people , or at least to disunite them ; and rather if the prince do offer fair and ●romise plausibly : verba apud populum plurimum valent . tac. it is lawful also in such cases for princes to use subtilty ; and the same not prevailing , to wash away the stain thereof with clemency : for when arms are laid down , and every one yielded , general punishment were needless . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tac. the last cause of sedition we named tyranny , which is a certain violent government , exceeding the laws of god and nature . the difference between kings and tyrants is this ; the one imployeth arms in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrifie those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate : auferre , trucidare , raper● , falsis nominibus imperium , atque ubi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant . tac. the quality of tyrants is to esteem promooters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others . they are also protectors of impious persons , and stand in daily doubt of noble and vertuous men . nobilitas , opes , amissi g●stique honores , pro crimine : et ob virtutes certissimum exitium . tac. tyrants do also endeavor to suppress the knowledge of letters and civil life , to the end all good arts should be exiled , and barbarism introduced . pellunt sapientiae prof●ssores , & omnes ●onas artes in exiliu● ag●nt . tac. these and such like , be the conditions of tyrants , who for the most part are deposed and slain ; for as kings live long and deliver their dominions to their children● and posterity ; so tyrants being feared and hated of all men , cannot continue in their estate . ad generum cereris ●ine ●oede & vulnere pauci descendunt reges & sicca ●orte tyranni . juven. the remedies of these mischiefs which proceed from the violence of such a prince , are persecution or patience . many generous spirits have used the first ; perswading themselves rather to die , then endure the sight of a tyrant . also the grecians did think it a service acceptable to murther the person of such an impious prince . graeci ●omines deorum honores tribuebant iis qui tyrannos necaverunt . cic. nevertheless , in christian consideration the other course is to be taken : let patience therefore incounter this mischief ; for seeing all kings , as well the bad as the good be sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . persecution is not onely perilous , but for the most part infortunate : for thereof present revenge is taken by that prince that succeedeth . facinoris ●jus ultor est , quis●uis successerit . tac. the murder of tyrants is also followed with many inconveniences worse then civil war it self . principes boni , votis expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . tac. for as fire , floods , and other inevitable plagues are necessarily to be suffered : so evil princes in their covetousness and cruelty ought to be patiently indured , because their office is to command , and subjects must obey . indigna , digna habenda sunt , rex quae facit . sen. and as it is the use of vulgar people to finde faults in the long raign of princes ; so the ambition of great subjects is desirous of novelty . praesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucyd. to conclude , we say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience : for so long as men are , so long will vices be . regum ingenia toleranda , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tac. chap. xxv . a collection of political observations ( confirmed by reason and experience ) advertising princes , statesmen , and private persons how to demean themselves in all fortunes and events . to the perfections of men , three things are necessarily required ; nature , nurture , and use : the first giveth capacity , aptness , and understanding ; which are graces from above . nurture , is learning , knowledge , art , or order . use , is practice , experience , and orde●ly observation ; whereof may be conceived , that nature alone sufficeth not ; nor can nurture work any good effect , where natural aptness wanteth ; and they can frame no perfection , unless experience be also conjoyned . nemo nascitur sapiens , sed fit . sen. ambassadors , negotiants , and generally all other ministers of mean fortune , in conversation with princes and superiors , must use great respect , shewing themselves rather ceremonious then presumptious , and acknowledge their obligation great , for the ●avor and grace , they find in those which might command them . it is no wisdom ever to commend or discommend the actions of men by their success ; for oftentimes some enterprises attempted by good counsel , end unfortunately ; and others unadvisedly taken in hand , have happy success . who so then commendeth inconsiderate counsels for their fortunate event , thereby encourageth men to jar and discomfort the wiser sort to speak what they know , and by experience have proved . in actions publick and every other matter of great moment , the beginning is well to be considered : for afterwards it lieth not in our power , without dishonor to abandon what was begun . the time doth not always serve , nor is apt occasion always offered to enterprise what we would ; yet who so doth expect every opportunity , shall either attempt nothing at all , or if he do , the same for the most part turneth to his own disadvantage . when any resolution is taken , either with over-great haste , or too much affection , seldom it receiveth good success : for he that doth the one , hath no leisure to consider ; the other transporteth the minde so as it cannot conceive more then that which presently presseth . to these we adde others , i mean some of them that have leisure , and are void of affection , yet for want of natural capacity , or for continual negligence in their doings , never bring any thing well to pass . who so desireth to be beloved in a commonwealth , must rest content with that which men do give , and the laws allow him to take : so shall he neither incu● danger nor envy ; for indeed , that which is taken or extorted from others , and not that which is given , doth make men hated . arms● laws , and religion , may not in any well governed state be dis-joyned ; for every one of them in particular maintaineth them all united . in actions of war , courage and conduct are of great necessity ; yet all good government consisteth in using the vertues moral ; and in handling the matter of martial policy , it is fit to imitate the proceedings of antient and approved captains . among mortal men , there is nothing more common then to believe the estate of one man to be better then an other ; for hereof it cometh , that every one endeavoreth rather to take from others with travel , then to enjoy his own with rest . the state of pri●ces is good● being well used ; so is the fortune of private men , if therewith they be contented . the rich-man liveth happily , so long as he useth his riches temperately ; and the poor man that patiently endureth his wants , is rich enough . whensoever a man is so dangerously distressed , as either proceeding or standing , he liveth in like peril , then doth it behove him in any wise , to resolve upon action . the reason is , that so long as nothing is done , the same accidents that caused his dangers , do still remain in their former force ; but if he endeavor to enterprise somewhat , either he may meet with means to make him secure , or at the hardest , shew himself of so great courage and wit , as he dare and can attempt a way to do it . it seemeth a thing of great difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince or magistrate to eschue the evil speech and bad report of men ; for if they be good and vertuous , then they incur the backbiting of leud persons ; if evil , then will all good men exclaim against them . all commonwealths ought to desire peace , yet it is necessary ever to be prepared for the war ; because peace disarmed , is weak , and without reputation : therefore the poets feign , that palla● the goddess of wisdom did always appear armed . every prince ( well advised ) ought to govern his subjects and servants in such sort , that by his affability and vertue they may be induced rather to serve voluntarily , then for pay or hope of preferment . for otherwise doing , whensoever the prince shall want means to pay , the subjects likewise will fail of good will to serve . but he that faithfully loveth , doth neither in prosperity become arrogant , nor in contrary fortune retire , or complain of the small favor he findeth : for ( till death ) love and life remain at the princes commandment . where poor men finde justice , evil men are punished , measures and weights be just , youth well nurtured , and old folk free from avarice , there is the commonwealth good and perfect . in war between neighbors , neutrality is commendable ; for by that means we eschue many troubles and great expences , so long as the forces of either side be so equal in strength , as we need not to fear the victory of any : for so long their discord is our security , and o●tentimes offereth us means to increase our own state and reputation . the cheif reasons to move war , are , the justice of the cause , the facillity of success , and the profit of the victory . in all humane actions it behoveth to a●commodate the council of men unto present necessity , and never to expose security to manifest peril , nor hope of that which without great difficulty or impossibility cannot be obtained . it is the nature of men having escaped one extream , which by force they were constrained long to endure , to run headlong into the other extream , forgetting that vertue doth always consist in the mean . the multitude is inclined to innovation , and easily induced by false perswasion , and consequently easily transported by seditious leaders . men are naturally disposed to fear those things which threaten danger and terror● yet unless these perils by some new accident be daily revived , that fear by little and little vanisheth , and security recovereth the place . whoso findeth himself contemned , or not respected , becometh discontent ; which humor in generous mindes , breedeth oftentimes adventerous imaginations , whereof audacious attempts have followed , cheifly in persons of authority and reputation ; for he that hopeth no good , feareth no evil : yet true it is , that dangerous enterprises , the the more they be thought upon , the less hope they give of good success , for which reason conspiracies not suddainly executed are for the most part revealed or abandoned . all people do naturally imitate the manners of their prince , and observing his proceedings resolve to hate or love him : but if they happen once to ha●e the prince , then his doings , good or evil , are afterwards not good ; but if at the beginning he gained the love of the people , then every bad action is reputed a vertue : as though he could not be induced to do amiss without good cause or reason . greatly are princes deceived if in the election of ministers they more respect their own particular affection , then the sufficiency of the person elected . a prince having conquered any new dominion , is thereby rather incombred then strengthned , unless the same be after well governed ; and seldom is it seen that a principality by ill means gotten , hath bin long injoyed . as to the perfection of the whole body soundness of head only sufficeth not , unless the other members also do their office ; even so it is not enough that a prince be faultless , but it behooveth also that the magistrates and ministers should perform their duty . great princes rarely resist their appetites● as for the most part private men can : for they being alwaies honored and obeyed , do seldom with patience indure the want of any thing reasonable , as being perswaded that what they desire is just , and that their commandment hath power to remove all difficulties . all men are naturally good when no respect of profit or pleasure draws them to become evill . but this worlds corruption , and our frailty is such , as easily and often for our particular interest we incline to the worst ; which was the cause that wise law-makers found out reward and punishment : the one to incite men to good , the other to fear them from being evill . a tyrant indeavoreth to maintain his estate by three means . first , he practiseth to hold all subjects in extream awe , and to be basely minded , to the end they should want courage to take arms against him . secondly , he kindleth diffidence and discord among the great men ; thereby to remove occasion of conspiracy and combination . lastly , he holdeth them disarmed and idle , so as they ne●ther know nor can attempt any thing against him to govern , is nothing else but to hold subjects in love and obedience : for in respect of the end , they ought not , and in regard of the other they cannot attempt any thing contrary to the governors will and their duty . the laws and ordinances of a common-weale made at the beginning thereof when men were good , do often prove unprofitable when they are become evill ; and therefore new laws are made according to the accidents which happen . the discontent or disorder of people is ever occasioned by the inequality of their goods , because the poorer sort would be made equall to the rich : but the offence that grows among great men is the desire of honor ; for they being equal , do indeavor to aspire to equall authority . a prince that desireth by means of his ambassador to deceive an other prince , must first abuse his own ambassador , to the end he should do and speak with more earnestness , being indeed perswaded that the intent and meaning of his master is simple which happily would not , were he privy that his princes meaning were to dissemble . this course is also commonly holden by those that by imployment of a third person would perswade any thing fained or false . for the performance of conditions in treaty of peace or league of amity , the promises , vowes , and oathes of princes are of great effect ; yet because fidelity in a man is not ever certain , and time doth daily offer occasions of variation , there is no assurance so secure and good as to stand so prepared as the enemy may want able means how to offend . to resolve in matters doubtfull , or answer requests which we are not willing to grant , the least offensive way is not to use direct denial , but by delaies prolong the time and so in place of effect , afford good expectation . the old proverbe ●aith : magistratus virum ostendit : which is no less true then ancient : for men in such fortune are occasioned not only to make proof of their sufficiency , but also to discover their affections ; and the more their greatness is , the less respect they have to contain those passions which are natural . albeit great troubles and continual adversity seem insupportable ; yet is there nothing more dangerous , then ouermuch prosperity ; and being pressed by new appetites , they disturb their own security . in speaking of occurrents doubtfull , it is alwaies wisdom to fain ignorance , or at least alledge that we beleive then not : for most commonly they are utterly untrue , or far other then vulgarly is believed . the actions of men are commonly liked or disallowed according to the bad or good success : attributing that to council which sometimes is due to fortune . the multitude of men were wont to be more pleased with suddain then slow resolutions ; and many times accompt those enterprises generous , which are rashly and inconsideratly attempted . great difference there is between subjects desperate , and others which are only discontented : for the one desire nothing but present alteration , which they indeavor with all hazard : the other wish for innovation , inciting any motion or practice● because their intent is to attend time , and that occasion may present it self . a benefit bestowed on him who thinketh himself greatly injured , doth not suffice to raze the same out of his memory , cheifly if the benefit be given at such time as no meer motion but necessity may seem the occasion thereof . that peace ought to be desired which removeth suspition , which assureth us from perill , which bringeth quiet certain , and acquitteth us of expences : but when it worketh contrary effects , it may be called a dangerous war covered with the name of deceitfull trust , not unlike a perilous poyson ministred in lieu of a wholsom medicine . the effect of things , and not externall show or seeming , ought to be regarded ; yet it is incredible what great grace is gained by courteous speech and affability : the reason whereof is as i suppose that every man beleiveth he doth merit more then indeed he is worthy , and consequently holdeth himself injured when soever he findeth men not to afford him like estimation . men ought in any wise , to refrain to doe or say any thing which may offend , for which respect it were great folly either in presence or absence to utter displeasing speech unless necessity inforceth . the matters whereof councellors are cheifly to consider , be five . the princes revenue , peace and warr , defence , traffick , and what laws are to be made . in giving council divers things are to be observed ; but amongst them are two of most importance . first , it behooveth , that he who is counselled should be wise ; for seeing council is nothing else but a certain considerate discourse of things to be done or not done , if he who is to take council be not of discretion , then will he refuse all good advice offered , and rather ●ncline to that which his own fancie affecteth because the want of judgement draweth him to take pleasure in vain things ; and as one incapable of what is good and true , will follow that which is evil and false : so on the other side if he that giveth council be not faithfull , then will he a thousand waies disguise and dissemble the truth , and consequently miscarry the mind of him that is counselled : yea in the end utterly abuse him . the affairs and proceedings of the world are so variable and accompanied with so many chances and changes , as impossible it seemeth to judge what is best : therefore experience enformeth , that the conjectures of the most wise prove vain and uncertain . i therefore mislike the judgment of those men , that will let slip opportunity of present good ( though it be small ) for feare of a future evill , notwithstanding it be greater , unless the evill be very near at hand , or certain . for if that doe not follow which is feared , then wilt thou repent to have omitted that which was desired . whensoever a general opinion is conceived of the singular vertue and knowledge of any●man , although he be indeed ignorant and far unworthy that accompt , yet it is hard to remove such a settled conceipt : the reason is , that men having at the first given credit to common report , do make thereof so deep an impression as afterwards without great difficulty cannot be removed . the bodies of men , munition , and mony may justly be called the sinews of war , yet of them the two first are more necessary , for men and arms have means to find mony and meate : but mony and meate cannot so easily find soldiers and swords . one wise generall having but a thousand men , is more to be feared and esteemed then twenty commanders of equall authority : for they being commonly of divers humors , or judging diversly , do never , or very rarely what is to be done , and consequently lose much time before any resolution can be taken . a prince of mean force ought not in any wise to adventure his estate upon one daies fight : for if he be victorious he gaineth nothing but glory : but if he lose , he is utterly ruined . the most part of men are delighted with histories , for the variety of accidents therein contained : yet are there few that will imitate what they read , and finde done by others ; being perswaded that imitation is not only hard but impossible , as though the heavens and men were changed in their motion or order , and power , which they anciently had . the nature of men is such as will not endevor any thing good , unless they be forced thereunto : for where liberty aboundeth , there confusion and disorder follow . it is therefore supposed that hunger and poverty make men industrious : but good lawes inforce them to be honest ; for if men were of themselves good , then laws were needless . there are two kinds of adulation : the first proceedeth from a subtil malice : the second cometh by an ordinary use of conversation ; the one tendeth to profit and deceiving ; the other hath no further design then a respect or fear to offend . whereunto the most honest are in some sort bound . whoso bindeth himself to flattery , doth thereby bewray his intent , either to gain , or not to lose that he hath . for the person flattered is alwaies superior to him that doth flatter , or at least one as may in some sort stand him in stead . it may therefore be inferred that only men of base and miserable condition , and such as cannot help or hurt , be free from flatterers . and contrariwise magnanimous and fortunate folke , proud men and such as content themselves with their present estate , are seldom found to be flatterers . every wise prince doth presuppose that times of trouble may come , and that all such occasions he shal be forced to use the service of men diversly qualified . his study therefore is in the mean time so to entertain them as when those storms arise he may rest assured to command them ; for whosoever perswades himself by present benefits to gain the good will of men , when perills are at hand , shall be deceived . in ancient times princes and governors were wont when peace and security were most like to continue , to find or fain occasions to draw their subjects to fear , to the end that doubt might move them to be more carefull of their own weldoing ; for well they knew it a general defect in men to be reachless , and never willing to use industry ; unless by necessity they were constrained . all histories do shew , and wise polititians do hold it necessary , that for the well governing of every commonweal it behooveth to presuppose that all men are evil , and will declare themselves so to be when occasion is offered ; for albeit some inconvenience doth lie hid for a time , it proceedeth from a covert occasion , which for want of experience was not found untill time the mother of truth discover it . neutrality is always a thing dangerous and disallowable , because it oftendeth all parties : he that is strong looketh to be assisted in his greatness ; and he that is weak not being defended , holdeth himself offended : the one is not assured from foes , and the other holdeth no friends . albeit neutrality procure present quiet and security , during the troubles of others ; yet after the samefalleth out a disadvantage , because it entertaineth a certain falseness , and so in short space will be perceived ; not unlike those men that borrow upon usury ; for albeit they enjoy a certain time , without trouble or charge , yet the same being spent , and the day of payment come , they then feel the great danger which their short pleasure hath purchased . whoso examineth all humane actions shall find that in eschewing one inconvenience , wepresently incur another . as for example , if we endeavor to make our dominions mighty , it behooveth to have the same fully r●plenished with people , and well armed , and so being , they are not easily governed . on the other side , if our country be not well peopled , or disarmed , then it is easily holden in obedience ; yet therwith so weake that it can neither increase the bounds therof , nor defend it selfe . it is therfore necessary in all our deliberations to consider what inconvenience is least , and choose that , as the best : for to find all perfect , void and secure of suspect or imperfection , is impossible . a prince being instantly required to take part with other princes , the one being in arms against the other , if he deny both incureth suspicion of both , and may be thought to have secret intelligences with one or both of them ; so as either of them shall accompt him an enemy , and consequently he that proves victorious will be revenged ; and the other holding him suspected will not acknowledg his friendship . it is the use of men to presume much upon their own merit , and seeing the success of some others to be such as without cause or desert are aspired to dignity thereby uncouraged they promised to themselves the like : nevertheless being entred into the course of their design , and finding many crosses and impeachments , they do not a little repent their over-weening and presumption , but also many times utterly abandon their rash and unadvised enterprize ; neither can i think th●t the vertue or sufficiencie of any man without the favor of the heavens can advance him ; for as the poet saith , ne● velle juvat , potiúsue nocet , si fata repugnant whoso serveth a prince far from his presence , shall with great difficulty content him . for if he commit any error , it shall be aggravated : besides that the instructions sent unto him cannot be particularly conceived , because the state of worldly things doth daily alter . also to serve alooffe , is a thing full of danger and far from reward : which inconvenience may for the most part be avoided by him that attendeth near to his princes person . let no man that cometh to serve in court , assure himself by his wisdom to be advanced or eschew all encounters . neither is he to bear himself so careless as to commit all to fortune , but be perswaded that this wordly life is like to a voyage by sea ; wherein albeit art with the favor of the wind may do much , yet can we not assure our selves to arrive safe in the haven appointed ; for daily experience doth shew , that some strange ships in the calmest weather , are drowned or impeached by the way , when others much weaker and disarmed passe securely . among men worthy of commendations , those have merited best that first planted true religion : next they that framed kingdoms and commonwealths ; the third place is due to such as have augmented or enlarged their dominions ; lastly learned men deserve fame and memory : and as every of these are worthy of fame and honor ; so ought they to be accompted infamous that introduce atheism , or the subversion of kingdoms , or are become enemies to learning and vertue . whosoever taketh in hand to governe a multitude either by way of liberty , or principality , and cannot assure himse●f of those persons that are enemies to that enterprise , doth frame a state of short perseverance : yet true it is that such princes be infortunate● as for their own security are inforced to hold a course extraordinary , and have the multitude their enemy ; for he that hath few foes may with small dishonor be assured ; but he that is generally hated can by no means live assured ; and the more cruelty he useth , the weaker his principality proveth . in commending another man great moderation is to be used ; for as contumely offendeth him against whom it is used ; so great praise , besides that it is uttered with danger to his judgment that speaketh it , the same doth oftentimes offend him that heareth it . for self love which commonly possesseth men , causes the good or evil we hear , to be measured with our own . and consequently every man that is touched with like deserts and defects , doth grow● offended that his commendation is not set forth , and feareth lest his imperfection should be discovered . it is often , or rather ever seen , that the force of leagues not used in their first heat , becomes cold ; because suspition soon entereth , which in short space will destroy whatsoever was concluded , and may not without long time be rejoyned . the power of ambition which possesseth the mindes of men , is such , as rarely or never suffereth them to rest : the reason thereof is , that nature hath framed in them a certain disposition to desire all things , but not to obtain them ; so as our desires being greater then our power , thereof followeth discontent and evil satisfaction . hereof also proceedeth the variation of fortune ; for some men desiring to get , and others fearing to lose that they have gotten , do occasion one man to injure another , and consequently publick wars do follow ; by means whereof , one countrey is ruined , and an other inlarged . princes of great power , and cheifly those that are inhabitants of the north , having many children , were wont to be much inclined to the wars , as well to win unto themselves honor , as also to get possessions for their sons ; which manner of proceedings did oftentimes remove such disturbance as the plurality of brethren bringeth . these and other reasons induced princes to attempt war against those kingdoms , which in their opinion seemed easily conquered , or whereunto they can pretend litle ; for by colour thereof they may the rather justifie their proceedings . when a prince deferreth to answer an ambassador , it proceedeth from some of these respects ; either because he will take time to resolve himself of somewhat whereof he doubteth , or that he intendeth covertly to deny that which is demanded , or that he esteemeth not the prince that doth demand , or that he disdaineth the person by whom the demand is made , or else that he intendeth to hear from his own ministers to be better resolved : wherefore a discreet negotiator ought in such cases to consider which of these reasons move the prince where he is employed , to entertain him with delays , and make his dispatch accordingly . the sufficiency of good counsellors consisteth in four things . first , they ought to be wise and skilful how to handle their affairs , directing all doings to publick commodity . secondly , to be just in their proceedings , giving to every one that which to him appertaineth . thirdly , to be stout , and void both of partial respects and fear . and lastly , to be temperate and moderate in their desires . whoso desireth to govern well and securely , it behoveth him to have a vigilant eye to the proceedings of great princes , and to consider seriously of their designs : for it is a matter of small difficulty to live in peace with him who desireth our amity , and provideth for others that endeavor to offend us . the intelligences that princes study to attain , are procured by divers means : some are brought by report , some vented by conversation and sounding , some by means of espials ; but the most sure and credible accurrents , are those which come from ambassadors , cheifly those that either for the greatness of their prince , or their own vertue , be of most reputation . for those men conversing daily with great personages , and pondering diligently their manners , words , wisdom , and the order of each mans proceedings , yea , of the prince himself , may with commodity attain unto matters of importance sooner then they that are writers of rumors , or that take upon them to conjecture of things to come . whensoever a people is induced to commit so great an error , as to give reputation to one onely man , to the end he should oppress all those great men whom they hate , they thereby give him opportunity to become their prince ; and so being assisted with their favor and aid● he may likewise extinguish all the rest of the nobility ; and they being extirpated● he will also endeavor to tyrannize over the people , by wh●se help he aspired . so many as are not consenting to the tyranny , rest enemies to the person of the tyrant , who can by no means gain the love of all . for impossible it is , that the riches of any tyrant should be so great , and the honors he can give so many as may satisfie all . hereof it cometh , that those tyrants that are favored of the people , and disfavored of the nobles● are most secure ; because their tyranny is supported with a greater strength ( having the mul●itude their friends ) then is the tyrant whom the humor of the nobles onely hath advanced . a dangerous thing it is in all common-wealths by continual punishing , to hold the mindes of subjects in suspition ; for men ever fearing their ruine , will ( without respect ) determine to save themselves , and as men desperate , attempt innovation . all capital executions ought therefore to be executed suddenly , and as it were at one instant● so to assure the mindes of men from further molestation●● the intent of every wise prince that maketh war , either by election or ambition , is to gain and hold what is gotten : also to use the matter so as thereby he may inrich himself , and not impoverish his own people or countrey . he that inlargeth his dominions , doth not always increase his power ; but he that increaseth in force as well as in dominion , shall thereby grow great ; otherwise he gaineth no more then is shortly to be lost , and consequently he ruineth himself : for who spends more in the war , then he gains by victory , loseth both labor and cost . every prince and commonwealth must above all things take heed , that no necessity how great soever , do perswade him to bring into his dominion any auxiliary soldiers ; because the hardest conditions the enemy can offer , are more easie then is such a resolution . a prince sheweth his ruine at hand , whensoever he beginneth to break the laws and customs , which are antient , and have been long time obeyed by the people of his dominion . that prince which careth to keep himself secure from conspiracy , ought rather to fear those to whom he hath done over-great favors , then them whom he hath much injured : for these want opportunities , the other do not ; and both their desires are as one ; because the appetite of commanding● is always as much or more then the desire of revenge . whensoever a prince discovers a conspiracy , he must well consider the quality thereof , measuring the force of the conspirators with his own ; and finding them many and mighty , the knowledge thereof is to be dissembled , until the princes power be prepared to oppose them ; otherwise he hazardeth his own security . it hath been by long experience found better to send one general to an army , though he be of mean sufficiency , then to give the same authority to two or more excellent personages with equal commission . he that coveteth to be over-much loved , often times becomes contemptible ; and he that endeavoreth to be over-much feared , is ever hated : and to hold the mean between them , cannot be exactly done , because nature will not so permit . whoso aspireth to any dignity , must resolve himself to endure the envy of men , and never to be moved for any offence conceived against him , though they that be offended , be his dear friends : neither shall he for the first affront or encounter , relinquish his hope ; for he that constantly maketh head against the assault of fortune , shall after with facility arive where he designed . in giving council to a prince or commonwealth , and therewith desiring to eschue danger and offence , no other mean is to be taken then that the counsellor shall without passion or perswasion pronounce his opinion , and never to affirm any thing as a resolution , but with modesty to defend that he speaketh ; so as the prince which follows his advice , may seem to do it voluntarily , and not forced by the importunity of him that gave the council . a discreet captain being in the field against the enemy , of whose vertue he hath had no proof , ought first by light skirmishes to feel of what vertue he is● and not to enterprise any general adventure , to the end that terror or fame should not daunt nor discourage his own soldiers . albeit fraud be in all actions detested , yet is the same in martial enterprises commendable and glorious : for that captain who compasseth his designs by wit or stratagem , is no less commended then he that vanquisheth the enemy by violence and force . in times of extremity , when resolution must be taken for the having or utter losse of the state , then no regard is to be had of justice or injustice , mercy or cruelty , honor or ignominy , but rather setting aside all respects , that course is to be follow which defended the lives and liberties of men . whoso desireth to know what will be hereafter let him think of that is past ; for the world hath ever bin in in a circular revolution : whatsoever is now , was heretofore and things past or present are no other then such as shall be again : redit orbis in orbem . a prince that desireth to obtain any thing at the hand of another , must if it be possible urge a suddain answer , and lay before him that is moved , a necessity to resove presently , giving him to understand that denial or delaies may breed a perilous and suddain indignation . there is nothing more difficult , doubtful and dangerous then to attempt innovation : for he that taketh in hand an enterprize of such quality , maketh all those his enemies which lived well under the old order , and findeth them cold defenders that affect his novelties , which coldness proceedeth chiefly of incredulity ; for men are not easily induced to beleeve a new thing till experience hath proved it to be good . there is no art nor other knowledg so seemly and necessary for a prince as the art military with the ordinances and discipline thereof : for that is the only skill required in him that commandeth , and such a vertue as doth not only maintain them that are born princes , but often advanceth private men to that dignity . the deep impressions which old injuries make in the minds of great men cannot with new benefits be razed out ; it is also to be remembred that injuries be done all together : for they offend the lesse , and wil be forgotten the sooner ; but benefits should by little and little be bestowed , ●o shal the memory of them long continue . a small pleasure or displeasure presently done , doth move more then a great good turn bestowed in times past ; for the taste of things present doth make a deeper impression in the minds of men , then doth the memory of things past , or expectation of things to come . it is a matter of small difficulty to sound the discont ntment of other men . for every one doth willingly tell the well and ill deserving of friends , and likewise how much or how little foes can do , if we have patience to hear , which patience is the beginning of all good speed ; but he that delighteth to speak much , and hear little , shall ever inform others more then he himself can learn . among other dangers which a prince incurreth by being disarmed , the greatest is , that thereby he becometh contemptible ; for no comparison there is between men armed and them that are disarmed : and no reason there is that he that is armed should yield obedience to him that is disarmed , neither is it like that a prince disarmed can be secure from his own subjects armed . a prince ignorant of martial knowledg , among other misfortunes cannot be esteemed or trusted of his own soldiers ; it behooveth him therefore as well in time of peace as war to exercise arms , which may be done by two meanes ; the one by action of body , the other by contemplation of mind . the body may be exercised in hunting , hawking , and such like pastimes ; thereby to be made apt to endure travel : his mind likewise may be informed by reading of histories , and the consideration of actions performed by excellent captains , observing the occasion of their victories or losses to the end he may imitate the one● and eschew the other . he that doth not as other men do , but endeavoureth that which ought to be done , shall thereby rather incur peril then preservation for whoso laboreth to be sincerely perfect and good , shall necessarily perish , living among men that are generally evil . a prince that useth liberality to his prejudice , ought not to regard the infamy of miserable , because his parsimony will in time enable him to be liberal , and so may declare himself to be , having by parsimony increased his power , and therefore without imposing upon the people , may defend himself from all such as will make war ; so shall he use liberality to all them from whom he taketh nothing , who are infinite ; and use miserliness to those only to whom he giveth , who are but few . there is nothing that consumeth it self like to liberality ; for if it be long used , it taketh away the meanes to continue it , and consequently doth make men poor and basely minded : or else to eschew poverty they shall be forced to extortion and become odious . it is better to incur the name of covetous ( which is a scandal without hate ) then with desire to be accounted liberal , deserve the infamie of oppression ( an ignominy accompanied with hatred . ) a prince ought to be slow in believing , and advised in proceeding ; he should also beware not to make himself over much feared , but in all his actions shew great wisdom tempered with curtesie ; so shall not over much confidence induce him to be careless , nor over much diffidence render him intolerable . whoso observeth , shall see that men offended , less respect him whom they love , then him whom they fear . for love is maintained by a certain reciproque obligation , which because men are evill , useth to be by every occasion of profit broken . but fear is continued by a certain dread of punishment which never faileth . a prince that holdeth in the fi●ld an army wherein are great numbers of soldiers , ought not to care though he be accompted cruell : for without such an opinion conceived , he cannot keep his forces united , nor apt to attempt any enterprize . men for the most , do use rather to judg ; by their eyes , then by their hands , for every one may see , but few can certainly know . every one seeth what thou seemest to be , but few can understand what thou art indeed ; and these few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of many which have the majesty of estate to defend them . also in the actions of all men , and chiefly princes , from whom is no appellation , the end is ever observed . machiavel . a prince being forced to use the condition of beasts , must among them make choice of the fox and the lyon ; for the lyon cannot take heed of snares , and the fox is easily overcome by the wolves , it behooveth him therefore to be a fox to discover the snares , and a lyon to terrify the wolves . a prince newly advanced cannot observe those rules which are the cause that men be accompted good ; he being many times constrained for defence of his state to proceed contrary to promise , contrary to charity , and all vertue ; and consequently it behooveth him to have a mind apt to alteration , as the wind and variation of fortune shall direct ; yet ought he not to abandon the good , if so he can , but be ready to use what is evil if so he shall be inforced . every prince ought to have two ears , the one intrinsick in respect of subjects , the other extrinsick in respect of forraine potentates , from whom ●he may be defended with good arms , and good friends : also matters intrinsick will ever stand well so long as all things abroad rest firm . a prince that is favored of the multitude , need not to doubt conspiracy ; but contrariwise where the people is generally discontented , and hateth the prince , then may he reasonably doubt every thing , and every person ; for no man is so poor , that wanteth a weapon wherewith to offend , w●en any occasion is presented to have that thou desirest , fail not to lay hold thereof : for these worldly things do vary , and that so suddenly , as hard it is to assure our selves of any thing , unless the same be already in hand : on the other side if any trouble threaten thee , defer it so long as thou maist ; for time may occ●sion some accident to remove all dangers . the prince that doubtech the fidelity of his subjects , must of force build fortresses ; but he that feareth forreign force more then his own people , were better to leave them unbuilt . howsoever it be , that prince that desireth generally to be respected and esteemed , must perform some notable enterprise , and give testimony of great vertue and valor . a prince shall do well at all times to be counselled so as no man do presume to give counsel but when the prince doth ask it . it is al●o to be noted , that he who is not of himself wise , cannot be well counselled of others , unless happily he yield to some wise men the government of his whole affairs . for good counsels from whomsoever they proceed , shall be thought to come from the prince , and not the wisdom of the prince to proceed from the counsel of others . he that taketh delight to be employed in publick affairs , must by all means endeavor to continue in such services : for oft one business dependeth on another , whereunto the florentine proverb may be applied , di cosa , nasae cosa & il tempole governa . some men have not onely desired , but also compassed honor and profit ; yet being in possession of both , were not therewith so satisfyed as they hoped to be ; which being believed , would happily extinguish the immeasurable ambition wherewith many men are possessed . by experience i have learned that great folly it is to account that ours which we have not , or spend presently in hope of future gain . therefore merchants during the adventure of their goods , do not increase domesticall expences● but fearing the worst assure what is in hand . for such men as have gained unto themselves reputation and are accounted vertuous , to maintain that conceipt and eschew envy , there is nothing better then a life retired from daily conversation , & chiefly of the multitude . fugiat sapiens commercia vulgi● the end that moveth a prince to make war , is to enrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neit her is victory desired for other purpose then thereby to become the more mighty , and make the enemy weak ; consequently wheresoever thy victory doth impoverish thee , or thy gain therein doth weaken thee , it followeth that either thou passe or undergoe that mark whereunto the intention of war was directed . and that prince is by victory enriched , that can oppress the enemies power and become master of his goods and possessions . and that prince is by victory impoverished when the enemy notwithstanding he be victored can still maintain himself , and the spoyls and possessions are not taken to the use of the prince victorious , but imparted unto his soldiers . for then may he be thought in his own loosing infortunate , and in victory unhappy ; for if he be vanquished , then must he indure the offence by foes ; and being victorious shall be forced to abide the wrong offered by friends : which as they be less reasonable , so are they also less supportable ; because he is still by impositions forced to burthen the subjects , whereof m●y be inferred , that the prince having in him any generosity cannot justly rejoyce at that victory which causeth the subjects to lament . who so desireth to obtain any thing , hopeth to compass his desire , either by intreaty , presents , or threatning ; for so shall he to whom the request is made , be moved either with compassion , profit , or fear : nevertheless with covetous and cruel men , and such as are in their opinion mighty , none of these can prevail . and consequently in vain do they labor , that go about by suit to stir them to pity , by gifts to gain them , or by threats to fear them . who so is perswaded that any common-weal can continue disunited , doth greatly deceive himself : true it is , that some divisions do maintain the estate , but other do indamage the same they which do harm , are such as with sects and pertakings be accompanied ; they which help without sects and pertakings be maintained . a wise governor therefore , albeit he cannot so exactly foresee but some enemies will arise in the state , yet may he take order that no factions may thereby grow . it is therefore to be noted , that the citizens of every estate , may aspire to reputation , either by private or publick means . reputation by publick means , is gained chiefly in the war , either by obtaining victory in some battel , or surprising of some city ; or else by performing some ambassage d●ligently , prosperously : but private reputation is gotten by doing favor to this or that man and protecting them from magistrates , giving them money , advancing them unworthily to honor and office ; and by great feasts , entertaining the multitude ; of which manner of proceeding , se●●s , factions , and partakings do grow : and as reputation thus gained is dangerous , so the other without faction is profitable ; because the same is founded on common welfare , and no private profit : and albeit among citizens of this sort , will oft arise great hate , yet wanting followers for their particular profit , the state shall not be indangered , but rather strengthned ; for every man endeavoring to deserve well , will hold himself within the bounds of civil life , and by vertuous merits labor to be advanced . to perswade or disswade particular persons , is a ma●ter of no difficulty : for if words suffice not , yet authority will prevaile : but hard and perillous it is to remove a false opinion conceived by a whole multitude , for therein faire speech and no compulsion must be used . the best means which wise captains can use to make their soldiers resolute , is to take from them all hope , which resolution may also be increased with the love of our country and confidence in the captain : for confidence groweth by the valor of men , and discipline in former victories , and trust reposed in the leader . the love of our country is naturall , but the aff●ction we bear to the captain proceedeth rather from his vertue , then the benefits he hath be●●owed● necessity also may do much , and chiefly that where no choise is left , but either overcome by armes , or dye in desperation . there is nothing of so great force to hold an armie united , as the reputation of the captain , which proceedeth only from his vertue ; for neither dignity nor authority without valor can work that effect . the first care that a captain must have , is to hold his soldiers well punished and paied ; for where payment faileth , punishment ought not to be inflicted : and consequently no reason it is to punish him for robbery , whom want of pay enforceth to shift ; but where the soldier is payed , and not punished ( offending ) then will he without respect become insolent towards his captain● whereof insue mutinies , discord , and utter ruine it is a custom very honorable not to promise more then thou wilt assuredly performe : yet true it is that whosoever is denied ( though justly ) doth rest illcontented ; for men indeed are not governed by reason : otherwise it is for him that promiseth : and so good promises shall stand in stead of performance ; besides that , he may find excuse enough , because the most part of men are so simple , that faire words alone have power to abuse them , cheifly when they proceed from a person of reputation and authority . the best way therefore is not to promise precisely , but entertain the suitors with answers general , and full of good hope : yet not such as shall directly and absolutely bind . the greatest and most material displeasures that use to arise between the nobility and people , are caused by the diversity of humors , the one laboring to command , the other endevoring not to obey ; so as all troubles and disorders in every commonweale do thereof receive nutriment . the city which is maintained rather by factions then lawes , so soon as one faction is become strong and without opposition , the same of necessity must be divided in it self : for those particular causes which were at the first taken , are not of force enough to maintain it . it is the nature of men not to indure any discom●odity , unless necessity do thereunto enforce them : which may apparently be perceived by their habitations ; for as the feare of warr draweth them to places of strength ( for their defence ) so that perill being past , they do for the most part remove themselves to inhabit countries of more commodity and profit . it may seem strange , and no even measure ( yet approved by experience ) that where many of●end few are punished . also petty errors are severely corrected● but great and grievous crimes be rewarded . in like manner , where many receive wrong , few seek revenge . for injuries universal , are with more patience then particular offences endured . all or the greatest part of men that have aspired to riches or power , have attained thereunto either by force or fraud : and without they have by craft or cruelty gained , to cover the foulness of their fact , they call purchase as a name more honest . howsoever he that for want of will or wit useth not those means , must rest in servitude and poverty . the reason thereof is that as nature hath laid before men the chief of all fortunes , so she disposes them rather to rapine then honest industrie , and more subject to bad then good endeavors : hereof it cometh , that one man eateth an other , and he that is weakest must alwaies goe to the worst . where necessity forceth , boldness is reputed wisdom , and in great enterprises perill is not to be made accompt of . for those attempts that begin with danger , alwaies end with honor , or reward ; also from one perill there is no way to escape , but by entring into another . a wise man ought not to desire to inhabit that county where men have more authority then lawes . for indeed that country deserves to be desired where every one may securely enjoy his own ; not that , where with facility it may be taken away ; and that friends for feare to lose their own , are inforced to forsake them . some magistrates either by over great zeale or ignorance take a course of rigor , which being for the present favored , they are ever the more imployed , as men meet to extirpate inconveniences . but thereby the subjects are often drawn into desperation , and consequently have recourse unto armes , as their uttermost refuge . in this case a wise prince for appeasing the people is forced to disallow his ministers , and sometimes also to inflict publick punishment . a prince naturally suspicious , and having about him persons inclined to envie , is easily induced to mistrust those men that have served him with most sufficiency : which danger they cannot eschew , because they who are worthiest commendation are oftentimes envied by such persons as have access unto the prince . who so cannot endure both envy and hate , must re●rain to enterprise great matters : for great honors being desired of many , it behooveth him that aspireth unto them , to be for his dignity envied , and for his authority hated ; which authority albeit the same be well used , yet they who hate or envie ( perswading themselves it might be better handled ) indeavor to oppress that power , as fearing it will be worse . among other things which worketh the inconveniences of commonweales , ambition and desperation are cheif ; of both , desperation is worst : for ambition may attend occasion ; desperation will not , as that cannot endure delaies . historians desiring to write the actions of men , ought to set down the simple truth , and not say any thing for love or hatred : also to chuse such an opportunity for writing as it may be lawful to think what they will , and write what they think , which is a rare happiness of the time . in commending or disallowing the actions of men it is a course very requisite to consider the beginning , the proceeding , and end : so shall we see the reasons and causes of things , and not their bare events only , which for the most part are governed by fortune . it is a matter of much necessity , that every man , and chiefly a prince should in his first actions , give some testimony of vertue ; for falling at first into obloquie , doe he well or ill , all is ill taken . the custome of the common people is to judge rather by their eyes then by their eares : which is the cause they allow more of external shew then inward vertue : and true it is , where excellency of mind , and beauty of body concur , the commendation due to such a person is far the greater . gratior est pulchro veniens è corpore virtus . a prince or great personage that constantly endureth adversity deserveth great praise : yet greater commendation is due to him that beareth himself modestly in his happiness . for miseries are oft born with patience , but felicity corrupteth . to be descended of princes or great parsonages , is a matter of meer fortune , and so to be esteemed : but adoption proceedeth from the judgment of men ; therefore seemeth incorrupt and seldom abused . it hath been long observed , and is a rule which rarely faileth , that he shall be ever suspected of the prince in possession , whom men acco●pt worthy to be a prince in reversion . it hath been a use very ancient to give credit to astrologers , and other such persons who by their star-learning or blind divination , take upon them to tell of things to come . the reason thereof is that the most part of men beleive that soonest which they least understand ; and if they see the event of a prediction though it hapneth by meer chance to fall out according to that was premised , thereupon they settle so firme an impression , as albeit many other faile , yet the good conceipt of their cunning cannot be removed . liberality is a vertue which gaineth love , but much are they deceived whom riot in lieu thereof abuseth . to cast away and consume is soon learned , but to give in good order few have the skill . in time of suddain mutiny , conspiracy , and offence of people , the wisest resolution is not to oppose force to prevent fury , but rather give space for the bad to amend , and the good to consent : for treasons prevaile on the sudden , but good council gathers forces by leasure . mature deliberation ought ever to be used , but when armes are to determine , speedy execution is the best : because no delay in that enterprise is fit which cannot be commended before it be ended . who so is pleased to observe the proceedings of men in authority , shall observe that some of them hold a plain course without respect : others projecting for time to come do forecast how to hold their present good fortune or at least to escape danger : for they mistrusting present prosperity and fearing a change , prepare beforehand some private friends to oppose against publick hatred : whereof may be inferred , that no care is taken of innocency , but every one studieth how to pass without punishment . in captains and all military commanders , three things are required , vertue , discipline , and authority ; but in private soldiers obedience and courage only sufficeth ; for by due obeying , and no curious scanning the leaders direc●ions are maintained ; and the army in danger is alwaies most valiant , which before the danger is most quiet . let the soldier therefore be well armed and valiantly minded . to advise and dsrect must be the captains care . it is a matter of no great moment , yet alwaies worthy the noting , that any exterior behavior , or garment presenting pride or greatness , chiefly in persons lately advanced , though no man be thereby interessed or injured , doth move in others a certain offence : for the nature of man is such , as beholdeth the new prosperity of others with an envious eye , and wisheth a moderation of fortune nowhere so much as in those we have known in equall degree with our selves in all enterprises of warr , ( if present necessity doth not otherwise require ) leisure and deliberation ought to be used ; for often it sufficeth in lieu of wisdom , ●o take the advantage of other mens folly . all men that are to consider of great actions , ought to be informed whether that which is undertaken be profitable for the commonweale , honorable to themselves , and easy to be effected : or at least not greatly difficult . also he that perswadeth● is to be examined whether besides bare words and counsel , he will joyn his own perill ; and if fortune favour the attempt , to whom the principal glory shall redound . the perils which accompanie private enterprises , are far unlike to those which he doth enter that aspireth to principality . for in private attempts a man may pause or proceed as he will ; but to him that aspires to empire there remains no middle course , but either by victory to triumph● as a prince ; or being vanquished to endure death as a traytor . let no man in his prosperity , give much credit to common applause or service assured by any of whom in meaner fortune he hath had no experience : for the base people are learned in no lesson● only without difference of truth or falshood to flatter men in authority , and with shouts and words of great rejoycing make shew of great affection . as overmuch haste is dangerous , so too great delay oftentimes proveth disadvantagious : for albeit consultation ought to foregoe action , yet to dispute long and in the end reject the advice of either side , or take a middle course ( whith in cases of doubt and danger is worst ) was ever accompted great discretion . there is no course more comely , nor any resolution so well beseeming a wise man , having made proof of his own vertue ( and finding in age no fortune due to such effect ) as to retire himself from the court and company ; for so shall he shun the inconveniences of contempt and the discommodity of travell ( jucunda senectuti otia ) yet true it is that whoso hath lived a prince or governed as a publick person , cannot expect security in a private estate . whensoever danger draweth near , and terror is at hand , all men look about , but none willingly adventure : for in such cases every man will give council , but few will take par● of the peril . in commonwealths where sects or partialities he , the leader of any side is able to kindle civil war ; yet is he unable to moderate the victory : for to stir up dissentions and troubles , the worst man most commonly bears the stroke ; but peace and quietness are not established but by men of rare gifts and excellent vertue . it may seem strange and contrary both to courtesie and christian profession , that men are far more mindful of injuries done unto them , then of benefits received by them . the reason thereof is , that thankfulness is accompted a burden , but revenge is sweet , and reckoned a great gain . of reconciled foes , and such as know that our harms were caused by their means , we oft-times expect favor , as perswaded that new friendship will repair the loss of old displeasure : but the matter doth seldom so fall out ; for the quality of mans nature is ever to hate those whom he hath hurt , and love them whom he hath made beholding . quos laeserunt oderunt . tac. to common persons and such as are ignorant in matters of state , every taxation and imposition seemeth heavy or superfluous ; yet the wiser sort know , that the end of all publick endeavour is to confirm people in peace , and peace cannot be maintained without arms ; nor arms without pay , nor pay without impositions . as fortunate folk are envied , so are the poor contemned ; which rule reacheth also to princes : the one lives in plenty with war , the other in poverty with peace . for seldom is it seen , that those people are assaulted where nothing is to be gained , and whose base beings afford no other spoils then blood and beggery . wisemen have observed that in matter of state , and the managing thereof , three things are especially to be looked unto : the first is , occasion ; the second , the ●ntentions of other men ; the third , our own affection . for there is nothing that slippeth away so soon as occasion ; nothing so difficult as to judge what an other man intendeth ; nor any thing more nocent then our own immoderate desires . it hath been ever a course observed by wise princes , but much more by aristocraties and popular states , against force and fury of the multitude , to defend themselves with silver and gold . how much more it importeth all princes to lead a vertuous life , and give daily example of piety and justice , appears apparantly in the proceedings of the roman bishops ; who by the well-doing of some few of them at the first , became greatly honored ; but afterwards they became contemptible : for the reverence which men did bear to the ●anctity of their lives ●ailing , it was impossible of so contrary manners and examples to look for like effects . the success of the war cheifly dependeth on the reputation of the prince , which declining , the vertue also of the soldiers faileth : likewise the fidelity of the people decayeth , and their money to maintain the war , ceaseth ; contrariwise , the courage of the enemy is increased , they that stood doubtful become resolved , and every difficulty augmenteth . the authority which princes give , is chiefly in respect of wisdom and valor : yet true it is , that for the most part , they accompt them the wisest men that can best accommodate themselves to their humor . the greatest distress and difficulty which can come to any army , doth proceed of these causes : want of money , scarcity of victuals , hatred of people , discord of captains , disobedience of soldiers , and their flying to the enemy , either of necessity or freewil . a prince or great magistrate having long maintained the reputation of wisdom and vertue , must take heed that no rash or dangerous resolution do taint the honorable fame of his former life : for to be t●ansported with anger against his own profit , is lightness ; and to esteem small dangers more then great , is want of judgment . a prince or person of great estate , must be wary not to inure the conceit of double-dealing : for little sincerity and trust is looked in his actions , of whom there is an opinion of craft and falshood conceived . experience hath always proved , that whatsoever the most part of men desire , rarely cometh to pass : the reason hereof is , that the effects of humane actions commonly depend on the will of a few ; and their intentions ever differing from the greater number● the end and success cannot be other then as pleaseth the few that are to direct them . there is nothing more dangerous then to enterprise a war , or other actions of importance upon popular perswasion ; for such expectations are vain , and such designs fallible : also the fury of the multitude is great , when danger is little or far off ; but perils growing great and near , their courageth quaileth● as they whose passions have no rule or measure . it is strange to see how apt men are to doubt displeasure threatned by enemies , cheifly when they draw near ; for the people do naturally over-much fear dangers at hand , and esteem less then is fit of things present : also to make small accompt of those that are far from them , because divers remedies may be hoped as well by time , as other accidents . the offensive words or answers of indignation , proceeding from great princes , ought never to admit displeasure into the mindes of them against whom they are spoken : for having by speech uttered a great part of choler , the edge of their deeds becomes the calmer , and more easily appeased : such is the condition of noble and generous spirits . to judge right of other mens merit , seems of great difficulty ; for time and tryal is thereto required ; also it is not easie to answer the expectation of men , but oft-times inconsiderate , and not measured in due proportion . it is a part of great discretion to divide the seasons of affairs and vacations : for as it fitteth well a prince or person of dignity in times of audience and judgment , to be grave , heedful , and austere : so those offices performed , all shew of authority and sad looks ought to be set apart ; for by that means , neither courteous behavior shall detract from the reverence due to his place , nor severity diminish the love which to his behavior appertaineth . magistrates must look into all things , but not exact all things to rigor . light faults may be pardoned , but great offences severely corrected ; yet not always proceeding to punishing , but oft contented with repentance . to be bitter in rebuking is also fit for a magistrate , shewing himself sowre to the bad , and sweet to the good ; framing both countenance and condition according to the merit of men ; and be perswaded that it is more honest to offend , then to hate . soldiers must be encouraged in all fortunes to stand resolved , and not to be danted with any passed misadventure ; ever attending a time and opportunity of revenge ; which commonly cometh to passwhere mens mindes are united : for common danger must be repelled with union and concord . among other reasons wherewith soldiers are encouraged , necessity and distress doth oft inforce them : for as men of vertue perform the actions of arms for honor , so the coward must do them for his security . all enterprises attempted by arms , are honorable ; but those that are done in countreys remote , are more praisable : for the less they be in knowledge , the greater is the glory to atchieve them . to be truly and faithfully loved , is a thing greatly to be desired ; for terror and fear are weak works of affection : for they being taken away , he that ceaseth to fear , will soon begin to hate ; and as they that by force are kept under , obey with ill will ; so they that govern without line justly , rule against right . some men either deserving to be accompted of excellent wisdom , or singular in that skill whereof they make pro●ession , do ordinarily love the proceedings of others , taking that advantage of their ill success ; yet sure it is , that disaster and unhappy event of some actions , proceed not of disorder , nor humane imperfection , but from a certain fatal fury , which neither council nor constancy of men can withstand . it is a matter of much difficulty , or rather impossible for any prince to maintain the law , civil or military without severity : for where men hope to be easily pardoned , there are they apt to offend . contrarily where mens actions are precisely fitted , there do they live in over great aw , and hatred doth always accompany such severity . the best course therefore is to punish offences severely , and reward vertuous merits liberally ; so shall fear be converted to reverend respect , and none have cause to complain : for as it lies in each mans power to shun offending , so is it in their power also to deserve well , and merit reward . whosoever after mature deliberation , hath resolved what course to hold in the action he hath in hand , must not after repent or fear any difficulty : for such thoughts would break the vigor of the minde , and impeach the proceedings of that which was resolved . and albeit some differences do happily arise , yet must he believe that every other course would have been accompanied with the same or greater impediments . yong men for the warmness of their blood , and for not having before-time been deceived by fortune , more willingly enterprise actions rather honorable then severe . but old men as well for that their heat is cooled , as also for having attempted many things in vain , make choice of enterprises severe rather then those that are followed with fame and glory . the greatness of one prince is nothing else but the ruine and distress of another : likewise his strength is the weakness and oppression of others . some conquests are of such quality , as albeit a victorious captain merit triumphal honor ; yet a modest refusal becomes his greater glory . the dignity of magistrates is not assured without arms ; for when obedience faileth , no other means is left to continue a people united . as willing obedience in subjects is the princes strength , so is the same their own security : for as by the princes authority the people are governed , so by their consent he is maintained . three things men covet with immoderate desire , lands , riches , and honors ; but as seldom they compass their full content , so are they for the most part to endure a destiny far other then they wished . strange it is , yet by experience proved true , that in time of danger , fortune or ( rather destiny ) so much amazeth the judgment of wise men , as seldom they conceive what resolution is best to be taken . no great free-city can long continue quiet , unless the same be used to foreign assaults : for wanting foes without , some inward enmity will arise , not unlike to strange bodies of men , which being secure from external injury , are nevertheless by their own poise oppressed . as every pilot of ordinary skill knoweth in calm and quiet seas to direct the course of his ship ; so every governor of capacity doth understand how the affairs of state are in peaceable times to be handled : but when tempests are , and subjects bent to sedition ; the one requires an excellent sailer , the other the aid of some excellent wisdom . it oft happens , that publick duty is opposite to private friendship ; so as we are either forced to omit the offices due to our countrey , or draw our dearest friends into danger : in which case we are to prefer publick respect , before particular obligation . the nature of base people is such , as either they obey slavishly , or command insolently : for liberty being the mark whereat they aim , is by them of that quality , neither moderately desired , nor discreetly continued ; and always there are some seditious leaders to be found , who of disorder are inclined to kindle the ire and offence of ignorant people . dux rebu● motis , facile invenitur . salust . experience hath oft proved , that men in best fortune , and such as esteem themselves most secure , even then fall soonest into disadventure , because those dangers unfeared be as it were contemned , and not regarded . to enter needless dangers , was ever accounted madness , yet in times of extream peril and apparent distress , bold and hazardous attempts are greatest security . the divers adventures which happen to men , may well inform that much better it is , cheifly in arms , to be governed by reason then by fortune . a certain peace is ever accounted better security then victory hoped or expected . melior tutiorqu●●●rta pax quàm sperata victoria . livi. if to our prosperity god were pleased to add the grace of wisdom , we should thereby judge not onely of what is past , but also of all that can succeed hereafter . rarely or never can we consider truly of worldly proceedings , unless first we have felt the deceits of fortune . discord or dissention in any state or city , offers opportunity to such men as are ambitious to work their will : for the humor of sects and partialities is such as the weaker faction doth ever chuse rather to call for aid of strangers , then yield to the dominion of an adverse party . ancient customs may not violently and suddenly be taken away . fortune which altereth all things , will by little and little wear them out of use . to be oft in fight , and converse much with men , breedeth a kinde of satiety : therefore it behoveth persons of great estate and authority to be retired● le●t over-much familiarity should detract from the reverence due to honorable estate . the natures of men not content to live according to their fortune and birth , are of all others most prone to envy ; because they hate the vertue and welfare of all such as are in estimation above them . great heed is to be taken , that no citizen or subject , be suffered to aspire to such greatness , as cannot be forced to obey the laws ; and no order there is of more necessity , then that every man of what quality soever , may be without respect accused and judged . for conservation of particular greatness and dignity , there is nothing more noble and glorious , then to have felt the force of every fortune . it is the quality of wise men onely , to know how to use prosperity , and never to trust too much to the favors of present happiness . a man well advised in his prosperity , beareth not himself towards others either proud or violent ; nor must he believe in his own present felicity , for the day knows not what the night bringeth : he onely is to be reputed a man , whose minde cannot be puft up by prosperity , nor dejected by any adverse fortune . men of cholerick humor are easily moved with insolent speeches , but wise men laugh them to scorn . the way whereby a prince eschues the hate of subjects , is , hot to take from them their lands or goods ; yet albeit the blood of some few be tainted , unless the same be accompanied with confiscation ( which a prince is rarely forced to use ) it seldom causeth him to become odious . a rule most certain it is , that he who commands any thing unpleasing , must by severe means cause it to be observed ; and who desireth to be obeyed , must know how to command : and he onely knows how to command , that doth compare his own force with those that are to obey ; wherein finding a proportion , then he may boldly proceed , otherwise forbear . in actions of difficulty great courage is to be used , and who so compasseth any thing by violence , cannot maintain it by mildness , nor command by affability : he therefore that is of nature soft , should do best to refrain all extraordinary commands , and in matters ordinary imploy the vertue of his milde spirit ; because ordinary punishments are not imputed to the prince or his magistrates , but to the laws and ordinances of state . when necessity presseth , desperation is deemed wisdom , and generous mindes do not accompt of danger , because those attempts which begin with peril , do for the most part end with glory . he that endeavors to be good among many that are evil , or will uphold that which those labor to pull down , of force worketh his own undoing . all commonwealth● alter from order to disorder , from disorder to order again ; for nature having made all worldly things variable , so soon as they have attained their utmost perfection and height , they must descend ; so from good they fall back to evil , and from evil they return to good . war begets quiet , quiet idleness , idleness disorder , disorder ruine ; likewise ruine order , order vertue , vertue glory and good fortune . wise men have observed , that arms were before learning , and captains before philosophers ; for good and well regulated armies having gained victory , established rest and security , whereof the study of letters and liberal sciences ensued . that country deserveth to be loved of all men , which loves all men indifferently , and not that countrey which respecting the best part , advanceth a few : no man therefore is to be blamed , if for such cause he desire rather to abandon then embrace his countrey . commonwealths are bodies mixt , yet have they of bodies simple some resemblance : and as in these , many infirmities grow , which without violent medicines cannot be cured ; so in the other many mischiefs arise , which a good and godly patient should offend to leave uncured , though therein be use both force and fire . those wars be most just which are most necessary ; and those arms are most merciful where no hope of help remains but in them onely . in actions which promise either publick glory , or private honor , men may be reasonably perswaded to adventure life and living , because great hope there is to die with reputation , or live to recover that peace which war hath consumed : but where men are no less oppressed by insolency of commanders , then by insolency of foes , there is the calamity doubled , and of two evils the danger of war seemeth least ; for that hath end , the other is infinite . who so perswades himself to be no less esteemed in evil then good fortune , is deceived : for promises made , during distress , are rarely performed , unless the same necessity continue . the intent of every prince , or other state that makes war , is to inrich himself , and impoverish the enemy : neither is victory for other occasions sought , nor the possessions of the enemy to other end desir'd , then to make themselves mighty , and their enemy weak . it follows then , that so oft as the victory impoverishes them , or the gains weaken them , either they pass or come short of that mark whereat the war was aimed . ancient and wel-governed common-wealths were wont by their conquests to fill the treasuries with gold and silver , to give reward to soldiers , to spare the people from tributes , to make triumphs and publick feasts : but in later times the wars have used , first , to consume the treasure , and after impoverish the people without assuring them from their enemies . a prince or state that leaves promises unperformed , by reason of unexpected impediments , and for no ill intent , ought not to be blamed : neither are such accidents any just cause or colour why friends should abandon their confederates . where magistrates govern justly , subjects obey dutifully ; where private persons grow rich , and princes enlarge their empire ; there is the commonwealth blessed , and the people fortunate . chap. xxvi . maximes ●f state , or prudential grounds and polemical precepts , concerning all estates , and forms of policie in times of peace or war , &c. confirmed by select narations , and historical parallels . all cities and towns of state are b●ilded either by people dwelling in or about the place where they are builded , or else they are made by strangers : of the first are athens and venice , of the other alexandria and florence . the fortune of every city builded , and vertue of the builder , appeareth by choice of the place , and quality of laws : for as fertile places occasion men to be slothfull , unless by good laws they be forced to labor , so barrenness compells them to industry ; which reason induceth wise men to plant habitations in either : examples of the first are ferrara and rome , of the second ragus● and genoa . all laws whereby commonwealths are governed were either made by some one excellent man , and at an instant ; or else they were ordained at sundry times according to such accidents as befel . example , the laws of sparta made at the beginning lycurgu● , the laws of rome at sundry times . the government of every city in time becomes corrupt ; principality changeth into tyranny : the optimacy is made the government of the people ; and the popular estate turns to licentious disorder ; which instability or alteration moved some law-makers to take order that in the government of their city there should be a mixture of all three , and was the cause that t●e policy of sparta continued ●00 years , when the popular state of athens endured not one hundred . example , the laws of sparta made by lycurgus , and the laws of athens by s●lon . whoso taketh in hand to frame any state or government , ought to presuppose that all men are evil , and at occasions will shew themselves so to be . example , the envy of the people of rome to the nobles , and their insolency towards them appeared not so long as the kings governd ; but the tarquins being banished , opportunity was thereby offerd that the malice of the one and the other became discovered . the divers honors of the nobility and people , the one desiring to command , the other not to obey , are the cause of continual troubles , unless some third mean there be of more authority then either , to bridle the force of both . example , the kings in rom● expulsed , forthwith arose much mutiny , and could not be supprest till the tribum plebis were created ; whose authority wrought the same effect which the kings had done . some states endeavor to enlarge their dominions , and some others labour only to maintain that estate they antiently possest . example of the first was the city of rome , of the second sparta . all states desiring to live at liberty , think fit that every man should be permitted to accuse any citizen that offendeth , which manner of proceeding works two excellent effects : first that the people should not dare for fear of accusing to attempt ought against the state ; or if they do , they shall be presently and without respect punished . secondly by liberty of accusing , every man hath meanes to utter the offence wherewith he can charge others , which he could not ; unless it were lawfull to take such an ordinary course , and consequently be driven to ways extraordinary , particular revenge , or callingin forreign forces . example , coriolanus and appius , claudius at rome , lucannone at chinsi , francisco valeri in florence . a accusations are in every state necessary , so slanders are dangerous , and worthy of punishment ; the difference betwixt accusations and slanders , is , that the one is publickly performed before magistrates , with good proofs and witnesses to maintain the truth of the accusation ; but slanders are as well publickly performed as dispersed in secret and places of repair without witness and justification , so as every man may be slandered , but few are orderly accused . example , appius claudius accused by l. virginius ; furius camillus , slandered by manlius capitoliuus . the only meanes to suppress slander is , to give authority to some persons of repute to compel every slanderer to become an accuser ; and if the accusation prove true , then to reward the accuser , or at least not to punish him . example manlius the slanderer of camillus for his untrue information punished . a rule most certain and assured it is , that every kingdom and state at the first well framed , or after well informed , doth take the perfection thereof from the wisdom of some excellent man , who ought not to be blind though in a matter of great moment he happily useth some extraordinary violenc or proceedings ; for he that employeth force to mend and not to mar , deserves commendation . example , romulus , lycurgus , cleomenes . there lives no man so simple or wise , so wicked or well disposed , but prefers those persons that are praisable , before those that are blamable : notwithstanding for that well near all men are beguiled in discerning what indeed is good , deeming that honorable which in truth is otherwise ; they suffer themselves either willingly or ignorantly to be carried into a course which merrits rather infamy then commendation . example , every man wisheth himself timoleon or agesilaus , rather then dionysius or phalaris ; rather a titus or trajan , then caligula or vitellius . who reads histories treating of great actions shall perceive that good princes indeed are more secure and better defended by the love of the people , and fidelity of counsellers , then were they that entertained many legions and men of war . example , of all those emperors which raigned after c●esar untill maximi●us the greatest number were for their vices taken and slain , only galba and pertinax excepted who were good emperors . a prince of great knowledge both in armes and wisdom so firmly setleth the foundation of government , as albeit his successor be of the less vertue ; yet may he be maintained even by the memory of his predecessor : but if it happen that the third prince prove not more like the first then the second , then all that is past goeth to ruine . example , the martial valor of romulus was the cause that numa might governe safely in peace : which tullus could not have done , had he bin unlike to romulus ; nor should bajazet emperor of turky have enjoyed the state of his father mahomet and left the same to his posterity , if selim his son had not been more like to his grandfather then to bajazet his father . the succession of two excellent princes , cheifly if they be of long life , works wondrous effects : the like is seen in optimacies or popular states , where the governors successively elected be men of great vertue and understanding . example , the first appeared in philip of macedon , and alexander his son , the second in the consuls of rome . in every state where soldiers are not , the fault thereof proceeds from the governors . wise princes were therefore wont even in times of peace to cause warlick exercises to be used ; for without them the most warlick nations become not only ignorant in martial knowledge , but also effeminate . example , pelopida● & epa●i●ondas in thebes , and king tullus in rome as well in peaceable as troublesome times used exercise of armes . no prince or state well advised , hazards his whole estate upon the valor of some few persons , nor ought to strength of straight places where the enemy is to pass . example , tully king of rome , & metius king of alba , condiscended that three of their nobility for either side chosen should enter combate , and that nation which were victorious should command the other . francis the french king going to recover lombardy , was by the switzers attended into two or three places in the mountains , hoping there to repulse him , but the king taking another way , passed securely and prevaild . every state well governed doth reward men of good merit , and punish all offenders ; and if any person of good desert shall wilfully be a delinquent , the same man ought notwithstanding his former service , be punisht . example , the same horatio that in combat gained the victory against the albani , having insolently slain his own sister , was notwithstanding his egregiou● act and the fresh memory thereof , called into triall of his life , and with great difficulty obtained pardon : and manlius who had with great glory saved the capitol , for moving sedition in rome , was after from the same cast down headlong . every wise man having performed any great service to his prince or country , ought to be content with such recompence as it shall please the prince or country to bestow : measuring the same according to the power of the giver , and not the merit of him that receiveth . example , horatius cocles for having lost his hand in defence of the bridge of rome , and mutius scaevola suffering his hand to be burnt for his attempt to kill king porsenna , were rewarded with a small portion of land ; and manlius that defended the capitoh from the galleys , had no greater reward then a little measure of meale . ingratitnde is a vice so natural and common , as not only private persons , but princes and states also either through covetousnes or suspition are therewith infected . example , vespasian proclamed emperor , was chiefly aided by antonius primus , and by his helpe prevailed against vitellius ; in reward of which service vespasian removed him from the command of his army and gave that honor to mutianus . consalvo ferranoe having taken the kingdom of naples from the french , was first remov'd from his command of the castles and soldiers , and in the end brought into spain where in disgrace he ended his life collatinus tarquinius who with the aide of bru●us suppressed the tarquins of rome , and with him pub●valerius were banisht for no other cause but for being of the name of tarquin , theother because he built a house upon mount coelio . all errors that great captains commit , are either wilfull or ignorant , towards the one and the other of which offenders to use greater lenity then the quality of their offences deserves , seemeth necessary : for men of honor suffer nought by the infamy which evill service doth bring . it is also to be considered that a great captain being cumbred with many cares , cannot proceed in his actions couragiously if he stand in daily doubt to be punisht for every error that hapneth . example , sergius and vi●gi●ius were before veio , the one part of the army on the one side of the city , the other not far from the place . sergius being assaulted by the falisci was not aided by virginius , neither would he require his help , such was the envy the one bare to the other ; and ●onsequently their offence is wilful and worthy of capital punishment . likewise when varro by his ignorance , received an overthrow by hannibal at cann● , he was nevertheless pardoned and honorably welcomed home by the whole senate . whensoever an inconvenience ariseth within or without the state , it seems a resolution more sure to dissemble the knowing thereof , then to seek by sudden violence to suppress it . example , cosmo de medices having gained extraordinary reputation in florence , the citizens imagined , that to suffer the same to increase , was dangerous , and therefore they banished him : which extream proceeding , so offended the friends of cosm● , being the stronger , as they forced the citizens to revoke him , and make him prince of that city . the like hapned in rome , where caesar for his vertue , much admired and followed , became afterwards to be feared● and they that feared , not considering their force to be inferior to the power of caesar● endeavoring to oppress him , were the occasion of his greater glory . in every republick , an excessive authority given to one or two persons for long time , proveth dangerous , cheifly when the same is not restrained . example , the dictatorship given to caesar for life , was an occasion to oppress the liberties of the r●mans . the same effect was before that time like to follow the decemvirat● , by suffering appius claudiu● to prolong the time of his dignity . the ambition of men is such , as rarely they will obey when formerly they have commanded ; neither do they willingly accept of mean office , having before sate in higher place : yet the citizens of well-governed states , did not refuse as well to obey as command . example , the victory the romans obtained against the veienti , q. fabius was slain , having the year before been consul : nevertheless he then served in meaner place under c. manilius , and m. fabius his own brother then consul . there is nothing more strange , yet by experience proved true , that men in adverse fortune be much grieved , and in prosperity also discontented ; which is the reason , that not being forced to fight for necessity , they will nevertheless contend for ambition ; and that humor doth as well possess those that live aloft , as others whom fortune holdeth down . example , the people of rome having by the authority of the tribunes obtained to make themselves secure from oppression of the nobility , forthwith required , that the honor and office of state might be also imparted unto them . the like ambition moved them to have their part of lands by force of lex agragia , which was at last the overthrow of the roman liberty . it seemeth that people displeased with some innovations hapned in the state , do sometime without just reasons complain of those that govern : not unlike to a sick man who deemeth that the physician , not the fever , is the cause of his grief . example , the people of rome were perswaded that the ambition of consuls was the cause of continual war , therefore required that no more consuls should be● yet were they content that certain tribunes should command with like authority , so was nothing altered in the government but the governors title , which alone did content them . nothing can corrupt and alter the nature of man so much , or so soon as the immoderate desire of honor● in so much as men of honest mindes and vertuous inclinations are sometimes by ambition , drawn to abuse that goodness whereunto they are inclined . example , appius claudius having lived long an enemy to the multitude , hoping by their aid to continue his authority of the decemviri in rome , became their friend , and disfavored the factions of great men . likewise q. fabius a man of singular vertue , being also called to that dignity by appius self , adulterated his nature and became like unto him . seldom or never is any people discontented without just cause ; yet if happily they be asked whereof their offence proceedeth , many times for want of some fit man to pronounce their grief , they ●●and silent . example , the romans at the death of virginia , were gathered together armed upon mount sacr● and being asked by the senate , for what cause they so did ? no answer was made ; until virginio father of the virgin had procured , that twenty of the tribunes might be made to be as head of the p●ople , and confer with the senate . a great folly or rather meer madness it seemeth to desire any thing , and tell before-hand that the end and purpose of the desire is evil ; for thereby he sheweth reason why it ought not to be granted . example , the romans required of the senate that appius and the rest of the decemviri should be delivered into their hands , being determined to burn them all alive . the first part of their request seemed reasonable , but the end thereof unreasonable . a course very dangerous it is in all states , by continual accusing and punishing , to hold the subject in doubt and daily fear : for he that stands always looking for some trouble , becometh careless and apt to attempt innovation . example , the dec●mviri being opprest , the tribunes authorised in their place , endeavored daily to call in question the most part of the dec●mviri , and many other citizens also , whereof great inconveniences arose , and much danger would have ensued , had not a decree propounded by m. duillius been made , that for one year no roman citizen should be accused . strange it is to see how men in seeking their own security , lay the injuries which they fear u●on other men ; as though it were necessary , either to offend or be offended . example , the romans among themselves , united and strong , always endeavored to offend the nobles ; and the nobles likewise being perswaded they were strong , labored to oppress the people : which humors were the cause of continual troubles . to make estimation and choice of men fit to govern , the best course is to consider in particular ; otherwise it might be imagined● that among the multitude or meaner people , they being the greatest number , might be found some persons of more perfection . example , the people of rome desiring that the consulship might be given among them as men of most merit , did by all means endeavor to obtain that honor ; but being come to election , and every mans vertue particularly considered , there could not be among the multitude onel● one found fit for so great a place ; and therefore the people themselves consented , that the dignity should still remain as it was . to perswade a multitude to any enterprise , is easie , if that which is perswaded , doth promise either profit or honor ; yet oft under that external apparence li●s hid loss or disadvantage● example , the romans perswading themselves that the slow proceeding of f●bius maximus in the war , was both chargable and cowardly , required● that the general of the horse might direct the war ; which course had ruined rome , if the wisdom of fabius had not been . likewise when hannibal had divers years raigned in ital● , one m. centenius penula , a man of base birth , yet a soldier o● some repute , undertook that if he with such volunti●rs as would follow him , might have authority to fight , he would within few days deliver hannibal either alive or dead : which offer was by the senate accounted rash , yet for fear to offend the people , granted ; and penula with his soldiers was cut in pieces . to appease a mutiny or tumult in any camp or city , there is no means more speedy or successful , then if some person of great quality and respect , present himself to the people , and by his wisdom lay before them the damage of their discords , perswading them to peace and patience . example , the faction of the ●rateschi and arratiati in florence ; the one ready to assault the other . francisco soderini bishop of v●terra in his episcopal habit , went between the parties and appeased them : also count egremont by the authority of his wisdom and presence , supprest a great mutiny in antwerp between the martinists and papists . a people corrupted , do rarely or never observe any order or ordinance , unless by force of some princes power they be thereto inforced ; but where the multitude is incorrupt and religious , all things are done justly , and without compulsion . example , camillus at the victory against the urienti , vowed that the tenth part of the pillage should be offered to apollo ; but the senate supposing that the people would not consent to so great a contribution , studied to dispence with that vow , and to please apollo and the people also by some other means : whereat the people shewed themselves openly offended , and willingly gave no less then the sum formerly decreed . when the free-cities of germany are occasioned to make money for any publick service , the magistrates impose one or two in the hundred on every city , which done , every one is sworn to lay down so much as in his own conscience he is able ; and he with his own hand , no other witness being present , casteth the money into a coffer prepared for the purpose ; which he would not , if his own conscience did not inforce him . when any extraordinary occasion happens to a city or province , some prodigious voice is heard , or some marvellous sights are seen . before t. gracchus general of the roman army was betraid by flavius lucanus , the aruspices discovered two serpents eating the entrails of the beasts sacrified ; which done , they vanished : which vision as they divined , prognosticated the generals death : likewise f. savanar●la foretold the coming of king charls the eight into italy : and m. sedigitus when the galls first came towards rome , informed the senate he heard a voice much londer then any mans , crying aloud , galli veniunt . the multitude of base people is naturally audacious and apt to innovation ; yet unless they be directed by some persons of reputation and wisdom , rarely do they joyn in any action of great import . example , the romans when their city was taken and sackt by the galls , went to veio with determination to dwell there : the senate informed thereof , commanded that upon great pain , every citizen should return to rome , whereat the people at first mocked ; but when every man particularly within himself considered his own peril , all in general determined to obey the magistrates . in the employment of men for service , neither age nor fortune ought so much to be regarded as vertue ; for yong men having made tryal of their valor , soon become aged , and thereby either unapt or unable to serve : therefore well-governed commonwealths , preferred military vertue before any other respect● . example , valerius g●rvinus with others made consul the three and twentieth year of his age , and pompey triumphed in his youth . no wise or well advised prince or other state will undertake without excessive forces to invade the dominions of any other prince , unless he assure himself of some friends there to be a mean , and as it were a gate to prepare his passage . example , the romans by aid of the sagu●tines entred spain , the aetoli called them into greece , the h●diai into france : likewise the palaeologi incited the turk to come into thrace ; and ludovicus sforza occasioned charls the french king to come into italy . a republick desirous to extend the bounds thereof , must endeavor to be fully furnished with inhabitants , which may be done both by love and force : love is gained by suffering strangers to inhabit the city securely ; and force compels people to come thither , when other cities and towns near at hand be demolished or defaced : and impossible it is without this order of proceeding , to enlarge any city or make the same of greater power . example , the romans to enlarge their city demolished alba , and many other towns , and therewith also entertained all strangers courteously : so as rome grew to such greatness● that the city onely could arm six hundred and forty thousand men ; but sparta or athens could never exceed twenty thousand , for that lycurgus had inhibited the access of strangers . a commonwealth that consumes more treasure in the war , then it profits in victory , seems to have rather hindred then honored or inriched the state . a wise captain therefore in his actions , ought as well to profit the republick , as to gain to himself glory . example , the consuls of rome did seldom desire triumph , unless they returned from the war loaden with gold , silver , and other rich spoils fit to be delivered into the common treasury . all foreign wars with princes or other states taken in hand , be either for ambition or desire of glory , or else for necessity . examples , the romans for their ambition conquered many nations , with intent onely to have the obedience of the people ; yet did they suffer them to hold possession of their houses , and sometimes they were permitted to live onely with their old laws . likewise alexander the great endeavored to suppress many princes for his glory , but did not dispossess the people , nor kill them . otherwise it is where a whole nation● inforced by famine or fury of war , abandon their own dwellings , and are forced to inhabit elswhere . example , the g●ths and other people of the north invaded the roman empire , and many other provinces , whereof their alteration of names did ensue ; as illyria now called slavonia , england formerly named britain . a common conceit and saying it is● that money makes the war strong , and is the force and sinews thereof ; as though he who hath most treasure , be also most mighty ; but experience hath apparently shewed the contrary . example , after the death of alexander , king of macedon , a mul●itude of galls went into greece , and being there arived , sent certain ambassadors to the king , who supposing to make them afraid of his power , shewed them his treasure , which wrought a contrary effect ; for the galls before desirous of peace , resolved then to continue the war , in hope to win that mighty mass of money● likewise darius should have vanquished alexander , and the greeks might have conquered the romans , if the richer prince might ever by his money have prevailed . every league made with a prince or republick remote , is weak and rather aideth us with fame then effect , and consequently deceiveth all those that in such amity repose confidence . example , the florentines being assaulted by the king of naples and the pope , prayed aid of the french king , who being far distant , could not in time succor them ; and the cedicini desiring aid of the capuani against the samnits , a people of no force , were deceived . a prince whose people is well armed and trained , shall do better to attend his enemy at home , then by invasion to assault his countrey : but such princes whose subjects are disarmed , had need to hold the enemy aloof . example , the romans , and in this age the swisses , being well armed , may attend the war at home ; but the carthaginians and italians being not so well furnished , did ever use to seek the enemy . the plurality of commanders in equal authority , is for the most part occasion of slow proceeding in the war . example , there was at one time in rome created four tribuni militares with authority of consuls , viz. t. quintu● after his consulship , cajus furius , m. posthumus , and a. cornelius cassus , amongst whom arose so much diversity and contrariety of opinion , as nothing could be done till their authority ceased , and m. ae●ylius made dictator . a victory obtained by any great captain with the authority of his princes commission , counsel , and directions , ought ever to be imputed rather to the wisdom of the prince , then the valor of the captain : which made the emperors of rome to permit no captains ( how great soever his victories were ) to triumph , as before that time the consuls had done ; and even in those days a modest refusal of triumph was commended . example , m. fulvius having gained a great victory against the tuscans , was both by the consent of the senate and people of rome , admitted to triumph ; but the refusal of that honor proved his greater glory . all they that from private estate have aspired to principality , either by force or fraud become thereunto , unless the same be given , or by inheritance descended : yet it is rarely seen , that force alone prevaileth , but fraud without force oft times sufficeth . example , agathocles by such means became prince of syracusa ; john galeazzo by abusing his uncle barnabas , gained the dominion of lombardy ; and cyrus circumvented cyaxares his mothers brother , and by that craft aspired to greatness . sudden resolutions are always dangerous ; and no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful delays . example , when hieron prince of syracusa died , the war even then being in great heat between the romans and carthaginians , they of syracusa consulted , whether it were better to follow the fortune of rome or carthage . in which doubt , they continued until apollonides a chief captain of syracusa laid before them● that so long delay would make them hated both of romans and carthaginians . likewise the florentin●s being by lewis the twelfth required to give his army passage towards naples , mused so long upon answer , that he became their enemy , and they forced to recover his favor full dearly . to govern a state is nothing else but to take such order as the subjects may not , or ought not offend ; which may be done , either by removing from them all means to disobey , or by affording them so great favors , as reasonably they ought not to change their fortune ; for the mean course proveth dangerous . example , the latins being by the valor of camillus overcome , yeelded themselves to endure what punishment it pleased the romans to inflict . an ingenious and magnanimous answer being made unto wise magistrates , doth oft obtain both pardon and grace . example , when the privernates had rebelled , and were by force constrained to return to the obedience of the romans , they sent certain of the city unto rome to desire pardon ; who being brought before the senate , one of the senators asked the privernates , what punishment themselves did think they had deserved : the same , quoth they , which men living in freedom , think they are worthy of . whereto the consul thus replied , quid si p●enam remittimus ? qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus ? the p●ivernates answered , si bonam dederitis , & fidel●m & perpetuam : si malam , haud diuturnam . which answer was thought to proceed from generous men , and therefore they were not onely pardoned , but also honored and received into the number of the roman citizens . all castles , fortresses , and places of strength , be made for defence either against the enemy or subject : in the first case they are not necessary , in the second dangerous . for thereby the prince may at his pleasure take occasion to insult upon the subject● when much more seemly he might settle his estate upon the love and good affection of men . example , the castle of millan made by duke francisco ●●orza , incited his heirs to become insolent ; and consequently they became odious ; which was also the caus● that so soon as that city was assaulted , the enemy with facility did possess it . that prince or potentate which builds his severity rather upon the trust he hath in fortresses , then the love of men , shall be deceived : for no place is so strong , as can long defend it self , unless by the love and aid of men it be in time of necessity succored . example , pope julio having drawn the bentivoli out of bologna , built there a strong castle ; the governor thereof robbed the people , and they therewith grieved , in a short time took the castle from him . so after the revolt of genoa , lewis the twelfth came to the recovery thereof , and builded there the strongest fortification of italy , as well for site as the circumstances inexpugnable . nevertheless the citizens rebelled , and within sixteen moneths the french were forced to yield the castle and government to octavio fragosa . to build forts upon places of strength , either for defence of our own , or to hold that which is taken from others , hath ever proved to small purpose . example , the romans having supprest the rebellion of the latins and privernates ; albeit they were people warlike , and lovers of liberty ; yet to keep them subject , built there no castles , nor other places fortified : and the lacedemonians did not onely forbear to fortifie the towns they conquered , but also left their cheif city of sparta unwalled . the necessity or use of fortification , is onely upon frontires or such principal places where princes make their habitation ; to the end the fury of sudden assaults may be staid , and time for succor entertained : otherwise , example , the castle of millan being made to hold the state in obedience , could not so do either for the house of sforzi or france . guido vbaldo , duke of velin , driven from his dominion by caesar borgia , so soon as he recovered his countrey , caused all the forts to be demolished : for by experience he found the love of men was the surest defence , and that fortifications prevailed no less against him then for him . the causes of division and faction in every commonweal proceed most commonly of idleness and peace , and that which uniteth , is fear and war . example , the vejenti and elinsci having intelligence of great contention between the nobility and people of rome , thought that a fit opportunity to oppress the one and the other : but the romans informed of such an intention , appeased all domestick anger , and by the valor of their arms conducted by gn. manlius and m. fabius defeated the enemies forces . the means to usurpe an estate disjoynted is first before arms be taken , to become as it were an arbitrator or a friend indifferent ; and after arms be taken , then to send moderate aid to the weak side , as well to entertain the war between the factions , as also to consume the strength both of the one , and the other , yet in no wise to employ any great forces , for thereby either party may discover the intents to suppress them . example , the city of pistoia fallen into division , the florentines took occasion sometimes to favor the one , and some times the other , that in the end both sides weary of the war , voluntarily yeilded to their devotion . philippo viscount , hoping sundry times by occasion of faction to oppress the fl●rentin●● , did often assault them with great forces , which was the cause that they became reunited ; and consequently the duke deceived of his expectation a great wisdom it is to refrain opprobriousand injurious speech : for as neither the one nor the other can an● whit decrease the enemies force , so doth it move him to greater hate , and more desire to offend . example , gabides a general of the persians having long besieged amida , became weary , and preparing to abandon the enterprise , raised his camp , which they of the city beholding , began to revile the persians , and from the walls reproved them of cowardise ; which undiscreet words so highly offended g●bides , as thereupon he resolved to continue the siege , and within few daies wun the city . tiberi●s grac●hus appointed captain of certain bands of men , whom for want of other soldiers the romans entertained , proclamed in his camp , that no man upon pain of death should contumeliously call any soldier slave , either in earnest or jest . nam fac●tiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere , acrem sui memoriam relinquunt . likewise alexander the great having conquered well near all the east , brought his forces before tyre , they fearing alexanders fury , offered upon honorable considerations to yeild him obedience , only requiring , that neither he nor any of his forces should enter the city , which motion after four moneths alexander accepted , and so signified by his ambassador who arriving in tyre was by the proud citizens slain , whereat alexander grew into choler and being ready to forsake the siege , staid his forces , and in the end sacked the city and put the people to the sword . a prince or any other state being assaulted by an enemy of far more puissance then himself , ought not to refuse any honorahle compositions , chiefly when they are offered● for no conditions can be so base , but shall in some sort turn to the advantage and honor of him that accepts them . example , anno 1512. certain florentines procured great forces of spaniards to come thither , as well to reposess the medici then banisht , as also to sack the city ; promising that so soon as the army of spain did come into the florentine dominion , the faction of medici would be ready armed to receive them . but the spaniards being come , found no forces at all to joyn with them ; and therefore wanting victual , offered composition . the florentines finding the enemy distressed grew insolent and refused peace , whereof followed the loss of prato , and many other inconveniencies . the like happened to them of tyre , as before . the denial or delay of justice desired in revenge of injuries either publick or privately offered , is a thing very dangerous to every prince or other state , for that the party injured doth oft by indirect meanes though with hazard of his country and himself seek satisfaction : example , the complaint which the galli made against the fabii who sent ambassadors in favor of the tossani , not being heard , nor any punishment inflicted upon them for fighting against the law of nations , was the cause that the galli were offended with the states , whereof followed the sack of rome ; and the delay of justice in philip of macedon , for not revenging the incestuous oppression of attalus to pausanias , was the motive to murther that king . whoso endeavors the alteration of any state , must of necessity proceed with all severity , and leave some memorable example to those that shall impunge the ordinance of government newly settled . example , when junius brutus had by his great valor banisht the tarquins , and sworn the people that no king should ever raign in rome : within short time after , many young nobles , among whom was brutus son , impatient of the equality of the new government , conspired to recall the tarquins ; but brutus thereof informed , caused his own son not only to be condemned to death , but was himself present at the execution . as health and soundness of the hands , legs , and other outward members cannot continue life , unless the heart and vital spirits within be strong and firm ; so fortifications and frontier-defences do not prevail , unless the whole corps of the kingdom and people be well armed : example , when the emperor came into ●tal● , and had with some difficulty past the confines of the venetians welnear without ressistance ; his army marcht to venice , and might doubtless have possest the city , had it not been defended with water . likewise the english in their assault of france , excepting a few encounters on the frontires , found no puissant resistance within the realm . and anno 1513 they forced all that state , and the king himself to tremble , as oft before they had done ; but contrariwise the romans knowing that life lay in the heart , ever held the body of their state strongest : for the nearer the enemy approacht rome , the better they found the countrey armed and defended . the desire to command soveraignly is of so great force , as doth not only work in those that are in expectation of principality , but also in them that have no title at all . example , this appetite moved the wife of ta●quinius priscus contrary to all natural duty to incite her husband to murder her own father servius , and possesse his kingdom , as b●ing perswaded it were much more honorable to be a queen then to be the daughter of a king . the violation of ancient laws , orders , and customs , under which people have long time lived , is the chief an● only cause whereby princes hazard their estate and royal dignity . example albeit the deflowring of lucrece was the occasion , yet was it not the cause that moved the ●omans to take arms against tarquin ; for he h●ving before that fact of sex●us his son , governed tyrannically , and taken from the senate all authority , was become odious both to the senate , nobility , and people , who finding themselves well governed , never seek or wish any other liberty or alteration . a prince that desires to live secure from conspiracy , hath cause rather to fear those on whom he hath bestowed over great riches and honors , then those whom he hath greatly injured ; because they want meanes to offend ; the other have many opportunities to do it . example , perennius the prime favorite of ●ommodus the emperor conspired his death●plantianus did the like to s●verus , and s●janus to tiberius ; for being advanced to so great honors , riches , and offices as nothing remained desirable but the imperial title , they conspired against the persons of their soveraigns in hope of the dignity ; but in the end they endured that punishment which to such disloyalty and ingratitude appertaineth . an army which wants experience , albeit the captain be expert , is not greatly to be feared● neither ought an army of well traind soldiers to be much esteemed , whose captain is ignorant . example , caesar going into africa against afranius and petraeus whose army was full of old soldiers , said he feared them little , quia ibat ad exercitum sine duce . contrariwise , when he went to p●arsalia to encounter pompey , he said , ibo ad duce● sine exercitu . a captain-general commanding an army ought rather to governe with curtesie and mildness , then with over-much austerity and severity . example , q. and appius claudius being consuls , were appointed to govern the war . to q. was allotted one army which served very dutifully ; but appius commanding the other with great cruelty , was by his soldiers unwillingly obeyed . nevertheless tacitus seems of contrary opinion , saying , plus poena quam obsequium val●t . therefore to reconcile these different conceits , i say , that a general having power to command men , either they are confederates or subjects : if confederates or voluntaries , he may not proceed to e●tream punishment ; if subjects , and his power absolute , they may be governed otherwise● yet with such respect , as the insolence of the general inforce not the soldiers to hate him . honor may sometime be got as well by the loss as gaining of victory . every man knoweth glory is due to the victor , and we deny not the same priviledge to the vanquished , being able to make proof that the loss proceeded not from his default . neither is it dishonorable to violate those promises whereto the necessity or disadvantage of war inforceth . and forced promises which concern a whole state , are not binding , and rarely or never kept , nor is the breaker thereby to receive disgrace . example , posthumus the consul having made a dishonorable peace with the samnits , was by them with his whole army sent home disarmed . being arived at rome , the consul informed the people they were not bound to perform the base conditions he was compelled to yield unto ; albeit , he and those few that promised , were bound to perform them . the senate thereupon concluded to send him prisoner to samno , where he constantly protested the fault to be onely his own ; wherefore the people by that peace incurred no dishonor at all : and fortune so much favored posthumus , as the samnites were content presently to return him to rome ; where he became more glorious for losing the victory , then was pontius at samno for having won the victory . wise men have long observed● that who so will know what shall be , must consider what is past ; for all worldly things hold the same course they had at ●irst . the reason is , that as long as men are possest with the same passions with former ages , consequently of these doings the same effects ensue . example , the almains and french have ever bin noted for their avarice , pride , fury , and infidelity , and so in divers ages , experience hath proved even to this present : for perfidious dealing the french have given sufficient proof , not onely in ancient times , but also in the time of charls the eighth , who promised to render to the florentines the forts of pisa● but having divers tim●● received money , held them notwithstanding in possession . the florentines found the like in the almains● for in the wars of the visconti , dukes of milan , they prayed aid of the emperor , who promised them great forces ; in consideration whereof● he was to receive of the florentines one hundred thousand crowns in hand , and as much more when his army was arived in italy , both which payments were performed ; but as soon as the emperor came to verona , he devised cavillations of unkindness , whereupon he returned home . a prince desirous to obtain any thing of another , must if occasion so permit , urge his demand so earnestly and press for so sudden and present answer , as he who is prest may not have leisure to consider how to excuse himself in denial . example ▪ pope julio endeavored to drive out of bologna all the bentivoli in which action he thought the aid of the french necessary , and that the venetians should stand neutral ; and by divers messengers did sollicite them to that effect ; but not receiving any resolute answer , he thought fit with those few forces he had to take his journey to bol●gna , whereupon the venetians advertised him they would remain neutral , and the french king forthwith sent him forces as fearing the popes indignation ; likewise the tuscans having formerly desired aid of the samnites against the romans , took armes suddenly and obtained their request which the samintes had before denied . when a multitude offendeth , all may not be punisht , because they are too many : to punish part and leave the rest unpunisht , were injurie to the sufferers ; and to those that escape , an encouragement to offend again ; therefore to eschew all extremity , mean courses have bin anciently used . example , when all the wives of the romans conspired to poyson their husbands , a convenient number of them were punisht , and the rest suffered to pass ▪ likewise at the conspiracy of the bacchanals in the time of the macedonian war , wherein many thousands men and women had part , every tenth person only was put to death by lot ; although the offence were general , by which manner of punishing , he that suffered , complaind on his fortune ; and he that escaped , was put in feare that offending again , the same punishment might light upon himself , and therefore would no more offend . a battel or great action in armes ought not to be enterprised without special commission or command from the prince , otherwise the general incurs great danger , example ▪ papyrius the dictator punisht the general of the horse in the roman army , for having fought without his consent , although he had in battaile slain 20000 enemies without loss of 200 of his own , and caesar commended his captain silanus for having refrained to fight , though with great advantage he might . also count egmont hazarded the favor of the king his master for giving battel to marshall de thermes , albeit he were victorious : for upon the success of that action the loss or or safety of all the low countries depended . to govern without council is not only dangerous in aristocracies and popular states , but unto independent princes an occas●on of utter ruine . example , hieron the first king of sicile in all his proceedings used the advice of counsels , and lived fifty years prosperously in peace , but his grandchild succeding , refusing all counsell lost his kingdom , and was with all his kinsfolk and friends cruelly slain . in all monarchies the senate or privycouncil is or ought to be composed of persons of great dignity , or men of approved wisdom and understanding . example , in polonia no man is counsellor unless he be a palatine , a bishop , a c●st●llan , a captain , or such a one as hath bin ambassador ▪ and in turky the title of counsellor is not given but only to the four bassaes . the two cad●lesquir●s , the twelve beglerbegs , and kings son , who in his fathers absence , is as it were● a president of the divano or senate . many princes ancient and modern have used to select out of their council , two or three or four at most to whom only they did impart their affairs . example , the emperor augustus had maec●nas and agrippa , julius caesar , q ●aedius and cor. balbus , whom he only trusted with his cipher and secrets , being counsellors of the cabinet ( as we now call them . ) the alteration of old laws or introduction of new , are in all states very dangerous , notwithstanding any appearance of profit or publick utility , which moved wise governors to decree , that ancient lawes once established might never be called in question . example , the athenians decreed that no law should be propounded to the people without the consent of the senate : the like use is observed in venice where no petition is prefered to the senate but by advice of the sages ; and among the locrians the custom was that whosoever presented any new law to be confirmed , should come with a halter about his neck , and be therewith hanged if his request were rejected ; also lycurgus to prevent the alteration of his lawes , did sweare the people of sparta to observe them untill his return , and thereupon retired himself into voluntary exile , with intent never to returne . when necessity or good reason moves innovation or abolition of laws , a course more secure it is to do it rather by degrees then suddenly . example , the romans finding the laws of the twelve tables unprofitable , suffered them to be observed or neglected at discretion , but would not publickly suppress them for fear of calling other laws into contempt : so did they continue 700 years , and were then cassed by ebutius the tribune . but agis king of lacedemon desirous to revive the laws of lycurgus , long discontinued , enforced all men to bring in their evidence and writings to be cancelled , to the end a new partition of lands and goods might be made , which suddain and violent proceeding proved so fatal , that it moved a dangerous sedition , wherein he was deposed and with his mother and friends put to death ; which example haply moved the venetians not to attempt any thing against the authority of augustino barberino their duke : but after his death , and before the election of lovedono , the signiory publisht new ordinances detractive from the ducal anthority . whoso hath won to himself so great love and affection , as thereby to become master of the forces , and at his pleasure commands the subjects apt for armes , may also without right or title assure himself of the whole estate . example , hugh capat a subject to the crown of france , being greatly honored by the soldiers , found means thereby to prevent charles duke of lorraine of the crown , being right heire by descent from charlemaine . and albeit the families of the paleologi , ebrami and turcani be of the blood royall and right heires to the turkish empire , when the ottaman line shall faile ; yet it is like that the cheif bassa having the love of the janisaries will usurpe the state , because the paleologi and other competitors be far from the turks person , poor and without means to purchase the soldiers favor . a commander general in armes , ought upon paine of great punishment be enjoyned , not to imploy or retain any forces longer then the time of his commission . example , the dictators of rome were in this point so precise , as never any of them dared to transgress the time prefixed , till caesar obtained that dignity should continue in him for life : which was the cause of his usurpation of the state . also the thebans commanded , that if the general of their army did hold his forces one day longer then the time prefixt , he should thereby incur danger of death : which justice was executed upon epaminondas and pelopidas . banishment of great lords , or citizens of great reputation , hath bin in divers places diversly used : for in the one , they were inforced only to absent themselves without further infliction ; in the other , banishment was accompanied with confiscation , a course of great danger . example , in argos , athens , ephesus , and other cities of greece , the citizens puissant in friends , vertue or riches , were many times banisht for envy or feare , but never or very rarely forced to absent themselves longer then ten years ; and that without loss of goods , which was the cause that never any of them warred against the country : but dion being banisht syracusa by dyonysius junior , and coriolanus from rome , did make mighty wars against their own country . the like was done by the medici in florence . honorable and magnanimous men were wont , not only to enterprise great acts , but also to suffer patiently al injuries which foes or fortune could expose them to : as resolved , that no calamity was so great as to make their minds abject , or to forget the dignity appertaing to persons vertuous : example . after the defeat of the r●man army upon the river a●●ia , the galli persued the victory even to romes walls : whither being come , and finding the gates open , without any signe of resistance they entred the streets , where all honorable palaces were also unshut , which caused the galli greatly to doubt . nevertheless looking into the houses , they found in every of them a senator set in a chaire of state , and in his hand a rod of ivory ; his person was also vested with robes of dignity , which majestick spectacle did marvelously amate the galli not having before that time seen any such reverend sight ; and therefore did not only refrain to offer violence , but highly admired the roman courage , cheifly in that fortune . nevertheless at length a rude gall hapned with his hand to touch the white beard of m. papyrius , whereat he taking great disdain struk him with his rod , in requitall whereof the barbarian slew papyrius , and by that example all the other senators and persons of dignity were also slain . albeit the knowledge and study of letters be both commendable and necessary in all well regulated states ; yet if under so honest pretence , idleness enter , such abuses must seasonably be foreseen and removed . example , when diogenes and carneades two excellent philosophers , were sent ambassadors from athens to the romans , many of the nobility that before disposed themselves to arms , allured with their eloquence and marvellous wisdom , began with great admiration to follow them : and in lieu of armes , turned their endeavors to the studie of letters , which the wise cato discerning , procured the senate to decree that ( to eschew all inconveniences which so honest idleness might breed ) no philosophers should from thenceforth be received into rome . the honor due to magistrates was anciently much regarded , and contrarywise all irreverent and undutifull behavior with great severity punisht . example , the censors of rome degraded a citizen only for having yawned loud in their presence : and another called vectius was slain in the field for not doing due reverence to a tribune when he past by him it is also observed , that the son of fab. maximus when he was censor , meeting his father on horseback , and seeing the serjeants affraid to speak to him to dismount , did himself command him so to do , which command the father cheerfully and willingly obeyed , saying , domestick power must give place to publick authority . tyrannous princes having incurred the universal hate of people , found no meanes so meet to preserve them from popular fury , as to execute or deliver into their hands their own cheef minions and intimate counsellors . example , tiberius delivered to the people his favorite seianus : nero , tig●llinus . henry king of swede committed to their fury his best beloved servant george preston ; caracaella caused all his flatterers to be slain that had perswaded him to kill his brother● the like was done by caligula , whereby he escaped himself . a prince that rewards or pardons a person that kills another prince , albeit by that means he is aspired to soveraignty , shall thereby both incur great danger and hate , and encourage men therein to attempt the like against himself therefore wise princes have not only left such services quite unrecompenced , but also most severely punished them . example . the emperor severus put all those to death that consented to the murder of pertinax ; and alexander the great executed him that slew darius , as abhorring that subject that would lay violent hands on his prince , notwithstanding he were an enemy . likewise uitellius put to death all the murderers and conspirators against galba ; and domitian executed his secretary epaphroditus for the murder of nero , although he instantly desired his aid . the vertuous and vitious examples of princes incite subjects to imitate the same qualities ; which rule never or very rarely fails . example , francis the first king of france , and other princes in divers ages and places , had great esteem of learned men ; and forthwith all the princes , nobles , nobility , and clergy , disposed themselves so earnestly to study , as before that time had not been seen so many and so great a number of learned men , as well in tongues as sciences . contrariwise , alexander the great , otherwise a prince of great vertue , by his immoderate use of drinking , did draw the greatest number of his court and people also to delight in drunkenness . the like effect followed the excessive intemperance of mithridates , king of amasia . the last and not the least considerable , is to observe how great effects devotion and contempt of humane glory worketh in the mindes not onely of private persons , but of kings and princes also , who have oft abandoned worldly profit , honor , and pleasure , to embrace the contemplative retired life . example , rami●us king of aragon , verecundus king of spain , charlemain son of carolus martellus , matilda queen of france , amurath k. of turbay , with many others . imperio maximus , exemplo major . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57360e-2360 * commissions determine in presence of him that granted them . notes for div a57360e-2530 * so henry the 4 of france by puting his courtiers to boordwages was said to make mony with his teeth . notes for div a57360e-3170 * the author of the epistle dedicatory to the dutchesse of suffolk , prefixt to mr. latimer sermons , ●aith that lawyer● cove●ousness hath almost devoured england . notes for div a57360e-5610 discipline . notes for div a57360e-8310 tam bené quam malé facta premunt . mart. remains of sir walter raleigh ... selections. 1657 raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. 1657 approx. 379 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 184 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57532 wing r180 wing r176_partial estc r20762 12404554 ocm 12404554 61340 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57532) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61340) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 289:15) remains of sir walter raleigh ... selections. 1657 raleigh, walter, sir, 1552?-1618. vaughan, robert. [15], 202, [12], 122 p. : port. printed for william sheares, iunior ..., london : 1657. sir walter raleigh's portrait signed: ro. vaughan. "a mere reissue of the 'maxims of state,' 1656 (wing r176), with the omission of the 'observations touching trade and commerce with the hollander,' and the addition of 'the prerogative of parliaments'"--sabin 67577. includes the t.p. of the 1656 edition of "maxims of state." reproduction of original in british library. (from t.p.) maxims of state -advise to his son : his sons advise to his father -his sceptick -observation concerning the causes of the magnificencie and opulency of cities -his letters to divers persons of quality -the prerogative of parliaments. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published 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make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. political science -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2005-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●am marti , quam mercurio . the ho. ble and learned knight sr. walter raleigh . ro : vaughan sculp . remains of s ir walter raleigh ; viz. maxims of state. advise to his son : his sons advise to his father . his sceptick . observation concerning the causes of the magnificencie and opulency of cities . his letters to divers persons of quality . with the prerogative of parliaments , being a dispute between a counsellour of state and a justice of peace . london , printed for william sheares iunior , in westminster hall. 1657. maxims of state . with instructions to his son , and the sons advice to his aged father . whereunto is added observations touching trade and commerce with the hollander and other nations , proving that our sea and land commodities inrich and strengthen other countries against our own . by sir walter raleigh . london . printed for will. shears junior at the blue bible in bedford street in covent-garden . 1656 , the contents . of government . page 1 of policie . 2 of monarchie . 3 of aristocracie , or senatorie state. 5 of free state , or popular state. 6 of tyrannie . 7 of olygarchie , or the government of a few . ibid. of a common-wealth . 8 of causes of states , and common-wealths in generall . 10 of founding a state. ibid. of causes preserving state or common-wealth . 15 of mysteries or sophisms . ibid. of axioms or rules of preserving a state. 1-9 rules for preserving of a kingdom hereditarie 25 rules for preserving of a kingdom conquered 25 kingdoms hereditarie are preserved at home by the ordering of a prince . ibid. kingdoms new gotten , or purchased by force , are preserved by rules . 10 35 rules politick of tyrants . 41 sophisms of a barbarous and professed tyranny . 42 sophisms of the sophisticall , or subtile tyrant , to hold up his state. 46 of preservation of an aristocracie . 53 of preservation of an olygarchie , by sophisms ibid. of preservation of an olygarchie , by rules . ibid. of conversion of states in generall . 59 causes of conversions of states are of two sorts : generall and particular . ibid. particular causes of conversion of state , are of two sorts . 60 of sedition . 61 causes of sedition are of two sorts . ibid. of alteration without violence . 64 a method , how to make use of the book before , in the reading of the storie . 67 old age is not ever unfit for publick gouernment , ibid. example of the like practice in charls the fifth . 68 of observation for the affirmative and the negative . ibid. of defence for david in marrying abishag . 70 politicall nobility . of ado●ijah aspiring to the kingdom 71 observations . of ways of such as aspire to the kingdom , and marks to discern them . 73 politicall prince . 75 the table of the chapters containd in sr walter raleigh's instructions to his son . chap. page . virtuous persons to be made choice of friends . great care to be had in the choosing of a wife . wisest men have been abused by flatterers . pr●v●●e quarrels to be avoided . three rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate . what sort of servants are most fit to be entertained . brave rags wear soonest out of fashion . riches not to be sought by evil means . ibid. what inconveniences happen to such as delight in wine . let god be thy protectour and directour in all thy actions . the sceptick doth neither affirm , neither deny any position but doubteth of it , and proposeth his reason against that which is affirmed or denied , to justifie his not consenting . observations concerning the causes of the magnificencie and opulencie of cities . safetie for defence of the people and their goods in and near a town . causes that concern the magnificencie of a citie . that the seat of government is upheld by the two great pillars thereof , viz. civile justice , and martiall policie , which are framed out of husbandry , merchandise , and gentry of this kingdom . sir raleigh's letter to mr secretary winwood before his journey to guiana . to his wife from guiana . to sir ralph winwood . to his wife copied out of his own hand writing . to his wife after condemnation . to king james at his return from guiana . his third letter to secretary winwood . his letter to prince henry touching the modell of a ship. his speech immediately before he was beheaded . sir vvalter raleigh observations touching trade and commerce with the hollander and other nations , proving that our sea and land commodities inrich and strengthen other countreys against our own . finis . maxims of state . of government . government is of two sorts . 1. p rivate , of himself . sobriety . of his family ; called oeconomy . 2. publick , of the common-wealth , called p●licy a man must first govern himself , ere he be fit to govern a family : and his family , e're he be fit to bear the government in the common-wealth . of policie . policie is an art of government of a common-wealth , and some part of it according to that state , o● form of government , wherein it is setled for the publick good . state , is the frame or set order of common-wealth , or of the governours that rule the same , especially o● the chief and sovereign governour that commandeth the rest . the state of sovereignty consisteth in five points . 1. making or anulling of laws . 2. creating and disposing of magistrates . 3. power over life and death . 4. making of war , or peace . 5. highest or last appeal . where these five are , either in one or in more , there is the state. these five points of state , rest either in , 1. one monarchie or kingdom . 2. some few chief men for virtue and wisdom , called an aristocracie . 3. many , called a free-state , or popular state. these three sorts of government have respect to the common good , and therefore are just , and lawfull states . these 3. degenerate into 3. other governments viz. 1. monarchie into 1. tyrrannie . 2. aristocracie , into 2. oligarchie . 3. popular state , into 3. common-wealth or government of all the common and baser sort , and therefore called a common-wealth by an usurped nick-name . these all respect their own , and not the publick good , and therefore are called bastard governments . i monarchie . a monarchie , or kingdom , is the government of a state by one head , or chief , tending to the common benefit of all . monarchie , or kingdoms , are of three sorts touching the right or possession of them , viz. 1. hereditary , by descent , as the english french , &c. 2. elective , by suffrage of the other orders , of some of them , as the p●loni●● 3. 〈◊〉 , or of both kinds , viz. descent , yet not tied to the next bloud , as the ancient jewish state. monarchies are of two sorts touching their power , or authority , viz. 1. int●re . where the whole power of ordering all state matters , both peace and war , doth by law & cust●● appertain to the prince , as in the ●●●gest kingdom , where the prince hat● power to make laws league , & wa● to create magistrates ; to pardon life of appeal , &c. though to give a contentment to the other degrees , th●● have a suffrage in making laws , y●● ever subject to the princes pleasure nor negative will. 2. 〈◊〉 or restrained , that ha●● no full power in all the points or matters of state , as the military king that hath not the sovereignty in time peace , as the making of laws , & but in war only , as the p●loni●● kings . ii. aristocracy , or senatory state. an aristocracie is the government of a common-wealth by some ●ompetent number of the better sort , ●referred for wisdom and other virtues ●f the publick good . 1. aristocracie are of three sorts , viz. there the senatours are chosen , for virtu , riches , and the common good , as the venetian . 2. virtue , and the publick good without respect of wealth , as sometimes the roman , when some of the ●enatours were fetched from the ●ough , and some from the schools 3. vir●ue and wealth more respecting their private , than their publick good , which inclineth towards an oligarchie , or the government of the richer or nobler sort , as in rome towards the end . iii. free-state , or popular state. the popular state is the government of a state by the choisest sort of people , tending to the publick good of all sorts , viz. w th due respect of the better , nobler , and richer sort in every just state , some part of the government is , or ought to be imparted to the people ; as in a kingdom , a voice or suffrage in making laws ; and somtimes also , in levying of arms ( if the charge be great , and the prince forced to borrow help of his subjects ) the matter rightly may be propounded to a parliament , that the tax may seem to have proceeded from themselves . so consultations , and some proceedings in iudicial matters , may in part be referred to them . the reason , least seeing themselves to be in no number , nor of reckoning , they mislike the state , or kind of government : and where the multitude is discontented , there must needs be many enemies to the present state. for which cause , tyrants , which allow the people , no manner of ●ealing in state matters ) are forced to bereave them of their wits and wea●ons , and all other means whereby they may resist , or amend themselves , ●● in rushland , turkey , &c. iv. tyrannie . a tyrannie is the swerving , or distorting of a monarchie , or the government of one , tending not the publick good , but the private benefit of himself , & his followers . as in the russ & turkish government , where the state and wealth of other orders , are employed onely to the upholding of the greatness of the king or emperour . this is the worst of all the ●astard states because it is the pervering of the best regiment , to wit , of a monarchie , which resembleth the sovereign government of god himself . v. oligarchie , or the government of a few . an oligarchie is the swerving , or the corruption of an aristocracie ; or the government of some few , that are of the wealthier or nobler sort , without any respect of the publick good . the chief end of these governours , is their own greatness and enriching . and therefore their manner is , to prepare fit means to uphold their estate . this state is not wholly so bad , as if the tyrannie , and yet worse than the common wealth , because it respecteth the good of a few . vi. common wealth . a common-wealth is the swerving of depravation of a free , or popular state , or the government of the whole multitude of the ba●e and poorer sort , without respect of the other orders . these two states , to wit ; the oligarchie , and common-wealth , are very adverse the one to the other , and have many bickerings between them . for that the richer or nobler sort , suppose a right or superiority to appertain unto them in every respect , because they are superiour , but in some respects onely to wit , in riches , birth , parentage , &c. on the other side , the common people suppose , there ought to be an equality in all other things , and some state matters ; because they are equall with the rich or noble , touching their libertie , whereas indeed neither the one nor the other are simply equall or superiour , as touching government and fitness thereunto , because they are such , to wit , because they are rich , noble , free , &c. but because they are wise , virtuous , va●ant , &c. and so have fit parts to govern a state. the severall states are sometimes mixed , and inter-wrought one with the other , yet ever so , as that the one hath the preheminent predomination over the other , as in the humours and complexions of the body . so in the roman state , the people had their plebescita , and gave the suffrage in the election of magistrates : yet the senate ( as the state stood ) for the most part swayed the state , and bare the chief rule . so in the venetian state , the duke seemeth to represent a monarch , and the senate to be his councell : yet the duke hath no power in state matters , but is like a head set on by art , that beareth no brain . and so that state is senatorica●l or aristocraticall . causes of states and common-wealths in general . causes of states , or of common-wealths are of 3. sorts , viz. 1. founding , or setling a state where to be considered . 1. measure . 2. parts , and their qualities . 2. preserving a state. 3. changing , and altering a state. founding a state. in founding a state are to be considered 2. things . 1. proportion . 2. parts . proportion , is a just measure or mediocritie of the state , whereby it is framed & kept in that order , as that neither it exceed nor be defective in his kind , to wit , so that a monarch be not too monarchical , nor strict , or absolute , as the russe kings ; nor aristocratical , that is over●mated or eclipsed by the nobilitie , as the scottish kingdom , but ever respective to the other degrees . that aristocracie be not to magnificent nor intire to it self , but communicate with the people some commodities of state or government , the venetians and sometimes the ro●● allowed the people to elect certain magistrates out of themselves , to have a tribune , to make plebiscita , &c. so a free state or common-wealth that it is not over popular , viz. that it depress not too much the richer , wiser , nor leaneder sort ; but admit them to offices with a caution out of the rules and masteries of that state. that they seek no alteration of the present state. the reason , because the moderate states in their several kinds ( as all other things that observe the mean ) are best framed for their continuance , because they give less cause or grudge , envy , and affecting the wealth , honour , and 〈◊〉 , which they see in others that 〈◊〉 the state ; and so are less subject to stirs and commotions , and easiest kept in their present state wherein they are set . parts . the parts of the state , or those magistrates that bear place or sway in the publick government . parts or partakers of publick government , are 1. councel or senate , which consulteth of all matters pertaining to war and peace , magistrates , &c. in admi●ting of whom there ought to be a mo●● special care , that they may be men expert in matter of policie , because it i● their trade and vo●ation , as men use to chuse pilots , and masters of ships , such as know the art of navigation , and no● husband men , &c. and so the contrarie . 2. magistrates and officers , which are to be executioners of that which consulted , and found to be expedient for the common-wealth , wherein are to be observed , the kinds of magistrate than they be such as fit that kind of government ; the time of their continuance , and the manner of their election or appointing , by whom , out t● whom , and in what manner they be chosen . 3. judges ; to determine in civil and criminal matters , where are to be observed , out of whom they are to be chosen ; what kinds are necessary , and the manner of judgement and judicial proceeding . in magistrates are to be observed . 1. kinds of magistrates . 1. civil . 1. superiour , which are to be such & of that kind as agree with the state , as consuls for a year , and not perpetual dictatours in a senatorie state. praetors & censors , that over-see manners & orders of the people . for a kingdom lieutenant of shires , marshals , masters of horse , admirals , &c. inferiour , as conservatours of peace , constables , &c. overseers of youth that take care for their education for civil and warlike exercise . clarks of the market that provide for the quantity , and price of victual . ed●●es for buildings , streets , bounds . questours , or treasurers , to keep and dispence the publick treasury . a●u●●ies , or recorders , which keep the publick record . goalers to keep prison and prisoners . surveyours of woods and fields , &c. 1. as bishops or pastours , elders , wardens . 2. time of magistrates , whereof some are perpetual , some for a time , viz. for more years , a year , half a year , according to the necessity of the common-wealth , and not perpetual ; or at least not heredetary in a kingdom . yearly in an aristocracie , or half yearly in a free-state . 3. manner of choice , by whom and how to be chosen , where especially they are to be chosen by suffrage , and not by lot. 2. eclesiastical . causes preserving a state , or common-wealth . in preserving of states a things required . 1 mysteries , or sophisms 1. general to all states . 2. particular for every several state. 2. rules , or actions . 1. general , for all states . 2. particular , for every state. mysteries , or sophisms . mysteries , or sophisms of state , are certain secret practices , either for the avoiding of danger , or averting such effects as tend to the preservation of the prefent state , as it is set or founded . state mysteries are of two sorts . 1. generall : that pertain to all states ; as first to provide by all means , that the same degree , or part of the common-wealth , do not exceed both in quantity and quality . in quantity , as that the number of the nobility , or of great persons , be not more , than the state or common-wealth can bear . in quality , as that none grow in wealth , liberty , honours , &c. more than it is meet for that degree ; for as in weights , the heavier weights bear down he scale : so in common-wealths , that part of degree that excelleth the rest in quality and quantity , overswayeth the rest after it , whereof follow alterations , and conversions of ●tate . secondly , to provide by all means , that the middle sort of people exceed both the extreams , ( viz. ) of nobility and gentry , and the base rascal , and beggarly sort . for this maketh the state constant and firm , when both the extreams are tied together by a middle sort , as it were with a band , as for any conspiracie of the rich and beggarly sort together , it is not to be feared . to these two points , the particular rules in sophisms of every common-wealth , are to be applied . 2. particular : that serve for preservation of every common wealth , in that form of state wherein it is setled as in a kingdom . that the nobility may be accustomed to bear the government of the prince , especially such as have their dwelling in remote places from the princes eye , it is expedient to call them up at certain times to the princes court , under presence of doing them honour , or being desirous to see , and enjoy their presence ; and to have their children , especially their eldest , to be attendant upon the prince , as of special favour towards them and theirs , that so they may be trained up in duty and obedience towards the prince , and be as hostages for the good hehaviour , and faithfull dealing of their parents , especially , if they be of any suspected note . to that end serves the persian practice , in having a band , or train of the satrapa's children , and other nobles to attend the court ; which was well imitated by our train of he●●●●●r , if they were of the nobler sort . again , sometimes to borrow small sums of his subjects and to pay them again , that he may after borrow greater sums and never pay : so in an oligarchie , least it decline to a popular state , they deceive the people with this and the like sophisms , ( viz. they compel their own sort , to wit , the rich men , by great penalties , to frequent their assemblie , for choosing of magistrates , for provision of armour , warlike exercises , making an execution of laws , & . by that means seemin ; to bear a hard hand over the richer , but to suffer the poorer , and meaner sort to be absent , and to neglect those assemblies under pretence , that they will not draw them from their business , and private earnings : yet withall to cite thither some few of them , ( viz. ) so many as are casily over-matched by the richer sort , to make a shew , that they would have the people or poorer sort , partakers likewise of those matters , yet terrifying those that come to their assemblies , with the tendiousnesse of consultations , greatnesse of fines , if they should mis-do , to the end , to make them unwilling to come again , or to have to do with those consultations , by which means , the richer sort do still , govern the state , with the peoples liking , and good contentment . aixoms . axioms or rules of preserving the state are , 1. general , that serve for all common-wealths . 2. particular , that serve for every several state. general rules . 1. the first and principal rule of policie to be observed in all states , is to profess , & practise , & maintain the true worship & religio of almighty god prescribed unto us in his word , which is the chief end of all government . the axiom , that god be obeyed simply without exception , though he command that which seemeth unreasonable , and absurb to humane policy ; as in the jews common-wealth : that all the men should repair yearly to one place to worship god four times , leaving none to defend their coast , though being beset with many enemies . not to sow the seventh year , but to suffer the ground to rest untilled without respect or fear of famine , &c. 2. to avoid the causes of conversion , whereby states are over thrown , that are set down in the title of conversions ; for that common wealth ( as naturall bodies ) are preserved by avoiding that which hurteth the health and state thereof , and are so cured by contrary medicines . 3. to take heed , that no magistrate be created or continued , contrarie to the laws and policie of that state. as that in a se●at● , there be not created a perpetual dictaetor , as caesar in rome . in a kingdom , that there be no senate , or convention of equall power with the prince in state matters , as in poland . 4. to create such magistrates as love the state as it is setled , and take heed of the contrarie practise , as to advance popular persons in a kingdom , or aristocracie . and secondly , to advance such as have skill to discern what doth preserve , and what hurreth or altereth the present state. 5. to that end to have certain officers to pay abroad , and to observe such as do not live and behave themselves in fit sort , agreeable to the present state , but desire rather to bee under some other form , or kind of government . 6. to take heed that magistracies be not sold for money , nor bribe in their offices , which especially to be observed in that common wealth , which is governed by a few of the richer sort ; for if the magistrate gain nothing but his common fees , the common sort , and such as want honour , take in good part that they be not preferred , and are glad rather that themselves are suffered to intend private business . but if the magistrate buy and sell matters , the common people are doubly grieved , both because they are debat'd of those preferments , and of that gain they see to grow by them , which is the cause that the german oligarchies continue to firm for both they suffer the poorer sort to grow into wealth , and the richer sort are by that means freed , and secured from being under the poor . 7. to take heed that the state , as it is setled and maintained , be not over-strict , nor exceed in his kind ; ( viz. ) that a kingdom be not too monarchicall , nor a p●●ul● state too p●●u●ar : for which cause it is good , that the magistrates sometimes ) yield of his right touching honour , and bahave themselves familiarly with those that are equall unto them in other parts , though inferiour for place and office ; and sometimes popularly with the common people , which is the cause that some common wealths , though they be very simply , and un kilfully set , yet continue firm , because the magistrates behave themselves wisely , and with due respect toward , the rest that are without honour ; and therefore some kind of moderate popularity is to be used in every common-wealth . 8. to take heed of small beginnings , and to meet with them even at the first , as well touching the breaking and altering of laws , as of other rules which concern the continuance of every severall state. for the desease and a teration of a common-wealth , doth not happen all at once , but grows by degrees , which every common wit cannot discern , but men expert in policie . 9. to provide , that that part be ever the greater in number and power , which favours the state as now it stands . this is to be observed as a very oracle in all common-wealths . 10. to observe a mean in all the degrees , and to suffer no part to exceed , or decay overmuch . as first for preferments , to provide that they be rather small and short , than great and long ; and if any be grown to overmuch greatness , to withdraw or diminish some part of his honour . where these sophisms are to be practised ( viz. ) to do it by parts and degrees ; to do it by occasion , or colour of law , and not all at once . and it that way serve not , to advance some other , of whose virtue and faithfulness , we are fully assined , to as high a degree , or to a greater honour ; and to be the friends and followers of him that excelleth , above that which is meet . as touching wealth , to provide , that those of the middle sort ( as before was said ) be more in number ; and if any grow high , and over charged with wealth , to use the sophisms of a popular state , viz to send him on embassages , and forreign negotiations , or imploy him in some office that hath great charges , and little honour , &c. to which end , the f●●●●ful served in some common-wealths . 11 to suppress the factions , and quarrels of the nobles , and to keep other that are yet free from joyning with them in their partakings and factions . 12. to increase or remit the common taxes and contributions ; according to the wealth , or want of the people and commonwealth . if the people be increased in wealth , the taxes and subsidies may be increased . if they be poor , and their wealth diminish , specially by dearth , want of traffick , &c. to forbear taxes and impositions , or to take little . otherwise grudge and discontentments must needs follow . the sophisms that serve for impositions , are these , and other of like sort , to pretend business of great charge , as war , building of ships making of havens , castles , fortifications , &c. for the common defence ; sometimes by lotteries and like devises , wherein some part may be bestowed , the rest reserved for other expences ; but princely dealings needs no pretences . 13. to provide that the discipline & training of youth of the better sort to such as agreeth with that common-wealth : as that in a kingdom , the sons of noble men to be attendant at the court , that they may be accustomed to obedience towards the prince . in the senatory state , that the sons o● the senatours be not idly , nor over daintily brought up , but well instructed and trained up in learning , langues , and nartiall exercise that they may be able to bear that place in the common-wealth , which their father held , and c●nt any wise , in a popular state. 14. to take heed , least their sophisms , or secret practises for the continuance and maintenance of that state , be not discovered ; least by that means they refuse and disappoint themselves , but wisely used , and be with great secrecie . particular rules . rules and axioms , for preserving of a kingdom . hereditary . conquered . kingdoms hereditary , are preserved at home by the ordering . 1. himself , viz. by the tempering and moderation of the princes answer and prerogative . for the less and more temperate their power and state is the more firm , and stable is their kingdom and government ; because they seem to be further off from a master like , and tyrannte all empire ; and lesse unequall in condition to the next degree , to wit , the nobility , and so lesse subject to grudge and envy . 2. nobility , &c. by keeping that degree and due proportion , that neither they exceed in number more than the realm , or state can bear , as the scottish kingdom , and sometime the english , when the realm was overcharged with the number of dukes , earls , and other noble ; whereby the authority of the prince was eclipsed , and the realm troubled with their factions and ambitions . nor that any one excel in honour , power , or wealth , as that he resemble another king within the kingdom , as the house of lancaster within this realm . to that end , not to load any with too much honour or preferment , because it is hard even for the best , and worthiest men , to bear their greatnesse , and high fortune temperately , as appeareth by infinit examples in all states . the sophisms for preventing , or reforming this inconvenience , are to be used with great caution and wisdom . if any great person be to be abated , not do real with him by calumniation or forged ●atter , and so to cut him off without desert , especially if he be gratious among the people , after the ●●chiav●an place , which besides the injustice , an occasion many times of greater danger towards the prince . not to withdraw their honour all at once , which maketh a desperate 〈◊〉 in the party , and a commiseration in the people , and so greater love , he be gracious for his virtue , and publick service . not to banish him into forreign countries , where he may have opportunity of practising with forreign states , whereof great danger may ●n●e , as in the example of ●ortulanus , henry the fourth , and such like . but to use these , and the like sophisms , viz. to abate their greatnesse by degrees , as david joabs , fa●●●●a bellisarius , &c. to advance some other men to as great , or greater honour , to shadow , ●● over-mate the greatnesse of the other . to draw from him by degrees his friends , and followers by ●●vefer●●● , rewards , and other good and lawfull means ; especially , to be provided that these great men be not imployed in great or powerfull affairs of the common wealth , whereby they may have more opportunity to sway the state. 3. people , viz. so to order and behave himself that he be loved , and reverenced of the people . for that the prince need not greatly fear home conspirac●es , or forreign invation , she be firmly loved of this own people . that reason , for that the rebel can neither hope for any forces for so great enterprise , not any refuge , being discovered & put to flight , ●t the multitude affect their prince : but the common people being once offended , hath cause to fear every moving , both at home and abroad . this may be affected by the prince , the use means and art of getting the favour of the people , and avoid those things that breed have and contempt ; viz. if he seem as tutor , or a father to love the people and to protect them , if he maintain the peace of his kingdom ; for that nothing is more popular , nor more pleasing to the people than is peace . 4. if he shew himself oftentime graciously , yet with state and majestie to his people , and receive complaint of his suppliants , and such like . 5. if he sit himself sometimes in open courts , and place of ●ustice that he may seem to have a care of i●●stice among his people . if he bestow many benefits and graces upon that citie , which he maketh the seat of his l●●●● , and to make it sure and faithfull unto him , which is fit to be in the middle of his kingdom , as the heart in the middle of the body , or the sun in the middle of heaven , both to divide himself more easily into all the parts of his dominions ; and least the furthest parts at one end move , whilest the prince is in the other . if he go in progress many times to see his provinces , especially , those that are remite . 6 if he gratifie his cou●tiers and ●●●●ians in that sort , and by such means , as that he may seem not to pleasure them with the hurt & injury of his people , as with m●n●●ol●es , and such like . 7 if he commit the handling of such things as procure envy , or seem grievous to his ministers , but reserve those things which are gratefull , and well pleasing to himself , as the french kings , who for that purpose , as may seem , have erected their court at paris , which acquitteth the prince from grudge and envy , both with the nobles and the scope . 8. if he borrows sometimes sums of money of his people , though he have no need , and pay the same justly without defalcation of any part by his exchequer , or other officer . 9. if he avoid all such things as may breed h●tre● or contempt of his person which may be done , if he shew himself not too light , unconstant , hard , cruel , esteminate , fearfull , and ●asterdly , &c. but contrariwise religious , grave , just valiant , &c. whereby appeareth the false doctrine of the machiavilian policie , with far the better means to keep the people in obedience , than love , and reverence of the people towards the prince . 10. if the prince be well furnished with warlike provision , which is to be rumoured , and made known abroad : if it be known , that he is reverenced , and obeyed by his peoples at home . 11. if he provide so much as lieth in him , that his neighbour kingdoms grow not over much in power and dominior ; which if it happen , he is to joyn speedily with other princes , which are in like danger to abate that greatness , and to strengthen himself and the rest against it . an oversight of the christian princes towards the king of spain . 12 if he get him intelligencers by reward , or other means , to detect or hinder the designs of that prince , with whom he hath differences , if any thing be intended against his state. or at least have some of his own lydging abroad about that princes court , under colour of embassage , or some other pretence ; which must be men of skill and dexterity to serve for that turn . 13. to observe the laws of his country , and not to encounter them with his prerogate , nor to use it at all where there is a law , for that it maketh a secret and just grudge in the peoples hearts , especially if it tender to take from them their comm●d●t●es , and to bestow them upon other of his courtiers and ministers . 14. to provide especially , that that part , which favoureth the state as it standeth , be more potent , than the other which favoureth it not or desireth a change . 15. to make speciall choise of good and sound men to bear the place of magistrates , especially of such as assist the pr●●●●● on cou●sels , and policie● , and not to lean overmuch to his own advise , contrarie to the rule of ma●li●● who teacheth , that a prince can have no good ●●●●sul , except it be in himself ; his reason , ●● use if he use the 〈…〉 is in dang●r to be over w 〈…〉 d by him ; and if he counsel with more , then he shall be 〈…〉 in opi●i●●s . as if a prince of great , or mean wisdom , could not take the judgement of all his c●nc●llours in any point of po●●●● , or of so many as he himself thinke he good , and to take it either by word , or in writing ; and himself then in private peruse them all , and so after good and mature deliberation , make choise of the best , without any distraction of binding himself to the direction of one . for the proverb is true . that two eyes see more than one ; and therefore the advises , and consultations of a senatory state is compared by some to a feast , or dinner , where many contribute towards the ●●●t , by which means they have more variety of dishes , and so better fare : and yet every mean may make choice of that dish that serveth him best for his 〈…〉 e. 16. the prince himself is to sit sometimes in place of publick justice , and to give an experiment of his wisdom and equity , whereby great reverence and estimation is gotten , as in the example of sol●man , which may seem the reason , why our kings of england had their kings bench in place of publick justice , after the manner of the ancient kings that sate in the gate ; where for better performing of this princely duty , some speciall causes may be selected , which may throughly be debated and considered upon by the prince in private , with the help and advice o● his learned councell , and so be decided publickly , as before is said , by the prince himself ; at least , the prince is to take accompt of every minister of publick justice , that it may be known , that he hath a care of justice , and doing right to his people , which makes the iusticers also to be more carefull in performing of their duties . 17. to be moderate in his taxes , and in positions ; and when need doth require to use the subjects purse , to do it by parliament , and with their consents , making the cause apparent unto them , and shewing his unwillingnesse in charging them finally , so to use it , that it may seem rather an offer from his subjects , than an exaction by him . 18. to stop small beginnings ; unto this end to compound the dissentions that rise amongst the nobles , with caution , that such as are free be not drawn into parts , whereby many times the prince is endangered , and the whose common-wealth set in a combustion ; as in the example of the barons , war , and the late wars of france , which grew from a quarrel betwixt the ●●●●o● faction , and the other nobility . 19. to stir up the people , if they grow secure , and negligent of armour , and other provision for the common-wealth , by some rumour or fear of danger at home , to make more ready when occasion requireth . but this seldom to be used , least it be supposed a false alarm , when there is need indeed . 20 to have speciall care , that his children , especially , the heir apparent , have such bringing up as is meet for a king , viz. in learning , specially of matters pertaining to state , and in martiall exercise , contrary to the practise of many princes , who suffer their children to be brought up in pleasure , and to spend their time in hunting , &c. which by reason of their defects , afterwards is a cause of mis-government and alteration of state. ii. kingdoms new gotten , or purchased by force , are preserved by these means . first , if they have been subjects before to his ancestours , or have the same tongue , manners , or fashions , as have his own countrey , it is an easie matter to retain such countries within their obedience , in case the princes bloud of the said countrey be wholly extinct . for men of the same quality , tongue , and condition , do easily s●ole , and combine themselves together , so much the rather , if the people of that countrey have served before , and were not accustomed to their own liberty , wherein especially is to be observed , that the laws and customs of that purchased countrey be not altered nor innovated , or at least it be done by little and little . so the b●rgundians and oquitans were annexed to france . the reason , because partlty they have been accustomed to serve , and partly , for that they will not easily agree about any other to be their prince , if the bloud royall be cas● extinguished . as for the invasion of a forreign countrey , where into the prince hath no right , or whereof the right heir is living : it is not the part of a just civil prince , much less a christian prince to enforce such a countrey : and therefore , the machiavillian practises in this case , to make sure work by extiguishing wholly the bloud royall , is lewd and impertinent : the like is to be said of murthering the natives , or the greatest part of them , to the end he may hold the rest in sure possession . a thing not onely against christian religion , but it is inhumane injustice , cruel , and barbarous . 2. the safest way is , ( supposing a right ) that some good part of the natives be transplanted into some other place , and our colonies , consisting of so many as shall be thought meet , be planted there in some part of the province , castls , forts , and havens , seized upon , and more provided in fit places , as the manner was of the babylonian monarch , which transplanted 10. jews : and of the romans in france , tribes of the germany , britain , & other places . the reason : 1. for that otherwise forces of horse and foot , are to be maintained within the province● , which cannot be done without great charge . 2. for that the whole province is troubled and grieved with removing and supplying the army with victual , carriages , &c. 3. for that colonies are more sure and faithfull , than the rest . as for the natives that are removed from their former seats , they have no means to hurt , and the rest of the natives being free from the inconvenience , and fearing that themselves may be so served if they attempt any thing rashly , are content to be quiet . the turks practise in asia , where the chief grounds and dwellings are possessed by the souldiers , whom they call timari●tae . that the prince have his seat and his residence , in his new purchase , especially , for a time , till things be well setled ; especially if the province be great and large , as the turks in greece : the reasons ; 1. because the presence of the prince availeth much to keep things in order , and get the good will of his new subjects 2. they conceive that they have refuge by the princes presence , if they be oppressed by the lieutenants , and inferiour governours : where it will be convenient for the winning the peoples hearts , that some example be made of punishing of such as have committed any violence or oppression . 3. because being present , he seeth and heareth what is thought & attempted ; and so may quickly give remedy to it , which being absent he cannot do , or not do in time . 4. if the prince himself cannot be present to reside , then , to take heed that the charge of governing , or new purchases be committed to such as be sure men , and of other meet quality , that depend wholly upon the princes savour , and not to natives , or other of their own subjects , that are gracious for their nobility , or virtue ; especially , if the province be great , and somewhat far distant , which may soon seduce the unsetled affections of those new subjects , as for such governours , as depend wholly upon the princes savour , being not born , but created noble , they will not so easily suffer themselves to be won from their duty , and in case they would revolt , yet they are not able to make any great strength , for that the people obey them but as instruments and ministers , to keep them in subjection , and not for any ill will 5. to have the children of the chief noble men , and of greatest authority , hostages with them in safe keeping , the more the bettter : for that no bond is stronger , than that of nature , to contain the parents and allies in obedience , and they the rest . 6 to alter the laws but by degrees one after another , and to make other that are more behoovefull for the establishing of the present government . 6. to keep the people quiet and peaceable , and well affected so much as may be , that they may seem by being conquered , to have gotten a protectour , rather than a tyrant ; for the common-people , if they enjoy peace , and be not distracted nor drawn from their businesse , nor exacted upon beyond measure , are easily contained under obedience ; yet notwithstanding , they are to be dis-used from the practise of arms , and other exercises which increase courage , and be weakened of armor , that they have neither spirit , nor will to rebell . 7. if there be any faction in the countrey , to take to him the defence of the better and stronger part , and to combine with it , as caes●r in fr●nce . 8. to look well to the borders , and confining p●ovinces , and if any rule there of great , or equall power to himself , to joyn leage with some other borde●●● , tho●gh of lesse strength , to hinder he at●empts : if any should be ) by such neighbour prince . for it happeneth , often , that a countrey infested by one neighbour prince , calleth in another , of as great , or greater power , to assist and rescue it from the other that invadeth it ; so the ●●●mans were call●d into g●●● , by the aet●●ians ; the ●●●●ns , by the britai●s , the danes , by the saxon● . 9. to leave their titles and dignities to the natives , but the command and authority , wholly to his own . 10. not to put much trust , nor to practise too often the s●p●●sm of policie , especially those that appertain to a tyrannicall state , which are soon detected by men of iudgement , and so being discredit to the prince , and his policy among the wiser , and better sort of his subjects , whereof must needs follow very ill effects . the s●●●●● of tyrants , are rather to be known , than practised , ( which are for the supporting of their tyrannicall states , ) by wise and good princes , and are these , and such like as follow . rules politick of tyrants . rules practised by tyrants are of 2. sorts , viz. 1. barbarous , and professed , which is proper to those that have got head , and have power sufficient of themselves , without others help , as in the turkish , and russe government . 2. sophisticall , and dissembled ; as in some states that are reputed for good and lawfull monarchies , but inclining to tyrannies , proper to those which are not yet setled , nor have power sufficient of themselves ; but must use the power and help of others , and so are forced to be politick sophisters . i. sophisms of a barbarous and professed tyranny . to expell and banish out of his countrey all honest means , where . by his people may attain to learning , wisdom , valour and other virtues , that they might be fit for that estate , and servile condition . for that these two , learning , and martiall exercise , effect two things most dangerous to a tyranny : viz wisdom , and valour . for that men of spirit and understanding , can hardly endure a servile state. to this end , to forbid learning of liberall arts , and martiall exercise ; as in the russe government so julian the apostata dealt with the christians . contrariwise , to use his people to base occupations , and mechanicall arts , to keep them from idlenesse , and to put away from them all high thoughts , and manly conceits , and to give them a liberty of drinking drunk , and of other base and lewd conditions that they may be sorted , and so made unfit for great enterprises . so the egyptian kings dealt with the hebrews ; so the russe emperour with his russe people : and charls the fifth with the netherlanders , when he purposed to enclose their priviledges , and to bring them under his absolute government . 2. to make sure to him , and his state , his military men by reward , liberty , and other means , especially . his guard , or praetorian band ; that being partakers of the spoil and benefit , they make like that state , and continue firm to it ; as the turk , his janizarie ; the russe , his boyarens , &c. 3. to unarm his people of weapons , money , and all means , whereby they may resist his power ; and to that end , to have his set and ordinary exactions &c. once in two , three , or four years , and sometimes yearly , as the ●●rk and russe ; who is wont to say , that his people must 〈…〉 ed as his flock of sheep , viz. their people taken from them , least it overlade ● , and grow too heavy ; that they are like to his beard , that the more it was shaven the thicker it would grew . and if there be any of extraordinary wealth , to borrow of them in the mean while , till the tax come about , or upon some divised matter , to confiscate their goods , as the common practise is of the ●uss● and turk . 4. to be still in wars , to the end , his people may need a captain ; and that his forces may be kept in practise , as the russe doth yearly against the tartar , p●lonian , and sweden , &c. 5. to cut off such as excell the rest in wealth , favour , or nobility ; or be of a pregnant , or aspiring wit , and so are fearfull to a tyrant ; and to suffer none to hold office , or any honour , but onely of him ; as the turk his b●shae● ; and the russe , his r●zzes . 6. to forbid guilds , brotherhoods , feastings and other assemblies among the people , that they have no means or opportunity to conspire , or confer together of publick matters , or to maintain love amongst themselves , which is very dangerous to a tyrant , the russes practice . 7. to have their beagles , or l●stener in every corner , & parts of the realm ; especially , in places that are more suspect , to learn what every man saith , or thinketh , that they may prevent all attempts , and take away such ●s mislike their s●●● . 8. to make schism , and division among his subjects , viz. to set one noble man against another , and one richman against another , that through fact on & disagreement among themselves they may be weakened , and attempt nothing against him , and by this means entertaining whispering , and complaints , he may know the secrets of both parts , and have matter against them both , when need requireth . so the russe made the faction of the zemsky , and the 〈◊〉 . 9. to have strangers for his guard , and to entertain parasites , and other base and ●ervile fellows , not too wise , and yet subtile , that will be ready for reward to do and execute what he commandeth , though never so wicked and unjust . for that good men can not flatter , and wise men cannot serve a tyrant . all these practises and such like , may be contracted into one or two , viz. to bereave his subjects of will and power to do him hurt , or to alter the present state the use is caution , not imitation . ii. sophisms of the sophillicall , or subtile tyrant , to hold up his state. 1. to make shew of a good king , by observing a temper and mediocrity in his government , and whole course of life ; to which end , it is necessary , that this subtile tyrant , be a cunning polititian , or a machiavilian at the least , and that he be taken so to be , for that it maketh him more to be feared and regarded , and is thought thereby : not unworthy for to govern others . 2. to make shew not of severity , but of gravity , by seeming reverent , and not terrible in his speech , and gesture , and habit , and other demeanour . 3. to pretend care of the common-wealth ; and to that end , to seem loath to exact tributes , and other charges ; and yet to make necessity of it , where none is : to that end to procure such war as can bring no danger toward his state , and that might easily be compounded , or some other chargeable business ; and to continue it on , that he may continue his exaction and contribution so long as he list . and thereof to imploy some in his publick service , the rest to hoord upon his treasury , which is sometimes practised even by lawfull princes , as edward the fourth in his wars against france , when have levied a great sum of money throughout his realm , especially of the londoners , he went over seas , and returned without any thing doing . 4. sometimes to give an account by open speech , and publick writing , of the expence of such taxes and impositions , as he hath received of his subjects , that he may seem to be a good husband and frugal , and not a robbe of the common-wealth . 5. to that end , to bestow some cost upon publick buildings , or some other work for the common good , especially upon the ports , forts , and chief cities of his realm , that so he may seem a benefactour , & have a delight in the adorning of his country , or doing some good for it . 6. to forbid feastings , and other meetings , which increase love , and give opportunity to confer together of publick matters , under pretence of sparing cost for better uses , to that end the curficu bell was first ordained by william the conquerour , to give men warning to repair home at a certain hour . 7. to take heed that no one grow to be over-great , but rather , many equally great , that they may envy , and contend one with another ; and if he resolve to weaken any of this sort , to do it warily and by degrees ; if quite to wreck him , and to have his life , yet to give him a lawfull tryal , after the manner of his country ; and if he proceed so far with any or great power and estimation , as to do him contumely , or disgrace , not to suffer him to escape , because contumely and disgrace , are things contrarie unto houour , which great spirits do most desire , and so are moved rather to a revenge for their disgrace , than to any thankfulnesse , or acknowledging the princes favour for their pardon or dismission : true in ath●ists , but not in true christian nobility . 8. to unarm his people , and store up their weapons , under pretence of keeping them safe , and having them ready when service requireth . and then to arm with them such , and so many as he shall think meet , and to commit them to such as are sure men . 9. to make schism or division under hand among his nobility , and betwixt the nobility and the people , and to set one rich man against another , that they combine not together , and that himself by hearing the griefs and complaints , may know the secrets of both parts , and so have matter against them both , when it listeth him to call them to an account . 10. to offer no man any contumely or wrong , specially , about womens matters , by attempting the chastity of their wives or daughters , which hath been the ruin of many tyrants , and conversion of their states . as of tarquinius , by brutus , appius , by virginius , pisistratus , by harmodius , alexander medices , duke of florence , aloisus of placen●●a , rodericus , king of spain , &c. 11. to that end , to be moderate in his pleasures , or to use them closely that he be not seen ; for that men sober , or watchfull , or such as seem so , are not lightly subject to contempt , or conspiracies of their own . 12. to reward such as atchieve some great or commendable enterprize ; or do any speciall action for the common-wealth , in that manner as it may seem , they could not be better regarded , in case they lived in a free-state . 13. all rewards and things gratefull , to come from himself , but all punishments , exactions , and things ungratefull , to come from his officers , and publick ministers ; and when he hath effected what he would by them , if he see his people discontented withall , to make them a sacrifice to pacifie his subjects . 14. to pretend great care of religion , and of serving god , ( which hath been the manner of the wickedest tyrants ) for that people do less fear any hurt from those , whom they do think virtuous and religious , nor attempt likely to do them hurt , for that they think that god protects them . 15. to have a strong and sure guard of forreign souldiers , and to bind them by good turns , that they having at least profit , may depend upon him and the present state ; as caeligula , the german guard , where the nobility are many and mighty . the like is practised by lawfull kings , as by the french king. 16. to procure that other great persons be in the same fault , or case with them , that for that cause they be forced to defend the tyrant , for their own safetie . 17. to take part , and to joyn himself with the stronger part ; if the common people , and mean degree be the stronger , to joyn with them ; if the rich and noble , to joyn with them . for so that part with his own strengh , will be ever able to overmatch the other . 18. so to frame his manners and whole behaviour , as that he may seem , if not perfectly good , yet tolerably evil , or somewhat good , somewhat bad . these rules of hypocriticall tyrants are to be known , that they may be avoided , and met withall , and not drawn into imitation . preservation of an aristocracie . rules to preserve a senatory state , are partly taken from the common axioms , and partly from those that preserve a kingdom . preservation of an oligarchie , by sophisms . rules . 1. in consultations and assemblies about publick affairs , to order the matter , that all may have liberty to frequent their common assemblies , and councels ; but to impose a fine upon the richer sort , if they omit that duty . on the other side , to pardon the people , if they absent themselves , and to bear with them under pretence , that they may the better intend their occupations , and not be hindered in their trades , and earnings . 2. in election of magistrates , and officers : to suffer the poorer sort to vow , and abjure the bearing of office , under colour of sparing them , or to enjoyn some great charge , as incident to the office , which the poor cannot bear . but to impose some great fine upon those that be rich , if they refuse to bear office , being elect unto it . 3. in judiciall matters : in like manner to order , that the people may be absent from publick trials , under pretence of following their businesse . but the richer to be present , and to compel them by fines , to frequent the court. 4. in warlike exercise and arms : that the poor be not forced to have armor , horse , &c. under pretence of sparing their cost , nor to be drawn from their trades by martiall exercises ; but to compel the richer sort to keep their proportion of armor , horse , &c. by excessive fines , and to exercise themselves in war-like matters , &c. 5. to have special care of instructing their children in liberal arts , policy , and warlike exercise , and to observe good order and discipline . for as popular states are preserved by the frequency , and liberty of the people , so this government of the richer , is preserved by discipline , and good order of governours . 6. to provide good store of warlike furniture , especially of horse & horsemen , and of armed men , viz. pike , &c. which are proper to the gentry , as shot , and light furniture are for a popular company . 7. to put in practise some points of a popular state ; viz. to lade no one man with too much preferment ; to make yearly or half years magistrates , &c. for that the people are pleased with such things , and they are better secured by this means from the rule of one . and if any grow to too much greatness , to abate him by the sophisms fit for this state. 8. to comit the offices and magistracies , to those that are best able to bear the greatest charges for publick matters , which both rendeth to the conservation of this state , and pleaseth the people , for that they reap some relief , and benefit by it . 9. to the same end , to contract marriages among themselves ; the rich with the rich , &c. 10 in some things which concern not the p●i●ts , and matters of state , as electing magistrates , making laws , &c. to give an equality , or sometimes a preferment to the common people , and not to do , as in some oligarchies they were wont ; viz. to swear against the people , to suppresse and bridle them but rather contrary , to minister an oath at their admission , that they shall do no wrong to any of the people ; and if any of the richer offer wrong to any of the commons , to shew some example of severe punishment . for other atioms that preserve this state , they are to be borrowed from those other rules that tend to the preserving of a popular , and tyrannicall state ; for the strict kind of oligarchie is kin to a tyranny . preservation of a popular state ; sophisms . rules or axiom . 1. in publick assemblies and consultations about matters of state , creating of magistrates , publick iustice , & exercise of arms , to practise the contrary to the former kind of government , to wit , an oligarchie . for in popular states , the commons and meaner sort are to be drawn to those assemblies , magistrates , offices , warlike exercise , &c. by mulcts and rewards , and the richer sort are to be spared , and not to be forced by fine , or otherwise , to frequent these exercises . 2. to make shew of honouring and reverencing the richer men , and not to swear against them , as the manner hath been in some popular state ; but rather to prefer them in all other matters , that concern not the state and publick government . 3. to elect magistrates from among the commons by lot , or ballating , and not to choose any for their wealths sake . 4. to take heed , that no man bear office twice , except it be military , where the pay , & salary , &c. is to be reserved in their own hands , to be disposed of by a common councel , &c. and to see that no man be too highly preferred . 5. that no magistracy be perpetual , but as short as may be , to wit , for a year , half a year , &c. 6. to compel magistrates , when their time expireth , to give an accompt of their behaviour and government , and that publickly before the commons . 7. to have publick salaries and allowance of their magistrates , judges , &c. and yearly dividents for the common people , and such as have most need among them . 8. to make judges of all matters out of all sorts , so they have some aptness to perform that duty . 9. to provide that publick iudgements and trials be not frequent ; and to that end to inflict great fines and other punishments upon pettifoggers and dilators , as the law of requital , &c. because for the most part the richer and nobler , and not the commons are indited and accused in this common-wealth , which causeth the rich to conspire against the state ; whereby many times the popular state is turned into an oligarchie , or some other government . hereto tendeth that art of civil law , made against accusers and calumniatours : ad senatus-consultum tarpthanum , l. 1. de calumniatoribus . 10. in such free states as are popular , and have no revenue , to provide that publick assemblies be not after : because they want salary for pleaders and oratours ; and if they be rich ; yet to be wary , that all the revenue be not divided amongst the commons . for , that this distributions of the common revenue among the multitude , is like a purse or barrel without a bottom . but to provide , that a sufficient part of the revenue be stored up for the publick affairs . 11. if the number of the poor encrease too much in this kind of state , to send some abroad out of the cities into the next countrey places , and to provide above all , that none do live idely , but be set to their trades . to this end , to provide that the richer men place in their farms and coppie holds , such decayed citizens . 12. to be well advised what is good for this state , and not to suppose that to be fit for a popular state , that seemeth most popular ; but that which is be for the continuance thereof : and to that end , not to lay into the exchequer or common treasury , such goods as are confiscate , but to store them up as holy and consecrate things , which except it be practised , confiscations , & fines of the common people would be frequent , and so this state would decay by weakening the people . conversion of states in general . conversation of a state , is the declining of the common wealth either to some other form of government , or to his full and last period appointed by god. causes of conversions of states are of two sorts : general and particular . general , ( viz. ) 1. want of religion : viz. of the true knowledge and worship of god , prescribed in his word ; and notable sins that proceed from thence in prince and people , as in the examples of s●u● , ●lizz●ah , the iewish state ; the four monarchies , and all other . 2. want of wisdom and good councel to keep the state , the prince , nobles , and people in good temper , and due proportion , according to their several order and degrees . 3. want of iustice either in administration ( as ill laws , or ill magistrates ) or in the execution , as rewards not given where they should be , or there bestowed where they should not be , or punishments not inflicted where they should be 4. want of power and sufficiency to maintain and defend it self , viz. of provision , as armor , money , captains , souldiers , &c. execution , when the means or provision is not used , of all used . 5. particular : to be noted and collected out of the contraries of those rules , that are prescribed for the preservation of the common-wealth . particular causes of conversion of states , are of two sorts . 1. forreign : by the over greatness of invasion of some forreign kingdom or other state of meaner power , having a part within our own , which are to be prevented by the providence of the chief , and rules of policy for the preserving of every state : this falleth out very seldom for the great difficulty to overthrow a forreign state. 2. domestick . sedition or open violence by the stronger part . alteration without violence . sedition . sedition is a power of inferiours opposing it self with force of armes against the superiour power , quasi ditio secedens . causes of sedition are of two sorts . 1. general liberty . riches . when they , that are of equal qualitie in a common-wealth , or do take themselves so to be , are not regarded equally in all or in any of the these three . or , when they are so unequal in quality , or take themselves so to be , are regarded but equally , or with less respect than those that be of less defect in these three things , or in any of them . honour . 1. in the chief : couetousness or oppression , by the magistrate or higher power , ( viz. ) when the magistrates , especially the chief , encreaseth his substace & revenue beyond measure , either with the publick or ( private calamitie , whereby the governours grow to quarrel among themselves as in oligarchie ) or the other degrees conspite together , and make quarrel against the chief , as in kingdoms : the examples of ●at tyl●r , jack straw , &c. 2. in the ●●●●f : injury , when great spirits , and of great power , are greatly wronged & dishonoured , or take themselves to be , as coriolanus , cyrus minor , earl of warwick . in which cases the best way is to decide the wrong . 3. preferment , or want of preferment ; wherein some have over-much , and so wax proud and aspire higher or have more or lesse , than they deserve , as they suppose , and so in envy and disdain , seck innovation on by open faction , so caesar , &c. 4. some great necessity or calamity ; so xerxes after the foil of his great army . and senacherib after the losse of 185. in one night . 2. particular . 1. envy , when the chief exceed the mediocrity before mentioned , and so provoketh the nobility , and other degrees , to conspire against him ; as brutus cassius , &c. against caesar. 2. fear , viz. of danger when one or more dispatch the prince by secret practice or force , to prevent his own danger , as artabanus did xerxes . 2. lust or lechery , as tarquinius , superbus , by brutus ; pisistrati●●ae , by armoaius ; appiu● by virginiu● . 4. contempt , for vile quality & base behaviour , as sardana●alus , by ●●aces , dionysius the younger by dion . 5. contumely ; when some great disgrace is done to some of great spirit , who standeth upon his honour and reputation , as caligula by chaereas . 6. hope of advancement , or some great profit , as mithridates , anobar●anes alteration without violence . causes of alteration without violence are ; 1. excess of the state ; when by degrees the state groweth from that temper and mediocrity wherein it was , or should have been setled , and exceedeth in power , riches , and absoluteness in his kind , by the ambition & covetousness of the chiefe immoderate taxes , and impositions , &c applying all to his own benefit , without respect of other degrees & so in the end changeth it self into another state or form of government , as a kingdom into a tyrannie , an oligarchy into an aristocracy . 2. excess , of some one or more in the common-wealth ; viz. when some one or more in a common-wealth grow to an excellency or excesse above the rest , either in honour , wealth , or virtue ; and so by permission and popular favour , are advanced to the sovereignty : by which means , popular states grow into oligarchies ; and oligarchies and aristocracies into monarchies . for which cause the athenians and some other free states , made their laws of ostro●ismos , to banish any for a time that should excell , though it were in virtue , to prevent the alteration of their state ; which because it is an unjust law , 't is better to take heed as the beginning to prevent the means , that none should grow to that heigth and excellency , than to use so sharp and unjust a remedy . finis . a method , how to make use of the book before , in the reading of the storie . david being seventy years of age , was of wisdome , memory , &c. sufficient to govern his kingdom ; 1. reg. cap. 1. old age is not ever unfit for publick government . david being of great years , and so having a cold , dry , and impotent body , married with abishag , a fair maid , of the best complexion through the whole realm , to revive his body and prolong his life , 1. reg. chap. 1. vers . 3. example of the like practise in charles the fifth . david being old and impotent of bodie , by the advise of his nobles and phisitians , married a young maid called abishag , to warm and preserve his old bodie . observation . whether david did well in marrying a maid ? and whether it be lawfull for an old decayed and impotent man , to marrie a young woman ; or on the other side , for an old , worn , and decrepite woman , to marrie a young and lustie man. for the affirmative . arg. the end of marriage is society and mutual comfort ; but there may be societie and mutual comfort in a marriage betwixt an old , and young partie ergo 'tis lawful . answ. societie and comfort is a cause & effect of marriage ; but none of the principal ends of marriage : which are : 1. procreation of children , and so the continuance of mankind . 2. the avoiding of fornication . as for comfort and societie they may be betwixt man and man , woman and woman , where no marriage is , and therefore no proper ends of marriage . the negative , arg 1. that conjunction , which hath no respect to the right and proper ends , for which marriage was ordained by god , is no lawfull marriage . but the conjunction betwixt an old impotent , and young partie hath no respect to the right end , for which marriage was ordained by god. therefore it is no lawful marriage . 2. no contract , wherein the partie contracting , bindeth himself to an impossible condition , or to do that which he cannot do , is good or lawfull . but the contract of marriage by an impotent person with a young partie , bindeth him to an impossible condition to do that which he cannot do , viz. to perform the duties of marriage ; therefore it is unlawfull , for the same cause , the civil law determineth a nullity in these marriages , except the woman know before the infirmitie of the man , in which case she can have no wrong , being a thing done with her own knowledge and consent , because volenti non fit injuria : — in legem julian . de adulteriis leg . si uxor , &c. it provideth further , for the more certainty of the infirmatie , that three years be expired before the dissolution of the marriage , because that men that have been infirm at the first , by reason of sicknesse , or some other accident , afterwards proved to be sufficient : de repudiis leg , in causis . defence for david , in marrying abishag . it was rather a medicine , than a marriage , without any evil , or disordered affection . 2. it was by the perswasion of his nobles , and physitians . 3. it was for the publick good , to prolong the life of a worthy prince . 4. it was with the knowledge and consent of the young maid , who was made acquainted with the kings infirmity , and to what end she was married unto him ; who if she di● it for the common good , and for ●●●●tes sake , having withall the gift of continency , she is to be commended ; if for ambition , or some vain respect , it is her own , and not davids fault . politicall nobilitie . adonijah aspiring to the kingdom . first , took the advantage of davids affection and kindnesse towards him , and make him secure of any ill dealing . secondly , of his age and infirmities , disabling his father as unfit for government . thirdly , blazed his title , and right to the crown . fourthly , got him chariots , hors-men , and foot men , and a guard to make shew of state. fifthly , being a comly , and goodly person , made a popular shew of himself , and his qualities . sixtly , joyned to himself in faction joab , the generall of the army , who was in displeasure for murthering of abner , and amaza , and feared that david would supply b●najah in his place , and so was discontented . and abiather the high priest , that was likewise discontented with david , for the preferment of zadok . seventhly , bad meetings with them , and other his confederates under pretence of a vow , and offering at the fountain of raguel , in the confines of judea . eigthly , made a shew of religion by sacrificing , &c. ninthly , made himself familiar with the nobles and people , and entertained them with feasting . tenthly , drew into his part the chief officers of the court , and servants to the king , by rewards , familiarity , &c. eleventhly , disgraced and abased the competitour , and such as he knew would take part with him , and concealeth his ambition , and purpose from them . twelfthly , had ionathan a favourite of the court , and near about the king to give him intelligent , if any thing were discovered , and moved at the court , whilest himself was in hand about his practise . observations . ways of such as aspire to the kingdom , and marks to discern them . first , they wind into the princes favour by service , officiousnesse , flatterie , &c. to ●lant him in a good o●●●●on of that loyaltie and faithfulnesse , hereby to make him him secure of their practises . 2. they take advantage of the princes infirmities , age , impotencie , negligence , sex , &c. and work upon that be disabling the prince , and secret detracting of his state , and government . 3. they blaz their title , and claim to the crown , ( if they have any with their friends and favourites . 4. they provide them in secret of extraordinarie forces , and furniture for the wars , make much of god souldiers and have a pretence ( if it be espied ) of some other end , as for the kings honour , or service , and to be in readinesse against forreign enemies , &c. 5 they make open shew of their best qualities , and comlinesse of their persons ( which though it be vain as a dumb shew , it is very effectuall to win the liking of the popular sort , which according to the rule of the election of kings , in the b●es common wealth ; think that forma est digna imperare ) activitie , nobilaie , ancestrie , &c. 6 to have their blazers abroad to see out their virtues , and to prepare their friends in every province . 7. to draw into their part , and make sure unto them of the chief peers , and men of best quality , such as are mightiest and most gracious with the souldiers , and the militarie men , and most subtile and politick , especially such as be ambitious and discontent with the state. 8. to have meetings for conference under some pretence of some ordinarie matter in some convenient place , not too near , nor too far off but where friends may best resort and assemble unto them without suspition . 9. to take up a shew , and pretence of religion more than before , and beyond the practise of their former life . 10 they use popular courtesie ( which in a great person is very effectuall ) feasting , liberality , gaming , &c. 11. to be over liberal , & win to them by gifts familiaritie , &c. the chief officers of the court , and governours of state. 12. to have some near about the prince , to keep them in credit , and common suspition , if any arise . 13. to disgrace such as they know to be sure and faithfull to the prince , & present state , or to the competitour , and to bring them into contempt by slander , detraction , and all means they can , and to conceal the designs from them , left they be discovered before they be too ripe . 14. to have some spie near about the prince , to advertise them if any inckling suspition arise , whilest themselves are practising . note the practises of absolom , 2 sam. 16. and of cyrus minor in xenophon ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 1. politicall prince . david being a most worthy and excellent prince for wisdom , valour , religion , and justice , and so highly deserving of the common-wealth , yet grown into age , grew withall into contempt , & had many both of his nobles , & common people , that fell from him ; first with absolom , then with adoniiab , who affected the kingdom , and rebelled against him : for remedie whereof , he stirred up himself to publick actions , which might shew his vigour & sufficiencie to manage the affairs of his kingdom . 1. after the victorie against absolom , he forced himself to forbes mourning , and shewed himself to his discontented army , when all were like to fall from him , for his unreasonable sorrow and lamentation for his son. 2. after the victorie , he caused a general convention to be assembled of the whole nation , to bring him home with honour to jerusalem , which was a renowing , and re-establishing of him , 2 sam. 19. 12. 3. he gave an experiment of his power and authoritie , by deposing a person of great author 〈…〉 estimation , to wit ioab , general captain of the armie , and advancing amasa to his place . 4 he sent kind pssages to ierusalem , and to other chief and head towns , and special men of iudea , his contributes , puting them of their alliance with him with these word , that they were of his own flesh and bloud , with protestarian of his special love and affection towards them , 〈…〉 them with the like kindness 〈…〉 towards him . 5. he ●●mbled a parliament of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and took occasion upon the ●●●●g●●ing of his successour , to commend into them he succession of his house , into the con●inuance and maintenance of gods ●●●mor in and ●●● good the established and gave a gr●ve and publick charge to his su●cessour n●w designed , ●uc●ing the manner of his government , and maintaining of religion , 1. chron. 12. 13. 6. he feared his 〈…〉 and munificence in congesting matter for building of the temple , as gold , silver , brasse , &c. and caused it to be published and mad known to the parliament and whole nation , 1. chron. 22. 13. 7. he revived the church government , and set it in a right order , assigning to every church officer his place and function . 8. he suppressed the faction of adonijah , and ordained solomon his successor , 1 kings 1. 21. by these means he retained his majestie and authority in his old age , as appeareth by the effect ; for that being bed rid , he suppressed the faction of adonijah , ( which was grown mighty , and was set on foot ) with his bare commandment , and signification of his pleasure , and so be died in peace . finis . sir walter raleigh's instrvctions to his sonne : and to posteritie . corrected , & enlarged according to the authours own copie . london , printed for w. shears junior , and are to be sold at the blue bible in covent-garden . 1656. sir walter raleigh , to his son . chap. i. virtuous persons to be made choice of for friends . there is nothing more becomming any wise man , than to make choice of friends , for by them thou shalt be judged what thou art : let them therefore be wise and virtuous , and none of those that follow thee for gain ; but make election ra● the of thy betters , than thy inferiours , shunning always such as are poore and reedy : for of thou givest twenty gifts , and refuse to do the like but once , all that thou hast done will be lost , and such men will becom thy mortal enemies : take also especial care , that thou never trust any friend or servant , with any matter that may endanget thme estate ; for so shalt thou make thy felt a bond-slave to him that thou t●●●●●● and leave thy self always , to his mercy : and be sure of this , thou shalt never find a friend in thy young years , whose conditions and qualities will please thee after thou comest to more discretion and judgement , and then all thou givest is lost , and all wherein thou shalt trust such a one , will be discovered . such therefore as are thy inferiours , will follow thee but to eate thee out , and when thou leavest to seed them , they wil hate thee ; and such kind of men , if thou preserve thy estate , will always be had : and if thy friends be of better quality than thyself , thou mayest be sure of two things : the first , that they will be more carefull to keep thy counsel , because they have more to loethen thou hast : the second , they will esteem thee for thy self , and not for that which thou doest possesse ; but if thou be subject to any great vanity or ill ( from which i hope god will blesse thee ) then therein trust no man ; for every mans folly ought to be his greatest secret and although i perswade thee to associate thy self with thy betters , or at least with thy peers , yet remember always that thou venter not thy estate with any of those great ones , that shall attempt unlawfull things , for such men labour for themselves , and not for thee ; thou shalt be sure to part with them in the danger , but not in the honour ; and to venture a sure estate in present , in hope of a better in future , is meer madnesse : and great men forget such as have done them service , when they have obtained what they would , and will rather hate thee for saying thou hast been a mean of their advancement , than acknowledge it . i could give thee a thousand examples , and i my self know it , and have tasted it in all the course of my life ; when thou shalt read and observe the stories of all nations , thou shalt find innumerable examples of the like : let thy love therefore be to the best , so long as they do well ; but take heed that thou love god , thy countrey , thy prince , and thine own estate , before all others : for the fancies of men change , and he that loves to day , hateth to morrow ; but let reason be thy school-mistresse , which shall ever guide thee aright . chap. ii. great care to be had in the choosing of a wife . the next and greatest care ought to be in the choice of a wife , and the onely danger therein , is beauty , by which all men in all ages , wise and foolish , have been betrayed . and though i know it vain to the reasons or arguments , to disswade thee from being captivated therewith there being few or none , that ever resisted that witchery ; yet i cannot ●●me to warn thee , as of other things , which may be thy ruin and destruction . for the present time , it is true , that every 〈◊〉 prefers his fantasie in that 〈…〉 before all other worldly des 〈…〉 the care of honour , credit , and safety in respect thereof ; but remember , that though these affections do not last , yet the bond of marriage dureth to the end of thy life ; and therefore better to be borne withall in a mistress , than in a wife , for when thy humour shall change , thou art yet free to chuse again ( if thou give thy self that vain liberty . ) remember secondly , that if thou marry for beauty , thou bindest thy self for all thy life for that , which perchance will neither last nor please thee one year ; and when thou hast it , it will be to thee of no price at all , for the degree dieth when it is attained , & the affection perisheth , when it is satisfied . remember , when thou wert a sucking child , that then thou didst love thy nurse , and that thou wert fond of her , after a while thou didst love thy drienurse , and didst forget the other , after that thou didst also despise her ; so will it be with thee in thy liking in elder years ; and therefore , though thou canst not forbear to love , yet forbear to link , and after a while thou shalt find an alteration in thy self , & see another far more pleasing than the first , second , or third love : yet i wish thee above all the rest , have a care thou dost not marry an uncomely woman for any respect ; for comelinesse in children is riches , if nothing else be left them . and if thou have care for the races of horses , and other beasts , value the shape and comelinesse of thy children , before alliances or riches : have care therefore of both together , for if thou have a fair wife , and a poor one , if thine own estate be not great , assure thy self that love abideth not with want ; for she is thy companion of plenty and honour , for i never yet knew a poor woman exceeding fair , that was not made dishonest by one or other in the end . this b●●●sh●●● taught her son s●lomon ; favour is de●●●tfull , and beauty is ●●an t●● : she saith further , that a wise woman ove●seeth the ways of our houshold , and cat●th use the bread of ●●lenesse have therefore ever more care , that thou be beloved of thy wife , rather than thy self besotted on her ; and thou shalt judge of her love by these two observations : first , if thou perceive she have care of thy estate , and exercise her self therein ; the other , if she study to please thee , and be sweet unto thee in conversation , without thy instruction , for love needs no teaching , nor precept . on the other side , be not sower or stern to thy wife , for cruelty engendereth no other thing than hatred : let her have equall part of thy estate whilest thou livest , it thou find her sparing and honest ; but what thou givest after thy death , remember that thou givest it to a stranger , and most times to an enemy , for he that shall marry thy wife , will despise thee , thy memory , and thine , and shall possesse the quiet of thy labours , the fruit which thou hast planted , enjoy thy love , and spend with joy and ease what thou hast spared , and gotten with care and travel : yet always remember that thou leave not thy wife to be a shame unto thee after thou art dead , but that she may live according to thy estate ; especially , if thou hast few children , and them provided for . but howsoever it be , or whatsoever thou find , leave thy wife no more than of necessity thou must , but onely during her widowhood ; for if she love again , let her not enjoy her second love in the same bed wherein she loved thee , nor fl●e to future pleasures with those feathers which death hath pulled from thy wings ; but leave thy estate to thy house and children , in which thou livest upon earth whilest it lasteth . to conclude , wives were ordained to continue the generation of men , not to transferre them , and diminish them , either in continuance or ability ; and therfore thy house and estate , which liueth in thy son , and not in thy wife , is to be preferred . let thy time of marriage be in thy young and strong years ; for believe it , ever the young wife betrayeth the old husband , and she that had thee not in thy flower , will despise thee in thy fall , and thou shalt be unto her but a captivity and sorrow . thy best time will be towards thirty , for as the younger times are unfit , either to chuse or to govern a wife and family ; so if thou stay long , thou shalt hardly see the education of thy children , which being left to strangers , are in effect lost , and better were it to be unborn , than ill bred ; for thereby thy posterity shall either perish , or remain a shame to thy name and family . furthermore , if it be late ere thou take a wife , thou shalt spend the prime and summer of thy life with harlots , destroy thy health , impoverish thy estate , and endanger thy life ; and be sure of this , that how many mistresses soever thou hast , so many enemies thou shalt purchase to thy self ; for there never was any such affection , which ended not in hatred or disdain . remember the saying of solomon , there is a way which seemeth right to a man , but the issues thereof are the wages of death ; for howsoever a lewd woman please thee for a time , thou wilt hate her in the end , and she will study to destroy thee . if thou canst not abstain from them in thy vain and unbridled times , yet remember that thou sowest on the lands & dost mingle the vital bloud with corruption , and purchasest diseases , repentance , and hatred onely . bestow therefore thy youth so , that thou mayest have comfort to remember it , when it hath forsaken thee and not sigh and grieve at the account thereof : whilest thou art young thou wile think it will never have an end ; but behold , the longest day hath his evening , and that thou shalt enjoy it but once , that it never turns again , use it therefore as the spring time , which soon departeth , and wherein thou oughtest to plant , and sow all provisions for a long and happy life . chap. iii. wisest men have been abused by flatterers . take care thou be not made a fool , by flatterers , for even the wisest men are abused by these . know therefore , that flatterers are the worst kind of traitours ; for they will strengthen thy imperfections , encourage thee in all evil , correct thee in nothing , but so shadow and paint all thy vices , and follies , as thou shalt never , by their will , discern evil from good , or vice from virtue . and because all men are apt to flatter themselves , to entertain the additions of other mens praises is most perillous . do not therefore praise thy self , except thou wile be counted a vain glorious fool , neither take delight in the praises of other men except thou deserve it , and receive it from such as are worthy and honest , and will withall warn thee of thy faults ; for flatterers have never any virtue , they are ever base , creeping , cowardly persons . a flatterer is said to be a beast that biteth smiling , it is said by isaiah in this manner : my people , they that praise thee seduce thee , and disorder th● paths of thy feet ; and david desired god to cut out the tongue of a flatterer . but it is hard to know them from friends , so are they obsequious and full of protestations ; for as a wolf resembles a dog , so doth a flatterer a friend . a flatterer is compared to an ape , who because she cannot defend the house like a dog , labour as an ox , or bear burdens as a horse , doth therefore yee play tricks , and prouoke laughter : thou mayest be sure that he that will in private tell thee thy faults , is thy friend , for he adventures thy mislike , and doth hazard thy hatred ; for there are few men that can endure it , every man for the most part delighting in self-praise , which is one of the most uniuersall follies which bewitcheth mankind . chap. iv. private quarrels to be avoided . be carefull to avoid publick disputations at feast , or at tables , among cholerick or quarrelsom persons ; and eschew evermore to be acquainted or familiar with ruffians , for thou shalt be in as much danger in contending with a brawler in a private quarrel , as in a battel , wherein thou mayest get honour to thy self and safety to thy prince and countrey ; but if thou be once engaged , carry thy self bravely , that they may fear thee after . to shun therefore private fight , be well advised in thy words and behaviour , for honour and shame is in the talk , and the tongue of a man causeth him to fall . iest not openly at those that are simple , but remember how much thou art bound to god , who hath made thee wiser . defame not any woman publickly , though thou know her to be evil ; for those that are faulty cannot endure to be taxed but will seek to be avenged of thee , and those that are not guilty cannot endure unjust reproch . and as there is nothing more shamefull and dishonest , than to do wrong , so truth it self cutteth his throat that carrieth her publikly in every place . remember the divine , saying , he that keepeth his mouth , keepeth his life . do therefore right to all men where it may profit them , and thou shalt thereby get much love , and forbear to speak evil things of men , though it be tru● ( if thou be not constrained ) and thereby thou shalt avoid malice and revenge . do not accuse any man of any crime , if it be not to save thy self , thy prince , or countrey , for there is nothing more dishonourable ( next to treason it self ) than to be an accuser notwithstanding i would not have thee for any respect loose thy reputation , or endure publick disgrace , for better it were not to live , than to live a coward , if the offence proceed not from thy selfe ; if it do , it shall be better to compound it upon good terms , than to hazard thy self ; for if thou overcome , thou art vnder the cruelty of the law , if thou art overcome , thou art dead or dishonoured . if thou therefore contend , or discourse in argument ; let it be with wise and sober men , of whom thou mayest learn by reasoning , and not with ignorant persons , for thou shalt thereby in trust those that will not thank thee , and utter , what they have learned from thee , for their own . but if thou know more that other men , utter it when it may do thee honour , and not in assemblies of ignorant and common persons . speaking much also , is a sign of vanity ; for he that is lavish in words , is a niggard in deeds ; and as solomon saith , the mouth of a wise men is in his heart , the heart of a fool is in his mouth , because what he knoweth or thinketh , he uttereth : and by thy words and discourses , men will judge thee . for as socrates saith , such as thy words are , such will thy affections be esteemed ; and such will thy deeds as thy a●●ct●●●s , and such thy life as thy deeds . therefore be advised what thou dost discourse of , what thou maintainest ; whether touching religion , state , or vanity ; for it thou erie in the first , thou shalt be accounted profane ; if in the second , dangerous ; if in the third , indiscreet and foolish : he that cannot refrain from much speaking , is like a citie without walls , and lesse pains in the world a man cannot take , than to hold his tongue ; therefore , if thou observest this rule in all assemblies , thou shalt seldom erre ; restrain thy choller , hearken much , and speak little ; for the tongue is the instrument of the greatest good and greatest evil that is done in the world . according to solomon , life and death are in the power of the tongue : and as euripide , truly affirmeth , every unbrialed tongue , in the end shall find it self unfortunate ; for in all that ever i observed in the course of worldly things , i ever found that mens fortunes are oftner made by their tongues than by their virtues , and more mens fortunes overthrown thereby also , than by their vices . and to conclude , all quarrels , mischief , hatred , and destruction , ariseth from unadvised speech , and in much speech there are many errours , out of which thy enemies shall ever take the most dangerous advantage . and as thou shalt be happy , if thou thy self observe these things , so shall it be most profitable for thee to avoid their companies that erre in that kind , and not to hearken to tale-bearers , to inquisitive persons , and such as busie themselves with other mens estates , that creep into houses as spies , to learn news which concerns them not ; for assure thy self such persons are most base and unworthy , and i never knew any of them prosper , or respected amongst worthy or wise men . take heed also that thou be not found a liar ; for a lying spirit is hatefull both to god and man. a liar is commonly a coward ; for he dares not avow truth . a liar is trusted of no man he can have no credit , neither in publick nor private ; and if there were no more arguments than thee , know that our lord in s. john saith that it is a vice proper to satan , lying being opposite to the nature of god , which consisteth in truth ; and the gain of lying is nothing else , but not to be trusted of any , nor to be believed when we say the truth . it is said in the proverbs , that god hateth false lips ; and he that speaketh lips , shall perish . thus thou mayest see and find in all the books of god , how odious and contrary to god a liar is ; and for the world , believe it , that it never did any man good ( except in the extremity of saving life ; ) for a liar is of a base , unworthy , and cowardly spirit . chap. v. three rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate . amongst all other things of the world , take care of thy estate , which thou shalt ever preserve , if thou observe three things ; first , that thou know what thou hast , what every thing is worth that thou hast , and to see that thou art not wasted by thy servants and officers . the second is , that thou never spend any thing before thou have it ; for borrowing is the canker and death of every mans estate . the third is , that thou suffer not thy self to be wounded for other mens faults , and scourged for other mens offences ; which is , to be surety for another ; for thereby millions of men have been beggered and destroyed , paying the reckoning of other mens riot , and the charge of other mens folly and prodigality ; if thou smart , smart for thine own sins , and above all things , be not made an ass to carry the burdens of other men : if any friend desire thee to be his surety , give him a patt of what thou hast to spare , if he press thee farther , he is not thy friend at all , for friendship rather chooseth harm to it self , than offereth it : if thou be bound for a stranger , thou art a fool ; if for a merchant , thou puttest thy estate to learn to swim : if for a church-man , he hath no inheritance : if for a lawyer , he will find an evasion by a syllable or word , to abuse thee : if for a poor man , thou must pay it thy self : if for a rich man , it need not : therefore from suretiship , as from a man slayer , or enchanter , bless thy self ; for the best profit and return wil be this , that if thou force him for whom thou art bound , to pay it himself , he will become thy enemy , if thou use to pay it thy self , thou wilt be a beggar ; and believe thy father in this , and print it in thy thought , that what virtue soever thou hast be it never so manifold , if thou be poor withall , thou , and thy qualities shall be despised : besides , poverty is oft times sent as a curse of god , it is a shame amongst men , an imprisonment of the mind , a vexation of every worthy spirit ; thou shalt neither help thy self nor others , thou shalt drown thee in all thy virtues , having no means to shew them , thou shalt be a burthen , and an eye-sore to thy friends , every man will fear thy company , thou shalt be driven basely to beg , and depend on others , to flatter unworthy men , to make dishonest shifts ; and to conclude , poverty provokes a man to do infamous and detested deeds : let no vanity therefore , or perswasion draw thee to that worst of wordly miseries . if thou be rich , it will give thee pleasure in health , comfort in sickness , keep thy mind and body free , save thee from many perils , relieve thee in thy elder years , believe the poor , and thy honest friends , and give means to thy posterity to live , and defend themselves , and thine own fame , where it is said in the proverbs , that he shall be sore vexed that is surety for a stranger , and he that hateth suretiship is sure . it is further said , the poor is hated even of his own neighbour , but the rich have many friends . lend not to him that is mightier than thy self , for if thou lendest him , count it but lost ; be not surety above thy power , for if thou be surety , think to pay it . chap. vi. what sort of servants are fittest to be entertained . let thy servants be such as thou mayest command , and entertain none about thee but yeomen , to whom thou givest wages ; for those that will serve thee without thy hire , will cost thee treble as much as they that know thy fare : if thou trust any servant with thy purse , be sure thou take his account ere thou sleep ; for if thou put it off , thou wilt then afterwards , for tediousness , neglect it . i my self have thereby lost more than i am worth . and whatsoever thy servant gaineth thereby , he will never thank thee , but laugh thy simplicity to scorn ; and besides , t is the way to make thy servants thieves , which else would be honest . chap. vii . brave rags wear soonest out of fashion . exceed not in the humour of rags and braverie ; for these will soon wear out of fashion : but money in thy purse will ever be in fashion ; and no man is esteemed for gay garments , but by fools and women . chap. viii . riches not to be sought by evil means . on the other side , take heed that thou seek not riches basely , nor attain them by evil means , destroy no man for his wealth , nor take any thing from the poor ; for the crie and complaint thereof will pierce the heavens . and it is most detestable before god , and most dishonourable before worthy men , to wrest any thing from the needy and labouring soul. god will never prosper thee in ought , if thou offend therein : but use thy poor neighbours and tenants well , pine not them and their children , to adde superfluity and needlesse expences to thy self . he that hath pitie on another mans sorrow , shall be free from it himself ; and he that delighteth ●n , and scorneth the misery of another , shall one time or other fall into it himself . remember this precept , he that hath mercy on the poor , tenact unto the lord , and the lord will recom 〈…〉 wh●●● he h●●h given . i do not understand those for poor , which are vagabonds and beggers , but those that labour to live , such as are old and cannot travell , such poor widows and fatherlesse children as are ordered to be relieved , and the poor tenants that travell to pay their rents , and are driven to poverty by mischance , and not by riot or carelesse expences ; on such have thou compassion , and god will blesse thee for it . make not the hungry soul sorrowfull , defer not thy gift to the needy , for if he curse thee in the bitternesse of his soul , his prayer shall be heard of him that made him . chap. ix . what inconveniences happen to such as delight in wine . take especiall care that thou delight not in wine , for there never was any man that came to honour or preferment that loved it ; for it transformeth a man into a beast , decayeth health , poisoneth the breath , destroyeth naturall heat , brings a mans stomach to an artificiall heat , deformeth the face , rotteth the teeth , and to conclude , maketh a man contemptible , soon old , and despised of all wise and worthy men ; hated in thy servants , in thy self and companions ; for it is a bewitching and infectious vice , and remember my words , that it were better for a man to be subject to any vice , than to it , for all other vanities and sins are recovered , but a drunkard will never shake off the delight of beastlinesse ; for the longer it possesseth a man , the more he will delight in it , and the elder he groweth , the more he shall be subject to it ; for it dulleth the spirits , and destroyeth the body , as ivie doth the old tree ; or as the worm that engendereth in the kernel of the nut. take heed therefore that such a curelesse canker possesse not thy youth , nor such a beastly infection thy old age ; for then shall all thy life be but as the life of a beast , and after thy death , thou shalt only leave a shamefull infamy to thy posterity , who shall study to forget that such a one was their father . anacharsis saith , the first draught serveth for health , the second for pleasure , the third for shame , the sourth for madnesse ; but in youth there is not so much as one draught permitted ; for it putteth fire to fire ; and wasteth the naturall heat and seed of generation . and therefore , except thou desire to hasten thine end , take this for a generall rule , that thou never add any artificiall heat to thy body by wine or spice , untill thou find that time hath decayed thy naturall heat , and the sooner thou beginne ● to help nature , the sooner she will forsake thee , and trust altogether to art : who have misfortune , saith solomon who have sorrow and grief , who have trouble wihout fighting , stripes without cause , and faintness of ey●● ? even they that sit or wine , and drain themselves to empty ca●s : plines saith , wine maketh the hand quivering , the eyes waterie , the night unquiet , lewd dreams , a stinking breath in the morning , and an utter forgetfulness of all things . whosoever loveth wine , shall not be trusted of any man ; for he cannot keep a secret . wine maketh a man not onely a beast , but a mad man ; and if thou love it , thy own wife , thy children , and thy friends will despise thee . in drink men care not what they say , what offence they give , they forget comliness , commit disorders ; and to conclude , offend all virtuous and honest company , and god most of all ; to whom we daily pray for health , and a life free from pain : and yer by drunkenness , and gluttony , ( which is the drunkenness of feeding ) we draw on , saith hesiod , a swift , hasty , untimely , cruel , and an infamous old age . and s. augustine describeth drunkenness in this manner : ebrietas est blandus doemon , dulce venenum suave peccatum ; quam , qui habet , seipsum non habet ; quam qui facit , peccatum non facit , sed ipsi est peccatum . drunkenness is a flattering devil , a sweet poison , a plea an t sin ; which whosoever hath , hath not himself , which whosoever doth commit , doth not commit sin , but he himself is wholly sin . innocentius saith , quid turpius ebrioso cut sator in ore , tremor in corpore , qui promit stulta , promit occul●a , cui mens alienatur , facies transformatur , nullum secretum ubi regnat ebrie●as , & quid non aliud designat malum , foecundi calices quem non fecere disertum ? what is filthier than a drunken man to whom there is stink in the mouth , trembling in the bodie ; which uttereth foolish things , and revealeth secret things ; whose mind is alienate , and face transformed ? whom have not plentifull cups made eloquent and talking ? when diogenes saw a house to be sold , whereof the owner was given to drink , i thought at the last , quoth diogenes , he would spue out a whole house ; sciebam inquit , quod domus tandem evomeret . chap. x. let god be thy protectour and directour in all thy actions . now for the world , i know it too well , to perswade thee to dive into the practices thereof , rather stand upon thine own guard against all that tempt thee thereunto , or may practise upon thee in thy conscience , thy reputation , or thy purse ; resolve that no man is wise or safe , but he that is honest . serve god , let him be the authour of all thy actions , commend all thy endeavours to him that must either wither or prosper them , please him with prayer , lest if he frown , ●e confound all thy fortunes and labours , like the drops of rain on the sandy ground : let my experienced advice , and fatherly instructions , sink deep into thy heart . so god direct thee in all his ways , and fill thy heart with his grace . finis . the dutifull advice of a loving son to his aged father . sir , i humbly beseech you , both in respect of the honour of god , your duty to his church , and the comfort of your own soul , that you seriously consider in what tearms you stand ; and weigh your self in a christian ballance ; taking for your counterpoise the judgements of god : take heed in time that the word tekel , written of old against belshazzar , and interpreted by daniel , be not verified in you , whose exposition was , you have been poized in the scale , and found of too light weight . remember that you are now in the waining , and the date of your pilgrimage well nigh expired , and now that it behoveth you to look towards your countrey , your forces languisheth , your senses impair , your body droops , and on every side the ruinous cottage of your faint and feeble flesh , threateneth the fall : and having so many harbirgers of death to premonish you of your end , how can you but prepare for so dreadfull a stranger . the young man may die quickly , but the old man cannot live long : the young mans life by casualty may be abridged , but the old mans by no physick can be long adjourned , and therefore if green years should sometimes think of the grave the thoughts of old age should continually dwell in the same . the prerogative of infancy is innocency ; of child-hood , reverence ; of man-hood , maturity ; and of old age , wisdom . and seeing then that the chiefest properties of wisdom , are to be mindfull of things past , carefull for things present , and provident for things to come : use now the priviledge of natures talent , to the benefit of your own soul , and procure hereafter to be wise in well doing , and watchfull in the fore-sight of future harms . to serve the world you are now unable , and though you were able , yet you have little cause to be willing , seeing that it never gave you but an unhappy welcome , a hurtfull entertainment , and now doth abandon you with an unfortunate fare-well . you have long sowed in a field of flint , which could bring nothing forth but a crop of cares , and afflictions of spirit , rewarding your labours with remorse , and affording for your gain , eternal danger . it is now more than a seasonable time to alter the course of so unthriving a husbandry , and to enter into the efild of gods church , in which , sowing the seed of repentant sorrow , and watering them with the tears of humble contrition , you may hereafter reap a more beneficial harvest , and gather the fruits of everlasting comfort remember , i pray you , that your spring is spent , your summer over-past , you are now arrived at the fall of the leaf ; yea , and winter colours have long since stained your hoary head . be not carelesse ( saith saint augustine ) though our loving lord bear long with offenders ; for the longer he stays , not finding amendment , the sorer he will scourge when be comes to iudgement : and his patience in so long forbearing , is only to lend us respite to repent , and not any wise to enlarge us leisure to sin . he that is tossed with variety of storms , and cannot come to his desired port , maketh not much way , but is much turmoyled . so , he that hath passed many years , and purchased little profit , hath a long being , but a short life : for , life is more to be measured by well doing , than by number of years ; seeing that most men by many days do but procure meny deaths , and others in short space attain to the life of infinite ages ; what is the body without the soul , but a corrupt carkasse ? and what is the soul without god , but a sepulchre of sin ? if god be the way , the life , and the truth , he that goeth without him , strayeth ; and he that liveth without him , dieth ; and he that is not taught by him , erreth . well ( saith saint augustine ) god is our true and chiefest life , from whom to revolt , is to fall ; to whom to return , is to rise ; and in whom to stay , is to stand sure . god is he , from whom to depart , is to die ; to whom to repair , is to revive ; and in whom to dwell , is life for ever . be not then of the number of those that begin not to live , till they be ready to die : and then after a foes desert , come to crave of god a friends entertainment . some there be that think to snatch heaven in a moment , which the best can scarce attain unto in the maintainance of many years ; and when they have glutted themselves with worldly delights , would jump from di●e diet to lazarus crown , from the service of satan , to the solace of a saint . but be you well assured , that god is not so penurious of friends , as to hold himself and his kingdom saleable for the refuse and reversions of their lives , who have sacrificed the principall thereof to his enemies , and their own bruitish lust ; then onely ceasing to offend , when the ability of offending is taken from them . true it is , that a thief may be saved upon the crosse and mercy found at the last gasp : but w●l ( saith s. augustine ) though it be possible , yet it is scarce credible , that he in death should find favour , whose whole life deserved death ; and that the repentance should be more excepted , that more for fear of hell , and love of himself , than for the love of god , and loathsomnesse of sin , crieth for mercy . wherefore , good sir , make no longer delays ; but being so near the breaking up of your mortall house , take time before extremity , to pacifie gods anger . though you suffer the bud to be blasted , though you permitted the fruits to be perished , and the leaves to drie up ; yea , though you let the boughs to wither , and the body of your tree to grow to decay , yet ( alas ) keep life in the root , for fear left the whole tree become fewel for hell fire ; for surely where the tree falleth , there it shall lie , whether towards the south or to the north , to heaven , or to hell ; and such sap as it bringeth forth , such fruit shall it ever bear . death hath alreadie filed from you the better part of your natural forces , and left you now to be lees , and remissalls of your wearyish and dying days . the remainder whereof , as it cannot be long , so doth it warn you speedily to ransom your former losses ; for what is age , but the calends of death ? & what importeth your present weakness , but an earnest of your approaching dissolution ? you are now imbarked in your finall voyage , and not far from the stint and period of your course . be not therefore unprovided of such appurtenances as are behooveful in so perplexed and perrilous a journey ; death it self is very fearfull , but much more terrible in respect of the judgement it summoneth us unto . if you were now laid upon departing bed , burthened with the heavie load of your former trespasses , and gored with the sting and prick of a festered conscience ; if you felt the cramp of death wresting your heart-strings , and ready to make the ruefull divorce between body and soul : if you lay panting for breath , and swimming in a cold and pale sweat , wearied with strugling against your deadly pangs , o what would you give for an hours repentance ; at what rate would you value a days contrition ? then worlds would be worth less in respect of a little respite , a short truce would seem more precious then the treasuries of an empire , nothing would be so much esteemed as a short time of truce , which now by days , and months , and years , is most lavishly misspent . oh how deeply would it wound your woefull heart when looking back into your former life , you considered many hainous and horrible offences committed , many pious works , and godly deeds omitted , and neither of both repented , your service to god promised , and not performed . oh how unconsolably were your case , your friends being fled , your senses affrighted , your thoughts amazed , your memory decayed , and your whole mind agast , and no part able to perform what it should ; but onely your guilty conscience pestered with sin , that would continually upbraid you with many bitter accusations . oh what would you think then , being stopped out of this mortall weed , and turned out both of service and house-room of this wicked world , you are forced to enter into uncouth and strange paths , and with unknown and ugly company , to be convented before a most severe judge , carrying in your conscience your inditement , written in a perfect register of all your misdeeds , when you shall fee him prepared to give sentence upon you , against whom you have so often transgressed , and the same to be your umpire , whom by so many offences you have made your enemie , when not onely the devil , but even the angels would plead against you and your own self , in despight of your self , be your own most sharp appeacher . oh what would you do in these dreadfull exigents , when you saw the ghastly dragon , and huge gulph of hell , breaking out with most fearfull flames , when you heard the weeping , wailing , and gnashing of teeth ; the rage of those hellish monsters , the horrour of the place , the terr●●● of the company , and the eternity of all those torments . would you then think them wise that mould delay into weighty matters , and idlely play away the time allotted , to prevent these intolerable calamities ? would you then count it secure , to nurse ●n your own bosom so many serpents as sins ? and to foster in your soul so many malicious accusers , as mortall and horrible offences ? would you not think one life too little to repent in for so many , and so great iniquities , every one whereof were enough to throw you into those unspeakable and intolerable torments . and why then ( alas ! ) do you not at the least devote that small remnant , and surplusage of those your later days , procuring to make an atonement with god , and to free your soul and conscience from that corruption , which by your fall hath crept into it . those very eyes that behold , and read this discourse , those very ears that are attentive to hear it , and that very understanding that considereth and conceiveth it , shall be cited as certain witnesses of these rehearsed things . in your own body shall you experience these deadly agonies , and in your soul shall you feelingly find these terrible fears ; yea , and your present estate , is in danger of the deepest harms , if you do not the sooner recover your self into that fold and family of gods faithfull servants . what have you gotten by being so long a customer to the world , but false ware , suitable to the shop of such a merchant , whose traffick is toyl , whose wealth is trash , and whose gain is miserie ? what interest have you reaped , that might equall your detriment in grace and virtue ? or what could you find in the vale of tears , that was answerable to the favour of god , with losse whereof , you were contented to but it ? you cannot now be inveigled with the passions of youth , which making a partiality of things , sets no distance between counterfeit and currant , for these are now worn out of force , by tract of time are fallen into reproof , by triall of their folly . oh let not the crazie cowardnesse of flesh and bloud , daunt the prowesse of an intelligent person , who by his wisdom cannot but discern how much more cause there is , and how much more needfull it is to serve god , than this wicked world . but if it be the ungrounded presumption of the mercy of god , and the hope of his assistance at the last plunge ( which indeed is the ordinary lure of the devil ) to reclaim sinners from the pursuit of repentance . alas , that is too palpable a collusion to mislead a found and serviceable man , howsoever it may prevail with sick and ill-affected judgements : who would rely upon eternall affairs , upon the gliding slipperinesse , and running streams of our uncertain life ? who , but one of distempered wits , would offer fraud to the decipherer of all thoughts ; with whom dissemble we may to our cost , but to deceive him , is impossible . shall we esteem it cunning to rob the time from him , and bestow it on his enemies , who keepeth tale of the least minutes , and will examine in the end how every moment hath been imployed . it is a preposterous kind of policie , in any wise conceit to fight against god , till our weapons be blunted , our forces consumed , our limbs impotent , and our best time spent ; and then when we fall for faintness , and have fought our selves almost dead , to presume on his mercy . oh! no , no , the wounds of his most sacred body , so often rubbed , and renewed by our sins and every part and parcel of our bodies so divers , and sundry ways abused , will be then as so many whet-stones and incentives , to edge and exasperate his most just revenge against us . it is a strange piece of art , and a very exorb tant course , when the ship is sound , the pylot well , the marriners strong , the gale favourable , & the sea calm ; to ly idlely at the road , burning so seasonable weather : and when the ship leaketh , the pylot sick , the marriners faint , the storms boysterous , and the seas a turmoyl of outragious surges , then to launch forth , ( hoise up sail ) and set out for a long voyage into a far countrey . yet such is the skill of these evening repenters , who though in the soundness of their health , and perfect use of their reason , they cannot resolve to cut the cables , and weigh the anchour that with-holds them from god. neverthelesse , they feed themselves with a strong perswasion , that when they are astonied , their wits distracted , the understanding dusked , and the bodies and souls wracked , and tormented with the throbs and gripes of a mortall sicknesse ; then forsooth they will begin to think of their weightiest matters , and become sudden saints , when they are scarce able to behave themselves like reasonable creatures . no , no , if neither the canon , civil , nor the common law will allow that man ( perished in judgement ) should make any testament of his temporall substance ; how can he that is animated with inward garboyls of an unsetled conscience , distrained with the wringing fits of his dying flesh , maimed in all his ability , and circled in on every side with many and strange incumberances , be thought of due discretion to dispose or his chiefest jewell , which is his soul ? and to dispatch the whole manage of all eternity , and of the treasures of heaven , in so short of spurt ? no no , they that will loyter in seed-time , and begin to sow when others reap ; they that will riot out their health , and beg●n to cast their accounts when they are scarce able to speak ; they that will slumber out the day , and enter their journey when the light doth fail them ; let them blame their own folly , if they die in debt , and be eternall beggers , and fall head-long into the lap of endlesse perdition . let such listen to s. cyprian's lesson ; let , saith he , the grievousnesse of our sore be the measure of our sorrow ; let a deep wound hive a deep and diligent cure ; let no mans contrition be lesse than his crime . finis . sir raleigh's sceptick . the sceptick doth neither affirm , neither deny any position : but doubteth of it , and opposeth his reasons against that which is affirmed , or denied , to justifie his not-consenting . his first reason ariseth , from the consideration of the great difference amongst living creatures , both in the matter and manner of their generations , and the several constitutions of their bodies . some living creatures are by copulation , and some without it : & that either by fire , as crickets in fornaces ; or corrupt water , as gnats ; or slime , as frogs ; or dirt , as worms ; or herbs , as canker-worms some of ashes , as beetles ; some of trees , as the worms psen●● bred in the wild fig-tree ; some of living creatures putrified , as bees of bulls , and wasps of horses . by copulation many creatures are brought forth alive , as man ; some in the egg , as birds some in an unshapen piece of flesh , as bears . these great differences cannot but cause a divers and contrary temperament , and qualitie in those creatures , and consequently , a great diversity in their phantasie and conceit ; so that they apprehend one and the same object , yet they must do it after a divers manner : for is it not absurd to affirm , that creatures differ so much in temperature , and yet agree in conceit concerning one and the same object ? but this will more plainly appear , if the instruments of sense in the body be observed : for we shall find , that as these instruments are affected and disposed , so doth the imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it . that very object which seemeth unto us white , unto them which have the iaundise seemeth pale , and red unto those whose eyes are bloud-shot . forsomuch then as living creatures have some white , some pale , some red eyes why should not one and the same object seem to some white , to some red , to some pale ? if a man rub his 〈◊〉 , the figure of that which he beholdeth seemeth long or narrow ; is it then not likely , that those creatures which have a long and slanting pupill of the eye , as goats , foxes , cats , &c. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination , than those that have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pupils do ? who knoweth not , that a glasse presenteth the outward , 〈…〉 , or greater according to the making of the glasse ? if it be hollow , the object seemeth smaller than it is , if the glasse be crooked , then the object seemeth long and narrow . and glasses there be , which present the head of him that looketh in them , downwards , and the heels upwards . now then , seeing the eye , which is the instrument of sight , in some living creatures is more outward , in some more hollow , in some plain , in some greater , in some lesse ; it is very probable , that fishes man , lions , and dogs , whose eyes so much differ , do not conceive the self same object after the same manner , but diversly , according to the diversitie of the eye , which offereth it unto the phantasie . the same reason holdeth in touching ; for seemeth it not absurd to think , that those creatures which are covered with shels , those which are covered with scales , those which are covered with hairs , and those which are smooth , should all be alike sensible in touching ? and every one of them conveigh the image , or q●ali●ie of the same object which they touch in the very same degree of heat or cold , of driness or moisture , roughness or smoothness , unto the imagination ? so might 't be shewed in hearing : for how can we think that the ear which hath a narrow passage , & the ear which hath an open & wide passage , do receive the same sound in the same degree ? or that the ear whose inside is full of hair , doth hear in the same just measure , that the ear doth whose inside is smooth ? since experience sheweth , that if we stop , or half stop our ears , the sound cometh not to us in the same manner & degree , that it doth if our ears be open . the like may be thought of smelling : for man himself abounding with fleagm , is otherwise affected in smelling , than he is , if the pu●s about the head be f●ll of bloud ; and many things afford a delightfull smell to some living creatures , which smel to other living creatures seemeth not to be so . in the tast the same reason appeareth ; for to a rough and dri-tongue , that everything seemeth bitter ( as in an aga ) which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so , ●ivers creatures then having tongues drier , or moister , according to their severall temperatures , when they tast the same thing , must needs conceit it to be according as the instrument of their tast is affected , either bitter , or sweet , &c. for even as the hand in the striking of the harp , though the stroak be one , yet causeth a found , sometimes high , sometimes base , according to the quality of the string that is strucken : even so one and the same outward object is diversly judged of , and conceited , according to the several and divers qualities of the instrument of sense , which conveieth it to the imagination . oyntment is pleasing to man ; but beetles and bees cannot abide t. oyl to man is profitable ; but it killeth bees and wasps . cicuta feedeth quails , & henbane sows ; but both of these hurt man. if a man eat ants he is sick ; but the bear being sick , recovereth by eating them . if then one and the very same thing to the red eye seem red , to another pale , and white to another : if one and the same thing , seem not hot or cold , drie or moist , in the same degree to the severall creatures which touch it : if one and the self-same sound seem more thrill to that creature which hath a narrow ear , and more base to him that hath an open ear : if the same thing , at the same time , seem to afford a pleasant and displeasant smell to divers and severall creatures : if that seem bitter in tast to one , which to another seemeth sweet , that to one hurtfull , which to another seemeth healthfull : i may report how these things appear divers to severall creatures , and seem to produce divers effects . but what they are in their own nature , whether red or white , bitter or sweet , healthfull or hurtfull , i cannot tell . for why should i presume to profer my conceit and imagination , in affirming that a thing is thus , or thus , in its own nature , because it seemeth to me to be so , before the conceit of other living creatures , who may as well think it to be otherwise in each one nature , because it appeareth otherwise to them than it doth to me ? they are living creatures as well as i : why then should i condemn their conceit and phantasie , concerning any thing , more than they may mine ? they may be in the truth and i in errour , as well as i in truth , and they err . if my conceit must be believed before theirs , great reason that it be proved to be truer than theirs . and this proof must be either by demonstration , or without it . without it none will believe . certainly , if by demonstration , then this demonstration must seem to be true , or not seem to be true . if it seem to be true , then will it be a question , whether it be so indeed as it seemeth to be ; and to alleadge that for a certain proof , which is uncertain and questionable , seemeth absurd . if it be said , that the imagination of man judgeth riuer of outward object , than the imagination of other living creatures doth , and therefore to be credited above others , ( besides that which is already said , ) this is easily refuted by comparing of man with other creatures . it is confessed , the dog excelleth man in smell , and in hearing : and whereas there is said to be a two-fold discourse , one of the mind , another of the tongue and that of the mind is said to be exercised in chasing that which is convenient , and refusing that which is hurtfull in knowledge , justice , and thankfulnesse : this creature chuseth his food , refuseth the whip , fawneth on his master , defer dath his house , revengeth himself of these strangers that hurt him . and 〈◊〉 mentioneth are●● , the dog of u●y●ses , who knew his master , having been from home so many years , that at his return , all the people of his house had forgot him . this creature , saith chr●sipp●● , is not void of logick : for when in following any beast , he cometh to three severall ways , he smelleth to the one , and then to the second ; and if he find that the beast which he pursueth he not fled one of these 2 ways , he presently without smelling any further to it , taketh the third way : which , saith the same philosopher , is as it he reasoned thus , the beast must be gone either this , or this , or the other way ; but neither this nor this ; eage , the third : and so away he runneth . if we consider his skill in physick , it is sufficient to help himself : if he be wounded with a dart , he useth the help of his teeth to take it out , of his tongue to cleanse the wound from corruption : he seemeth to be well acquainted with the precept of hipp●crates , who saith , that the rest of the foot is the physick of the foot , and therefore if his foot he hurt , he ho doth it up that it may rest : if he be sick , he giveth himself a vomit by eating of grasse , and recovereth himself . the dog then we see is plentifully furnished with inward discourse . now outward speech is not needfull to make a creature reasonable , else a dumb man were an unreasonable creature . and do not philosophers themselves reject this as an enemie to knowledge ? and therefore they are silent when they are instructed ; and yet even as barbarous and strange people of speech , but we understand it not , neither do we perceive any great difference in their words : but a difference there seemeth to be , and they do expresse their thoughts and meanings one to another by those words . even so those creatures , which are commonly called unreasonable , do seem to parlie one with another ; and by their speech to understand one the other . do not binds by one kind of speech call their young ones , and by another cause them to hide themselves ? do they not by their severall voices expresse their severall passions of joy , of grief , of fear in such manner , that their fellows understand them ? do they not by their voice foreshew things to come ? but we will return to that creature we first did instance in . the dog delivereth one kind of voice when he hunteth , another when he howleth , another when he is beaten , and another when he is angry . these creatures then are not void of outward speech . if then these creatures excell man in sense , and are equall to him in inward and outward discourse , why should not their conceits and imaginations conveigh the outward object in as true a manner as ours ? and if so , then seeing their imaginations are divers , and they conceit it diversly according to their divers temperaments , i may tell what the outward object seemeth to me ; but what it seemeth to other creatures , or whether it be indeed that which it seemeth to me , or any other of them , i know not . but be it granted , that the iudgement of man in this case , is to be preferred before the iudgement of beasts ; yet in men there is great difference ; both in respect of the outward shape , and also of the temperature of their bodies : for the bodie of the suth an differeth in shape from the bodie of the 〈◊〉 : the reason of it ariseth ( say the dogmaticks ) from a predominan use of humours in the one more than in the other ; and as severall humours are predominant , so are the phantasies and conceits severally framed and effected . so that our countrey-men delight in one thing , the indian not in that , but in another which we regard not . this would not be , if their conceits and ours were both a like ; for then we should like that which they do , and they would dislike that which we would dislike . it is evident also , that men differ very much in the temperature of their bodies , else why should some more easily digest bief than shel-fish ; and other be mad for the time , if they drink wine ? there was an old woman about arbeus , which drunk three drams of c●●u●● ( every dream weighin , sixtie barley corns , and eight drams to an ounce ) without hurt . ●●sis , without hurt , took four drams of popple ; and 〈◊〉 , which was gentleman-sewer to alexander , was very cold when he stood in the sun , or in a hot bath , but very hot when he stand in the shadow . al 〈…〉 felt no pain if a scorpion stung him . and the psill● ( a people in ly●●● , whole bodies are venom to serpents ) if they be stung by serpents , or asps , receive no hurt at all . the ethiopians , which inhabit the river hynaspis , do eat serpents and scorpions without danger . 〈◊〉 a chirurgian , at the smell of a sturgeon , would be for the time mad . a●dron of argos , was so little thirstie , that without want of drink , he travelled through the hot and dry countrey of lybia . tiberius caesar would see very well in the dark . aristotle mentioneth of thratius , who said , that the image of a man went always before him . if then it be so , that there be such differences in men , this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have , and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination ; for , if one hate , and another love the very same thing , it must be that their phantasies differ , else all would love it , or all would hate it . these men then , may tell how these things seem to them good , or bad ; but what they are in their own nature they cannot tell . if we will heathen to mens opinions , concerning one and the same matter , thinking thereby to come to the knowledge of it , we shall find this to be impossible ; for , either we must believe what all men say of it , or what some men only say of it . to believe what all men say of one & the same thing , is not possible ; for then we shall believe contrarieties ; for some men say , that that very thing is pleasant , which other say is displeasant . if it be said , we must believe onely some men , then let it be shewed who those some men are ; for the platonists will believe plato , but the epicures epicurus , the phytagorians pythagoras , & other philosophers the masters of their own sects : so that it is doubtfull , to which of all these we shall give credit . if it be said , that we must credit the greatest number ; this seemeth childish : for there may be amongst other nations a greater number which denie that very point , which the greatest number with us do affirm : so that hereof nothing can certainly be affirmed . this argument seemeth to be further confirmed , if the differences of the senses of hearing , seeing , smelling , touching , and tasting be considered ; for that the senses differ , it seemeth plain . painted tables ( in which the art of slanting is used ) appear to the eye , as if the parts of them were some higher , and some lower than the other , but to the touch they seem not to be so . honey seemeth to the tongue sweet , but unpleasant to the eye : so oyntment doth recreate the smell , but it offendeth the tast. rain-water is profitable to the eyes , but it hurteth the lungs . we may tell then , how these things seem to our severall senses , but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell : for why should not a man credit any one of his senses as well as the other ? every object seemeth to be presented diversly unto the severall instruments of sense . an apple to the touch seemeth smooth , sweet to the smell , and to the eye yellow ; but whether the apple have one of these qualities onely , or more than these qualities , who can tell ? the organ hath many pipes , all which are filled with the same blast of wind , varied according to the capacitie of the severall pipes which receive it : even so the qualitie of the apple may be but one , and this one quality may be varied , & seem yellow to the eye , to the touch smooth , and sweet to the smell , by reason of the divers instruments of the sense , which apprehend this one quality diversly . it may be also , that an apple hath many qualities besides ; but we are not able to conceive them all , because we want fit means and instruments to apprehend them . for suppose that some man is born blind , and deaf , and yet can touch , smell , and tast ; this man will not think that there is any thing , which may be seen or heard , because he wanteth the senses of hearing and seeing ; he will onely think there are those qualities in the object , which by reason of his three senses he conceiveth : even so the apple may have many more qualities ; but we cannot come to know them , because we want fit instruments for that purpose . if it be replied , that nature hath ordained as many instruments of sense , as there are sensible objects ; i demand , what nature ? for there is a confused controversie about the very essence of nature . some affirming it to be one thing , others another , few a greeing : so that what the quality of an apple is , or whether it hath one qualitie or many , i know not . let a man also consider , how many things that are separated , and by themselves , appear to differ from that which they seem to be , when they are in a mass or lump the scrapings of the goats horn seems white , but in the horn they seem black , but in the lump white . the stone toenaru , being polished , seemeth white , but unpolished & rough it seemeth yellow . sands being separated , appear rough to the touch , but a great heap , soft . i may then report , how these things appear , but whether they are so indeed , i know not . sir raleigh's observations concerning the causes of the magnificencie and opulencie of cities . that the onely way to civilize and reform the savage and barbarous lives , and corrupt manners of such people , is , 1 to be dealt withall by gentle and loving conversation among them , to attain to the knowledge of their language , and of the multitude of their special discommodities and inconveniences in their manner of living 2 the next is to get an admired reputation amongst them , upon a solid and true foundation of pietie , iustice , and wisdom , conjoyned with fortitude and power . 3 the third is , discreetly to possess them with a knowledge of the condition of their own estate . thus o●phe● and amph●● , were said to draw after them the beast of the field , &c. and this must be first wrought by a visible representation , of the certaintie , truth , and sinceritie of these , together with the felicitie of a reformed estate . all which is but to give foundation , bottom , and firm footing unto action , and to prepare them to receive wholesom and good advise , for the future profit and felicitie of themselves and their posteritie . for the more commodious effecting of this reformation in a rude and barbarous people , they are to be perswaded to withdraw and unite themselves into severall colonies ; that by it an interchangeable communication and commerce of all things may more commodiously be had , and that they may so live together in civilitie , for the better succour and welfare of one another : and thereby they may more easily be instructed in the christian faith , and governed under the magistrates and ministers of the king , or other superiour power , under whom this r●so that on is sought . which course the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 took , after he had taken upon him the government of the 〈…〉 , whereby he united all the people into one citie , that before lived dispersedly in many villages . the like is put in practice at this day by the ●●r●●gales and jesuits , that they may with less difficultie and hinderance reform the rough behaviour , and savage life of the people of brazile , who dwell scattered and dispersed in cave , and cottages made of boughs & leaves of the palm-trees . alexander the great built more than seventie cities : selev●us built three cities , called ●pame● , to the honour of his wife ; and five called l●●●●ca , in memorie of his mother ; and fire called seleac● , to the honour of himself . safetie for defence of the people and their goods , in and near the town . in the situation of cities , there is to be required a place of safetie , by some natural strength , commod ousness for navigation , and conduct , for the attaining of plentie of all good things , for the sustenance & comfort of mans life , and to draw trade and entercourse of other nations ; as if the same be situate in such ●ort , as many people have need to repair thither for some natural commoditie or other of the countrey , which by traffick and transportation of cōmodities , whereof they have more plentie than will supplie their own necessitie , or for receiving of things whereof they have carcitie . and much better will it be , if the place afford some notable commoditie of it self , from whence other nations may more readily , and at better rate attain the same : likewise , and withall , be so fertil , pleasant , and healthfull of it self , that it may afford plentie of good things , for the delight and confort of the inhabitants . in former times great nations , kings and potentates have endured sharp conflicts , and held it high policie , by all means to increase then cities , with multitudes of inhabitants . and to this end the romans ever furnished themselves with strength and power , to make their neighbour-people , of necessitie , willing to draw themselves to rome to dwell , and overthrow their towns and villages of mean strength , down to the ground . so did they for this cause utterly destroy many cities , bringing always the vanquished captives to rome , for the augmentation of that citie . romulus , after a mighty fight with the sabines , condescended to peace , upon condition that ●●●●●s their king should come with all their people to dwell at rome : ●at●●● did accept , and made choice of the capitol , and the mount quirmalis for his seat and p●llace . the same course h●ld tamberlane the great , whereby he enlarged the great samar●anda , still bringing unto it , the richest and wealthiest citizens he had subdued . and the ottoman● , to make the citie constantinople rich and great , brought to it many thousand families , especially artificers out of the subdued cities ; as mahome● the great from tr●bizond , selim the first from cairo , and seliman from ●aurk . authoritie and necessitie , without the consideration of the conveniencies , and commodiousness of situation above mentioned , are of small moment in the foundation of a citie ; thereby onely it would be unlikely , either to grow or continue in magnificencie or opulencie : for it profit , height , and delight go not companions therewith , no authoritie or necessitie can retain much people or wealth . but of the place whereupon a citie is to be founded , be commodious for the aforesaid conveniences , which help greatly for the felicitie of this life ; then , no doubt , the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same , whereby it may , by the help of arts and industrie , in time , become magnificent & glorious . unto the good estate , greatness , and glorie of a citie , those things hereafter mentioned do greatly avail , and are of much importance , viz. religion , which is of such force and might , to amplifie cities and dominions , and of such attractive virtue to replenish the same with people and wealth , and to hold them in due obedience , as none can be more ; for without adoration of some dietie , no common wealth can subsist . witness , jerusalem rome , constantinople and all other cities that have been famous for the prosession of religion , or divine worship and no marvel , for there is not any thing in this world of more efficacie & force to allure and draw to it the hearts of men , than god. which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he is carefully defined , and continually sought for of all creatures ; for all regard him as their last end and refuge . light things apply themselves upwards , heavy things downwards ; the heavens to revolution , the herbs to flowers , trees to bear fruit , beasts to present their kind and man in seeking his tranquilitie and everlasting glory but forasmuch as god is of so high a nature as the sense and understanding of man cannot conceive it , every man directly turns himself to that place where he leaves some print of his power , or declares some sign of his assistance . and to such persons whom he seemeth more especially to have revealed himself . academies , & schools of learning with convenient immunities and privileges for scholars , and means for recreation for delight , are of great importance to enlarge and enrich a citie : for asmuch as men long for honour and profit , and of arts & liberal sciences some bring certain wealth to men , and some promotions & preterments to honourable functions : for by this means , not onely young men , & those that are desirous of learning and virtue in the same common-wealth , will be retained in their own countrey , but also strangers will be drawn home to them . and the more will this be available if occasion be given to scholars and students , to rise to degrees of honour and preferment by their learned exercises , and that by the policie of the same citie , good wits be accounted of , and rewarded well : that the same academies and schools be stored with plentie of doctours and learned men , of great same and reputation . courts of iustice , with due execution of the same in a citie , do much enable , enlarge , & enrich it ; for it fasteneth a great liking in a citie to virtuous men , and such as be wealthie , that therein they may be free , and in safetie from the violence of the oppressions of covetous and wicked men : and there will be rather resort thither to inhabit , or traffick there as occasions may minister unto them . and many others that have cause of suite will repair thither , whereas they may be sure to find iudgement and iustice duely executed , whereby the citie must needs be enlarged and enriched : for our lives , and all that ever we have are in the hands of iustice : so that if iustice be not administred amongst men , in vain is there any societie and commerce , or any other thing can be profitable or safe ; so much is love and charitie failed , and iniquitie increased upon the face of the earth . the excellencie and multitude likewise of artificers exercising their manuall arts and trades , do marvellously increase and enrich a state , whereof some are necessary , some commodious for a civil life , other some are of pomp and ornament , and other some of delicacie and curiositie , whereof doth follow con course of people that labour and work , and current money which doth enrich and supply materials for labourers , and work-men , buying and selling , transportation from place to place , which doth imploy and increase the artificious and cunning parts of the wit of man ; and this art and exquisitnesse of work manship and skill is so powerfull herein , that to far excels the simple commodities and materials that nature produceth ; and is alone sufficient of it self to make a citie or state , both magnificient and glorious : and the daily experience we have in these our dayes , and in former times , doth manifestly approve the same , and make evident without all contradiction . some naturall benefits that a citie also may have for the excellency of art , or work manship of some special commodities above any other place , either through the qualitie of the water , or other matter whatsoever , or some hidden mysterie of the inhabitants in working thereof , may be a great help for the enlargement and enriching of a citie . the command of a countrie that affordeth some proper commoditie , is of it self sufficient mightily to bring a citie to great wealth , and to advance it to great power , and draweth thereby dependence and concourse , much advantageous also , as well for the publick weal , as the private person . a citie also may be lord of much merchandize and traffick , by means of the commodious situation to many nations , to whom it serveth and hath relation to , as ware houses , roomth and store-houses , by reason whereof , the nations adjoyning do use to resort thereunto to make their provisions of such things . and this consisteth in the largenesse of the ports , the fitnesse of the gulphs and creeks of the seas , in the navigable rivers and channels , and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the citie , or that come , our turn by or near it . priviledge and freedom from customs and exactions ' , doth greatly increase the trade , and draw inhabitants to a citie , whereby the same may become both rich and powerfull ; whereof the ma●ts and fairs , and markets bear good witnesse , which are frequented with great concourse of people , tradesmen and merchants , for no other respect , but that they are there free and frank from customs and exactions . and the cities in flanders are lively testimonies hereof , where the customs are very small . by reason whereof , all such as have erected new cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it , have granted large immunities , and priviledges at the least , to the first inhabitants thereof the like have they done that have restored cities emptied with plague , consumed with wars , or afflicted with famin , or some other scourge of god. in respect whereof , freedom of cities hath been often granted to such as would with their families , inhabit there , or would bring corn and other necessaries for provision of victual . the romans , to increase their cities , made the towns that well deserved of them ( which they after called municiple ) to be partakers of their franchises and priviledges . the first means the romans used to allure people to make their habitations rather in rome than else where , was the opening the sanctuarie , & giving libertie and freedom to all that would come unto them . in respect whereof , there flocked thither , with their goods , numbers of people that were either racked with exactions , thrust out of their habitations , or unsafe , or unsure for their lives in their own countreys for religion sake . the very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the citie of geneva : for as much as it hath offered entertainment to all commers out of france and italie , that have either forsaken , or been exiled their countreys for religions sake . likewise , triumphs , goodly buildings , battels on the water fights of sword-players , hunting of wild beasts , publick shows and sights , plays solemnized with great pomp and preparation , and many other such things do draw the curious people to a citie inspeakably , which leaves behind them much treasure , and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there , than in other places . this was also the devise of rome in her infancy to enlarge herself . the causes that concern the magnificencie of a citie . to confirm a citie in her greatness , justice , peace , and pleantie are the undoubted means : for justice assureth every man his own peace causeth all arts and negotiation whatsoever to flourish : and plentie of food and victuall , that sustaineth the life of man with ease and much contentment . to conclude , all those things that cause the greatnesse of a citie , are also fit to conserve the same . sir walter raleigh's seat of government . that the seat of government is up 〈…〉 y the two great pillars thereof , viz. civile iustice , and martiall policie , which are framed out of husbandrie , merchandize , and gentry of this kingdom . they say , that the goodliest cedars which grow on the high mountains of liban●s , thrust their roots between the clifts of hard rocks , the better to bear them selves against the strong storms that blow there . as nature hath instructed those kings of trees , so hath reason taught the kings of men , to ●oot themselves in the hardie hearts of their faithfull subjects . and as those kings of trees have large tops , so have the kings of men large crowns ; whereof as the first would soon be broken from their bodies , were they not underborn by many branches ; o would the other easily tytter , were they not fastened on their heads , with the strong chains of civil justice and martial discipline . 1. for the administration of the first , even god himself hath given direction , judge and officers shalt thou make , which shall judge the people with righteous judgement . 2 the second is grounded on the first laws of the world and nature , that force is to be repelled by force . yea moses in the 10 of exodus , and elsewhere , hath delivered us many laws & policies of war. but as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both , so have we heatd of the decline and ruine of many kingdoms & states long before our days : for that policie hath never yet prevailed ( though it hath served for a short season ) where the counterfeit hath been sold for the natural , and the outward shew and formalitie for the substance . of the emperour charls the fourth , the writers of that age witness , that he used but the name of justice and good order , being more learned in the law than in doing right , and that he had by far , more knowledge than conscience . certainly the unjust magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untransparable bodie of gold , every ordinarie wit can vitrifie , and make transparent pierce , and discern their corruptions ; howsoever , because not daring , they cover their knowledge , but in the mean while it is also true , that constrained dissimulation , either in the proud heart , or in the oppressed , either in publick estates , or in private persons , where the fear of god is not prevalent , doth in all the leisure of her lurking , but sharpen her teeth , the voluntarie being no less base , than the forced malitious . thus it fared between the barons of england and their kings , between the lords of switzerland & their people , between the sicilians and the french between the dolphin and john of burgoign , between charl the ninth and the french protestants , and between henry the third , his successor , and the lords of guise , hereof in place of more particulars , the whole world may serve for examples . it is a difficult piece of geographie to delinate and lay out the bounds of authority ; but it is easie enough cōceive the best use of it , and by which it hath maintained it self in lasting happiness , t hath ever acquired more honour by perswading , than by beating ; for as the bonds of reason and love are immortal , so do all other chains or cords , both rust●e & rot noble parts of their own royal and politick bodies . but we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of civil justice ; for in respect of the first sort of men , to wit , of those that live by their own labour , they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels , meum & tuum , mine & thine is all wherein they seek their certaintie & protection . true it is , that they are the fruit-trees of the land , which god in deuteronomie commanded to be spared , they gather honey , and hardly enjoy the wax , and break the ground with great labour , giving the best of their grain to the easefull & idle . for the second sort , which are the merchants , as the first feed the kingdome , so do these enrich it , yea their trades , especially those which are forcible , are not the least part of our martiall policie , as hereafter proved ; and to do them right , they have in all ages and times assisted the kings of this land , not onely with great sums of money , but with great fleets of ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas . the second have seldome or never offended their princes , to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions , hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other nations , give them but the commission of reprisal , they will either right themselves , or sit down with their own losse without complaint . 3. the third sort , which are the gentrie of england , these being neither seated in the lowest grounds , and thereby subject to the biting of every beast , nor in the highest mountains , & thereby in danger to be torn with tempest ; but the valleys between both , have their parts in the inferiour iustice , & being spread over all , are the garrisons of good order throughout the realm . sir walter raleigh's letters . sir walter raleigh's letter to mr secretary winwood , before his iourney to guiana . honourable sir , i was lately perswaded , by two gentlemen , my ancient friends , to acquaint your honour with some offers of mine , made heretofore for a journey to guiana , who were of opinion , that it would be better understood now , than when it was first propounded , which advice having surmounted my dispair , i have presumed to send unto your honour the copies of those letters which i then wrote , both to his majestie , and to the treasurer ceuill , wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered , as the objections by him made are briefly answered . what i know of the riches of that place , not by hear say , but what mine eyes hath seen , i have said it often , but it was then to no end : because those that had the greatest trust , were resolved not to believe it , not because they doubted the truth , but because they doubted my disposition towards themselves ; where ( if god had blessed me in the enterprise ) i had recovered his majesties favour and good opinion . other cause than this , or other suspition they never had any . our late worthy prince of wales was extream curious in searching out the nature of my offences , the queens majestie hath informed her self from the beginning . the king of denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocencie , they would otherwise never have moved his majestie on my behalf . the wife , the brother , and the son of a king , do not use to sue for men suspect ; but sir , since they all have done it out of their charitie , and but with references to me alone . your honour ( whose respect hath onely relation to his majesties service ) strengthened by the example of those princes , may with the more hardnesse do the like , being princes to whom his majesties good estate is not lesse dear ; and all men that shall oppugne it , no lesse hatefull , then to the king himself . it is true sir , that his majestie hath sometimes answered , that his councel knew me better than he did ; meaning some two or three of them , and it was indeed my infelicitie ; for had his majestie known me , i had never been here where i now am : or had i known his majestie , they had never been so long there where they now are . his majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruine , and his majestie misknowing of them , hath been the ruine of a goodly part of his estate : but they are all of them now , some living and some dying , come to his majesties knowledge . but sir , how little soever his majestie knew me , and how much soever he believed them , yet have i been bound to his majestie both for my life , and all that remains , of which , but for his majestie , nor life , nor ought else had remained . in this respect sir , i am bound to yield up the same life , and all i have for his majesties service ; to die for the king , and not by the king , is all the ambition i have in the world . walter raleigh . sir raleigh's letter to his wife , from guiana . sweet heart , i can yet write unto you but with a weak hand , for i have suffered the most violent calenture for fifteen days , that ever man did , and lived : but god that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities , hath also now strengthened it in the hell fire of heat . we have had two most grievous sicknesses in our ship , of which fourtie two have died , and there are yet many sick . but having recovered the land of guiana , this 12 of november , i hope we shall recover them . we are yet two hundred men , and the rest of our fleet are reasonable strong , strong enough i hope to perform what we have undertaken , if the diligent care at london , to make our strength known to the spanish king by his ambassadour , have not taught the spanish king to fortifie all the enterances against us ; howsoever we must make the adventure , and if we perish , it shall be no honour for england , nor gain for his majestie to loose among many other , an hundred as valiant gentlemen as england hath in it . of captain bayl●●s base coming from us at the canaries , see a letter of kemishes to mr cory , & of the unnatural weather , storms & rains and winds , he hath in the same letter , given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days , now hardly performed in fourtie days ; god i trust , will give us comfort in that which is to come . in passage to the canaries , i stayed at gomerah , where i took water in peace , because the countrey durst not denie it me ; i received there of an english race , a present of oranges , lemmons , quinces , & pome-granates without which i could not have lived ; those i preserved in fresh sands , and i have of them yet to my great refreshing . your son had never so good health , having no distemper in all the heat under the line . all my servants have escaped but crab and my cook , yet all have had the sickness . crofts and march , and the rest are all well . remember my service to my lord carew , and mr secretarie winwood . i write not to them , for i can write of nought but miseries : yet of men of sort , we have lost our serjeant major , captain pigott , and his lieuetenant , captain edward hastings , who would have died at home , for both his liver , spleen and brains were rotten . my sons lieuetenant payton and my cosin mr. hews , mr. mordant , mr. gardiner . mr. hayward , captain jennings the merchant , kemish of london , and the master chyrurgion , mr. refiner , mr. moor the governour of the barmoudas . our provost marsh. w. steed , lieutenant vescie , but to mine inestimable grief , hammon and talb●t . by the next i trust you shall hear better of us , in gods hands we were , and in him we trust , this bearer , captain alley , for his infirmitie of his head i have sent back , an honest valiant man , he can deliver you all that is past . commend me to my worthy friends at loathbury , sr john leigh and mr. bow●r , whose nephew knevil is well , and to my cosin blundell , and my most devoted and humble service to her majestie . to tell you that i might be here king of the indi●n , were a vanitie , but my name hath still lived among them ; here they feed me with fresh meat , and all that the countrey yields , all offer to obey me . commend me to poor carew my son . from galliana in guiana , the 14 of november . sir raleigh's letter to sir ralph winwood . sir , as i have not hitherto given you any account of our proceedings and passages towards the indes , so have i no other subject to write of , than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befell any man : for whereas , for the first , all those that navigate between cape de vera and america , do passe between fifteen or twentie days at most , we found the wind so contrary , and which are also contrary to nature so many storms and rains , as we spent six weeks in the passage , by reason whereof , and that in so great heat we wanted water : for at the isle prano of cape de vero , we lost our anchours and cables , and our water casks , being driven from the island with a hu●●●icano , and were like all to have perished . great sicknesse fell amongst us , and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land . the 17 of november , we had sight of guiana , and soon after came to anchour in five degrees at the river gallian● , here we staid till the fourth of december , landed our sick men , set up the barges and shallops , which were brought out of england in quarters , washed our ships , and took in fresh water , being sed and cherished by the indians of my old acquaintance , with a great deal of love and respect , my self being in the hands of death these 6 weeks , and was not able otherwise to move than as i was carried in a chair , gave order to 5 small ships to sail into orinoque , having captain kemts for their conductor towards the mynes , and in those five ships five companies of 50 under the command of captain parker , and captain north , brethren to the lord mounteagle and the lord north , valiant gentlemen , and of infinite patience for the labour , hunger , and heat which they have endured , my son had the third company captain thornix of kent the fourth company , captain chidlez , by his lieutenant , the fifth : but as my sergeant major captain peggot of the low countreys died in the former miserable passage , so my lieutenant sir warham s. letter lay sick without hope of life , and the charge conferred on my nephew george raleigh , who had also served long with infinite commendations ; but by reason of my absence , and of sir warhams was not so well obeyed as the enterprize required . as they passed up the river , the spaniard began the war , and shot at us both with their ordinance and muskets , whereupon the companies were forced to charge them , and soon after beat them out of the town . in the assault , my son ( more desirous of honour than safetie ) was slain , with whom ( to say truth ) all the respects of this world have taken end in me . and although these five captains had as weak companies as ever followed valiant leaders , yet were there amongst them some twentie or thirtie valiant adventurous gentlemen , and of singular courage , as of my sons companie , mr. knivet , mr. hammon , mr. longwirth , mr. iohn pleasington ; his officers , sir iohn hamden ; mr. simon leak corporall of the field , mr. hammon the elder brother , mr. nicholas of buckingham , mr. roberts of kent , mr. perin , mr. tresham , mr. mullinax , mr. winter and his brother , mr. wray , mr. miles herbart , mr. bradshavv , capt. hill , and others . sir , i have set down the names of these gentlemen , to the end , that if his majestie shall have cause to use their service , it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient gentlemen . the other five ships staid at trinidads , having no other port capable for them near guiana . the second ship was commanded by my vice admirall capt. john pennington , of whom ( to do him right ) he is one of the sufficientest gentlemen for the sea that england hath . the third by sir warham s. leiger , an exceeding valiant and worthy gentleman . the fourth by sr john fern the fifth by captain chidley of devon. with these five ships i daily attended their armado of spain , which had they set upon us , our force divided , the one half in orinoque , an hundred and fiftie miles from us , we had not onely been torn in pieces , but all those in the river had also perished , being of no force at all for the sea fight ; for we had resolved to have been burnt by their sides , had the armado arrived : but belike , they staid for us at ma●g●●t , by which they knew we must passe towards the indies : for it pleased his majestie to value us at so little , as to command me upon my alleageance , to set down under my hand the countrey , and the river by which i was to enter it ; to set down the number of my men , and burthen of my ships , and what ordinance every ship carried , which being known to the spanish ambassadour , and by him to the king of spain , a dispatch was made , and letters sent from madrid , before my departure out of the thames ; for his first letter sent by a barque of advise , was dated the 19 of march 1617. at madrid , which letter i have here inclosed sent to your honour , the rest i reserve , not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not . the second by the king , dated the second of may , sent also by a coronel of diego de polo●eque , governour of guiana , elderedo and trinidado . the third by the bishop of portricho , and delivered to po●oni●que the 15 of july , at trinidado . and the fourth was sent from the farmer and secretary of his customs in the indies . at the same time , by that of the kings hand , sent by the bishop , there was also a commission for the speedie levying of three hundred souldiers , and ten pieces of ordinance to be sent frō portricho , for the defence of guiana , an hundred & fiftie from nuevo rémo de grando , under the command of captain anthony musica , and the other hundred and fiftie from portricho , to be conducted by c. franc. laudio . now sir , if all that have traded to the indies since his majesties time knew that the spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken , being but merchant men , what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us ? certainly they have hitherto failed grosly , being set out thence as we were , both for number , time , and place . lastly , to make an apologie for not working the myne , ( although i know his majestie expects ) whom i am to satisfie so much , as my self , having lost my son , and my estate in the enterprise , yet it is true , that the spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it , than they did the town , which by the kings instructiōs they might easily do , the countreys being aspera & nemosa . but it is true , that when capt. kemish found the river low , and that he could not approach the banks in most places near the myne by a mile , and where he found a discent , a volley of muskets come from the woods upon the boat , and slew two rowers , and hurt fix others , and shot a valiant gentleman of captain thornix , of which wound he languisheth to this day . he , to wit , kemish , following his own advice , thought that it was in vain to discover the myne ; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return , that the companies of english in the town of s. thome were not able to defend it , against the daily and nightly assaults of the spaniards , that the passages to the mynes , were thick and unpassable woods , and that the myne being discovered , they had no men to work it , did not discover it at all : for it is true , the spaniards having two gold mynes near the town , the one possessed by pedro rodrigo de paran , the second by harmian frotinio , the third of silver , by captain francisco , for the want of negroes to work them : for as the indians cannot be constrained by a law of charls the fifth , so the spaniards will not , nor can endure the labour of those mynes , whatsoever the bragadochio , the spanish ambassador saith . i shall prove under the proprietors hand , by the custom-book , and the kings quinto , of which i recovered an ingot or two : i shall also make it appear to any prince or state that will undertake it , how easily those mynes , and five or six more of them may be possessed , and the most of them in those parts , which never have as yet been attempted by any , nor by any passage to them , nor ever discovered by the english , french , or dutch. but at kemish his return from orinoque , when i rejected his counsel and his course , and told him that he had undone me ; and wounded my credit with the king past recovery , he slew himself : for i told him , that seeing my son was slain , i cared not if i had lost an hundred more in opening of the myne , so my credit had been saved : for i protest before god , had not capt. whitney ( to whom i gave more countenance than to all the captains of my fleet ) run from me at the granadoes , and carried another ship with him of captain woldestons . i would have left my body at s. thomes by my sons , or have brought with me out of that or other mynes , so much gold oar , as should have satisfied the king. i propounded no vain thing ; what shall become of me i know not , i am unpardoned in england , and my poor estate consumed , and whether any prince will give me bread or no i know not . i desire your honour to hold me in your good opinino , to remember my service to my lord of ar●undel and pembrook , to take some pity on my poor wife , to whom i dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son ; and beseech you to give a copie of this to my lord 〈◊〉 : for to a broken mind , a sick bodie , and weak eyes , it is a torment to write many letters . i have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weaknesse of the indies , which if i live , i shall here after impart unto your honour , to whom i shall remain a faithfull servant . walter raleigh sir raleigh's letter sent to his wife , copied out of his own hand writing . i was loath to write , because i know not how to comfort you , and god knows , i never knew what sorrow meant till now . all that i can say to you is , that you must obey the will and providence of god , and remember , that the queens majestie bare the losse of prince henry with a magnanimous heart , and the ladie harrington of her son . comfort your heart ( dearest bess ) i shall sorrow for us both , i shall for now the lesse , because i have not long to sorrow , because not long to live . i refer you to mr. secretarie winwoods letter , who will give you a copie of it , if you send for it , therein you shall know what hath passed ; i have written that letter , for my brains are broken , and it is a torment for me to write , and especially of misery . i have desired mr. secretarie to give my lord carew a copie of his letter . i have clensed my ship of sick men , and sent them home ; i hope god will send us somewhat before we return . you shall hear from me if i live , from the new found land , where i mean to make clean my ships and revictual ; for i have tobacco enough to pay for it . the lord blesse and comfort you , that you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son this 22. of march , from the isle of christophers , yours walter raleigh . yours walter raleigh . post-script . i protest before the majestie of god , that as sir francis drake , and sir john hawkins died heart broken when they failed of their enterprise , i could willingly do the like , did i not contend against sorrow for your sake , in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you . if i live to return , resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart . it is true that kemish might have gone directly to the myne , and meant it , but after my sons death , he made them believe he knew not the way , and excused himself upon want of water in the river , and counter feiting many impediments left it unfound . when he came back , i told him he had undone me , and that my credit was lost for ever ; he answered , that when any son was lost , and that he left me so weak , that he resolved not to find me alive , he had no reason to enrich a companie of rascals , who after my sons death made no account of him . he further told me that the english sent up into guiana , could hardly defend the spanish town of s. thome which they had taken , and therefore for them to passe through thick woods it was impossible , and more impossible to have victuall brought them into the mountains and it is true , that the governour diego polo●eqe , and other four captains being slain , whereof wat flew one , plessington , wa●s servant , and john of moroc●urs , one of his men , slew other two . i say five of them slain in the enterance of the town , the rest went off in a whole bodie , and took more care to defend the passages to their mynes ( of which they had three within a league of the town , besides a myne that was about five miles off ) than they did of the town it self . yet kemish at the first was resolved to go to the myne ; but when he came to the banck-side to land , and had two of his men slain outright from the bank , and six other hurt , and captain thornix shot in the head , of which wound , and the accident thereof , he hath pined away those twelve weeks . now when kemish came back and gave me the former reasons which moved him not to open the myne , the one the death of my son , a second the weaknesse of the english , and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled ; a third that it were a folly to discover it for the spaniards ; and lastly my weaknesse and being unpardoned ; and that i rejected all these his arguments , and told him , that i must leave him to himself to resolve it to the king and state , he shut up himself into his cabbin , and shot himself with a pocket pistol which broke one of , his ribs , and finding that he had not prevailed , he thrust a long knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died . thus much i have written to mr secretarie , to whose letters i refer you to know the truth . i did after the sealing break open the letter again , to let you know in brief the state of that business , which i pray you impart to my lord of northumberland , and silvanus sco●y . for the rest , there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as i was ; for being commanded upon mine alleagiance to set down not onely the coū-trey but the very river by which i was to enter it , to name my ships number , men , and my artillerie . this now was sent by the spanish ambassador to his master the king of spain , the king wrote his letters to all parts of the indies , especially to the governour palamago of guiana , elderado , and trinidado , of which the first letter bore date 19 of march 16●7 , at ma●rill , when i had not yet left the thames , which letter i have sent ot mr secretarie . i have also other letters of the kings which i reserve , and one of the councels . the king also sent a commission to leave three hundred souldiers out of his garrisons of ●nie regno de granado è portricho , with ten pieces of brasle ordinance to entertain us ; he also prepared an army by sea to set upon us . if were too long to tell you how we were preserved , if i live i shall make it known ; my brains are broken , and i cannot write much , i live yet , and i told you why . witney for whom i sold all my plate at plymouth , and to whom i gave more credit and countenance than to all the captains of my fleet , ran from me at the granadoes , and wolleston with him , so as i have now but five ships , and out of those i have sent some into my fly boat , a sabble of idle rascals , which i know will not spare to wound me , but i care not . i am sure there is never a base slave in all the fleet hath taken the pain and care that i have done , that have slept so little , and travelled so much , my friends will not believe them , and for the rest i care not ; god in heaven blesse you and strengthen your heart . sir raleigh's letter to mr secretary winwood . sir , since the death of kemish , it is contessed by the serjeant major , and others of his inward friends , that he told them that he could have brought them unto the myne within two hours march from the riverside ; but because my son was slain my self unpardoned , and not like to live , he had no reason to open the myne either for the spaniard or for the king ; they answered , that the king ( though i were not pardoned ) had granted my heart under the great sea. he replyed , that the grant to me was to no man , non ens in the law , and therefore of no force ; this discourse they had , which i knew not of till after his death : but when i was resolved to write unto your honour , he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the myne , i answered him i would not do it ; but if my self could satisfie the king and state , that he had reason not to open it , i should be glad of it : but for my part , i must avow that he knew it , and that he might with loss have done it ; other excuses i would not frame : he told me that he would wait on me presently , and give me better satisfaction : but i was no sooner come from him into my cabbin , but i heard a pistol go over my head , and sending to know who shot it , word was brought me that kemish shot it out of his cabbin window to cleanse it ; his boy going into his cabbin , found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him , and looking in his face saw him dead ; the pistol being but little , did but crack his rib , but turning him over found a long knife in his bodie , all but the handle . sir i have sent into england with my cosin harbert ( a very valiant honest gentleman ) divers unworthy persons , good for nothing neither by sea nor land , and though it was at their own suit , yet i know they will wrong me in all that they can . i beseech your honour , that the scorn of men may not be believed of me , who have taken more pains , and suffered more than the meanest rascall in the ship ; these being gone , i shall be able to keep the sea untill the end of august , with some four reasonable good ships . sir , wheresoever god shall permit me to arrive in any part of europe , i will not fail to let your honour know what we have done , till then , and ever i rest your honours servant w. raleigh . sir walter raleigh's letter to king james , at his return from gviana . may it please your most excellent maiestie , if in my journey outward bound , i had my men murthered at the islands , & yet spared to take revenge , if i did discharge some spanish barks taken without spoil , if i so bear all parts of the spanish indies , wherein i might have taken twentie of their downs on the sea coasts , and did onely follow the enterprize i undertook for guiana , where without any directions from me , a spanish village was burnt , which was new set up within three miles of the myne by your majesties favour . i find no reason why the spanish ambassador should complain of me . if it were lawfull for the spaniards to murther twentie six english men , tying them back to back , and then cutting their throats , when they had traded with them whole moneth , and came to them on the land without so much as one sword , and that it may not be lawfull to your majesties subjects , being charged first by them , to repell force by force , we may justly say , o miserable english ! if p●●●●● and ●●e●●●m took campe●●● and other places in the honduras , seated in the heart of the spanish indies burnt towns , and killed the spaniards , and had nothing said unto them at this return , and my self forbore to look into the i●●●●as ; because i would not offend , i may as justly say , o miserable sir walter raleigh ! if i have spent my poor estate , lost my son , suffered by sicknesse and otherwise a world of miseries ; if i have resisted with manifest hazard of my life , the robberies and spoils , with which my companions would have made me rich , if when i was poor , i would have made my self rich , if when i have gotten my liberty , which all men and nature it self do much prize , i voluntarily lost it , if when i was sure of my life , i rendered it again , if i might elsewhere where have sold my ship and goods , and put five or six thousand pounds in my purse , and yet brought her into england , i beseech your majestie to believe , that all this i have done , because it should not be said to your majestie , that your majestie had given libertie and trust to a man whose end was but the recoverie of his libertie , and who had betrayed your majesties trust . my mutiniers told me , that if i returned from england i should be undone , but i believed in your majesties goodnesse more than in all their being arguments . sure , i am the first that being free and able to enrich my self ; yet hath embraced povertie and perill . and as sure i am , that my example shall make me the last : but your majesties wisdom and goodnesse i have made my judges , who have ever been , and shall ever be , your majesties most humble vassal walter raleigh . sir raleighs's letter to his wife , after his condemnaetion . you shall receive ( my dear wife ) my last words in these my last lines ; my love i send you , that you may keep when i am dead , and my counsell , that you may remember it when i am no more . i would not with my will present you sorrows ( dear bess ) let them go to the grave with me , and be buried in the dust . and seing that it is not the will of god that i shall see you any more , bear my destruction patiently , and with an heart like your self . first i send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive , or my words expresse , for your many travels and cares for me , which though they have not taken effect as you wished , yet my debt to you is not the lesse ; but pay it i never shall in this world . secondly , i beseech you , for the love you bare me living , that you do not hide your self many days , but by your travels seek to help my miserable fortunes , and the right of your poor child , your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust . thirdly , you shall understand , that my lands were conveyed ( bona fide ) to my child , the writings were drawn at midsummer was twelve moneths , as divers can witness , and i trust my bloud will quench their malice who desired my slaughter , that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extream poverty . to what friend to direct you i know not , for all mine have left me in the true time of triall . most sorrie am i , that being thus surprised by death , i can leave you no better estate , god hath prevented all my determinations , that great god which worketh all in all , and if you can live free from want , care for no more , for the rest is but a vanitie : love god and begin betimes , in him you shall find true , everlasting , and endlesse comfort , when you have travelled and wearied your self with all sorts of worldly cogitations you shall sit down by sorrow in the end teach your son also to serve and fear god whilest he is young , that the fear of god may grow up in him ; then will god be an husband to you , and a father to him , an husband and a father , that can never be taken from you . baylie oweth me a thousand pounds , and arvan six hundred ; in j●rnesey also have much owing me . ( dear wife ) i beseech you , for my souls sake , pay all poor men . when i am dead , no doubt you shall be much sought unto for the world thinks i was very rich ; have a care to the fair pretences of men , for no greater miserie can befall you in this life , than to become a prey unto the world , and after to be despised . i speak ( god knows ) not to disswade you from marriage , for it will be best for you , both in respect of god and the world . as for me , i am no more yours , nor you mine , death hath cut us asunder , and god hath divided me from the world , and you from me . remember your poor child for his fathers sake , who loved you in his happiest estate . i sued for my life , but ( god knows ) it was for you and yours that i desired it : for , know it , ( my dear wife ) your child is the child of a true man , who in his own respect despiseth death and his mishapen and ugly forms . i cannot write much , ( god knows ) how hardly i steal this time when all sleep , and it is also time for me to separate my thoughts from the world . beg my dead body , which living was denied you , and either lay it in s●●●b●rn or in exceter church by my father and mother . i can say no more , time and death calleth me away . the everlasting god , powerfull , infinite , and inscrutable god almightie , who is goodnesse it self , the true light and life , keep you and yours , and have mercy upon me , and forgive my persecutors and false accusers , and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom . my dear wife farewell , blesse my boy , pray for me , and let my true god hold you both in his arms. yours that was , but now not mine own walter raleigh . sir raleigh's letter to prince henry , touching the model of a ship. most excellent prince , if the ship your highness intends to build , be bigger than the victorie , then her beams , which are laid overthwart from side to side will not serve again , and many other of her timbers and other stuff , will not serve , whereas if she be a size less , the timber of the old ship will serve well to the building of a new . if she be bigger she will be of less use , go very deep to water , and of mightie charge , our channels decaying every year , less nimble , less mannyable , and seldom to be used grande navio grande satica saith the spaniard . a ship of six hundred tuns , will carrie as good ordinance as a ship of twelve hundred tuns , and where the greater hath double her ordinance , the less will turn her broad side twice , before the great ship can wind once , and so no advantage in that over-plus of guns . the lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish ; the lesser will come and go , leave or take , and is yare , whereas the greater is slow , unmanyable , and ever full of encumber . in a well conditioned ship , these things are chiefly required . 1. that she be strong built . 2. swift in sail . 3. stout-sided . 4. that her ports be so laid , as that she may carry out her guns all weathers . 5. that she hull and trie well . 6. that she stay well , when boarding , or turning on a wind is required . to make her strong , consisteth in the care and truth of the work-man ; to make her swift , is to give her a large run , or way forward , and so afterward , done by act and just proportion , and that in laying out of her bowes before , and quarters behind ; the ship-wright be sure , that she neither sink nor hang into the water , but lie clear and a●ove it , wherein ship-wrights do often fail , and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled . that she be stout-sided , the same is provided by a long bearing floar , and by sharing off from above waters to the low ●●edge of the ports , which done , then will she carry out her ordinance all we●thers . to make her to hull and to trie well , which i● called a good sea-ship , there are two things principally to be regarded , the one that she have a good draught of water , the other that she be not overcharged : and this is seldom done in the kings ships , and therefore we are forced to lye , or trie in them with our main course and mizen , which with a deep keel and standing streak , she would perform . the extream length of a ship makes her unapt to stay , especially if she be floatie and want sharpnesse of way forward . and it is most true , that such over-long ships , are fitter for the narrow seas in summer , than for the ocean , or long voyages : and therefore an hundred foot by the keel , and thirtie five foot broad is a good proportion for a great ship. it is to be noted , that all ships sharp before , not having a long floar , will fall rough into the sea from a billow , and take in water over head and ears ; and the same quality have all narrow-quartered ships to sink after the tail . the high charging of ships , is that that brings many ill qualities , it makes them extream lee-ward , makes them sink deep into the seas , makes them labour sore in foul weather , and oft-times overset . safety is more to be respected than shews , or nicenesse for ease ; in sea journeys both cannot well stand together , and therefore the most necessary is to be chosen . two decks and an half is enough , and no building at all above that , but a low masters cabbin . our masters and mariners will say , that the ships will bear more well enough ; and true it is , if none but ordinary mariners served in them . but men of better sort , unused to such a life , cannot so well endure the rowling and tumbling from side to side , where the seas are never so little grown , which comes by high charging . besides those high cabbin works aloft , are very dangerous in sight , to tear men with their splinters . above all other things , have care that the great guns be four foot clear above water when all lading is in , or else these best pieces are idle sea : for if the ports lie lower , and be open it is dangerous ; and by that default was a goodly ship , and many gallant gentlemen lost , in the days of henry the eigth , before the isle of wight , in a ship called by the name of mary-rose . sir walter raleighs pilgrimage . give me my scallop shell of quiet . my staff of faith to walk upon ; my scrip of joy immortall diet ; my bottle of salvation . my gown of glorie ( hopes true gage ) and thus i le take my pilgrimage . bloud must be my bodies onely balmer , no other balm will there be given whil'st my soul , like a quiet palmer , travelleth towards the land of heaven over the silver mountains where springs the nectar fountains , there i will kisse the bowl of blisse , and drink mine everlasting fill upon every milken hill . my soul will be a drie before , but after , it will thirst no more . i le take them first to quench my thirst , and tast of nectars suckets , at those clear wells where sweetnesse dwells , drawn up by saints in chrystal buckets . then by that happy blestfull day , more peacefull pilgrims i shall see , that have cast off their rags of clay , and walk apparelled fresh like me , and when our bo●les and all we are fill'd with immortalitie , then the blessed parts wee 'l travell , strow'd with rubies thick as gravell , sealings of diamonds , saphire flowers , high walls of coral , and pearly bowers . from thence to heavens bribeless hall , where no corrupted voices brawl , no conscience molten into gold , no forg'd accuser bought or sold , no cause deferr'd , no vain-spent iourny , for there , christ is the kings attorney , who pleads for all without degrees , and he hath angels , but no fees : and when the twelve grand-million iury of our sins , with direfull furie , 'gainst our souls black verdicts give , christ pleads his death , & then we live. be thou my speaker [ taintless pleader , unblotted lawyer , true proceeder . ] thou would'st salvation even for alms , not with a bribed lawyers palms . and this is mine eternall plea to him that made heaven , earth & sea , that since my flesh must die so soon , and want a head to dine next noon , iust at the stroak , when my veins start & spread , set on my soul an everlasting head. then am i ready , like a palmer fit to tread those blest paths which before i writ . of death & iudgement , heaven & hell , who oft doth think , must needs die wel . sir raleigh's verses ; found in his bible in the gate-house at westminster . even such is time , which takes in trust our youth , our ioye , and all we have , and pays us nought but age and dust , when in the dark and silent grave : when we have wandred all our ways , shuts up the storie o● our days : and from which grave , & earth , & dust , the lord shall raise me up i trust . sir w. raleigh , on the snuff of a candle the night before he died . cowards fear to die , but courage stout , rather than live in snuff , wil be put out . sir walter raleigh's speech immediately before he was beheaded . upon simon and judes day , the lieutenant of the tower had a warrant to bring his prisoner to the kings-bench . w 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where the attorney generall demanded execution , according to the iudgement pronou●ced against him at w 〈…〉 , the lord chief iustice caused the indictment . verdict and iudgement to be read , and after asked him , what he could say , why he should not die according to the law ; his answer was , that this fifteen years he had lived by the meer mercy of the king , and did now wonder how his mercy was turned into iustice , he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his majesties displeasure , and did hope , that he was clear from that iudgement by the kings commission in making him generall of the voyage to guiana , for ( as he conceived ) the words , to his trusty and well beloved subject , &c. did in themselves imply a pardon . but master attorney told him , these words were not sufficient for that purpose . whereupon he desired the opinion of the court , to which the lord chief iustice replied , it was no pardon in law. then began sir walter raleigh to make a long description of the events and ends of his voyage , but he was interrupted by the chief iustice , who told him , that it was not for any offence committed there , but for his first fact that he was now called in question , and thereupon told him , that seeing he must prepare to die he would not add affliction to affliction , nor aggravate his fault , knowing him to be a man full of misery ; but with the good samaritane administer oyl and wine for the comfort of his distressed soul. you have been a generall , and a great commander , imitate therefore that noble captain , who thrusting himself into the middest of a battell , cried aloud , mors me expect●t , & ego mortem expectabo , as you should not contemn so to do , nor should you fear death , the one sheweth too much boldnesse , the other no lesse cowardize , so with some other few instructions the court arose , and sir walter was committed into the hands of the sheriff of middlesex , who presently conveyed him to the gate house in westminster . upon thursday morning this couragious , although committed knight , was brought before the parliament-house , where there was a scaffold erected for his beheading : yet it was doubted over-night that he should be hanged , but it fell out otherwise . he had no sooner mounted the scaffold , but with a chearfull countenance and andaunted look , he saluted the companie . his attire was a wrought night-cap , a ruff band , a hair-coloured sattin doublet , with a black wrought waste-coat under it , a pair of black cut taffery breeches , a pair of ash-coloured silk stockings & a wrought black velvet night gown ; putting off his hat , he directed his speech to the lords present , as followeth . my honourable lords , and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die , know , that i much rejoyce that it hath pleased god to bring me from darknesse to night , and in freeing me from the tower , wherein i might have died in disgrace , by letting me love to come to this place , where though i lose my life , yet i shall clear some false accusations , unjustly laid to my charge , and leave behind me a testimony of a true heart , both to my king and country . two things there are which have exceedingly possest and provoked his majesties indignation against me , viz. a confederacie , or combination with france , and disloyall and disobedient words of my prince . for the first , his majestie had some cause , h●●●gh groundes upon a weak foundation , to suspect mine inclination to the french action , for not long before my departure from england , the french agent took occasion , passing by my house , to visit me , had some conference , during the time of his abode , onely concerning my voyage , and nothing else , i take god to witnesse . another suspition is had of me , because i did labour to make an escape from plymouth to france , i cannot deny , but that willingly , when i heard a rumour , that there was no hope of my life upon my return to london , i would have escaped so the safeguard of my life , and not for any ill intent or conspiracie against the state. the like reason of suspition arose , in that i perswaded sir lewis steakly , my guardian , to flee with me from london to france , but my answer to this is , as to the other , that onely for my safeguard , and thought else , was my intent , as i shall answer before the almightie . it is alleadged , that i seigned my self sick and in art made my body full of blisters when i was at salisbury . true it is , i did to ; the reason was , because i hoped thereb● to defer my coming before the king and councell , and so by delaying , might have gaine time to have got my pardon . i have an example out of scripture for my warrant , that in case of necessity , and for the safeguard of my life , david seigned himself foolish and mad , yet it was not imputed to him for sin . concerning the second imputation laid to my charge , that i should speak scandalous and reprochfull words of my prince , there is no witnesse against me but onely one , and he a chimicall french man , whom i entertained , rather for his iests than his iudgement : this man to incroach himself into the favour of the lords , and gaping after some great reward , hath falsely accused me of seditions speeches against his majestie ; against whom , if i did either speak , or think a thought hurtfull or prejudiciall , the lord blot me out of the book of life . it is not a time to flatter or fear princes , for i am a subject to none but death ? therefore have a charitable conceit of me . that i know to swear is an offence , to swear falsly at any time is a great sin , but to swear false before the presence of almightie god , before whom i am forthwith to appear , were an offence unpardonable ; therefore think me not now rashly , or untruly to confirm , or protest any thing . as for other objections , in that i was brought perforce into england , that i carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of england with me , more than i i made known ; that i should receive letters from the french king , and such like , with many protestations he utterly denied . finis . the prerogative of parliaments in england . proved in a dialogue between a counsellour of state , and a iustice of peace . written by the worthy knight . sir walter raleigh . dedicated to that part of the parliament now assembled . preserved to be now happily ( in these distracted times ) published . london , printed for william sheares iunior , in westminster hall. 1657. to the king . most gracious soveraign : those that are supprest and helpelesse are commonly silent , wishing that the common ill in all sort might be with their particular misfortunes : which disposition , as it is uncharitable in all men , so would it be in me more dogge-like then man-like , to bite the stone that strooke me : ( to wit ) the borrowed authority of my soveraigne misinformed , seeing their armes and hunds that flang it , are most of them already rotten . for i must confesse it ever , that they are debts , and not discontentments , that your majesty hath laid upon me ; the debts and obligation of a friendlesse adversity , farre more payable in all kinds , then those of the prosperous : all which , nor the least of them , though i cannot discharge , i may yet endeavour it . and notwithstanding my restraint hath retrenched all wayes , as well the wayes of labour and will , as of all other imployments , yet hath it left with me my cogitations , then which i have nothing else to offer on the altar of my love. of those ( most gracious soveraigne ) i have used some part in the following dispute , between a counsellour of estate , and a iustice of peace , the one disswading , the other perswading the calling of a parliament . in all which , since the norman conquest ( at the least so many , as histories have gathered ) i have in some things in the following dialogue presented your majesty with the contentions and successes . some things there are , and those of the greatest , which because they ought first to be resolved on , i thought fit to range them in the front of the rest , to the end your majesty may be pleased to examine your own great and princely heare of their acceptance , or refusall . the first is , that supposition , that your majesties subjects give nothing but with adjuction of their own interest , interlacing in one , and the same act your majesties reliefe , and their own liberties ; not that your majesties piety was ever suspected , but because the best princes are ever the least jealous , your majesty judging others by your self , who have abused your majesties trust . the fear'd continuance of the like abuse may perswade the provision but this caution , how ever it seemeth at first sight , your majesty shall perceive by many examples following but frivolous . the bonds of subjects to their kings should alwayes be wrought out of iron , the bonds of kings unto subjects but with cobwebs . this it is ( most renowned soveraigne ) that this trafficke of assurances hath been often urged , of which , if the conditions had been easie , our kings have as easily kept them ; if hard and prejudiciall , either to their honours or estates , the creditours have been paid their debts whith their own presumption . for all binding of a king by law upon the advantage of his necessity , makes the breach it self lawfull in a king , his charters and all other instruments being no other then the surviuing witnesses of unconstrained will : princeps non subjicitur nifi sua voluntate libera , mero motu & certa scientia : necessary words in all the grants of a king witnessing that the same grants were given freely and knowingly . the second resolution will rest in your majesty , leaving the new impositions , all monopolies , and other grievances of the people to the consideration of the house , provided , that your majesties revenue be not abated , which if your majesty shall refuse , it is thought that the disputes will last long , and the issues will be doubtfull : and on the contrary if your majesty vouchsafe it , it may perchance be stiled a yeelding , which seemeth by the sound to brave the regalty . but ( mose excellent prince ) what other is it to th' eares of the wise , but as the sound of a trumpet , having blasted forth a false alarme , becomes but common aire ? shall the head yeeld to the feete ? certainly it ought , when they are grieved , for wisdome will rather regard the commodity , then object the disgrace , seeing if the feet lye in fetters , the head cannot be freed , and where the feet feele but their own paines , the head doth not onely suffer by participiation , but withall by consideration of the evill . certainly the point of honour well weighed hath nothing in it to even the ballance , for by your majesties favour , your majesty doth not yeeld either to any person , or to any power , but to a dispute onely , in which the proposition and minor prove nothing without a conclusion , which no other person or power can make , but a majesty : yea this in henry the third his time was called a wisedome incomparable . for , the king raised again , recovery his authority : for , being in that extremity as he was driven with the queen and his children , cum abbatibus & prioribus satis humilibus hospitia quaerere & prandia : for the rest , may it please your majesty to consider that there can nothing befall your majesty in matters of affaires more unfortunately , then the commons of parliament with ill successe : a dishonour so perswasive and adventurous as it will not onely find arguments ; but it will take the leading of all enemies that shall offer themselves against your majesties estate . le tabourin de la paurete ne faict poinct de breuct : of which dangerous disease in princes , the remedy doth chiefly consist in the love of the people , which how it may be had & held , no man knowes better then your majesty ; how to loose it , all men know , and know that it is lost by nothing more then by the defence of others in wrong doing . the onely motives of mischances that ever come to kings of this land since the conquest . it is onely love ( most renowned soveraign ) must prepare the way for your majesties following desires . it is love which obeyes , which suffers , which gives , which stickes at nothing ; which love , as well of your majesties people , as the love of god to your majesty , that it may alwayes hold shall be the continuall prayers of your majesties most humble vassall , walter ralegh . a dialogue between a counsellour of state , and a justice of peace . counsellour . now sir , what think you of m. s. iohns tryall in star-chamber ? i know that the bruit ranne that he was hardly dealt withall , because he was imprisoned in the tower , seeing his disswasion from granting a benevolence to the king was warranted by the law. justice . surely sir it was made manifest at the hearing , that m. s. iohn was rather in love with his own letter ; he confessed he had seen your lordships letter , before hee wrote his to the major of marleborough , and in your lordships letter , there was not a word whereto the statutes by mr. sr. iohn alleadged , had reference ; for those statutes did condemn the gathering of money from the subject , under title of a free gift ; whereas a fift , a sixt , a tenth , &c. was set down and required . but my good lord , though divers shires have given to his majestie , some more , some lesse , what is this to the kings debt ? couns. wee know it well enough , but we have many other projects . iust . it is true my good lord : but your lordship will find , that when by these you have drawn many petty summes from the subjects , and those sometimes spent as fast as they are gathered , his majesty being nothing enabled thereby , when you shall be forced to demand your great aide , the the countrey will excuse it self in regard of their former payments . couns. what mean you by the great aide ? just . i mean the aide of parliament . couns. by parliament , i would fain know the man that durst perswade the king unto it , for if it should succeed ill , in what case were he ? just . you say well for your self my lord , and perchance you that are lovers of your selves ( under pardon ) do follow the advice of the late duke of alva , who was ever opposite to all resolutions in businesse of importance ; for if the things enterprised succeeded well , the advice never came in question ; if ill , ( whereto great undertakings are commonly subject ) he then made his advantage by remembring his countrey councell : but my good lord , these reserved polititians are not the best servants , for he that is bound to adventure his life for his master , is also bound to adventure his advice , keep not back councell ( saith ecclesiasticus ) when it may do good . couns. but sir , i speak it not in other respect then i think it dangerous for the king to assemble the three estates , for thereby have our former kings alwayes lost somewhat of their prerogatives . and because that you shall not think that i speak it at randome , i will begin with elder times , wherein the first contention began betwixt the kings of this land and their subjects in parliament . iust . your lordship shall do me a singular favour . couns. you know that the kings of england had no formal parliament till about the 18. year of hen. the first , for in his 17 year for the marriage of his daughter , the king raised a tax upon every hide of land by the advice of his privy councell alone . but you may remember how the subjects soon after the establishment of this parliament , began to stand upon termes with the king , and drew from him by strong hand and the sword the great charter . just . your lordship sayes well , they drew from the king the great charter by the sword , and hereof the parliament cannot be accused , but the lords . couns. you say well , but it was after the establishment of the parliament , and by colour of it , that they had so great daring , for before that time they could not endure to hear of sr. edwards lawes , but resisted the confirmation in all they could , although by those lawes the subjects of this iland were no lesse free than any of all europe . just . my good lord , the reason is manifest ; for while the normans and other of the french that followed conquerour made spoyle of the english , they would not endure that any thing but the will of the conquerour should stand for law : but after a difcent or two when themselves were become english , and found themselves beaten with their own rods , they then began to favour the difference between subjection and slavery , and insist upon the law , meum & tuum , and to be able to say unto themselves , hoc sac & vives : yea that the conquering english in ireland did the like , your lordship knowes it better than i. couns. i think you guesse aright : and to the end the subject may know that being a faithfull servant to his prince he might enjoy his own life , and paying to his prince what belongs to a soveraigne , the remainder was his own to dispose . henry the first to content his vassals gave them the great charter , and the charter of forrests . just . what reason then had k. iohn to deny the confirmation . couns. he did not , but he on the contrary confirmed both the charters with additions , & required the pope whom he had them made his superior to strengthen him with a golden bul. just . but your honour knowes , that it was not long after , that he repented himself . couns. it is rrue , and he had reason so to do for the barons refused to follow him into france , as they ought to have done , and to say true , this great charter upon which you insist so much , was not originally granted regally aud freely ; for henry the first did usurpe the kingdome , and therefore the better to assure himself against robert his eldest brother , hee flattered the nobility and people with those charters . yea king iohn that confirmed them , had the like respect for arthur duke of britain , was the undoubted heir of the crown , upon whom iohn usurped . and so to conclude , these charters had their originall from kings de facto but not de jure . just . but king iohn confirmed the charter after the death of his nephew arthur , when he was then rex de jure also . couns. it is true , for he durst do no other , standing accursed , whereby few or none obeyed him , for his nobility refused to follow him into scotland , and he had so grieved the people by pulling down all the parke pales before harvest , to the end his deere might spoil the corn ; and by seizing the temporalities of so many bishopricks into his hands , and chiefly for practising the death of the duke of britain his nephew , as also having lost normandy to the french , so as the hearts of all men were turned from him . iust . nay by your favour my lord , king iohn restored k. edwards laws after his absolution , and wrote his letters in the 15. of his reigne to all sheriffes countermanding all former oppressions , yea this he did notwithstanding the lords refused to follow him into france . couns. pardon me , he did not restore king edwards lawes then , nor yet confirmed the charters , but he promised upon his absolution to doe both : but after his return out of france , in his 16. year he denyed it , because without such a promise he had not obtained restitution , his promise being constrained , and not voluntary . iust . but what think you ? was hee not bound in honour to performe it . couns. certainly no , for it was determined the case of king francis the first of france , that all promises by him made , whilest he was in the hands of charles the fift his enemy , were void , by reason the judge of honour , which tells us he durst doe no other . just . but king iohn was not in prison . couns. yet for all that , restraint is imprisonment , yea , fear it self is imprisonment , and the king was subject to both : i know there is nothing more kingly in a king than the performance of his word ; but yet of a word freely and voluntarily given . neither was the charter of henry the first so published , that all men might plead it for their advantage but a charter was left ( in deposito ) in the hands of the archbishop of canterbury for the time , and so to his successours . stephen langthon , who was ever a traytor to the king , produced this charter , and shewed it to the barons , thereby encouraging them to make war against the king. neither was it the old charter simply the barons sought to have confirmed , but they presented unto the king other articles and orders , tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth , which when the king refused to signe , the barons presently put themselves into the field , and in rebellious and outragious fashion sent the king word , except he confirmed them , they would not desist from making war against him , till he had satisfied them therein . and in conclusion , the king being betrayed of all his nobility , in effect was forced to grant the charter of magna charta , and charta de forestis , at such time as he was invironed with an army in the meadowes of staynes , which harters being procured by force , pope innocent afterward disavowed , and threatned to curse the barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their soveraigne lord , which when the lords refused to obey , the king entertained an army of strangers for his own defence , wherewith having mastered and beaten the barons , they called in lewes of france ( a most unnaturall resolution ) to be their king neither was magna charta a law in the 19. of henry the 2d . but simply a charter which hee confirmed in the 21. of his reigne , and made it a law in the 25. according to littletons opinion . thus much for the beginning of the great cbarter , which had first an obscure birth from usurpation , and was secondly fostered and shewed to the world by rebellion . just . i cannot deny but that all your lordship hath said is true ; but seeing the charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by parliament and made lawes , and that there is nothing in them unequall or prejudicial to the king , doth not your honour think it reason they should be observed ? couns. yes , and observed they are in all that the state of a king can permit , for no man is destroyed but by the lawes of the land , no man disseized of his inheritance but by the lawes of the land , imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the king hath cause to suspect their loyalty : for were it otherwise , the king should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or treason against his person or state , and being imprisoned , yet doth not any man suffer death but by the law of the land . just . but may it please your lordship , were not cornewallis , sharpe , and hoskins imprisoned , being no suspition of treason there ? couns. they were ; but it cost them nothing . just . and what got the king by it ? for in the conclusion ( besides the murmure of the people ) cornewallis , sharpe , and hoskins having greatly overshot themselves , and repented them , a fine of 5 or 600l. was laid on his majesty for their offences , for so much their diet cost his majesty . couns. i know who gave the advice , sure i am that it was none of mine : but thus i say , if you consult your memory , you shall find that those kings which did in their own times comfirme the magna charta , did not onely imprison , but they caused of their nobility and others to be slain without hearing or tryall , just . my good lord , if you will give me leave to speak freely , i say , that they are not well advised that perswade the king not to admit the magna charta with the former reservations . for as the king can never lose a farthing by it as i shall prove anon : so except england were as naples is , and kept by garrisons of another nation , it is impossible for a king of england to greaten and inrich himself by any way so assuredly , as by the love of his people : for by one rebellion the king hath more losse then by a hundred years observance of magna charta , for therein have our kings been forced to compound with roagues and rebels , and to pardon them , yea the state of the king , the mouarchie , the nobility have been endangered by them . couns. well sir , let that passe , why should not our kings raise mony as the kings of france do by their letters and edicts onely ? for since the time of lewes the 11. of whom it is said , that he freed the french kings of their wardship , the french kings have seldome assembled the states for any contribution . just . i will tell you why : the strength of england doth consist of the people and yeomanry , the pefants of france have no courage nor armes : in france every village and burrough hath a castle , which the french call chasteau villain , every good city hath a good cittadell , the king hath the regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay ; yea the nobility of france in whom the strength of france consists , doe alwayes assist the king in those leavies , because themselves being free , they made the same leavies upon ther tennants . but my lord , if you marke it , france was never free in effect from civill wars , and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the spaniard , or to be cantonized by the rebellious french themselves , since that freedome of wardship . but my good lord , to leave this digression , that wherein i would willingly satisfie your lordship , is , that the kings of england have never received losse by parliament , or prejudice . couns. no sir , you shall find that the subjects in parliament have decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our kings in former times . just . my good lord , to avoid confusion , i will make a short repitition of them all , & then your lordship may object where you see cause ; and i doubt not but to give your lordship satisfaction . in the sixt year of henry the 3d there was no dispute , the house gave the king two shillings of every plough land within england , and in the end of the same year he had escuage payed him ( to wit ) for every knights fee two marks in silver . in the fifth year of that king , the lords demaunded the confirmation of the great charter which the kings councell for that time present excused , alleadging that those priviledges , were exhorted by force during the kings minoritie , and yet the king was pleased to send forth his writ to the sheriffes of every countrey , requiring them to certifie what those liberties were , and how used , and in exchange of the lords demaund , because they pressed him so violently , the king required all the castles and places which the lords held of his , and had held in the time of his father , with those manors and lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the crown , which at that time ( the king being provided of forces ) they durst not deny , in the 14 year he had the 15. peny of all goods given him , upon condition to confirme the great charter : for by reason of the wars in france , and the losse of rochett , he was them enforced to consent to the lords in all they demanded , in the tenth of his reigne he fined the city of london at 50000. marks , because they had received lewis of france , in the 11. year in the parliament at oxford , he revoked the great charter , being granted when he was under age , and governed by the earle of pembroke and the bishop of winchester , in this 11. year the earles of cornewall and chester , marshall , edward earle of pembroke , gilbert earle of gloucester , warren , hereford , ferrars , and warwick , and others rebelled against the king , and constrained him to yeeld unto them in what they demaunded for their particular interest , which rebellion being appeased , he sayled into france , and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporality , and a disme and a half of the spirituality , and withall escuage of every knights fee. couns. but what say you to the parliament of westminster in the 16th . of the king , where notwithstanding the wars of france and his great charge in repulsing the welsh rebels , he was flatly denyed the subsidy demanded . iust . i confesse , my lord , that the house excused themselves by reason of their poverty , and the lords taking of armes ; in the next year it was manifest that the house was practised aganst the king : and was it not so , my good lord , think you in our two last parliaments , for in the first even those whom his majesty trusted most , betrayed him in the union , and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter . but your lordship spake of dangers of parliaments , in this , my lord , there was a denyall , but there was no danger at all : but to returne where i left , what got the lords by practizing the house at that time ? i say that those that brake this staffe upon the king , were overturned with the counterbuffe , for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority , he called all his exacting officers to accompt , he found them all faulty , he examined the corruption of other magistrates , and from all these he drew sufficient money to satisfie his present necessity ; whereby he not onely spared his people , but highly contented them with an act of so great iustice : yea hubert earle of kent , the chief iustice whom he had most trusted , and most advanced , was found as false to the king as any one of the rest . and for conclusion in the end of that year at the assembly of the states at lambeth , the king had the fortieth part of every mans goods given him freely toward his debts , for the people , who the same year had refused to give the king any thing , when they saw he had squeased those spunges of the common-wealth , they willingly yeelded to give him satisfaction . couns. but i pray you what became of this hubert , whom the king had favoured above all men , betraying his majesty as he did . iust . there were many that perswaded the king to put him to death , but he could not be drawn to consent , but the king seized upon his estate which was great ; yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion , and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times : for this majesty , though he tooke advantage of his vice , yet he forgot not to have consideration of his vertue . and upon this occasion it was that the king , betrayed by those whom he most trusted , entertained strangers , and gave them their offices and the charge of his castles and strong places in england . couns. but the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that marshall earle of pembroke moved war against the king. just . it is true , my good lord , but he was soon after slain in ireland , and his whole masculine race , ten yeares extinguished , though there were five sons of them , and marshal . being dead , who was the mover and ring-leader of that war , the king pardoned the rest of the lords that had assisted marshall . couns. what reason had the king so to doe ? just . because he was perswaded , that they loved his person , and only hated those corrupt counsellors , that then bare the greatest sway under him , as also because they were the best men of war he had , whom if he destroyed , having war with the french , he had wanted commanders to have served him . couns. but what reason had the lords to take armes ? just . because the king entertained the poictovins , were not they the kings vassals also ? should the spaniards rebell , because the spanish king trusts to the neapolitans , fortagues , millanoies , and other nations his vassals , seeing those that are governed by the vice-royes and deputies , are in policy to be well entertained & to be employed , who would otherwise devise how to free themselves ; whereas , being trusted and imployed by their prince , they entertain themselves with the hopes that other the kings vassals do , if the king had called in the spaniards , or other nations , not his subjects , the nobilitie of england had reason of grief . couns. but what people did ever serve the king of england more faithfully then the gascoynes did , even to the last of the conquest of that duchie ? iust . your lordship sayes well , and i am of that opinion , that if it had pleased the queen of eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the irish nobilitie into eng. and by exchange to have made them good free-holders in eng. she had saved above 2. millions of pounds , which were consumed in times of those rebellions . for what held the great gascoigne firme to the crown of england ( of whom the duke of espernon married the inheritrix ) but his earldome of kendall in england , whereof the duke of espernon ( in right of his wife ) beares the title to this day ? and to the same end i take it , hath iames our soveraign lord given lands to divers of the nobilitie of scotland . and if i were worthy to advise your lordship , i should think that your lordship should do the king great service , to put him in mind to prohibite all the scottish nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here ; for they selling , they not only give cause to the english to complain , that the treasure of england is transported into scotland , but his majestie is thereby also frustrated of making both nations one , and of assuring the service and obedience of the scots in future . couns. you say well for though those of scotland that are advanced and enriched by the kings majesties will , no doubt serve him faithfully , yet how their heires and successors , having no inheritance to lose in england , may be seduced , is uncertain . but let us go on with our parliament . and what say you to the denyall , in the 26th . year of his reigne , even when the king was invited to come into france by the earle of march , who had married his mother , and who promised to assist the king in the conquest of many places lost ? iust . it is true my good lord , that a subsidie was then denied , and the reasons are delivered in english histories , and indeed the king not long before had spent much treasure in aiding the duke of britain to no purpose ; for he drew over the king but to draw on good conditions for himself , as the earle of march his father in law now did : as the english barons did invite lewes of france not long before , as in elder times all the kings and states had done , and in late years the leaguers of france entertained the spaniards , and the french protestants and netherlands , queen elizabeth , not with any purpose to greaten those that aide them , but to purchase to themselves an advantageous peace . but what say the histories to this denyall ? they say , with a world of payments there mentioned , that the king had drawn the nobility drie . and besides , that whereas not long before great summes of money were given , and the same appointed to be kept in four castles , and not to be expended but by the advice of the peeres ; it was beleeved , that the same treasure was yet unspent . couns. good sir you have said enough ; judge you whether it were not a dishonour to the king to be so tyed , as not to expend his treasure but by other mens advice , as it were by their licence . iust . surely , my lord , the king was well advised to take the money upon any condition , and they were fooles that propounded the restraint ; for it doth not appear , that the king took any great heed to those overseers : kings are bound by their pietie , and by no other obligation . in queen maries time , when it was thought that she was with child , it was propounded in parliament , that the rule of the realme should be given to king philip , during the minoritie of the hoped prince or princesse ; and the king offered his assurance in great summes of money , to relinquish the government at such time as the prince or princesse should be of age : at which motion , when all else were silent in the house , lord da●res ( who was none of the wisest ) asked who shall sue the kings bonds ? which ended the dispute , ( for what other bond is between a king and his vassals , then the bond of the kings faith ? ) but , my good lord , the king , notwithstanding the denyall at that time , was with gifts from particular persons , and otherwise , supplyed for proceeding of his journey for that time into france ; he took with him 30 caskes filled with silver and coyne , which was a great treasure in those dayes . and lastly , notwithstanding the first denyall , in the kings absence he had escuage granted him ( to wit ) 20s . of every knights fee. couns. what say you then to the 28th year of that king , in which when the king demanded reliefe , the states would not consent , except the the same former order had bin taken for the appointing of 4 overseers for the treasure : as also that the lord chief iustice and the l. chancelor should be chosen by the states , with some barons of the exchequer and other officers . just . my good lord , admit the king had yeelded their demands , then whatsoever had been ordained by those magistrates to the dislike of the common-wealth , the people had been without remedie , whereas while the king made them , they had their appeal and other remedies . but those demands vanished , and in the end the king had escuage given him , without any of their conditions . it is an excellent vertue in a king to have patience , and to give way to the furie of mens passions . the whale when he is strucken by the fisherman , growes into that furie , that he cannot be resisted : but will overthrow all the ships and barkes that come into his way ; but when he hath tumbled a while , he is drawn to the shore with a twin'd thred . couns. what say you then to the parliament in the 29th . of that king ? iust . i say , that the commons being unable to pay , the king relieves himself upon the richer sort : and so it likewise happened in the 33. of that king , in which he was relieved chiefly by the citie of london . but , my good lord , in the parliament in london in the 38th year , he had given him the tenth of all the revenues of the church for 3 years , and three marks of every knights fee throughout the kingdome , upon his promise and oath upon the observing of magna charta , but in the end of the same year , the king being then in france , he was denyed the aides which he required . what is this to the danger of a parliament ? especially at this time they had reason to refuse , they had given so great a summe in the beginning of the same year . and again ; because it was known that the king had but pretended war with the king of castile , with whom he had secretly contracted an alliance , and concluded a marriage betwixt his son edward and the lady elenor. these false fires do but fright children , and it commonly falls out , that when the cause given is known to be false , the necessitie pretended is thought to be fained . royall dealing hath evermore royall successe : and as the king was denyed in the eight and thirtieth year , so was he denyed in the nine and thirtieth year , because the nobilitie and the people saw it plainely , that the k. was abused by the pope , who as well in despite to manfred bastard son to the emperour frederick the second : as to cozen the king and to waste him , would needes bestow on the king the kingdome of sicily ; to recover which the king sent all the treasure he could borrow or scrape to the pope , and withall gave him letters of credence , for to take up what he could in italy , the king binding himself for the payment . now , my good lord , the wisdome of princes is seen in nothing more then in their enterprises . so how unpleasing it was to the state of england to consume the treasure of the land , and in the conquest of sicily so far off , and otherwise , for that the english had lost normandie under their noses , and so many goodly parts of france , of their own proper inheritances : the reason of the denyall is as well to be considered as the denyall . couns. was not the king also denyed a subsidie in the fortie first of his reigne ? iust . no , my lord : for although the king required money as before , for the impossible conquest of sicily , yet the house offered to give 52000 marks , which whether he refused or accepted , is uncertain : and whilst the king dreamed of sicily , the welsh invaded and spoyled the borders of england ; for in the parliament of london , when the king urged the house for the prosecuting the conquest of sicily , the lords utterly disliking the attempt , urged the prosecuting of the welshmen : which parliament being proroged did again assemble at oxford , and was called the mad parliament , which was no other then an assembly of rebels , for the royal assent of the king which gives life to all lawes , form'd by the three estates , was not a royall assent , when both the king and the prince were constrained to yeeld to the lords . a contrained consent is the consent of a captive and not of a king and therefore there was nothing done their either legally or royally . for if it be not properly a parliament where the subject is not free , certainely it can be none where the king is bound , for all kingly rule was taken from the king , and twelve peeres appointed , and as some writers have it 24. peeres , to governe the realme , and therefore the assembly made by iack straw and other rebels may aswell be called a parliament as that of oxford . principis nomen habere , non est esse princeps , for thereby was the k. driven not only to compound all quarrels with the french , but to have meanes to be revenged on the rebell lords : but he quitted his right to normandy , anjou and mayne . couns. but sir , what needed this extremity , seeing the lords required but the confirmation of the former charter , which was not prejudiciall to the king to grant ? just . yes my good lord , but they insulted upon the king , and would not suffer him to enter into his own castles , they put down the purveyor of the meat for the maintenance of his house : as if the king had been a bankrupt , and gave order that without ready money he should not take up a chicken . and though there is nothing against the royalty of a king in these charters ( the kings of england being kings of freemen and not of slaves ) yet it is so contrary to the nature of a king to be forced even to those things which may be to his advantage , as the king had some reason to seek the dispensation of his oath from the pope , and to draw in strangers for his own defence : yea jure salvo coronae nostrae is intended inclusively in all oathes and promises exacted from a soveraigne . couns. but you cannot be ignorant how dangerous a thing it is to call in other nations both for the spoil they make , as also , because they have often held the possession of the best places with which they have been trusted . just . it is true my good lord , that there is nothing so dangerous for a king as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals , for by that , edward the second , and richard the second lost their kingdomes and their lives . and for calling in of strangers , was not king edward the sixth driven to call in strangers against the rebels in norfolke , cornwall , oxfordshire and elsewhere ? have not the kings of scotland been oftentimes constrained to entertain strangers against the kings of england : and the king of england at this time had he not bin diverse times assisted by the kings of scotland & had bin endangered to have been expelled for ever . couns. but yet you know those kings were deposed by parliament . just . yea my good lord being prisoners , being out of possession , and being in their hands that were princes of the blood and pretenders . it is an old countrey proverbe , ( that might overcomes right ) a weak title that weares a strong sword , commonly prevailes against a strong title that weares but a weak one , otherwise philip the second had never been duke of portugal , nor duke of millayne , nor king of naples & sicily . but good lord , errores non sunt trahendi in exemplum . i speak of regall , peaceable , and lawfull parliaments . the king at this time was but a king is name , for glocester , leicester and chichester made choise of other nine , to whom the rule of the realme was committed , and the prince was forced to purchase his liberty from the earle of leicester , by giving for his ransome the countey pallatine of chester . but my lord let us judge of those occasions by their events what became of this proud earle ? was he not soon after slain in evesham ? was he not left naked in the field , and left a shamfull spectacle , his head being cut off from his shoulders , his privie parts from his body , and laid on each side of his nose ? and did not god extinguish his race , after which in a lawfull parliament at westminster ( confirmed in a following parliament of westminster ) were not all the lords that followed leycester disinheried ? and when that fool glocester after the death of leycester ( whom he had formerly forsaken ) made himself the head of a second rebellion , and called in strangers , for which not long before he had cried out against the king , was not he in the end , after that he had seen the slaughter of so many of the barons , the spoil of their castles , and lordships constrained to submit himself , as all the survivers did , of which they that sped best , payed their fines and ransomes , the king reserving his younger son , the earledomes of leycester and derby . couns. well sir , we have disputed this king to the grave , though it be true , that he out-lived all his enemies , and brought them to confusion , yet those examples did not terrifie their successors , but the earle marshall , and hereford , threatned king edward the first , with a new war. iust . they did so , but after the death of hereford , the earle marshall repented himself , and to gain the kings favour , he made him heir of all his lands . but what is this to the parliament ? for there was never king of this land had more given him for the time of his raign , then edward the son of henry the third had . couns. how doth that appear ? just . in this sort my good lord , in this kings third year he had given him the fifteenth part of all goods . in his sixt year a twentyeth . in his twelfth year a twentyeth , in his fourteenth year he had escuage ( to wit ) forty shillings of every knights fee , in this eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all moveable goods within the kingdome , in his nineteenth year the tenth part of all church livings in england , scotland and ireland ; for six years , by agreement from the pope , in his three and twentieth year he raised a taxe upon wool and fels , and on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched , and all the treasure in them to be seized and brought to his coffers , excusing himself by laying the fault upon his treasurer , he had also in the end of the same year , of all goods of all burgesses , and of the commons the 10th part , in the 25th year of the parliament of st. edmundsbury , he had an 18th part of the goods of the burgesses , and of the people in generall , the tenth part . he had also the same year by putting the clergie out of his protection a fifth part of their goods , and in the same year he set a great taxe upon woolls , to wit , from half a marke to 40s . upon every sack , whereupon the earle marshall , and the earle of hereford refusing to attend the king into flanders , pretended the greevances of the people . put in the end the king having pardoned them , and confirmed the great charter , he had the ninth penny of all goods from the lords and commons of the clergie , in the south he had the tenth penny , and in the north the fift penny . in the two and thirtyeth year he had a subsedy freely granted . in the three and thirtyeth year he confirmed the great charter of his own royall disposition , and the states to shew their thankfulnesse , gave the king for one year , the fift part of all the revenues of the land , and of the citizens the sixt part of their goods . and in the same year the king used the inquisition called trai le baston . by which all justices and other magistrates were grievously fined that had used extortion or bribery , or had otherwise misdemeaned themselves to the great contentation of the people . this commission likewise did enquire of entruders , barators , and all other the like vermine , whereby the king gathered a great masse of treasure with a great deal of love . now for the whole raigne of this king , who governed england 35 years , there was not any parliament to his prejudice . couns. but there was taking of armes by marshall and hereford . just . that 's true , but why was that ? because the king , notwithstanding all that was given him by parliament , did lay the greatest taxes that ever king did without their consent . but what lost the king by those lords ? one of them gave the king all his lands , the other dyed in disgrace . couns. but what say you to the parliament in edward the seconds time his successor : did not the house of parliament banish peirce gaveston whom the king favoured ? just . but what was this gaveston but an esquier of gascoine , formerly banisht the realme by king edward the first , for corrupting the prince edward , now raigning . and the whole kingdome fearing and detesting his venemous disposition , they besought his majestie to cast him off , which the king performed by an act of his own , and not by act of parliament , yea gavestones own father in law , the earle of glocester , was one of the chiefest of the lords that procured it . and yet finding the kings affection to folow him so strongly , they all consented to have him recalled . after which when his credit so encreased , that he dispised and set at naught all the ancient nobility , and not onely perswaded the king to all manner of outrages and riots , but withall transported what he lifted of the kings treasure , and iewels : the lords urged his banishment the second time , but neither was the first nor second banishment forced by act of parliament , but by the forceable lords his enemies . lastly he being recalled by the king , the earle of lancaster caused his head to be stricken off , when those of his party had taken him prisoner . by which presumptuous act , the earle and the rest of his company committed treason and murder : treason by raising an army without warrant , murder by taking away the life of the kings subject . after which gaveston being dead , the spencers got possession of the kings favour , though the younger of them was placed about the king , by the lords themselves . couns. what say you then to the parliament held at london about the sixt year of that king. just . i say that king was not bound to performe the acts of this parliament , because the lords being too strong for the king , inforced his consent , for these be the words of our own history . they wrested to much beyond the bounds of reason . couns. what say you to the parliaments of the white wands in the 13th of the king. just . i say the lords that were so moved , came with an army , and by strong hand surprized the king , they constrained , ( saith the story ) the rest of the lords and compelled many of the bishops to consent unto them , yea it saith further , that the king durst not but grant to all that they required , ( to wit ) for the banishment of the spencers . yea they were so insolent that they refused to lodge the queen comming through kent in the castle of leedes , and sent her to provide her lodging where she could get it so late in the night , for which notwithstanding some that kept her out were soon after taken and hang'd , and therefore your lordship cannot call this a parliament for the reasons before alleadged . but my lord what became of these lawgivers to the king , even when they were greatest , a knight of the north called andrew herkeley , assembled the forces of the countrey , overthrew them and their army , slew the earle of hereford , and other barons , took their generall thomas earle of lancaster , the kings cozen germane at that time possessed of five earledomes , the lords clifford , talbort , moubray , maudiut , willington , warren , lord darcy , withers , knevill , leybourne , bekes , lovell , fitz williams , watervild , and divers other barons , knights and esquiers , and soon after the lord percy , and the lord warren took the lords baldsemere , and the lord audley , the lord teis , gifford , tucoet , and many others that fled from the battaile , the most of which past under the hands of the hangman , for constraining the king under colour and name of a parliament . but this your good lordship may judge , to whom , those tumultuous assemblies ( which our histories , falsely call parliaments have been dangerous , the king in the end ever prevailed , and the lords lost their lives , and estates . after which the spencers in their banishment at york , in the 15th of the king , were restored to the honors and estates , and therein the king had a subsedy given him the sixt penny of goods throughout england , ireland , and wales . couns. yet you see the spencers were soon after dissolved . iust . it is true my lord , but that is nothing to our subject of parliament , they may thank their own insolencie , for they branded and dispised the queen , whom they ought to have honored as the kings wife ; they were also exceeding greedy , and built themselves upon other mens ruines , they were ambitious and exceeding malicious , whereupon that came , that when chamberlain spencer was hang'd in hereford , a part of the 24th psalm was written over his head : quid gloriaris in malitia potens ? couns. well sir , you have all this while excused your self upon the strength and rebellions of the lords , but what say you now to king edward the third , in whose time ( and during the time of this victorious king , no man durst take armes or rebell ) the three estates did him the greatest affront that ever king received or endured , therefore i conclude where i began , that these parliaments are dangerous for a king , just . to answer your lordship in order , may it please you first to call to mind , what was given this great king by his subjects before the dispute betwixt him and the house happened , which was in his latter dayes , from his first year to his fift year , there was nothing given the king by his subjects , in his eight year at the parliament at london a tenth and a fifteenth was granted , in his tenth year he ceased upon the italians goods here in england to his own use , with all the goods of the monkes cluniackes and others , of the order of the cistertians . in the eleaventh year , he had given him by parliament a notable relief , the one half of the woolls throughout england , and of the clergy all their woolls , after which , in the end of the year he had granted in his parliament at westminster , forty shillings upon every sack of wooll , and for every 30 wooll fels forty shillings , for every last of leatherne , as much , and for all other merchandizes after the same rate . the king promising that this years gathering ended , he would thenceforth content himself with the old custome , he had over and above this great aide the eight part of all goods of all citizens and burgesses ; and of other as of forreigne merchants , and such as lived not of the gain of breeding of sheep and cattell the fifteenth of their goods . nay my lord : this was not all , though more then ever was granted to any king , for the same parliament bestowed on the king the ninth sheaf of all the corn within the land , the ninth fleece , and the ninth lambe for two years next following ; now what think your lordship of this parliament . couns. i say they were honest men . iust . and i say , the people are as loving to their king now , as ever they were , if they be honestly and wisely dealt withall , and so his majesty hath found them in his last two parliaments , if his majestie had not been betrayed by those whom he most trusted . couns. but i pray you sir , who shall a king trust , if he may not rust those whom he hath so greatly advanced ? just . i will tell your lordship whom the king may trust . couns. who are they ? iust . his own reason , and his own excellent iudgement which have not deceived him in any thing , wherein his majesty hath been pleased to exercise them , take councell of thine heart ( saith the book of wisedome ) for there is none more faithfull unto thee then it . couns. it is true , but his majesty found that those wanted no judgement whom he trusted , and how could his majestie divine of their honesties ? just . will you pardon me if i speak freely , for if i speak out of love , which ( as solomon saith ) covereth all trespasses , the truth is , that his majestie would never beleeve any man that spake against them , and they knew it well enough , which gave them boldnesse to do what they did . couns. what was that ? just . even , my good lord , to ruine the kings estate so far as the state of so great a king may be ruin'd by men ambitious and greedy without proportion . it had been a brave increase of revenue , my lord , to have raysed 50000l . land of the kings to 20000l . revenue , and to raise the revenue of wards to 20000l . more 40000l . added to the rest of his majesties estate , had so enabled his majestie , as he could never have wanted . and my good lord , it had been an honest service to the king , to have added 7000l . lands of the lord cobhams , woods and goods being worth 30000l . more . couns. i know not the reason why it was not done . just . neither doth your lordship , perchance know the reason why the 10000l . offer'd by swinnerton for a fine of the french wines , was by the then lord treasurer conferr'd on devonshire and his mistris . couns. what moved the treasurer to reject and crosse that raising of the kings lands ? just . the reason , my good lord is manifest , for had the land been raised , then had the king known when he had given or exchanged land , what he had given or exchanged . couns. what hurt had been to the treasurer whose office is truely to informe the king of the value of all that he giveth ? just . so he did when it did not concerne himself nor his particular , for he could never admit any one peece of a good manour to passe in my lord aubignes book of 1000l . and , till he himself had bought , and then all the remaining flowers of the crowne were called out . now had the treasurer suffer'd the kings lands to have been raised , how could his lordship have made choice of the old ●ents , as well in that book of my lord aubigne , as in exchange of theobalds , or which he took hatfield in it , which the greatest subject , or favorite queen elizabeth had never durst have named unto her by way of gift or exchange . nay my lord , so many other goodly mannors have passed from his majestie , as the very heart of the kingdome mourneth to remember it , and the eyes of the kingdome shedde teares continually at the beholding it : yea the soul of the kingdome is heavy unto death with the consideration thereof , that so magnanimous a prince , should suffer himself to be so abused . couns. but sir you know that cobhams lands were entayled upon his cofens . just . yea my lord , but during the lives and races of george prook his children , it had been the kings , that is to say , for ever in effect , but to wrest the king , and to draw the inheritance upon himself , he perswaded his majestie to relinquish his interest for a pretty summe of mony ; and that there might be no counterworking , he sent prook 6000 l. to make friends whereof lord hume had 2000l . back again , buckhurst and barwick had the other 4000 l. and the treasurer and his heires the masse of land forever . couns. what then i pray you came to the king by this great consiscation . iust . my lord , the kings majestie by all those goodly possessions , woods and goods looseth 500l by the year which he giveth in pension to cobham , to maintain him in prison . couns. certainly , even in conscience they should have reserved so much of the land in the crown , as to have given cobham meat and apparell , and not made themselves so great gainers , and the king 500l . ( per annum ) looser by the bargain , but it 's past : consilium non est eorum quae fieri nequeunt . just . take the rest of the sentence , my lord : sed consilium versatur in iis quae sunt in nostra potestate . it is yet , my good lord , in potestate regis , to right himself . but this is not all my lord ; and i fear me , knowing your lordships love to the king , it would put you in a feaver to hear all , i will therefore go on with my parliaments . couns. i pray do so , and amongst the rest , i pray you what say you to the parliament holden at iondon in the fifteenth year of king edward the third ? iust i say there was nothing concluded therein to the prejudice of the king . it is true , that a little before the sitting of the house , the king displaced his chancellour and his treasurer , and most of all his iudges and officers of the exchequer , and committed many of them to prison , because they did not supply him with money , being beyond the seas , for the rest , the states assembled , besought the king that the lawes of the two charters might be observed , and that the great officers of the crowne might be chosen by parliament . couns but what successe had these petitions . iust . the charters were observed , as before , and so they will be ever , and the other petition was rejected , the king being pleas'd , notwithstanding , that the great officers , should take an oath in parliament to do iustice. now for the parliament of westminster , in the 17th year of the king , the king had three markes and a half for every sack of wooll , transported ; and in his 18th he had a 10th of the clergie , and a 15th of the laity for one year . his majestie forbare after this to charge his subjects with any more payments , untill the 29th of his reigne , when there was given the king by parliament 50 for every sack of wool transported for six yeares , by which grant , the king received a thousand markes a day , a greater matter then a thousand pounds in these dayes , and a 1000l . a day amounts to 365000l . a year , which was one of the greatest presents that ever was given to a king of this land . for besides the cheapenesse of all things in that age , the kings souldiers had but 3d. a day wages , a man at armes 6d . a knight but 2s . in the parliament at westminster , in the 33th year he had 26s . 8d . for every sack of wooll transported , & in the 42th year 3 dismes and 3 fifteens . in his 45th year he had ●0000l of the laity , and because the spiritualty disputed it , and did not pay so much , the king chang'd his chancellour , treasurer , & privy seal being bishops , and placed lay men in their roome . couns. it seems that in those dayes the kings were no longer in love with their great chancellors , then when they deserved well of them . just . no my lord , they were not , and that was the reason they were well served , and it was the custome then , and in many ages after , to change the treasurer & the chancellour every 3 years , and withall to hear all mens complaints against them . couns. but by this often change , the saying is verified , that there is no inheritance in the favour of kings . he that keepeth the figge-tree ( saith solomon ) shall eate the fruit thereof ; for reason it is that the servant live by the master . just . my lord , you say well in both , but had the subject an inheritance in the princes favour , where the prince hath no inheritance in the subjects fidelity , then were kings in more unhappy estate then common persons , for the rest , solomon meaneth not , that he that keepeth the figge tree should surfet , though he meant he should eat , he meant not he should break the branches in gathering the figs , or eat the ripe ; and leave the rotten for the owner of the tree ; for what saith he in the following chapter , he saith that he that maketh hast to be ●ich , cannot be innocent . and before that , he saith , that the end of an inheritance hastily gotten , cannot be blessed . your lordship hath heard of few or none great with kings , that have not used their power to oppresse , that have not growne insolent and hatefull to the people ; yea , insolent towards those princes that advanced them . couns. yet you see that princes can change their fancies . iust . yea my lord , when favorites change their faith , when they forget that how familiar soever kings make themselves with their vassals , yet they are kings : he that provoketh a king to anger ( saith solomon ) sinneth against his own soul. and he further saith , that pride goeth before distruction , and a high mind before afall . i say therefore , that in discharging those lucifers , how dear soever they have been , kings make the world know that they have more of iudgement then of passion , yea they thereby offer a satisfactory sacrifice to all their people , too great benefits of subjects to their king , where the mind is blown up with their own deservings , and to great benefits of kings conferr'd upon their subjects , where the mind is not qualified with a great deal of modesty are equally dangerous . of this later and insolenter , had king richard the second delivered up to iustice but three or four , he had still held the love of the people , and thereby his life and estate . couns. well , i pray you go on with your parliaments . iust . the life of this great king edward drawes to an end , so do the parliaments of this time , wherein 50 years raigne , he never received any affront , for in his 49th year he had a disme and a fifteen granted him freely . couns. but sir it is an old saying , that all is well that ends well , iudge you whether that in his 50th . year in parliament at westminster he received not an affront , when the house urged the king to remove and discharge from his presence the duke of lancaster , the lord latimer his chamberlaine , sir richard sturry , and others whom the king favoured and trusted . nay , they pressed the king to thrust a certain lady out of court , which at that time bare the greatest sway therein . iust . i will with patience answer your lordship to the full , and first your lordship may remember by that which i even now said , that never king had so many gifts as this king had from his subjects , and it hath never grieved the subjects of england to give to their king , but when they knew there was a devouring lady , that had her share in all things that passed , and the duke of lancaster was as scraping as shee , that the chancellour did eat up the people as fast as either of them both . it grieved the subjects to feed these cormorants . but my lord there are two things by which the kings of england have been prest , ( to wit ) by their subjects , and by their own necessities . the lords in former times were farre stronger , more warlike , better followed , living in their countries , then now they are . your lordship may remember in your reading , that there were many earles could bring into the field a thousand barbed horses , many a baron 5. or 600. barbed horses , whereas now very few of them can furnish twenty fit to serve the king. but to say the truth my lord , the iustices of peace in england , have oppos'd the injusticers of war in england , the kings writ runs over all , and the great seal of england , with that of the next constables will serve the turn to affront the greatest lords in england , that shall move against the king. the force therefore by which our kings in former times were troubled is vanisht away . but the necessities remain . the people therefore in these later ages , are no lesse to be pleased then the peeres , for as the later are become lesse , so by reason of the trayning through england , the commons have all the weapons in their hand . couns. and was it not so ever ? iust . no my good lord ; for the noblemen had in their armories , to furnish some them a thousand , some two thousand , some three thousand men , whereas now there are not many that can arme fifty . couns. can you blame them ? but i will onely answer for my self , between you and me be it spoken , i hold it not safe to mantain so great an armory or stable , it might cause me , or any other nobleman to be suspected , as the preparing of some innovation . iust . why so my lord , rather to be commended as preparing against all danger of innovation . couns. it should be so , but call your observation to accompt , and you shall find it as i say , for ( indeed ) such a jealousie hath been held ever since the time of the civill wars , over the military greatness of our nobles , as made them have little will to bend their studies that wayes : wherefore let every man provide according as he is rated in the muster book , you understand me . iust . very well my lord , as what might be replyed in the perceiving so much ; i have ever ( to deal plainly and freely with your lordship ) more fear'd at home popular violence , then all the forreine that can be made , for it can never be in the power of any forraigne prince , without a papisticall party , rather to disorder or endanger his majesties estate . couns. by this it seems , it is no lesse dangerous for a king to leave the power in the people , then in the nobility . iust . my good lord , the wisdome of our own age , is the foolishnesse of another , the time present ought not to be preferr'd to the policy that was , but the policy that was , to the time present ; so that the power of the nobility being now withered , and the power of the people in the flower , the care to content them would not be neglected , the way to win them often practized , or at least to defend them from oppression . the motive of all dangers that ever this monarchy hath undergone , should be carefully heeded , for this maxime hath no posterne , potestas humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum . and now my lord , for king edward , it is true , though he were not subject to force , yet was he subject to necessity , which because it was violent , he gave way unto it , potestas ( saith pithagoras ) juxta necessitatem habitat . and it is true , that at the request of the house he discharged and put from him those before named , which done , he had the greatest gift ( but one ) that ever he received in all his dayes ( to wit ) from every person , man and woman , above the age of fourteen years 4d . of old mony , which made many millions of groats , worth 61. of our mony . this he had in generall , besides he had of every benificed priest , 12d . and of the nobility and gentry . i know not how much , for it is not set down . now my good lord , what lost the king by satisfying the desires of the parliament house , for assoon as he had the money in purse , he recalled the lords , and restored them , and who durst call the king to accompt , when the assembly were dissolued . where the word of a king is , there is power ( saith ecclesiasticus ) who shall say unto him , what doest thou ! saith the same author , for every purpose there is a time and judgement , the king gave way to the time , and his judgement perswaded him to yeeld to necessity , consularius nemo melior est quam tempus . couns. but yet you see the king was forc'd to yeeld to their demaunds . just . doth your lordship remember the saying of monsier de lange , that he that hath the profit of the war , hath also the honour of the war , whether it be by battaile or retreate , the king you see had the profit of the parliament , and therefore the honour also , what other end had the king then to supply his wants . a wise man hath evermore respect unto his ends : and the king also knew that it was the love that the people bare him , that they urged the removing of those lords , there was no man among them that sought himself in that desire , but they all sought the king , as by the successe it appeared . my good lord , hath it not been ordinary in england and in france to yeeld to the demaunds of rebels , did not king richard the second graunt pardon to the outragious rogues and murtherers that followed iack straw , and wat t●ler , after they had murthered his chancellor , his treasurer , chief iustice , and others , brake open his exchequer , and committed all manner of outrages and villanies , and why did he do it , but to avoid a greater danger : i say the kings have then yeelded to those that hated them and their estates , ( to wit ) to pernicious rebels . and yet without dishonour , shall it be called dishonour for the king to yeeld to honest desires of his subjects . no my lord , those that tell the king those tales , fear their own dishonour , and not the kings ; for the honour of the king is supreame , and being guarded by iustice and piety , it cannot receive neither wound nor stain . couns. but sir , what cause have any about our king to fear a parliament ? iust . the same cause that the earle of suffolke had in richard the seconds time , and the treasurer fartham , with others , for these great officers being generally hated for abusing both the king and the subject , at the request of the states were discharged , and others put in their roomes . coun . and was not this a dishonour to the king ? iust . certainly no , for king richard knew that his grandfather had done the like , and though the king was in his heart utterly against it , yet had he the profit of this exchange ; for suffolke was fined at 20000 markes , and 1000l . lands . couns. well sir , we will speak of those that fear the parliament some other time , but i pray you go on with that , that happened in the troublesome raigne of richard the second who succeeded , the grandfather being dead . iust . that king my good lord , was one of the most unfortunate princes that ever england had , he was cruell , extreame prodigall , and wholly carryed away with his two minions , suffolk , and the duke of ireland , by whose ill advice and others , he was in danger to have lost his estate ; which in the end ( being led by men of the like temper ) he miserably lost . but for his subsedies he had given him in his first year being under age two tenths , and two fifteenes : in which parliament , alice peirce , who was removed in king edwards time , with lancaster , latimer , and sturry , were confiscate and banished in his second year at the parliament at glocester , the king had a marke upon every sack of wooll , and 6d . the pound upon wards . in his third year at the parliament at winchester , the commons were spared , and a subsedy given by the better sort , the dukes gave 20 markes , and earles 6 markes , bishoppes and abbots with myters six markes , every marke 35. 4d . and every knight , iustice , esquire , shrieve , person , vicar , & chaplaine , paid proportionably according to their estates . couns. this me thinks was no great matter . iust . it is true my lord , but a little mony went far in those dayes : i my self once moved it in parliament in the time of queen elizabeth , who desired much to spare the common people , & i did it by her commandement ; but when we cast up the subsedy books , we found the summe but small , when the 30l . men were left out . in the beginning of his fourth year , a tenth with a fifteen were granted upon condition , that for one whole year no subsedies should be demanded ; but this promise was as suddenly forgotten as made , for in the end of that year , the great subsedy of poll mony was granted in the parliament at northampton . couns. yea but there followed the terrible rebellion of baker , straw , and others , leister , wrais , and others . iust . that was not the fault of the parliament my lord , it is manifest that the subsedy given was not the cause ; for it is plain that the bondmen of england began it , because the were girevously prest by their lords in their tenure of villenage , as also for the hatred they bate to the lawyers and atturneyes : for the story of those times say , that they destroyed the houses and mannors of men of law , & such lawyers as they caught , slew them , and beheaded the lord chief iustice , which commotion being once begun , the head mony was by other rebels pretended : a fire is often kindled with a little straw , which oftentimes takes hold of greater timber , & consumes the whole building : and that this rebellion was begun by the discontented slaves ( whereof there have been many in elder times the like ) is manifest by the charter of manumission , which the king granted in hec verba , rich. dei gratid &c. sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ spirituali manumissimus , &c. to which seeing the king was constrained by force of armes , he revoked the letters pattents , and made them voide , the same revocation being strengthened by the parliament ensuing , in which the king had given him a subsedy upon woolls , called a maletot : in the same fourth year was the lord treasurer discharged of his office , and hales lord of st. iohns chosen in his place , in his fift year was the treasurer again changed , and the staffe given to segrave , and the lord chancellour was also changed , and the staffe given to the lord scroope : which lord scroope was again in the beginning of his sixt year turned off , and the king after that he had for a while kept the seal in his own hand , gave it to the bishop of london , from whom it was soon after taken and bestowed on the earle of suffolke , who they say had abused the king , and converted the kings treasure to his own use . to this the king condiscended , and though ( saith walsingham ) he deserved to loose his life and goods , yet he had the favour to go at liberty upon good sureties , and because the king was but young , & that the reliefe granted was committed to the trust of the earle of arundell for the furnishing of the kings navy against the french. couns. yet you see it was a dishonour to the king to have his beloved chancellour removed . iust . truly no , for the king had both his fine 1000l . lands and asubsedy to boot . and though for the present it pleased the king to fancy a man all the world hated ( the kings passion overcomming his judgement ) yet it cannot be call'd a dishonour , for the king is to believe the generall counsell of the kingdome , and to preser it before his affection , especially when suffolke was proved to be false even to the king ; for were it otherwise love and affection might be called a frenzie and a madnesse , for it is the nature of humane passions , that the love bred by fidelity , doth change it self into hatred , when the fidelity is first changed into falshood . couns. but you see there were thirteen lords chosen in the parliament , to have the oversight of the government under the king. iust . no my lord , it was to have the oversight of those officers , which ( saith the story ) had imbezeled , lewdly wasted , and prodigally spent the kings treasure , for to the commission to those lords , or to any six of them , joyn'd with the kings counsell , was one of the most royall and most profitable that ever he did , if he had bin constant to himself . but my good lord , man is the cause of his own misery , for i will repeat the substance of the commission granted by the king , and confirmed by parliament , which , whether it had bin profitable for the king to have prosecured , your lordship may judge . the preamble hath these words : whereas our sovereigne lord the king perceiveth by the grievous complaints of the lords and commons of this realme , that the rents , profits , and revenues of this realme , by the singular and insufficient councell and evill government , as well of some his late great officers and others , &c. are so much withdrawen , wasted , given , granted , alienated , destroyed , and evill dispended , that he is so much impoverished and void of treasure and goods , and the substance of the crown so much diminished and destroyed , that his estate may not honorably be sustained as appertaineth . the king of his free will at the request of the lords and commons , hath ordained william archbishop of canterbury and others with his chancellour , treasurer , keeper of his privy seal , to survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house , &c. as of all the rents , and profits , and revenues that to him appertaineth , and to be due , or ought to appertain and be due , &c. and all manner of gifts , grants , alienations and confirmations made by him of lands , tenements , rents , &c. bargained and sold to the prejudice of him and his crown , &c. and of his jewels & goods which were his grandfathers at the time of his death , &c. and where they be become . this is in effect the substance of the commission , which your lordship may read at large in the book of statutes , this commission being enacted in the tenth year of the kings reigne . now if such a commission were in these dayes granted to the faithfull men that have no interest in the sales , gifts nor purchases , nor in the keeping of the jewells at the queens death , nor in the obtaining , grants of the kings best lands , i cannot say what may be recovered , and justly recovered ; and what say your lordship , was not this a noble act for the king , if it had been followed to effect ? couns. i cannot tell whether it were or no , for it gave power to the commissiouers to examine all the grants . iust . why my lord , doth the king grant any thing , that shames at the examination ? are not the kings grants on record ? couns. but by your leave , it is some dishonour to a king , to have his judgement called in question . iust . that is true my lord , but in this , or whensoever the like shall be granted in the future , the kings judgement is not examined , but their knavery that abused the king. nay by your favour , the contrary is true , that when a king will suffer himself to be eaten up by a company of petty fellows , by himself raised , therein both the judgement and courage is disputed , and if your lordship will disdain it at your own servants hands , much more ought the great heart of a king to disdain it . and surely my lord , it is a greater treason ( though it undercreep the law ) to tear from the crown the ornaments thereof : and it is an infalliable maxime , that he that loves not his majesties estate , loves not his person . couns. how came it then , that the act was not executed ? iust . because these , against whom it was granted , perswaded the king to the contrary : as the duke of ireland , suffolk , the chief iustice tresilian , and others , yea , that which was lawfully done by the king , and the great councell of the kingdome , was ( by the mastery which ireland , suffolk , and tresilian had over the kings affections ) broken and disavowed . those that devised to relieve the king , not by any private invention , but by generall councell , were by a private and partiall assembly adjudged traitors , and the most honest iudges of the land , enforced to subscribe to that judgement . in so much that iudge belknap plainly told the duke of ireland , and the earl of suffolk , when he was constrained to set his hand , plainly told these lords , that he wanted but a rope , that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription . and in this councell of nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the king , of the iudges by them constrained , of the lords that loved the king , and sought a reformation , and of the king himself ; for though the king found by all the shrieves of the shires , that the people would not fight against the lords , whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the king , when the citizens of london made the same answer , being at that time able to arme 50000. men , and told the major that they would never fight against the kings friends , and defenders of the realme , when the lord ralph passet , who was near the king , told the king boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the duke of irelands pleasure , when the lord of london told the earle of suffolk in the kings presence , that he was not worthy to live , &c. yet would the king in the defence of the destroyers of his estate , lay ambushes to intrap the lords , when they came upon his faith , yea when all was pacified , and that the king by his proclamation had clear'd the lords , and promised to produce ireland , suffolk , and the archbishop of yorke , tresiltan , and bramber , to answer at the next parliament , these men confest , that they durst not appear ; and when suffolk fled to callice , and the duke of ireland to chester , the king caused an army to be leavied in lancashire , for the safe conduct of the duke of ireland to his presence , when as the duke being encountered by the lords , ranne like a coward from his company , and fled into holland . after this was holden a parliament , which was called that wrought wonders . in the eleventh year of this king , wherein the fornamed lords , the duke of ireland and the rest , were condemned and confiscate , the chief iustice hanged with many others , the rest of the iudges condemned , and banisht , and a 10. and a 15. given to the king , couns. but good sir : the king was first besieged in the tower of london , and the lords came to the parliament , and no man durst contradict them . iust . certainly in raising an army , they committed treason , and though it appear , that they all loved the king , ( for they did him no harm , having him in their power ) yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the kings commission , and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the king , not attending the sequell . and it is so judged upon good reason , for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent . and besides , those lords used too great cruelty , in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the kings servants , who were bound to follow and obey their master and soveraigne lord , in that he commanded . couns. it is true , and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death , seeing the principalls , ireland , suffolk , and york , had escaped them , and what reason had they to seek to enform the state by strong hand , was not the kings estate as dear to himself , as to them ? he that maketh a king know his errour mannerly and private , and gives him the best advice , he is discharged before god and his own conscience . the lords might have ●●tired themselves , when they saw they could not prevail , and have left the king to his own wayes , who had more to lose then they had . iust . my lord , the taking of arms cannot be excused in respect of the law , but this might be said for the lords that the king being under yeares , and being wholly governed by their enemies , and the enemies of the kingdome , and because by those evil mens perswasions , it was advised , how the lords should have been murthered at a feast in london , they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies . but we will passe it over & go on with our parliaments that followed , whereof that of cambridge in the kings 12th year was the next , therein the king had given him a 10th and a 15th , after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged ( saith h. kinghton ) his treasurer , his chancellour , the iustices of either bench , the clerk of the privy seal and others , and took the government into his own hands . he also took the admirals place from the earl of arundell , and in his room he placed the earl of huntingdon in the yeare following , which was the 13th year of the k. in the parliament at westminster there was given to the king upon every sack of wooll 14s . and 6d . in the gound upon other merchandise , couns. but by your leave , the king was restrained this parliament , that he might not dispose of , but a third part of the money gathered . iust . no my lord , by your favour . but true it is that part of this mony was by the kings consent assigned towards the wars , but yet left in the lord treasurers hands , and my lord it would be a great ease , and a great saving to his majesty our lord and master , if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes , by which he might have 1000l . upon every 10000l . and save himself a great deale of clamour . for seeing of necessity the navy must be maintained , and that those poor men as well carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid , it were better for his majesty to give an assignation to the treasurer of his navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary , then to discontent those poor men , who being made desperate beggars , may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the kings estate . and if his majesty did the like in all other payements , especially where the necessity of such as are to receive , cannot possible give dayes , his majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expences , he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for , and then dispose the rest at his pleasure . and my good lord , how excellently and easily might this have been done , if the 400000l . had been raised as aforesaid upon the kings lands , and wards i say that his majesties house , his navy , his guards , his pensioners , his munition , his ambassadors and all else of ordinary charge might have been defrayed , and a great summe left for his majesties casuall expences and rewards , i will not say they were not in love with the kings estate , but i say they were unfortunately borne for the king that crost it . couns. well sir , i would it had been otherwise , but for the assignments , there are among us that will not willingly indure it . charity begins with it self , shall we hinder our selves of 50000l . per annum to save the king 20 ? no sir , what will become of our new years gifts , our presents and gratuities ? we can now say to those rhat have warrants for money , that there is not a penny in the exchequer , but the king gives it away unto the scots faster then it comes in . iust . my lord you say well , at least you say the truth , that such are some of our answers , and hence comes that generall murmure to all men that have money to receive , i say that there is not a penny given to that nation ; be it for service or otherwise but is spread over all the kingdome : yea they gather notes , and take copies of all the privy seals and warrants that his majesty hath given for the money for the scots , that they may shew them in parliament . but of his majesties gifts to the english , there is no bruit though they may be tenne times as much as the scots . and yet my good lord , howsoever they be thus answered that to them sue for money out of the echequer , it is due to them for 10. or 12. or 20. in the hundred , abated according to their qualities that shew , they are alwaies furnished . for conclusion , if it would please god to put into the kings heart to make their assignations , it would save him many a pound , and gain him many a prayer , and a great deal of love , for it grieveth every honest mans heart to see the abundance which even the petty officers in the exchequer , and others gather both from the king and subject , and to see a world of poore men runne after rhe king for their ordinary wages . couns. well , well , did you never hear this old tale , that when there was a great contentation about the weather the seamen complaining of contrary windes , when those of the high countreys desired rain , and those of the valleys sunshining dayes , iupiter sent them word by mercury , then , when they had all done , the weather should be as it had been , and it shall ever fall out so with them that complain , the course of payments shall be as they have been , what care we what petty fellows say ? or what care we for your papers ? have not we the kings eares , who dares contest with us ? though we cannot be revenged on such as you are for telling the truth , yet upon some other pretence , wee 'le clap you up , and you shall sue to us ere you get out . nay wee 'le make you confesse that you were deceived in your projects , and eat your own words : learn this of me sir , that as a little good fortune is better then a great deal of virtue : so the least authority hath advantage over the greatest wit , was he not the wisest man that said the battel was not the strongest , nor yet bread for the wise , nor riches to men of understanding , nor favour to men of knowledge : but what time and chance came to them all . iust . it is well for your lordship that it is so . but qu : elizabeth would set the reason of a mean man , before the authority of the greatest councellor she had , and by her patience therein she raised upon the usuall and ordinary customes of london without any new imposition above 50000l a year , for though the treasurer burleigh , and the earle of leicester and secretary walshingham , all three pensioners to customer smith , did set themselves against a poor waiter of the custome-house called carwarden , and commanded the groomes of the privy chamber not to give him accesse , yet the queen sent for him , and gave him countenance against them all . it would not serve the turn , my lord , with her ; when your lordships would tell her , that the disgracing her great officers by hearing the complaints of busie heads , was a dishonour to her self , but she had alwayes this answer , that if any men complain unjustly against a magistrate , it were reason he should be severely punished , if justly , shee was queen of the small , as well as of the great , and would hear their complaints . for my good lord , a prince that suffereth himself to be besieged , forsaketh one of the greatest regalities belonging to a monarchie , to wit , the last appeal , or as the trench call it , le dernier resort . couns. well sir , this from the matter , i pray you go on . iust . then my lord , in the kings 15. year he had a tenth and a fifteen graunted in parliament of london . and that same year there vvas a great councell called at stamford to vvhich diverse men vvere sent for , of diverse counties besides the nobility , of vvhich the king took advice vvhether he should continue the vvar , or make a finall end vvith the french. couns. what needed the king to take the advice of any but of his ovvn councell in matter of peace or vvarre . iust . yea my lord , for it is said in the proverbs , where are many counsellers , there is health . and if the king had made the vvarre by a generall consent , the kingdome in generall vvere bound to maintain the vvarre , and they could not then say when the king required aid , that he undertook a needlesse vvarre . couns. you say vvell , but i pray you go on . iust . after the subsedy in the 15. yeare , the king desired to borrovv 10000l . of the londoners , vvhich they refused to lend . couns. and vvas not the king greatly troubled there vvith . iust . yea but the king troubled the londoners soon aftar , for the king took the advantage of a ryot made upon the bishop of salisbury his men , sent for the major , and other the ablest citizens , comitted the major to prison in the castle of windsor , and others to other castles , and made a lord warden of this citie , till in the end vvhat vvith 10000l . ready money , and other rich presents , instead of lending 10000l . it cost them 2000l . betvveen the fifteenth yeare and tvventieth yeare , he had tvvo aides given him in the parliaments of winchester and westminster : and this later vvas given to furnish the kings journey into ireland , to establish that estate vvhich vvas greatly shaken since the death of the kings grandfather , vvho received thence yearly 30000l . and during the kings stay in ireland he had a 10th and a 5th granted . couns. and good reason , for the king had in his army 4000. horse and 30000. foot . iust . that by your favour , vvas the kings savity : for great armies do rather devour themselves then destroy enemies . such an army , ( vvhereof the fourth part vvould have conquered all ireland ) vvas in respect of ireland such an army as xerxes led into greece in this tvventieth yeare , vvherein he had a tenth of the clergy , vvas the great conspiracy of the kings unkle , the duke of glocester , and of moubrey , arundell , nottingham , and warvvick , the archbishop of canterbury and the abbbot of westminster , and others vvho in the one and tvventieth yeare of the king vvere all redeemed by parliament , and vvhat thinks your lordship , vvas not this assemble of the 3. states for the kings estate , vvherein he so prevailed , that he not onely overthrevv those popular lords , but besides ( the english chronicle saith , the king so vvrought and brought things about , that he obtained the power of both houses to be granted to certain persons , to 15. noblemen and gentlemen , or to seven of them . couns. sir , whether the king wrought well or il i cannot judge , but our chronicles say , that many things were done in this parliament , to the displeasure of no small number of people , to wit , for that diverse rightfull heires were disinherited of their lands and livings , with which wrongfull doings the people were much offended , so that the king with those that were about him , and chief in counsell , came into great infamy & slander . iust . my good lord , if your lordship will pardon mee , i am of opinion that those parliaments wherein the kings of this land have satisfied the people , as they have been ever prosperous , so where the king hath restrained the house , the contrary hath happened , for the kings atchievments in this parliament , were the ready preparations to his ruine . cov . you mean by the generall discontentment that followed , and because the king did not proceed legally with glocester and others . why sir , this was not the first time that the kings of england have done things without the counsell of the land : yea , contrary to the law . iust . it is true my lord in some particulars , as even at this time the duke of glocester was made away at call●ce by strong hand , without any lawfull triall : for he was a man so beloved of the people and so allied , having the dukes of lancaster , and york his brethren , the duke of aumarle , and the duke of hereford his nephewes , the great earles of arundell and warwicke , with diverse other of his part in the conspiracy , as the king durst not trie him according to the law : for at the triall of arundell and warwicke , the king was forced to entertaine a petty army about him . and though the duke was greatly lamented , yet it cannot be denyed but that he was then a traytor to the king and was it not so my lord with the duke of guise : your lordship doth remember the spur-gald proverb , that necessitie hath no law : and my good lord , it is the practice of doing wrong , and of generall wrongs done , that brings danger , and not where kings are prest in this or that particular , for there is great difference between naturall cruelty and accidentall . and therefore it was machiavels advice , that all that a king did in that kind , he shall do at once , and by his mercies afterwards make the world know that his cruelty was not affected . and my lord take this for a generall rule , that the immortall policy of a state cannot admit any law or priviledge whatsoever , but in some particular or other , the same is necessarily broken , yea in an aristocratia or popular estate , which vaunts so much of equality and common right , more outrage hath been committed then in any christian monarchy . couns. but whence came this hatred between the duke and the king his nephew . iust . my lord , the dukes constraining the king , when he was young , stuck in the kings heart , and now the dukes proud speech to the king when he had rendred brest formerly engaged to the duke brittain , kindled again these coales that were not altogether extinguished , for he used these words : your grace ought to put your body in great pain to winne a strong hold or town by feats of armes , ere you take upon you to sell or deliver any town gotten by the manhood and strong hand and policy of your noble progenitors . whereat , saith the story , the king changed his countenance , &c. and to say truth , it was a proud and maisterly speech of the duke ; besides that inclusively he taxed him of sloath and cowardise , as if he had never put himself to the adventure of winning such a place , undutifull words of a subject do often take deeper root then the memory of ill deeds do : the duke of biron found it when the king had him at advantage . yea the late earle of essex told queen elizabeth that her conditions was as crooked as her carkasse : but it cost him his head , which his insurrection had not cost him , but for that speech , who will say unto a king ( saith iob ) thou art wicked . certainly it is the same thing to say unto a lady , thou art crooked ( and perchance more ) as to say unto a king that he is wicked , and to say that he is a coward , or to use any other words of disgrace , it is one and the same errour . couns. but what say you for arundell , a brave and valiant man , who had the kings pardon of his contempt during his minority . iust . my good lord , the parliament which you say disputes the kings prerogative , did quite contrary , and destroyed the kings charter and pardon formerly given to arundell . and my good lord , do you remember , that at the parliament that wrought wonders , when these lords compounded that parliament , as the king did this , they were so mercilesse towards all , that they thought their enemies , as the earle of arundell most insolently suffered the qu : to kneel unto him three houres for the saving of one of her servants , and that scorne of his manebat alto mente repostum . and to say the truth , it is more barbarous & unpardonable then any act that ever he did to permit the wife of his soveraign to kneel to him being the kings vassell . for if he had saved the lords servant freely at her first request , as it is like enough that the qu : would also have saved him , miseris succurrens paria obtenibis aliquando : for your lordship sees that the earle of warwicke who was as farre in the treason as any of the rest , was pardoned . it was also at this parliament that the duke of hereford accused moubray duke of norfolke , and that the duke of hereford sonne to the duke of lancaster , was banished to the kings confusion , as your lordship well knows . couns. i know it well and god knows that the king had then a silly and weak councell about him , that perswaded him to banish a prince of the bloud , a most valiant man , and the best beloved of the people , in generall of any man living , especially considering that the king gave every day more then other offence to his subjects . for besides that he fined the inhabitants that assisted the lords in his minority ( of the 17. shires ) which offence he had long before pardoned , his blank charters , and letting the realme to farme to meon persons , by whom he was wholly advised , increased the peoples hatred towards the present government . iust . you say well my l. princes of an ill destiny do alwayes follow the worst counsell , or at least imbrace the best after opportunity is lost , qui consilia non ex suo corde sed alienis viribus colligunt , non animo sed auribus cogillant . and this was not the least grief of the subject in generall , that those men had the greatest part of the spoil of the commonwealth , which neither by virtue , valour or counsell could adde any thing unto it : nihil est sordidius , nihil crudelius ( saith anto : pius ) quamsi remp. i● arrode , qui nihil in eam suo labore conferent . couns. indeed the letting to farm the realm was very grievous to the subject . iust . will your lordship pardon me if i tell you that the letting to farm of his majesties customes ( the greatest revenue of the realm ) is not very pleasing . couns. and why i pray you , doth not the king thereby raise his profits every third yeare , & one farmer outbids another to the kings advantage iust . it is true my lord , but it grieves the subject to pay custome to the subject , for what mighty men are those farmers become , and if those farmers get many thousands every yeare , as the world knows they do , why should they not now ( being men of infinite wealth ) declare unto the king upon oath , what they have gained , and henceforth become the kings collectours of his custome , did not queen elizabeth who was reputed both a wise and juft princesse , after she had brought customer smith from 14000l . a yeare to 42000l . a yeare , made him lay down a recompence for that which he had gotten ? and if these farmers do give no recompence , let them yet present the king with the truth of their receivings and profits . but my lord for conclusion , after bullingbrook arriving in england with a small troop : notwithstanding the king at his landing out of ireland , had a sufficient and willing army : yet he wanting courage to defend his right gave leave to all his souldiers to depart , and put himself into his hands that cast him into his grave . couns. yet you see he was depos'd by parliament . iust . aswell may your lordship say he was knock't in the head by parliament , for your lordship knows that if king richard had ever escaped out of their fingers that deposed him , the next parliament would have made all the deposers traitours and rebels , and that justly . in which parliament , or rather unlawfull assembly , there appeared but one honest man , to wit , the b. of carlile , who scorned his life , and estate , in respect of right and his allegiance , and defended the right of his soveraigne lord against the kings elect and his partakers . couns. well i pray goe on with the parliaments held in the time of his successor henry the fourth . iust . this king had in his third year a subsedv , and in his fift a tenth of the clergy without a parllament ; in his sixt year he had so great a subsedie , as the house required there might be no record thereof left to posterity , for the house gave him 20s . of every knights fee , and of every 20l. land , 20d . and 12d . the pouud of goods . couns. yea in the end of this year , the parliament prest the king to annex unto the crown all temporall possessions belonging to church-men within the land , which at that time , was the third foot of all england . but the bishops made friends , and in the end saved their estates . iust . by this you see , my lord , that cromwell was not the first that thought on such a business . and if king henry the 8. had reserved the abbeyes , and other church lands , which he had given at the time , the revenue of the crown of england , had exceeded the revenue of the crown of spaine , with both the indies , whereas used as it was , ( a little enriched the crown ) served but to make a number of pettifoggers , and other gentlemen . couns. but what had the king in steed of this great revenue iust . he had a 15th of the commons , and tenth , and a half of the clergy , and withall , all pensions graunted by king edward , and king richard were made void . it was also moved that all crown lands formerly given ( at least given by king edw : and king richard ) should be taken back . couns. what think you of that , sir ? would it not have been a dishonour to the king ? and would not his successors have done the like to those that the king had advanced ? iust . i cannot answer your lordship , but by distinguishing , for where the kings had given land for services , and had not been over reached in his gifts , there it had been a dishonour to the king , to have made void the graunts of his predecessors , or his graunts , but all those graunts of the kings , wherein they were deceived , the very custome and policy of england makes them voyd at this day . couns. how mean you that , for his majestie hath given a great deal of land among us since he came into england , and would it stand with the k. honour to take it from us again . iust . yea my lord , very well with the kings honour , if your lordship , or any lord else , have under the name of 100l . land a year , gotten 500l . land , and so after that rate . couns. i will never believe that his majesty will ever doe any such thing . iust . and i believe as your lordship doth , but we spake e're while of those that disswaded the king from calling it a parliament : and your lordship asked me the reason , why any man should disswade it , or fear it , to which , this place gives me an opportunity to make your lordship answer , for though his majesty will of himself never question those grants yet when the commons shall make humble petition to the king in parliament , that it will please his majesty to assist them in his relief , with that which ought to be his own , which , if it will please his majesty to yeild unto the house will most willingly furnish & supply the rest , with what grace can his majesty deny that honest suit of theirs , the like having been done in many kings times before ? this proceeding may good lord , my perchance prove all your phrases of the kings honour , false english. couns. but this cannot concern many , and for my self , i am sure it concerns me little . iust . it is true my lord , & there are not many that disswade his majestie from a parliament . co. but they are great ones , a few of which will serve the turn wel enough . iust . but my lord , be they never so great ( as great as gyants ) yet if they disswade the king from his ready and assured way of his subsistence , they must devise how the k. may be elsewhere supplied , for they otherwise ●●nne into a dangerous fortune . couns. hold you contented sir , the king needs no great disswasion . iust . my lord , learn of me , that ●here is none of you all , than can ●erce the king. it is an essentiall property of a man truely wise , not to o●en all the boxes of his bosome , even ●o those that are near'st & dear'st unto him , for when a man is discovered to the very bottome , he is after the lesse esteemed . i dare undertake , that when your lordship hath served the king twice twelve years more , you will find , that his majesty hath reserved somewhat beyond all your capacities , his majesty hath great reason to put off the parliament , at his last refuge , and in the mean time , to make tryall of all your loves to serve him , for his majesty hath had good experience , how well you can serve your selves : but when the king finds , that the building of your own fortunes and factions , hath been the diligent studies , and the service of his majesty , but the exercises of your leasures : he may then perchance cast himself upon the generall love of his people , of which ( i trust ) he shall never be deceived , and leave as many of your lordships as have pilfered from the crown , to their examination . couns. well sir , i take no great pleasure in this dispute , goe on pray . iust . in that kings 5th year , he had also a subsedy , which is got by holding the house together from easter to christmas , and would not suffer them to depart . he had also a subsedy in his ninth year . in his eleventh year the commons did again presse the king to take all the temporalities of the church men into his hands , which they proved sufficient to maintain 150. earls , 1500. knights , and 6400. esquiers , with a hundred hospitals , but they not prevailing , gave the king a subsedy . as for the notorious prince , henry the fift , i find , that he had given him in his second year 300000. markes , and after that two other subsedies , one in his fifth year , another in his ninth , without any disputes . in the time of his successor henry the sixt , there were not many subsedies . in this third year , he had a subsedy of a tunnage and poundage . and here ( saith iohn stow ) began those payements , which we call customes , because the payement was continued , whereas before that time it was granted but for a year two or three , according to the kings occasions . he had also an ayde & gathering of money in his fourth year , and the like in his tenth year , and in his thirteenth year a 15th he had also a fifteenth for the conveying of the queen out of france into england . in the twenty eight year of that king was the act of resumption of all honours , towns , castles , signeuries , villages , manors , lands , tenements , rents , reversions , fees , &c. but because the wages of the kings servants , were by the strictness of the act also restrained , this act of resumption was expounded in the parliament at reading the 31th year of the kings reigne . couns. i perceive that those 〈◊〉 of resumption were ordinary in former times ; for king stephen resumed the lands , which in former times he had given to make friends during the civill wars . and henry the second resumed all ( without exception ) which king stephen had not resumed ; for although king stephen took back a great deal , yet he suffered his trustiest servants to enjoy his gift . iust . yes my lord , and in after times also ; for this was not the last , nor shall be the last , i hope . and judge you my lord , whether the parliaments doe not only serve the king , whatsoever is said to the contrary ; for as all king henry the 6. gifts & graunts were made void by the duke of york when he was in possession of the kingdome by parliament . so in the time of k. h. when k. edw. was beaten out again , the parliament of westminster made all his acts voyd , made him and all his followers traytors , and gave the king many of their heads & lands . the parliaments of england do alwayes serve the king in possession . it served rich. the second to condemne the popular lords . it served bollingbrooke to depose rich. when edw. the 4. had the scepter , it made them all beggars that had followed h. the 6. and it did the like for h. when edw. was driven out . the parliaments are as the friendship of this world is , which alwayes followeth prosperity . for king edw. the 4. after that he was possessed of the crown , he had in his 13. year a subsedy freely given him : and in the year following he took a benevolence through england , which arbitrary taking from the people , served that ambitious traytor the duke of bucks . after the kings death was a plausible argument to perswade the multitude , that they should not permit ( saith sir thomas moore ) his line to raigne any longer upon them . couns. well sir , what say you to the parliament of richard the third his time ? iust . i find but one , and therein he made diverse good laws . for king henry the seventh in the beginning of his third year he had by parliament an ayde granted unto him , towards the relief of the duke of brittain , then assailed by the french king. and although the king did not enter into the warre , but by the advice of the three estates , who did willingly contribute : yet those northern men which loved richard the third , raised rebellion under colour of the money impos'd , and murthered the earle of northumberland whom the king employed in that collection . by which your lordship sees , that it hath not been for taxes and impositions alone , that the ill disposed have taken armes ; but even for those payments which have been appointed by parliament . couns. and what became of these rebels ? iust . they were fairly hang'd , & the money levied notwithstanding in the kings first year he gathered a marvailous great masse of money , by a benevolence , taking pattern by this kind of levie from edw. 4th . but the king caused it first to be moved in parliament where it was allowed , because the poorer sort were therein spared . yet it is true that the king used some art , for in his letters he declared that he would measure every mans affections by his gifts . in the thirteenth year he had also a subsedy , whereupon the cornish men took armes , as the northern men of the bishoprick had done in the third year of the king , couns. it is without example , that ever the people have rebelled for any thing granted by parliament , save in this kings dayes . iust . your lordship must consider , that he was not over much beloved , for he took many advantages upon the people and the nobility both . couns. and i pray you what say they now of the new impositions lately laid by the kings majesty ? do they say that they are justly or unjustly laid ? iust . to impose upon all things brought into the kingdome is very ancient : which imposing when it hath been continued a certain time , is then called customes , because the subjects are accustomed to pay it , and yet the great taxe upon wine is still called impost , because it was imposed after the ordinary rate of payement , had lasted many years . but we do now a dayes understand those things to be impositions , which are raised by the command of princes , without the advice of the common-wealth , though ( as i take it ) much of that which is now called custome , was at the first imposed by prerogative royall : now whether it be time or consent that makes them just , i cannot define , were they just because new , and not justified yet by time , or unjust because they want a generall consent : yet is this rule of aristotle verified in respect of his majestie : minus timent homines in justum pati à principe quem cultorem dei putant . yea my lord , they are also the more willingly borne , because all the world knows they are no new invention of the kings . and if those that advised his majestie to impose them , had raised his lands ( as it was offered them ) to 20000l . more then it was , and his wards to asmuch as aforesaid , they had done him farre more acceptable service . but they had their own ends in refusing the one , and accepting the other . if the land had been raised , they could not have selected the best of it for themselves : if the impositions had not been laid , some of them could not have their silks , other pieces in farme , which indeed grieved the subject ten times more then that which his majestie enjoyeth . but certainly they made a great advantage that were the advisers , for if any tumult had followed his majesty , ready way had been to have delivered them over to the people . couns. but think you that the king would have delivered them if any troubles had followed ? iust . i know not my lord , it was machiavels counsell to caesar borgia to doe it , and king h the 8. delivered up empson and dudley : yea the same king , when the great cardinall woolsey , who governed the king and all his estate , had ( by requiring the sixt part of every mans goods for the king ) raised a rebellion , the king i say disavowed him absolutely , that had not the dukes of norfolk and suffolk appeased the people , the cardinall had sung no more masse : for these are the words of our story : the king then came to westminster to the cardinals palace , and assembled there a great councell , in which he protested , that his mind was never to aske any thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his laws . wherefore he then willed them to know by whose means they were so strictly given forth . now my lord , how the cardinall would have shifted himself , by saying , i had the opinion of the iudges , had not the rebellion been appeased , i greatly doubt . couns. but good sir , you blanch my question , and answer me by examples . i aske you whether or no in any such tumult , the people pretending against any one or two great officers , the king should deliver them , or defend them ? iust . my good lord , the people have not stayed for the kings delivery , neither in england , nor in france : your lordship knows how the chancellour , treasurer , and chief iustice , with many others at severall times have been used by the rebels : and the marshals , constables , and treasurers in france , have been cut in pieces in charles the sixt his time . now to your lordships question , i say that where any man shall give a king perilous advice , as may either cause a rebellion , or draw the peoples love from the king , i say , that a king shall be advised to banish him : but if the king do absolutely command his servant to do any thing displeasing to the common-wealth , and to his own perill , there is the king bond in honour to defend him . but my good lord for conclusion , there is no man in england that will lay any invention ether grievous or against law upon the kings majesty : and therefore your lordships must share it amongst you . couns. for my part , i had no hand in it , ( i think ) ingram was be that propounded it to the treasurer . iust . alas , my good lord , every poor waiter in the custome-house , or every promooter might have done it , there is no invention in these things , to lay impositions , and sell the kings lands , are poor and common devices . it is true that ingram and his fellows are odious men , and therefore his majesty pleas'd the people greatly to put him from the coffership . it is better for a prince to use such a kind of men , then to countenance them , hangmen are necessary in a common wealth : yet in the netherlands , none but a hangmans sonne will marry a hangmans daughter . now my lord , the last gathering which henry the seventh made , was in his twentieth year , wherein he had another benevolence both of the clergy and laity , a part of which taken of the poorer sort , he ordained by his testament that it should be restored . and for king henry the eight , although he was left in a most plentifull estate , yet he wonderfully prest his people with great payments , for in the beginning of his time it was infinite that he spent in masking and tilting , banquetting , and other vanities , before he was entred into the most consuming expence of the most fond and fruitlesse warre that ever king undertook . in his fourth yeare he had one of the greatest subsedies that ever was granted ; for besides two fifteens and two dismes , he used davids law of capitation or head money , and had of every duke ten marks , of every earl five pounds , of every lord four pounds , of every knight four marks and every man rated at 8l . in goods , 4. marks , and so after the rate : yea every man that was valued but at 401 paid 12d , and every man and woman above 15. yeares 4d . he had also in his sixt yeare divers subsedies granted him . in his fourteenth their was a tenth demanded of every mans goods , but it was moderated . in the parliament following , the clergie gave the king the half of their spirituall livings for one yeare , and of the laity there was demanded 800000l , which could not be leavied in england , but it was a marvellous great gift that the king had given him at that time . in the kings seventeenth yeare was the rebellion before spoken of , wherein the king disavowed the cardinall : in his seventeenth yeare he had the tenth and fifteenth given by parliament , which were before that time paid to the pope . and before that also , the moneys that the king borrowed in his fifteenth yeare were forgiven him by parliament in his seventeenth yeare . in his 35. yeare a subsedy was granted of 4d . the pound of every man worth in goods from 20s . to 5l , from 5l . to 10l . and upwards of every pound 2s . and all strangers , denisens and others doubled this summe strangers not being inhabitants above 16. yeares 4d . a head . all that had lands , fees , and annuities , from 20. to 5. and so double as they did for goods : and the clergy gave 6d . the pound . in the thirty seventh yeare , a benevolence was taken not voluntary , but rated by commissioners , which because one of the aldermen refused to pay , he was sent for a souldier into scotland . he had also another great subsedy of six shillings the pound of the clergy , and two shillings eight pence of the goods of the laity , and four shillings the pound upon lands . in the second yeare of edward the sixt , the parliament gave the king an aid of twelve pence the pound of goods of his naturall subjects , and two shillings the pound of strangers , and this to continue for three yeares , and by the statute of the second and third of edward the sixt , it may appear , the same parliament did also give a second aid , as followeth , ( to wit ) of every ewe kept in severall pastures , 3d : of every weather kept as aforesaid 2d : of every sheep kept in the common , 1d , ob . the house gave the king also 8d . the pound of every woollen cloath made for the sale throughout england for three years . in the third and fourt , of the king , by reason of the troublesome gathering of the poly money upon sheep , and the tax upon cloath , this act of subsedy was repeal'd , and other relief given the king , and in the seventh yeare he had a subsedy and two fifteens . in the first yeare of queen mary , tunnage and poundage were granted . in the second yeare a subsedy was given to king philip , and to the queen , she had also a third subsedy in annis 4. & 5. eliz. reg , now my lord , for the parliaments of the late queens time , in which there was nothing new , neither head money , nor sheep money , nor escuage , nor any of these kinds of payments was required , but onely the ordinary subsedies , and those as easily graunted as demanded , i shall not need to trouble your lordship with any of them , neither can i inform your lordship of all the passages and acts which have passed , for they are not extant , nor printed . couns. no , it were but time lost to speak of the latter , and by those that are already remembred , we may judge of the rest , for those of the greatest importance are publick . but i pray you deal freely with me , what you think would be done for his majesty , if he should call a parliament at this time , or what would be required at his majesties hands ? iust . the first thing that would be required , would be the same that was required by the commons in the thirteenth yeare of hen. the eight ( to wit ) that if any man of the commons house should speak more largely , then of duty he ought to do , all such offences to be pardoned , and that to be of record . couns. so might every companion speak of the king what they list . iust . no my lord , the reverence which a vassall oweth to his soveraigne , is alwaies intended for every speech , howsoever it must import the good of the king , and his estate , and so long it may be easily pardoned , otherwise not ; for in queen elizabeths time , who gave freedome of speech in all parliaments , when wentworth made those motions , that were but supposed dangerous to the queens estate , he was imprisoned in the tower , notwithstanding the priviledge of the house , and there died . couns. what say you to the scicilian vespers remembred in the last parliament ? iust . i say , he repented him heartily that used that speech , and indeed besides that , it was seditious , this example held not : the french in scicily usurped that kingdome , they neither kept law nor faith , they took away the inheritance of the inhabitants , they took from them their wives , and ravished their daughters , committing all other insolencies that could be imagined . the kings majesty is the naturall lord of england , his vassals of scotland obey the english laws , if they break them , they are punished without respect . yea his majesty put one of his barons to a shamefull death , for being consenting onely to the death of a common fencer : and which of these ever did or durst commit any outrage in england , but to say the truth , the opinion of packing the last , was the cause of the contention and disorder that happened . couns. why sir ? do you not think it best to compound a parliament of the kings servants and others , that shall in all obey the kings desires ? iust . certainly no , for it hath never succeeded well , neither on the kings part , nor on the subjects , as by the parliament before-remembred your lordship may gather , for from such a composition do arise all jealousies , and all contentions . it was practized in elder times , to the great trouble of the kingdome , and to the losse and ruine of many . it was of latter time used by king henry the eight , but every way to his disadvantage . when the king leaves himself to his people , they assure themselves that they are trusted and beloved of their king , and there was never any assembly so barborus , as not to answer the love and trust of their king. henry the sixt when his estate was in effect utterly overthrown , and utterly impoverished at the humble request of his treasurer made the same known to the house : or other wise , using the treasurers own words . he humbly desired the king to take his staffe , that he might save his wardship . couns. but you know , they will presently be in hand with those impositions , which the king hath laid by his own royall prerogative . iust . perchance not my lord ; but rather with those impositions that have been by some of your lordships laid upon the king , which did not some of your lordships fear more then you do the impositions laid upon the subjects , you would never disswade his majesty from a parliament : for no man doubted , but that his majesty was advised to lay those impositions by his councell , and for particular things on which they were laid , the advice came from petty fellows ( though now great ones ) belonging to the custome-house . now my lord , what prejudice hath his majesty ( his revenue being kept up ) if the impositions that were laid by the generall councell of the kingdome , which takes off all grudging and complaint . couns. yea sir , but that which is done by the king , with the advice of his private or privy councell , is done by the kings absolute power . iust . and by whose power it is done in parliament , but by the kings absolute power ? mistake it not my lord : the three estates do but advise , as the privy councell doth , which advice if the king imbrace , it becomes the kings own act in the one , and the kings law in the other , for without the kings acceptation , both the publick and private advices be but as empty egg shels : and what doth his majesty lose if some of those things , which concerns the poorer sort to be made free again , and the revenue kept up upon that which is superfluous ? is it a losse to the king to be beloved of the commons ? if it be revenue which the king seeks , is it not better to take it of those that laugh , then of those that cry ? yea if all be conten to pay upon moderation & change of the species : is it not more honourable and more safe for the king , that the subject pay by perswasion , then to have them constrained ? if they be contented to whip themselves for the king , were it not better to give them the rod into their hands , then to commit them to the executioner ? certainly it is farre more happy for a soveraigne prince , that a subject open his purse willingly , then that the same be opened by violence . besides , that when impositions are laid by parliament , they are gathered by the authority of the law , which ( as aforesaid ) rejecteth all complaints , and stoppeth every mutinous mouth : it shall ever be my prayer that the king embrace the councel of honour and safety , and let other princes imbrace that of force . couns. but good sir , it is his prerogative which the king stands upon , & it is the prerogative of the kings , that the parliaments do all diminish . iust . if your lordship would pardon me , i would say then , that your lordships objection against parliaments is ridiculous . in former parliaments three things have been supposed dishonour of the king. the first , that the subjects have conditioned with the king , when the king hath needed them , to have the great charter confirmed : the second , that the estates have made treasurers for the necessary and profitable disbursing of those sums by them given , to the end , that the kings , to whom they were given , should expend them for their own defence , & for the defence of the common-wealth : the third , that these have prest the king to discharge some great officers of the crown , and to elect others . as touching the first my lord , i would fain learn what disadvantage the kings of this land have had by confirming the great charter , the breach of which have served onely men of your lordships rank , to assist their own passions , and to punish and imprison at their own discretion the kings poor subjects . concerning their private hatred , with the colour of the kings service , for the kings majestie take no mans inheritance , ( as i have said before ) nor any mans life , but the law of the land , according to the charter . neither doth his majesty imprison any man ( matter of practice , which concerns , the preservation of his estate excepted ) but by the law of the land . and yet he useth his prerogative as all the kings of england have ever used to : for the supream reason cause to practise many things without the advice of the law . as insurrections and rebellions , it useth the marshall , and not the common law , without any breach of the charter , the intent of the charter considered truely . neither hath any subject made complaint , or been grieved , in that the kings of this land , for their own safeties , and preservation of their estates , have used their prerogatives , the great ensigne , on which there is written soli deo. and my good lord , was not buckingham in england , and byron in france condemned , their peers uncalled ? and withall , was not byron utterly ( contrary to the custome & priviledges of the french ) denyed an advocate to assist his defence ? for where lawes forecast cannot provide remedies for future dangers , princes are forced to assist themselves by their prerogatives . but that which hath been ever grievous , and the cause of many troubles , very dangerous is , that your lordships abusing the reasons of state , do punish and imprison the k. subjects at your pleasure . it is you my lords , that when subjects have sometimes need of the kings prerogative , do then use the strength of the law , and when they require the law , you afflict them with the prerogative , and tread the great charter ( which hath been confirmed by 16 acts of parliament ) under your feet , as a torn parchment or waste paper ? . couns. good sir , which of us do in this sort break the great charter ? perchance you mean , that we have advised the king to lay the new impositious . iust . no my lord : there is nothing in the great charter against impositions : and besides that , necessity doth perswade them . and if necessity do in somewhat excuse a private man à fortiori , it may then excuse a prince . again the kings majesty hath profit and increase of revenue by the impositions . but there are of your lordships ( contrarie to the direct letter of the charter ) that imprison the kings subjects and deny them the benefit of the law , to the kings disprofit . and what do you otherwise thereby ( if the impositions be in any sort grievous ) but renovare dolores ? and with all digg out of the dust the long buried memorie of the subjects former intentions with their kings . couns. what mean you by that ? iust . i will tell your lordship when i dare , in the mean time it is enough for me , to put your lordship in mind , that all the estates in the world , in the offence of the people , have either had profit or necessity to perswade them to adventure it , of which , if neither be urgent , and yet the subject exceedingly grieved , your lordship may conjecture , that the house will be humble suitors for a redresse . and if it be a maxime in policy to please the people in all things indifferent , and never suffer them to be beaten , but for the kings benefit ( for there are no blows forgotten with the smart but those ) then i say to make them vassals to vassals , is but to batter down those mastering buildings , erected by k henry the 7. & fortified by his son , by which the people the gentry of england were brought to depend upon the king alone . yea my good lord , our late dear soveraign q. eliz. kept them up , & to their advantage , as wel repaired as ever prince did defend me , & spend me , faith the irish churle . couns. then you think that this violent breach of the charter will be the cause of seeking the conformation of it in the next parliament , which otherwise could never have bin moved . iust . i know not my good lord perchance not , for if the house presse the king to graunt unto them all that is theirs by the law , they cannot ( in iustice ) refuse the king all that is his by the law. and where will be the issue of such a contention ? i dare not divine , but sure i am that it will tend to the prejudice both of the king and subject . couns. if they dispute not their own liberties , why should they then the kings liberties , which we call his prerogative . iust . among so many and so divers spirits , no man can foretell what may be propounded , but howsoever , if the matter be not slightly handled on the kings behalf , these disputes will soon dissolve for the king hath so little need of his prerogative , & so great advantage by the lawes , as the fear of imparing the one , to wit , the prerogative , is so impossible , and the burthen of the other , to wit , the law , so weighty , as but by a branch of the kings prerogative , namely , of his remission and pardon , the subject is no way able to undergo it . this my lord is no matter of flourish that i have said , but it is the truth , and unanswerable . couns. but to execute the laws very severely , would be very grievous . iust . why my lord , are the laws grievous which our selves have required of our kings ? and are the prerogatives also which our kings have reserved to themselves also grievous ? how can such a people then be well pleased ? and if your lordship confess that the lawes give too much , why does your lordship urge the prerogative that gives more ? nay i will be bold to say it , that except the lawes were better observed , the prerogative of a religious prince hath manifold lesse perils then the letter of the law hath . now my lord , for the second & third , to wit , for the appointing of treasures , and removing of councellors , our kings have evermore laught them to scorn that have prest either of these , & after the parliament dissolved , took the money of the treasurers of the parliament and recalled & restored the officers discharged , or else they have been contented , that some such persons should be removed at the request of the whole kingdom , which they themselves out of their noble natures , would not seem willing to remove . couns. well sir , would you notwithstanding all these arguments advise his majesty to call a parliament ? iust . it belongs to your lordships who enjoy the kings favour , & are chosen for your able wisedome to advise the k. it were a strange boldnesse in a poor and private person , to advise kings , attended with so understanding a councell . but be like your lorpships have conceived some other way , how money may be gotten otherwise . if any trouble should happen , your lordship knows , that then there were nothing so dangerous for a k as to be without money : a parliament cannot assemble in haste , but present dangers require hasty remedies . it will be no time then to discontent the subjects by using any unordinary wayes . couns. well sir , all this notwithstanding we dare not advise the king to call a parliament , for if it should succeed ill , we that advise , should fall into the kings disgrace . and if the king be driven into any extremity , we can say to the king that because we found it extremely unpleasing to his majesty to hear of a parliament , we thought it no good manners to make such a motion . iust . my lord , to the first let me tell you , that there was never any just prince that hath taken any advantage of the successe of councels , which have been founded on reason , to fear that , were to fear the losse of the bell , more then the losse of the steeple , and were also the way to beat all men from the studies of the kings service . but for the second , where you say you can excuse your selves upon the kings own protesting against a parliament , the king upon better consideration may encounter that fineness of yours . couns. how i pray you ? iust . even by declaring himself to be indifferent , by calling your lordships together , and by delivering unto you that he heares how his loving subjects in generall are willing to supply him , if it please him to call a parliament , for that was the common answer to all the sheriffes in england , when the late benevolence was commanded . in which respect , and because you come short in all your projects , & because it is a thing most dangerous for a king to be without treasure , he requires such of you , as either mislike , or rather fear a parliment , to set down your reasous in writing , which you either mislike , or feared it . and such as with and desire it , to set down answers to your objections : and so shall the king prevent the calling or not calling on his majesty , as some of your great councellers have done in many other things shrinking up their shoulders , and saying , the k. will have it so . couns. well sir , it grows late , & i will bid you farewell , onely you shall take well with you this advice of mine , that in all that you have said against our greatest , those men in the end shall be your iudges in their own cause , you that trouble your self with reformation ; are like to be well rewarded hereof you may assure your self , that we will never allow of any invention how profitable soever , unlesse it proceed , or seem to proceed from our selves . iust . if then my lord , we may presume to say that princes may be unhappy in any thing , certainly they are unhappy in nothing more then in suffering themselves to be so inclosed . again , if we may believe pliny , who tels us , that 't is an ill signe of prosperity in any kingdome or state , where such as deserve well , find no other recompence then the contentment of their own conseiences , a farre worse signe is it where the justly accused shall take revenge of the just accuser . but my good lord , there is this hope remaining , that seeing he hath been abused by them he trusted most , he will not for the future dishonour of his judgement ( so well informed by his own experience ) as to expose such of his vassals as have had no other motives to serve him , then simply the love of his person and his estate ) to their revenge , who have onely been moved by the love of their own fortunes , and their glory . couns. but good sir , the king hath not been deceived by all . iust . no my lord , neither have all been trusted , neither doth the world accuse all , but believe , that there be among your lordships very just and worthy men , aswell of the nobility as others , but those though most honoured in the common-wealth , yet have not been most imployed : your lordship knows it well enough , that three or 4 of your lordships have thought your hands strong enough to beat up alone the weightiest affairs in the commonwealth , and strong enough , all the land have found them to beat down whom they pleased . couns. i understand you , but how shall it appear that they have onely sought themselves . iust . there needs no perspective glasse to discern it , for neither in the treaties of peace and warre , in matters of revenue , and matters of trade , any thing hath hapned either of love or of judgement . no my lord , there is not any one action of theirs eminent , great or small , the greatnesse of themselves onely excepted . co. it is all one , your papers can neither answer nor reply , we can . besides you tell the king no news in delivering these complaints , for he knows as much as can be told him . iust . for the first my lord , whereas he hath once the reasons of things delivered him , your lordships shall need to be well advised , in their answers there is no sophistry will serve the turn , where the iudge , & the understanding are both supreme . for the second , to say that his majesty knows , and cares not , that my lord were but to despaire all his faithfull subjects . but by your favour my lord , we see it is contrary , we find now that there is no such singular power as there hath been , iustice is described with a balance in her hand , holding it even , and it hangs as even now as ever it did in any kings dayes , for singular authority begets but generall oppression . couns. howsoever it be , that 's nothing to you , that gave no interest in the kings favour , nor perchance in his opinion , and concerning such a one , the misliking , or but misconceiving of any one hard word , phrase , or sentence , will give argument to the king either to condemne or reject the whole discourse . and howsoever his majesty may neglect your informations , you may be sure that others ( at whom you point will not neglect their revenges , you will therefore confesse it ( when it is too late ) that you are exceeding sory that you have not followed my advise . remember cardinall woolsey , who lost all men for the kings service , & when their malice ( whom he grieved ) had out-lived the kings affection , you know what became of him as vvell as i. iust . yea , my lord , i know it well , that malice hath a longer life , than either love or thankfulnesse hath , for as we alwaies take more care to put off pain , than to enjoy pleasure , because the one hath no intermission , & with the other we are often satisfied , so it is in the smart of iniury & the memory of good turns : wrongs are written in marble : benefits are ( sometimes ) acknowledged , rarely requited . but my lord , we shall do the k. great wrong , to judge him by common rules , or ordinary examples , for seeing his majesty hath greatly enriched and advanced those that have but pretended his service , no man needs to doubt of his goodnesse towards those that shall performe any thing worthy reward . nay , the not taking knowledge of those of his own vassals that have done him wrong , is more to be lamented , than the relinquishing of those that do him right , is to be supected . i am therefore , my good lo : held to my resolution by these 2 , besides the former . the 1 , that god would never have blest him with so many years , and in so many actions , yea in all his actions , had he paid his honest servants with evill for good . the 2d . where your lordship tels me , that i will be sorry for not following your advice , i pray your lordship to believe , that i am no way subject to the common sorrowing of worldly men , this maxime of plato being true , dolores omnes ex amore animi erga corpus nascuntur . but for my body , my mind values it at nothing . couns. what is it then you hope for or seek ? iust . neither riches , nor honour , or thanks , but i onely to seek to satisfie his majesty ( which i would have been glad to have done in matters of more importance that i have lived and will die an honest man. finis . the authors epitaph , made by himself . even such is time , which takes in wast our youth , and ioy 's , and all we have , and payes us but with age and dust , which be the dark and silent grave , when we have wandred all our wayes , struts up the story of our dayes : and from which earth and grave , & dust , the lord shall raise me up i trust . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57532-e1580 chief . other degrees . other degrees . notes for div a57532-e14260 seeing . touching . hearing . smelling . tasting . notes for div a57532-e15050 situation for safety & plenty . multitude of inhabitants . religigion . academies . courts of justice . artificers . privledge . the first devises of rome to allure strangers as is sanctuarie . triumps notes for div a57532-e16210 huband men . merchant . gentry . notes for div a57532-e20760 two things s● w. raleigh accused of .