Their present Majesties government proved to be throughly settled, and that we may submit to it, without asserting the principles of Mr. Hobbs shewing also, that allegiance was not due to the usurpers after the late civil war : occasion'd by some late pamphlets against the Reverend Dr. Sherlock.
Sherlock, William, 1641?-1707.
1691
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Their present Majesties government proved to be throughly settled, and that we may submit to it, without asserting the principles of Mr. Hobbs shewing also, that allegiance was not due to the usurpers after the late civil war : occasion'd by some late pamphlets against the Reverend Dr. Sherlock.
Sherlock, William, 1641?-1707.
35, [1] p.
Printed for Robert Clavel ...,
London :
1691.
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Allegiance.
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THEIR
Present
Majesties
GOVERNMENT
Proved
to
be
Throughly
Settled
,
AND
That
we
may
Submit
to
it
,
without
Asserting
the
Principles
of
Mr.
Hobbs
.
Shewing
also
,
That
Allegiance
was
not
Due
to
the
Usurpers
after
the
late
Civil
War.
Occasion'd
by
some
Late
Pamphlets
against
the
Reverend
Dr.
Sherlock
.
LONDON
,
Printed
for
Robert
Clavel
,
at
the
Peacock
in
St.
Pauls-Church-Yard
,
1691.
THEIR
Present
Majesties
GOVERNMENT
Proved
to
be
Throughly
Settled
,
&c.
HAving
lately
perus'd
several
Pamphlets
,
which
the
Authors
stile
,
Remarks
on
Dr.
Sherlock's
New
Book
about
the
Case
of
Allegiance
due
to
Soveraign
Powers
,
I
find
they
pretend
to
Charge
him
with
Hobbism
:
I
presume
,
it
may
not
be
thought
useless
to
give
the
True
State
of
the
Case
,
and
thence
to
prove
the
Lawfulness
of
our
Submission
to
Their
Present
MAJESTIES
;
and
that
without
approaching
or
Bordering
upon
the
Opinion
of
Mr.
Hobbs
,
who
I
still
think
is
much
in
the
wrong
,
as
I
shall
shew
by
and
by
:
And
this
I
shall
the
rather
do
,
because
it
may
help
to
remove
the
Prejudices
of
our
Brethren
,
who
have
not
yet
own'd
the
Government
,
being
scandaliz'd
,
that
we
seem
to
favour
his
Principles
.
Having
wip'd
off
this
Stain
,
I
shall
briefly
shew
,
That
those
Principles
,
by
which
I
am
govern'd
,
are
not
dangerous
to
the
Thrones
of
Princes
:
This
I
undertake
to
prove
,
Because
,
any
Principle
that
shakes
the
Throne
,
would
be
a
Stumbling-Block
to
all
Loyal
Men
,
and
at
least
prejudice
them
against
such
Arguments
as
may
be
urg'd
to
prove
our
Submission
Lawful
:
And
it
seems
the
more
necessary
to
give
this
Argument
its
full
Weight
,
because
the
Learned
Dr.
Sherlock
has
but
touch'd
upon
that
Point
,
and
only
ballances
this
Danger
on
the
Princes
side
,
with
the
Doctrine
of
Non-Resistance
on
our
Part
;
and
indeed
,
it
shews
an
excellent
Providence
,
That
God
has
so
settled
the
Governments
of
the
World
,
as
to
establish
an
irresistible
Power
in
each
Government
,
to
preserve
the
Peace
of
it
,
and
yet
lays
a
most
considerable
Restraint
upon
such
Governours
,
by
putting
it
into
the
Power
of
their
oppress'd
Subjects
,
to
be
idle
Spectators
of
their
Danger
in
the
day
of
Tryal
,
and
to
transfer
their
Allegiance
as
soon
as
any
prosperous
Conquerour
can
get
into
their
Thrones
.
But
I
think
we
have
something
more
to
offer
on
this
Subject
,
viz.
That
our
Principles
are
not
prejudicial
to
Princes
,
or
dangerous
to
their
Crowns
;
or
at
least
,
according
to
these
Principles
,
all
good
Princes
(
as
for
such
as
are
Arbitrary
and
Tyrannical
,
they
must
shift
for
themselves
)
may
have
great
Hopes
of
Recovering
their
Dominions
,
if
by
the
Misfortune
of
War
,
or
any
other
Accident
,
they
be
driven
from
their
Thrones
;
which
seems
not
to
be
enough
provided
for
,
by
the
Hypothesis
that
our
Learned
Author
has
given
us
:
For
if
as
soon
as
any
Usurper
has
got
quiet
Possession
of
the
Throne
,
Submission
be
then
peremptorily
and
absolutely
requir'd
,
as
a
Duty
incumbent
on
all
the
Members
of
that
Government
,
then
the
Case
of
a
good
and
a
bad
Prince
,
when
they
are
once
dispossess'd
,
seem
to
be
equally
desperate
,
viz.
Neither
of
them
can
with
any
Moral
Assurance
,
promise
themselves
any
Assistance
at
home
,
from
such
as
were
their
Subjects
:
Whereas
,
I
am
concern'd
to
see
Princes
,
so
unlike
in
themselves
,
to
be
set
on
the
same
foot
in
their
Quarrels
;
and
I
am
in
pain
,
to
say
something
,
which
may
support
the
Hopes
of
injur'd
Innocence
;
I
presume
I
shall
do
it
:
If
I
fail
in
the
Attempt
,
I
hope
the
Reader
will
impute
it
to
an
honest
Zeal
,
to
protect
Vertue
and
Innocence
,
that
has
blinded
my
Eyes
.
And
in
prosecution
of
this
design
,
I
shall
prove
,
That
there
was
no
Obligation
to
submit
to
the
Usurpers
after
the
late
Civil
War
,
and
that
though
we
should
suppose
them
in
the
quiet
Possession
of
the
Government
;
I
hope
that
I
shall
be
able
to
make
all
this
appear
Reasonable
,
without
denying
the
Doctrine
taught
in
Bishop
Overal's
Convocation-Book
;
it
may
look
somewhat
like
a
Contradiction
,
but
I
must
desire
my
Readers
Patience
until
I
can
come
at
it
.
To
contract
this
Discourse
,
as
much
as
I
can
,
I
shall
make
this
one
Supposition
,
That
Princes
,
who
originally
have
no
Right
to
their
Thrones
,
when
their
Government
is
throughly
settl'd
,
are
invested
with
God's
Authority
,
and
must
be
obey'd
by
all
the
Members
of
that
Government
,
in
as
full
a
Manner
,
as
any
other
,
the
most
Legal
and
Rightful
Princes
can
challenge
:
This
Principle
is
plainly
taught
in
Bishop
Overal's
Convocation-Book
,
and
I
think
fully
clear'd
by
the
Learned
Doctor
Sherlock
;
and
he
is
so
able
to
maintain
what
he
has
advanc'd
,
that
it
would
be
great
presumption
in
me
,
to
endeavour
to
set
it
in
a
better
Light.
Taking
it
then
for
granted
,
That
all
such
Princes
are
to
be
reverenc'd
and
obey'd
by
their
Subjects
;
our
Enquiry
is
,
When
a
Government
may
be
said
to
be
Throughly
Settled
?
This
to
me
seems
a
very
Knotty
Question
,
and
will
require
some
thoughts
to
Resolve
it
;
and
I
know
not
how
to
do
it
,
but
by
looking
back
to
the
Original
of
all
Soveraign
Power
,
where
we
have
been
much
in
the
dark
;
some
saying
,
Lo
it
is
here
,
and
,
Lo
it
is
there
;
some
one
thing
and
some
another
;
one
raising
all
Soveraignty
from
the
natural
Paternal
Authority
,
another
founding
it
in
Conquest
,
a
third
in
Election
;
others
again
pretending
,
that
the
several
Soveraignties
of
the
World
have
had
several
Originals
:
But
for
my
part
,
with
submission
to
better
Judgments
,
I
shall
assert
,
that
all
Soveraignty
is
founded
in
submission
;
and
this
shall
be
the
Thread
to
my
following
discourse
,
which
if
I
can
maintain
,
I
doubt
not
but
to
prove
all
that
I
have
promis'd
on
this
Point
:
For
if
it
appears
,
that
no
Man
is
a
Subject
but
upon
his
own
submission
,
and
that
Conquest
without
this
can
give
no
Man
Authority
to
Govern
,
and
Command
me
as
his
subject
;
then
it
plainly
follows
,
that
dominion
is
not
founded
in
power
;
and
that
power
,
and
a
quiet
possession
,
is
no
certain
sign
to
us
,
that
God
has
given
the
Soveraign
Authority
with
it
.
I
Assert
then
,
that
all
Civil
Government
,
whether
it
be
Elective
,
or
Hereditary
,
Aristocracy
,
Democracy
,
or
any
other
Form
of
Civil
Government
,
it
is
all
founded
in
submission
;
and
I
think
there
needs
no
other
proof
of
this
Doctrine
,
but
to
say
,
that
a
free
man
can
never
be
made
another's
subject
,
but
by
his
own
consent
,
or
submission
,
either
in
his
own
Person
,
or
by
his
Representative
:
By
the
fortune
of
War
,
I
may
become
another
Mans
Prisoner
,
but
he
must
have
my
own
consent
to
make
me
his
subject
;
by
the
fortune
of
War
,
a
Foreign
Prince
or
a
Rebellious
Subject
may
get
possession
of
our
whole
Kingdom
,
Usurp
the
Crown
,
and
have
the
full
and
quiet
Administration
of
the
Government
,
and
as
it
is
usually
done
,
Claim
our
Obedience
as
his
Subjects
:
But
in
Truth
,
he
has
no
true
Title
to
it
;
indeed
,
if
the
War
was
just
,
all
the
whole
property
is
his
until
we
enter
into
Conditions
;
but
the
Obedience
of
Subjects
is
not
due
from
us
,
until
we
have
declar'd
,
and
acknowledg'd
him
to
be
our
Soveraign
;
and
this
I
may
call
a
Reciprocal
Obligation
,
which
either
may
refuse
:
Nor
will
it
argue
much
bounty
in
the
Conqueror
to
return
us
our
Liberty
and
Property
,
in
lieu
of
our
Obedience
;
because
without
Obliging
our
Consciences
,
he
can
hope
to
reap
but
little
fruit
from
all
his
Conquests
;
he
can
never
be
secure
in
his
Throne
,
nor
settl'd
in
his
Government
,
until
he
has
some
Tye
upon
our
Consciences
;
as
we
are
his
prisoners
,
he
may
Torment
and
Punish
us
;
but
all
this
while
he
has
no
hold
upon
our
Consciences
,
all
things
are
Lawful
against
him
as
against
a
publick
Enemy
,
and
we
are
free
to
draw
our
Swords
against
him
,
as
soon
as
we
can
escape
out
of
his
hands
;
so
that
on
these
Occasions
,
a
Conqueror
is
forc't
to
stand
Arm'd
,
or
to
bind
our
hands
until
he
can
bind
our
Consciences
.
And
this
seems
to
be
the
key
to
understand
those
passages
,
quoted
out
of
Bishop
Overal's
Convocation-book
:
The
New
Government
is
then
throughly
settl'd
,
when
the
new
Prince
has
the
full
Administration
of
the
Government
,
and
is
own'd
as
Soveraign
by
the
Representatives
of
the
people
freely
chosen
;
we
must
then
submit
not
only
for
Wrath
,
but
Conscience
sake
,
because
it
is
the
Ordinance
of
God.
Here
therefore
,
I
must
presume
to
assert
,
that
the
right
of
Government
is
not
deriv'd
from
God
,
without
the
consent
or
submission
of
the
people
;
I
do
not
say
it
is
not
deriv'd
from
God
,
but
the
consent
of
the
people
,
together
with
the
full
Enjoyment
of
the
Regal
Power
,
is
our
Visible
Evidence
,
that
such
a
Prince
has
receiv'd
his
Authority
from
God
;
for
till
this
be
done
,
we
cannot
with
any
propriety
of
speech
,
say
that
the
Government
is
settl'd
,
nor
is
it
call'd
the
Ordinance
of
God
until
it
be
settl'd
.
I
say
,
Submission
only
makes
a
Through
Settlement
,
because
,
notwithstanding
a
quiet
possession
,
it
is
probable
whole
multitudes
may
wait
an
opportunity
to
overturn
it
,
unless
the
Nation
has
declar'd
its
willingness
to
Acquiesce
by
Representatives
,
who
are
the
mouth
of
the
people
,
and
impower'd
to
speak
their
minds
.
I
Would
not
have
it
thought
,
as
if
by
this
,
I
deny'd
the
Power
of
God
,
to
set
an
Usurping
Tyrant
over
us
against
our
wills
;
for
God
can
do
it
if
he
please
,
and
make
us
the
instruments
of
it
;
when
he
means
thus
to
afflict
any
Nation
,
or
People
,
he
can
so
incline
their
hearts
,
as
to
make
them
receive
him
to
be
their
King
,
who
shall
be
their
Scourge
;
Or
the
Usurping
Tyrant
having
them
in
his
Power
,
may
make
them
willing
to
be
his
Subjects
,
on
such
Conditions
as
they
can
get
:
And
thus
God
can
set
a
bad
King
over
us
in
some
sense
against
our
wills
,
and
yet
it
is
our
own
Act
:
For
we
owe
him
no
Obedience
,
and
are
not
Oblig'd
to
Reverence
,
and
Obey
him
on
the
score
of
Conscience
,
until
his
Government
be
settl'd
by
our
receiving
him
to
be
our
Soveraign
,
either
in
our
own
Persons
,
or
by
our
Representatives
.
I
presume
it
will
be
sufficient
to
clear
this
Point
,
if
I
first
prove
,
That
our
Present
Civil
Governments
could
have
no
other
Original
;
and
further
,
shew
in
what
sense
the
Men
of
succeeding
Ages
,
and
our
present
Times
,
are
not
said
to
be
Subjects
,
without
their
own
consent
or
submission
.
For
the
Reasons
already
given
,
I
do
suppose
all
Civil
Governments
must
have
their
Original
,
either
from
Submission
,
or
from
the
Paternal
Authority
:
Now
none
of
our
present
Princes
can
Claim
their
right
from
Paternal
Authority
,
because
it
cannot
be
thought
that
any
Prince
now
living
,
should
be
able
to
make
good
his
Claim
,
as
the
direct
Heir
from
Noah
;
tho'
they
want
no
flatterers
,
yet
none
of
them
are
so
vain
as
to
give
out
,
that
they
are
the
Heirs
of
this
great
Family
;
so
that
I
shall
take
it
for
granted
,
that
all
pretences
to
Soveraign
Authority
from
Paternal
Power
,
are
absolutely
out
of
doors
:
And
at
present
I
can
foresee
nothing
Material
,
that
may
be
objected
against
this
Hypothesis
,
unless
it
be
what
our
Learned
Author
seems
to
object
,
viz.
That
as
natural
Authority
is
the
most
sacred
,
so
no
Man
had
Authority
to
give
it
away
;
that
is
,
if
I
mistake
not
his
meaning
,
a
Father
having
Soveraign
Authority
over
his
Children
,
and
Childrens
Children
,
&c.
may
not
Transfer
this
Authority
to
any
other
Person
.
Now
to
clear
this
doubt
,
Perhaps
it
would
be
no
difficult
Task
.
First
,
To
shew
the
Necessity
of
Transfering
this
Authority
as
families
multiplied
;
for
every
thing
that
is
Absolutely
necessary
is
Lawful
,
just
as
we
say
it
was
Lawful
for
Cain
to
Marry
his
own
Sister
.
Secondly
,
If
it
were
Unlawful
in
the
Original
,
a
long
Succession
wipes
off
the
Stain
,
as
our
Author
plainly
grants
.
Thirdly
,
It
being
impossible
to
Govern
the
whole
World
by
the
care
and
inspection
of
one
Man
,
and
it
being
impossible
to
point
out
the
direct
Heir
in
each
Country
,
and
again
impossible
to
settle
the
Limits
of
his
Government
:
I
Conclude
it
was
Lawful
for
every
Parent
to
Transfer
,
so
much
of
his
Authority
to
some
Single
Person
,
as
was
necessary
to
preserve
Peace
in
the
Neighbourhood
,
reserving
still
so
much
to
themselves
as
might
preserve
a
Filial
Obedience
;
and
this
might
be
done
,
as
we
see
it
is
at
this
day
amongst
us
,
tho'
a
stranger
to
their
blood
,
were
invested
with
a
Soveraign
Authority
over
them
.
But
Lastly
,
tho'
no
Authority
,
be
so
Sacred
as
what
is
Natural
,
yet
I
conclude
it
Lawful
,
not
only
on
Necessary
,
but
Prudential
accounts
to
Transfer
it
:
If
any
denys
it
is
gratis
dictum
,
when
they
publish
their
Reasons
,
it
will
be
time
enough
to
put
in
our
Answer
.
So
that
in
short
,
I
suppose
it
Lawful
for
any
body
of
Free
Men
,
to
invest
any
one
of
themselves
,
or
a
stranger
,
with
a
Soveraign
Authority
over
them
:
And
that
all
our
Present
Governments
did
begin
in
this
manner
,
is
more
than
probable
,
because
none
of
them
could
have
such
Authority
by
any
other
means
;
the
pretences
from
Paternal
Authority
are
out
of
doors
,
Conquest
will
lay
no
Obligation
to
Obedience
on
a
Mans
Conscience
,
and
therefore
nothing
but
Consent
or
Submission
can
do
it
.
It
matters
not
whether
this
Submission
was
procur'd
in
gratitude
for
former
Obligations
,
or
by
Flattery
,
or
for
fear
of
Rough
Treatment
;
it
may
be
sometimes
a
willing
submission
,
and
sometimes
an
Hard
Choice
,
but
ones
own
Submission
only
binds
his
Conscience
;
if
he
would
brave
his
Adversary
,
and
not
yield
to
become
his
Subject
,
or
Vassal
,
he
would
,
as
we
say
,
be
his
own
Man
,
as
soon
as
he
escap'd
his
Adversaries
hands
;
whereas
having
once
receiv'd
him
for
his
Soveraign
,
his
Conscience
is
for
ever
bound
;
and
if
I
may
so
say
,
he
carries
his
Chains
with
him
to
the
Remotest
Corners
of
the
World
:
All
Nations
as
far
as
I
know
being
agreed
,
that
no
Subject
can
shake
off
his
Obedience
at
his
pleasure
;
and
agreeable
to
this
Pinciple
they
all
Act
,
on
occasion
,
calling
any
of
them
home
,
and
proceeding
against
such
as
refuse
to
Obey
their
Summons
,
which
you
must
confess
ought
never
to
be
done
by
a
bare
Conquerour
;
I
mean
,
who
is
not
yet
own'd
by
the
Estates
:
Or
if
such
a
Prince
should
pretend
to
Recall
such
as
are
Fled
from
his
Usurped
Government
,
tho'
he
has
the
Sword
,
and
the
whole
Power
in
his
hands
,
yet
I
suppose
you
will
not
say
that
such
Refugies
are
oblig'd
to
return
,
and
act
the
part
of
good
subjects
.
This
therefore
is
a
plain
indication
,
that
all
our
present
Civil
Governments
were
founded
,
and
settl'd
in
the
Consent
,
or
Submission
of
our
Ancestors
;
It
remains
now
,
to
shew
that
their
Posterity
,
and
we
of
this
Present
Age
,
are
not
properly
said
to
be
subjects
without
our
own
submission
:
And
it
is
Necessary
to
prove
this
,
as
well
in
Elective
as
Hereditary
Governments
;
because
the
Government
is
not
there
Dissolv'd
upon
the
Death
of
the
Prince
,
nor
would
any
Member
of
it
be
loose
from
his
Obedience
,
though
he
should
deny
to
Concur
with
them
in
the
Election
of
a
New
King
,
and
claim
his
Liberty
at
or
before
the
Election
.
I
say
then
,
as
our
Ancestors
voluntarily
submitted
to
be
Subjects
of
this
Hereditary
Monarchy
,
so
it
is
presum'd
to
be
our
own
Choice
,
they
were
as
properly
our
Representatives
,
as
those
that
we
now
Chuse
in
our
own
persons
,
and
our
Consent
is
as
well
presum'd
to
the
Enacting
of
their
LAWS
,
as
to
those
that
are
now
made
;
and
they
transmitted
no
more
Liberty
to
me
,
than
they
reserved
to
themselves
:
Nor
is
it
any
great
Strain
to
presume
our
Consent
in
this
Case
;
for
,
to
give
this
Argument
all
the
Force
I
can
,
I
will
suppose
my self
born
in
a
very
unhappy
Government
;
but
as
a
bad
Government
is
better
than
none
at
all
,
so
I
should
think
it
no
foolish
Choice
,
to
Answer
for
my
Off-spring
,
that
they
should
be
subject
to
the
same
Government
,
and
might
rationally
suppose
,
that
if
they
could
now
appear
,
they
would
ratify
it
in
their
own
persons
;
because
,
all
Civil
Societies
must
soon
be
dissolv'd
,
if
the
Child
be
not
born
in
the
same
Condition
with
his
Parents
;
I
mean
,
subject
to
the
same
Laws
,
and
the
same
Government
:
Therefore
,
as
my
Ancestors
did
presume
to
Consent
for
me
,
that
I
should
be
subject
to
all
the
Laws
which
they
Enacted
,
(
for
as
yet
I
know
no
other
Reason
of
my
being
subject
to
them
)
;
so
amongst
other
things
,
they
did
Consent
for
me
,
that
I
should
be
subject
to
such
a
Government
,
to
such
and
such
a
Prince
:
The
Reason
holds
in
both
,
by
Vertue
of
their
Act.
I
did
as
much
Consent
to
be
a
Subject
to
the
King
of
England
,
as
I
did
Consent
to
any
other
Law
which
they
Establish't
:
They
thought
it
no
Presumption
to
Consent
for
us
,
and
we
yet
tread
in
their
steps
;
for
whatever
Laws
are
now
Enacted
,
will
oblige
our
Posterity
,
as
if
it
were
their
own
Act
;
we
Represent
those
that
are
yet
unborn
,
and
Choose
for
them
;
and
as
you
find
by
what
has
been
said
,
may
rationally
presume
to
do
so
.
Obj.
If
it
be
Demanded
,
On
what
Account
our
Ancestors
,
Three
or
Four
Hundred
Years
ago
,
should
Choose
a
King
for
us
?
Ans.
The
Answer
is
very
obvious
,
viz.
They
well
understood
the
Conveniencies
of
Government
,
and
therefore
might
well
presume
our
Consent
,
to
be
Members
of
it
,
upon
as
good
Terms
as
they
could
get
;
because
,
as
I
said
before
,
a
bad
Government
is
better
than
none
,
since
therefore
they
were
to
Choose
for
themselves
,
as
well
as
their
Posterity
,
and
had
an
equal
Interest
in
this
great
Affair
,
they
might
presume
to
Consent
for
us
,
seeing
they
consulted
our
Happiness
and
Security
in
the
World
;
or
if
they
acted
foolishly
and
unfaithfully
,
yet
since
the
thing
must
be
done
,
or
the
World
would
become
an
Aceldama
,
they
might
on
good
Grounds
presume
our
Consent
,
and
Choose
for
us
,
as
we
yet
do
for
our
Posterity
in
other
Cases
;
or
indeed
in
the
same
Case
,
whenever
we
transfer
any
part
of
our
Liberty
,
by
enlarging
the
Prerogative
of
the
Crown
.
We
may
Act
wisely
or
foolishly
,
as
it
happens
,
but
we
Act
not
for
our selves
alone
,
it
affects
our
whole
Posterity
,
whom
we
Represent
,
and
who
are
supposed
to
Consent
with
us
,
for
otherwise
,
I
cannot
see
how
it
should
oblige
their
Consciences
.
Obj.
But
it
may
further
be
Objected
against
this
Hypothesis
,
That
the
Major
Vote
cannot
include
my
Consent
,
unless
I
please
.
Ans.
I
grant
it
,
if
a
New
Government
were
now
to
be
Erected
,
it
could
not
;
but
where
we
could
not
Act
in
our
own
Persons
,
our
Ancestors
being
our
true
Representatives
,
it
was
rational
to
presume
on
our
Consent
in
what
they
did
for
us
;
and
since
we
could
not
Choose
for
our selves
,
our
Consent
is
most
rationally
presum'd
to
the
Major
Vote
,
as
it
is
at
this
day
,
when
any
New
Law
is
establish'd
;
and
since
we
cannot
all
act
in
our
own
persons
,
I
suppose
,
every
Wise
Man
would
rather
stand
oblig'd
by
the
Major
Vote
,
than
entrust
his
whole
Property
in
the
breast
of
those
more
peculiar
Representatives
,
whom
he
elects
himself
,
since
it
gives
them
so
large
a
Power
,
and
therefore
is
a
Trust
too
great
to
be
put
into
the
hands
of
any
one
Man
;
and
on
this
Account
our
Ancestors
might
well
presume
to
Consent
for
us
,
that
in
these
Cases
we
should
be
oblig'd
by
the
Major
Vote
.
Indeed
,
at
first
sight
it
may
seem
somewhat
hard
,
that
our
Ancestors
should
not
reserve
a
Liberty
to
every
particular
Man
to
Choose
for
himself
.
We
are
naturally
very
fond
of
this
Liberty
,
but
in
the
main
,
it
cannot
be
done
,
because
no
considerable
Body
of
Men
can
be
thus
govern'd
;
and
as
it
appears
by
the
Event
,
they
who
have
reserv'd
most
of
this
Liberty
,
have
acted
the
most
imprudently
.
Thus
I
suppose
we
are
in
some
Measure
sensible
of
the
great
Inconveniencies
incident
to
an
Elective
Government
in
Poland
,
where
,
at
their
Dyets
,
nothing
is
Enacted
by
a
Major
Vote
,
but
only
by
a
general
Consent
;
the
Wheel
of
Government
moves
so
heavily
,
that
that
great
People
,
who
in
their
Persons
are
Valiant
,
in
their
Councils
not
inferiour
to
their
Neighbours
,
and
in
their
Numbers
,
as
Considerable
as
any
Nation
in
Europe
,
are
become
the
Sport
of
Fortune
,
being
miserably
harrass'd
by
every
Puny
Invader
;
and
for
want
of
giving
away
a
little
more
Liberty
,
many
of
them
frequently
lose
it
all
;
Multitudes
being
daily
carryed
into
a
miserable
Captivity
by
their
Enemies
,
by
reason
of
those
Dilatory
Proceedings
:
So
that
our
Ancestors
might
well
presume
to
Consent
for
us
,
in
passing
away
this
Liberty
;
And
indeed
,
with
us
there
is
such
a
true
Temper
observ'd
,
betwixt
Liberty
and
Prerogative
,
that
the
whole
Frame
of
our
Laws
,
seem
to
be
of
our
own
inditing
,
being
such
as
every
Wise
Man
would
Consent
to
,
tho'
we
were
to
begin
afresh
.
But
this
is
more
than
needs
be
said
;
for
if
our
Ancestors
had
Acted
very
Foolishly
,
and
made
our
Condition
much
worse
than
it
is
,
their
Laws
would
have
still
Oblig'd
us
,
they
would
have
been
lookt
upon
as
our
own
Act
,
because
they
were
our
Representatives
.
And
now
I
hope
it
appears
,
I
had
some
Reason
to
say
,
that
no
Man
is
a
Subject
without
his
own
Consent
,
or
Submission
;
but
before
I
proceed
to
build
upon
this
Principle
,
it
may
be
necessary
to
remove
the
scruples
of
one
sort
of
men
(
for
they
are
no
Arguments
)
against
what
is
advanc'd
.
Object
.
They
may
say
,
if
Subjects
give
their
Prince
his
Authority
,
they
may
take
it
away
again
,
if
they
please
.
Ans.
But
we
say
,
they
give
Him
not
his
Authority
,
tho'
he
has
it
not
without
their
Consent
,
or
Submission
;
they
are
only
the
Pipes
,
or
the
Channels
,
whereby
God
Almighty
conveys
his
Authority
to
him
:
For
as
I
said
before
,
to
shorten
my
discourse
,
I
take
it
for
granted
,
that
all
Government
is
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
and
therefore
tho'
the
subjects
may
Elect
the
Person
,
it
is
God
that
gives
Him
his
Authority
.
It
is
a
Womans
own
Consent
,
that
makes
her
Subject
to
the
Law
of
her
Husband
;
but
yet
Marriage
being
Gods
Ordinance
,
as
well
as
Government
,
when
it
is
done
she
cannot
Recall
,
or
Re-assume
her
Liberty
.
But
only
for
Argument's
sake
,
we
will
suppose
all
Authority
deriv'd
from
the
People
;
yet
then
I
say
,
it
cannot
be
recall'd
,
but
by
the
Consent
of
all
Parties
concern'd
.
And
tho'
our
Representatives
,
may
presume
the
Consent
of
the
People
,
yet
the
King
having
a
Negative
Voice
,
nothing
of
this
Nature
,
according
to
our
Constitution
,
can
be
done
without
him
,
whilst
he
is
able
and
willing
to
protect
us
:
But
if
he
abandons
his
People
,
and
cannot
,
or
will
not
come
to
protect
us
;
and
our
Representatives
,
to
prevent
the
utter
ruin
of
the
Common-wealth
,
do
then
agree
,
and
declare
the
Soveraignty
to
be
in
the
next
Heir
,
that
can
protect
us
;
and
thus
settle
him
in
the
full
Administration
of
the
Government
,
we
must
then
submit
,
not
upon
Mr.
Hobbs
his
base
Principle
,
because
dominion
is
founded
in
Power
;
but
by
Virtue
of
the
Determination
of
our
Representatives
,
which
is
lookt
upon
as
the
Act
of
the
whole
People
,
and
includes
the
Consent
of
every
Particular
Person
,
which
,
as
it
appears
by
this
discourse
,
is
the
only
Visible
means
of
conveighing
a
Soveraign
Authority
to
any
Person
.
And
if
this
quiet
possession
,
together
with
the
free
Consent
of
our
Representatives
,
will
not
be
thought
a
Through
Settlement
,
I
can
think
of
nothing
that
can
strengthen
it
,
unless
it
be
the
Resignation
of
the
Late
King
,
which
I
presume
,
ought
never
to
be
expected
,
and
would
as
much
be
wanted
,
upon
the
most
Evident
Conquest
,
as
it
is
in
this
Case
here
before
us
.
And
therefore
,
I
hope
I
may
Conclude
,
that
our
Government
is
now
Throughly
Settl'd
,
and
that
we
who
submit
to
it
cannot
be
charg'd
with
Hobbism
;
since
we
do
not
say
that
any
Prince
,
who
has
quiet
possession
of
the
Throne
,
can
Claim
our
Obedience
,
but
only
such
as
are
Confirm'd
,
and
Settl'd
in
it
by
the
Determination
of
our
Representatives
:
This
I
think
is
a
very
Natural
Explication
of
those
Passages
in
Bishop
Overal's
Convocation-Book
,
which
require
our
Obedience
to
a
Government
Throughly
Settl'd
;
for
that
Government
must
needs
be
very
Slippery
and
Tottering
,
which
our
Representatives
,
who
are
suppos'd
to
have
the
Hearts
,
and
to
be
the
Mouth
of
the
People
,
will
not
Confirm
.
And
for
as
much
as
I
was
satisfied
,
that
my
own
submission
was
both
just
and
rational
,
without
bordering
upon
Mr.
Hobbs
his
base
Principle
,
which
I
always
detested
:
on
this
Occasion
,
I
thought
it
Necessary
to
Recollect
my
thoughts
on
this
subject
,
and
commit
them
to
writing
,
that
I
might
the
more
closely
examine
,
how
well
my
Reasons
Hung
together
.
But
I
could
not
set
them
in
a
True
Light
,
without
spinning
them
out
to
this
length
,
before
I
came
to
the
matter
in
hand
,
which
I
chiefly
design'd
,
viz.
To
shew
what
a
Vast
Difference
there
is
betwixt
Mr.
Hobbs
,
his
Opinion
of
Government
,
and
our
own
.
His
comes
from
the
Father
of
Lyes
;
Ours
I
hope
from
the
God
of
Truth
;
his
is
the
dictate
of
self-interest
,
ours
the
Resolves
of
Reason
and
Conscience
:
He
says
all
Soveraignty
,
or
all
dominion
is
Founded
in
Power
,
we
say
no
such
thing
:
The
greatest
Conqueror
cannot
Compel
us
to
be
his
Subjects
without
our
own
submission
;
tho'
he
has
Power
over
our
Country
,
and
our
persons
,
yet
he
can
lay
no
Obligation
upon
our
Consciences
to
become
his
Subjects
.
This
must
be
our
own
act
,
either
in
person
,
or
by
our
Representatives
:
And
if
this
Notion
will
bear
the
Light
,
there
is
no
pretence
to
say
as
Mr.
Hobbs
does
,
that
his
having
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
makes
us
become
his
Subjects
.
And
as
this
Hypothesis
does
entirely
Wipe
off
the
Stain
of
Hobbism
,
so
likewise
is
it
a
great
support
,
or
at
least
not
dangerous
to
the
Thrones
of
good
Princes
;
for
one
would
suspect
that
his
thoughts
were
ill
grounded
,
if
they
oblig'd
him
to
maintain
such
Principles
;
and
indeed
,
it
is
a
Melancholy
thing
to
think
,
that
we
should
be
oblig'd
as
good
Subjects
to
pay
Obedience
to
the
first
Conqueror
,
that
shall
get
quiet
possession
of
the
Throne
,
as
Mr.
Hobbs
has
taught
us
.
But
according
to
this
Hypothesis
,
the
Government
of
the
New
Prince
is
never
Throughly
Settl'd
,
until
he
has
acquir'd
the
Consent
of
the
People
;
there
is
no
Obedience
due
to
him
,
until
they
Confirm
his
Authority
.
And
this
I
call
a
great
Security
to
all
good
Princes
;
for
supposing
it
necessary
to
have
their
Consent
to
Confirm
a
Government
,
that
began
perhaps
in
Usurpation
,
and
settle
it
,
I
know
nothing
more
,
that
a
Good
,
but
Dispossess'd
Prince
,
can
desire
to
maintain
his
Hopes
of
an
happy
Turn
of
Affairs
,
to
Re-instate
him
in
his
Dominions
:
For
Men
may
say
what
they
will
,
and
suggest
,
That
every
Body
is
ready
to
Adore
the
Rising
Sun
;
and
that
the
worst
Title
,
provided
it
be
prosperous
,
never
wants
hands
to
support
and
strengthen
it
;
but
for
my
part
,
I
could
never
be
Tempted
,
nor
do
I
think
we
ever
had
reason
to
make
such
odious
general
Censures
:
And
as
I
hope
we
now
want
not
many
honest
Patriots
,
who
would
have
supported
the
late
King
Iames
,
to
the
last
drop
of
Blood
,
had
his
Government
been
so
Legal
,
as
to
have
merited
such
a
Sacrifice
;
so
even
in
this
Age
,
to
the
Honour
of
our
Holy
Religion
,
we
want
not
many
Generous
Instances
of
Mens
Integrity
to
this
rational
Principle
:
For
though
Cromwel
had
as
quiet
Possession
of
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
as
any
Conqueror
could
hope
for
,
though
he
had
all
our
Persons
naked
and
helpless
,
in
his
Power
,
and
at
one
Time
,
no
Armed
Force
against
him
,
either
at
home
or
abroad
;
yet
he
could
never
compass
the
Consent
of
the
People
in
a
Free
Convention
or
Parliament
,
as
I
shall
shew
you
by
and
by
.
This
therefore
may
extreamly
exalt
the
hopes
of
all
good
dispossess'd
Princes
,
who
being
just
and
innocent
,
may
rationally
expect
,
that
the
Free
Representatives
of
the
People
,
will
not
own
the
Usurped
Power
;
and
so
long
as
this
is
not
done
,
they
may
as
rationally
hope
for
Succour
from
their
Subjects
,
on
the
first
fair
Occasion
.
Obj.
But
some
may
say
,
How
can
this
be
?
Is
it
probable
that
an
Usurper
,
in
the
quiet
Possession
of
the
Throne
,
should
not
,
though
with
some
Difficulty
,
procure
an
Acknowledgment
of
his
Authority
from
our
Free
Chosen
Representatives
.
Ans.
I
say
it
is
probable
,
and
this
late
Instance
of
a
lasting
Usurpation
,
where
it
could
not
be
done
,
is
a
Convincing
Proof
,
That
it
may
be
so
again
,
if
we
should
ever
see
the
like
unhappy
Occasion
.
I
will
grant
that
we
live
in
a
wicked
Generation
,
and
that
the
worst
Tyrant
will
have
many
Followers
,
if
it
be
but
for
Spoil
and
Plunder
.
He
may
be
able
to
influence
some
by
his
Favours
,
others
by
his
Threats
;
others
again
may
go
along
with
him
out
of
pure
Zeal
,
to
reform
such
Grievances
,
as
he
shall
please
to
Object
against
.
But
what
is
this
towards
influencing
the
Whole
,
or
the
Major
part
of
the
Nation
?
The
Power
of
our
Representatives
is
deriv'd
from
so
many
Persons
,
that
the
Usurpers
Bounty
can
reach
but
few
of
them
;
his
Menaces
,
when
they
are
so
general
,
lose
much
of
their
Force
,
and
as
soon
as
he
pretends
to
the
Soveraignty
,
many
of
his
most
Zealous
Followers
prove
his
worst
Enemies
:
If
he
should
pretend
to
Corrupt
the
Representatives
themselves
,
it
is
too
considerable
a
Body
to
be
aw'd
by
Menaces
,
too
numerous
for
his
Favours
,
generally
of
too
great
Integrity
to
accept
his
Bribes
,
and
of
better
Fortunes
than
to
need
them
;
so
that
on
this
Score
,
a
Dispossess'd
Good
Prince
might
well
promise
himself
an
After-Game
.
Obj.
But
again
it
may
be
Objected
,
That
if
it
be
not
Lawful
to
pay
Allegiance
to
those
Usurpers
,
whose
Authority
is
not
Confirm'd
by
our
Representatives
,
then
our
Condition
at
such
Times
,
must
needs
be
extreamly
hazardous
and
desperate
,
being
naked
and
destitute
,
and
expos'd
to
the
Fury
of
those
,
who
have
all
the
Power
in
their
hands
.
Ans.
I
cannot
but
say
these
are
most
unhappy
Circumstances
;
but
in
a
general
Calamity
,
every
good
Man
should
be
willing
to
bear
his
Share
,
and
venture
his
Security
,
and
even
sacrifice
his
private
Interest
,
to
preserve
the
Ancient
Government
,
and
Royal
Family
.
Besides
,
in
such
Cases
the
Danger
is
not
so
great
,
as
we
generally
presume
it
is
:
Indeed
,
it
can
hardly
be
thought
,
but
the
Usurpers
will
sacrifice
some
Worthy
Patriots
to
their
Ambition
,
as
those
did
in
the
late
Times
;
but
when
they
find
a
good
Title
,
cannot
be
attain'd
without
a
Sea
of
Blood
,
and
much
present
Danger
to
themselves
,
they
generally
sit
down
as
contented
as
they
can
,
only
with
a
quiet
Possession
:
And
as
for
those
Leading
Men
,
whose
Zeal
may
have
exasperated
the
Usurpers
Fury
,
they
may
live
conceal'd
,
or
generously
follow
their
Unhappy
Master
into
Exile
,
and
there
patiently
wait
the
Happy
Hour
:
Nor
as
the
World
goes
with
them
,
will
they
look
upon
this
Honourable
Banishment
,
as
an
hard
Choice
,
since
if
it
were
just
to
submit
to
the
Usurpers
,
they
could
not
but
expect
to
be
look't
upon
with
an
evil
Eye
,
and
perhaps
to
be
Crush'd
at
the
first
Opportunity
.
And
this
,
I
hope
,
is
sufficient
to
Convince
any
reasonable
Man
,
That
these
Principles
are
not
dangerous
to
the
Thrones
of
Princes
;
for
we
do
not
Assert
,
with
Mr.
Hobbs
,
That
as
soon
as
any
Prince
or
Rebel
has
got
Possession
of
the
Throne
,
we
immediately
thereby
become
his
Subjects
:
Nay
,
though
they
should
get
,
and
keep
quiet
Possession
of
it
,
we
yet
say
there
is
no
Obedience
due
from
us
,
until
their
Usurped
Power
be
Settled
,
and
Confirm'd
by
our
Representatives
,
whom
we
stile
the
Fathers
of
our
Country
,
who
are
the
most
knowing
in
these
Affairs
,
and
being
at
the
Helm
,
can
best
judge
,
Whether
things
be
come
to
that
Extremity
,
or
not
:
But
,
Morally
speaking
,
this
Recognition
cannot
be
procur'd
from
them
,
but
in
the
utmost
Extremity
;
and
in
short
,
then
only
when
they
are
entirely
in
the
Power
of
a
Conquerour
,
and
sufficiently
weary
of
their
Dispossess'd
Prince
,
by
reason
of
his
Arbitrary
and
Illegal
Proceedings
.
Thus
it
literally
happen'd
after
the
late
Civil
War
;
for
notwithstanding
all
the
Endeavours
that
were
us'd
by
the
Usurpers
,
they
could
never
procure
an
Acknowledgment
of
their
Authority
from
our
Free
Chosen
Representatives
,
as
I
shall
now
shew
you
by
representing
the
true
Matter
of
Fact
,
from
Mr.
Whitlock's
Memoirs
,
who
must
be
allow'd
to
speak
as
favourably
to
this
Point
,
as
the
Case
would
bear
.
And
here
,
I
suppose
,
it
will
not
be
necessary
I
should
say
any
thing
of
that
part
of
the
Parliament
,
commonly
called
the
Rump
;
they
indeed
usurp'd
the
Government
,
but
there
was
not
so
much
as
the
Face
of
a
general
Consent
in
the
Nation
.
Much
less
need
I
mention
those
120
Persons
,
whom
Oliver
,
as
General
of
the
Army
,
call'd
together
;
who
at
last
devolv'd
,
what
Authority
they
had
on
him
:
It
was
never
pretended
they
had
any
other
Parliaments
or
Representative
Body
of
the
People
to
confirm
their
Power
.
So
that
we
are
already
come
to
Cromwel's
Government
,
as
Protector
,
in
which
alone
,
if
any
where
this
Settlement
is
to
be
found
.
Now
Cromwel
had
but
Two
Conventions
or
Parliaments
,
as
he
call'd
them
,
both
which
we
will
consider
,
as
also
what
they
did
towards
Settling
his
Authority
,
by
a
Free
Parliamentary
Submission
,
which
we
here
presume
to
be
necessary
to
make
a
Through
Settlement
.
His
first
Parliament
was
Summon'd
Iune
9th
.
1654.
and
there
is
very
good
Reason
to
suspect
there
could
be
no
free
Election
,
because
there
were
such
Restrictions
and
Limitations
,
which
the
Sheriff
was
to
lay
upon
the
People
,
e're
they
could
be
admitted
to
give
their
Votes
.
Another
Circumstance
,
which
must
necessarily
prejudice
the
Freedom
of
this
Parliament
,
was
a
strange
Innovation
made
by
the
Protector
,
in
admitting
Thirty
Scotch
,
and
Thirty
Irish
Members
into
it
:
For
,
could
we
suppose
all
the
English
Members
Freely
Chosen
,
so
great
an
Accession
of
Strangers
must
needs
be
a
great
Clog
to
the
English.
For
if
we
may
suppose
these
Sixty
Strangers
at
the
Protector
's
Devotion
,
they
,
with
the
Help
of
some
Friends
they
were
sure
to
find
here
,
might
probably
do
things
in
Favour
of
the
Protector
,
against
the
Sense
of
the
People
of
England
,
whose
Opinions
are
best
known
by
our
own
Members
:
And
that
these
Sixty
Strangers
,
were
the
Protectors
Creatures
,
is
no
improbable
Supposition
;
because
,
he
would
not
otherwise
have
made
this
Innovation
,
or
have
fetch'd
them
so
far
for
nothing
.
Besides
,
Five
Sheriffdoms
in
Scotland
return'd
,
that
not
one
fit
to
be
a
Representative
,
was
to
be
found
within
their
Liberty
;
which
shews
,
That
the
Protector
,
and
his
States-men
,
were
very
nice
in
their
Choice
.
I
might
also
Object
against
this
Parliament
,
(
and
let
it
be
Observ'd
,
That
the
former
,
and
this
Objection
,
lyes
also
against
his
last
Parliament
)
That
it
was
not
Free
,
because
the
Protector
took
upon
him
,
to
call
only
so
many
Persons
as
he
pleas'd
,
augmenting
the
Number
of
Representatives
in
some
places
,
and
diminishing
in
others
,
according
to
his
own
Humour
,
without
any
Colour
of
Law
;
and
having
taken
this
Liberty
,
you
may
imagine
he
was
careful
to
call
most
of
the
Representatives
from
those
places
,
where
he
had
most
Creatures
,
as
I
might
easily
make
it
appear
,
if
it
were
worth
my
Time.
But
let
us
Consider
what
this
Parliament
did
,
when
once
they
were
come
together
.
After
some
few
Preliminaries
,
we
find
them
Entring
on
the
Grand
Debate
,
Concerning
the
Articles
of
the
Protectors
instrument
of
Government
,
and
that
in
such
a
manner
as
made
him
jealous
of
their
proceedings
;
and
then
he
thought
it
High
time
,
to
impose
a
Recognition
upon
them
,
which
they
were
to
Sign
,
before
they
were
suffer'd
to
sit
again
in
the
House
:
This
Recognition
(
which
may
be
seen
in
the
Memoirs
)
can
in
no
sense
be
call'd
a
Publick
Act
,
since
it
was
not
first
Voted
in
the
House
:
And
Effectually
,
upon
this
,
many
of
them
left
that
pretended
Parliament
,
and
they
who
did
Sign
it
,
presently
Voted
,
that
it
should
not
be
Constru'd
to
Comprehend
the
whole
instrument
,
Consisting
of
Forty-two
Articles
;
which
was
,
as
much
as
to
say
,
they
reserv'd
still
to
themselves
a
Power
to
Break
with
him
,
in
Case
they
could
not
Agree
afterwards
upon
the
said
Articles
.
And
if
we
still
Trace
on
their
Proceedings
,
we
find
them
always
very
Busy
in
their
Debates
,
about
the
Government
,
and
never
able
to
come
to
any
Conclusion
about
it
,
(
unless
I
think
upon
Two
Articles
in
Forty-two
)
till
the
Protector
,
being
jealous
of
them
,
in
great
Heat
Dissolv'd
them
.
His
second
Parliament
Met
September
17.
1656.
And
it
must
be
confest
,
that
this
Parliament
,
did
as
far
as
they
were
able
,
Confirm
his
Usurp'd
Authority
:
But
nothing
is
more
Evident
,
than
that
,
this
was
a
packt
Number
of
his
own
Creatures
;
and
as
the
Business
was
then
Manag'd
,
it
is
Ridiculous
to
think
,
they
could
speak
the
Peoples
sense
in
this
matter
.
For
they
were
not
only
Crampt
,
as
the
former
Parliament
had
been
;
but
as
our
Author
observes
,
none
of
them
were
suffer'd
to
enter
the
House
,
without
a
Certificate
,
that
they
were
approv'd
by
the
Protectors
Council
:
And
when
almost
an
Hundred
of
the
Members
,
who
were
Secluded
upon
that
Account
,
demanded
Entrance
,
it
was
slavishly
voted
by
the
rest
,
that
they
should
make
their
Application
to
the
Council
,
for
their
Approbation
:
This
produc'd
a
most
Sharp
Remonstrance
,
Sign'd
with
their
own
Hands
,
as
may
be
seen
at
Large
in
the
Memoirs
,
page
640
And
if
there
were
nothing
more
,
this
is
enough
to
Void
and
Null
all
their
Proceedings
;
This
is
sufficient
to
shew
,
that
this
was
possibly
,
the
most
packt
Assembly
,
that
ever
pretended
to
the
Name
of
a
Parliament
;
and
that
there
is
not
the
least
Colour
of
Reason
,
to
say
,
that
what
they
did
,
could
any
ways
be
the
Act
of
the
People
;
Tho'
this
was
the
best
Title
the
Protector
had
to
his
Government
,
as
he
himself
thought
,
not
being
Solemnly
Inaugurated
before
this
pretended
Submission
,
of
the
People
in
Parliament
,
as
he
call'd
it
.
I
Should
now
proceed
to
Consider
the
Case
of
Richard
,
but
there
need
not
many
words
to
Blow
off
his
Title
;
since
the
only
Parliament
He
Had
,
as
its
freedom
was
questionable
on
the
former
accounts
,
and
because
of
the
Exclusion
of
some
Members
,
who
it
seems
were
unworthy
,
because
they
had
been
in
Arms
against
the
Rump
Parliament
;
so
they
never
came
to
any
Conclusion
,
about
the
Recognition
of
his
Authority
.
And
after
all
,
if
those
pretended
Parliaments
had
own'd
both
Oliver
,
and
his
Son
after
Him
,
yet
we
could
not
call
it
the
Consent
of
the
Nation
,
because
of
the
Violent
Exclusion
of
the
True
House
of
Peers
.
As
for
what
follow'd
,
Richard
,
until
the
return
of
King
Charles
,
every
body
knows
it
was
perfect
Anarchy
,
and
confusion
.
It
is
certain
however
,
there
never
was
any
Parliament
to
Confirm
the
Authorities
then
in
being
:
and
since
that
is
the
only
Legal
way
,
to
Testify
the
consent
of
a
People
,
we
may
safely
Conclude
the
Usurpation
was
never
Settl'd
.
I
might
proceed
in
this
Argument
,
and
at
least
make
it
probable
,
that
if
Cromwels
Government
had
been
Confirm'd
,
as
far
as
the
free
Consent
of
our
Representatives
could
have
Settl'd
it
,
yet
it
would
not
have
been
the
duty
of
all
Private
Men
,
to
own
his
Authority
;
which
,
tho'
it
be
not
at
all
necessary
to
maintain
my
opinion
,
I
shall
by
way
of
Digression
insist
a
little
upon
.
Now
this
may
seem
a
contradiction
to
what
I
have
already
Asserted
,
or
at
least
Inconsistent
with
the
Doctrine
Taught
in
Bishop
Overal's
Convocation-Book
,
but
I
presume
it
is
neither
;
and
I
only
urge
it
,
that
the
True
State
of
the
Controversy
betwixt
us
,
and
some
of
our
brethren
,
may
the
better
be
conceiv'd
,
who
insinuate
,
as
if
it
were
one
and
the
same
thing
to
pay
Obedience
to
the
present
Government
,
or
to
that
of
the
late
Protector
,
or
any
other
in
his
Circumstances
:
What
has
been
said
already
,
does
sufficiently
shew
the
Vanity
of
these
Men
;
and
therefore
it
must
be
observ'd
,
that
if
I
fail
in
this
attempt
,
it
will
not
Prejudice
those
Principles
I
undertook
to
maintain
;
therefore
,
what
I
say
on
this
head
,
must
stand
or
fall
alone
,
and
I
only
propose
it
to
the
Consideration
of
Wiser
Men.
What
I
have
to
say
,
Runs
upon
this
Supposition
,
that
an
Usurp't
Authority
is
not
to
be
Obey'd
,
nor
judg'd
to
be
the
Ordinance
of
God
,
until
it
be
Throughly
Settl'd
?
It
may
be
ask'd
then
,
If
there
be
quiet
possession
,
and
it
be
confirm'd
by
our
Representatives
,
what
distinction
can
excuse
us
from
paying
Obedience
to
such
Powers
?
I
Answer
,
our
Representatives
had
no
Authority
to
destroy
the
Monarchy
:
And
therefore
if
they
had
thus
Transgrest
the
Limits
of
their
Power
,
it
would
not
have
Oblig'd
those
whom
they
Represented
.
If
it
be
Urg'd
,
that
they
have
an
Unlimited
Power
:
I
Answer
,
it
is
True
,
but
not
unless
,
when
they
Act
in
their
own
Sphere
,
and
in
Conjunction
with
the
King.
Obj.
But
it
may
further
be
Objected
,
that
at
this
rate
our
Representatives
could
not
Transfer
our
Allegiance
to
their
Majesties
,
since
they
could
not
make
any
binding
Act
without
a
King.
Ans.
I
deny
it
.
This
they
can
do
,
as
I
shall
shew
you
by
and
by
;
but
it
is
an
Exception
from
this
Rule
:
They
alone
,
can
do
no
other
Act
,
that
can
Oblige
us
:
for
instance
,
they
cannot
impose
Taxes
,
or
make
Laws
that
shall
Oblige
us
.
In
these
,
and
in
all
other
Cases
,
(
except
this
instance
now
before
us
,
of
Confirming
the
Authority
of
a
New
King
)
it
is
our
interest
and
security
,
that
nothing
should
be
Enacted
,
but
by
the
Consent
of
the
King
,
and
our
Representatives
;
and
therefore
,
since
we
Commission
them
to
Act
only
with
the
King
,
they
can
never
Act
without
him
.
Thus
for
instance
,
If
a
Conqueror
has
got
the
whole
power
into
his
hand
,
they
may
Transfer
our
Allegiance
to
him
;
Or
if
the
Royal
Family
should
be
Extinct
,
they
may
proceed
to
a
New
Election
.
But
if
they
pretend
to
Govern
us
themselves
,
without
a
King
,
this
is
more
power
,
than
we
have
given
them
;
for
we
never
Trusted
the
whole
Legislative
Authority
in
their
hands
;
and
I
know
not
how
they
should
come
by
it
otherwise
.
Obj.
But
some
will
say
,
in
such
a
Case
it
is
Devolv'd
to
them
.
Ans.
I
deny
it
,
they
may
have
Power
to
dispose
of
the
Crown
as
they
please
,
but
not
to
Assume
the
whole
Soveraignty
to
themselves
.
By
this
means
they
will
Lessen
our
Security
;
for
whereas
now
we
are
Oblig'd
only
by
Laws
made
by
the
King
,
and
our
Representatives
,
we
should
then
be
Obliged
by
Laws
,
made
only
by
themselves
;
which
I
may
say
,
is
contrary
to
our
Fundamental
Law
,
viz.
To
be
Govern'd
by
a
King
and
our
Representatives
.
The
Chain
of
my
Discourse
,
hath
led
me
into
these
untrodden
paths
,
I
will
Disentangle
my self
,
as
soon
as
I
can
,
but
all
this
was
necessary
to
prove
the
thing
I
am
aiming
at
.
But
to
proceed
,
Obj.
Against
this
it
may
be
Objected
,
that
if
the
ROYAL
FAMILY
were
Extinct
,
the
whole
Power
would
be
Lodg'd
in
the
Hands
of
our
Representatives
,
and
who
may
Resist
them
?
Ans.
To
prevent
the
Dissolving
of
the
Government
,
it
is
Necessary
,
they
should
take
the
Sword
into
their
Hands
;
but
if
they
will
not
declare
a
New
King
,
according
to
Custom
,
I
cannot
see
why
they
may
not
be
Compell'd
to
it
,
since
they
have
their
Power
only
in
Trust
,
not
in
their
own
Right
:
Thus
in
Poland
,
upon
the
Death
of
the
King
,
if
the
Representatives
of
the
People
,
who
on
that
occasion
are
Entrusted
with
the
whole
Power
,
should
pretend
to
be
Lords
Paramount
,
and
would
not
proceed
to
a
New
Election
;
I
know
not
why
the
People
should
not
demand
their
Right
,
which
is
to
be
Govern'd
by
a
King.
Now
this
would
have
been
our
Case
,
if
our
Representatives
,
in
the
late
times
,
had
patcht
up
a
Government
without
a
King
:
Tho'
this
had
been
done
by
our
Representatives
,
it
could
not
properly
be
call'd
the
Act
of
the
People
,
because
we
never
gave
them
such
Authority
.
This
you
cannot
but
grant
,
unless
you
will
presume
,
that
we
Commission
them
to
destroy
the
Monarchy
;
which
as
you
find
can
hardly
be
suppos'd
in
an
Elective
Kingdom
,
upon
the
Death
of
their
King
;
but
it
is
perfect
Nonsense
to
suppose
it
,
in
an
Hereditary
Government
,
whilst
the
Royal
Family
is
yet
in
being
.
It
may
be
suppos'd
,
that
we
Commission
them
to
Elect
a
King
,
in
Case
the
Royal
Line
should
Fail
,
or
finding
two
pretenders
,
to
declare
who
has
the
best
Title
,
or
to
appoint
a
Protector
,
in
Case
of
Infancy
,
or
Lunacy
;
Or
to
receive
a
Conqueror
into
the
Throne
,
in
case
our
Natural
Prince
,
be
Fled
out
of
His
Kingdom
,
and
incapacitated
to
protect
us
,
and
they
in
no
condition
to
make
opposition
;
or
to
invest
the
next
Heir
,
with
Royal
Authority
in
case
of
Desertion
,
especially
if
the
deserting
Prince
,
dare
not
,
or
cannot
come
to
protect
us
;
their
enquiry
not
being
,
how
he
came
into
that
condition
,
but
whether
he
be
in
a
Capacity
to
Protect
us
;
and
if
he
be
not
,
they
are
then
free
to
invest
the
next
Heir
with
the
Royal
Authority
:
In
all
these
Cases
our
Representatives
may
well
presume
on
our
Consent
,
tho'
they
Act
without
the
King
,
because
it
is
almost
Absolutely
necessary
,
these
things
should
be
done
;
and
intolerable
inconveniencies
would
ensue
,
perhaps
to
the
utter
Ruin
of
the
Common-wealth
,
if
they
were
not
done
:
But
to
presume
,
that
we
give
them
Authority
to
take
,
and
keep
the
whole
Legislative
Power
in
their
own
Hands
,
or
to
destroy
the
Monarchy
,
this
is
a
strain
beyond
my
comprehension
,
at
least
it
is
not
Properly
the
Act
of
the
People
;
and
therefore
they
,
whom
they
represent
,
must
Ratify
it
in
their
own
Persons
,
ere
they
can
pretend
a
Through
Settlement
.
But
then
,
if
the
People
all
the
while
shew
great
uneasiness
under
this
Usurpation
,
if
their
crys
be
loud
and
clamorous
,
and
many
of
them
absolutely
refuse
to
own
the
Authority
;
This
has
not
the
Face
of
a
Settlement
:
Here
is
nothing
,
that
looks
like
a
general
consent
;
and
that
tho'
we
should
suppose
our
Representatives
to
have
own'd
the
Usurpt
Authority
;
(
for
as
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
of
the
Nation
,
we
only
Authorise
them
to
act
with
the
King
;
)
so
whatever
they
shall
do
without
a
King
,
is
not
valid
,
unless
it
be
in
the
Cases
before
mention'd
,
which
both
Necessity
and
Reason
will
allow
;
whereas
,
neither
Necessity
nor
Reason
can
be
pleaded
in
the
former
Instance
.
But
I
do
not
pretend
,
that
what
I
have
said
on
this
Point
,
will
amount
to
any
thing
like
a
Demonstration
;
a
short-sighted
Man
may
chance
to
find
greater
Flaws
in
it
,
than
I
am
now
aware
of
:
Perhaps
,
my
Zeal
for
Monarchy
,
has
too
much
heated
my
Imagination
;
and
I
can
only
say
,
in
my
Excuse
,
That
I
have
no
pleasing
Idea's
of
a
Common-Wealth
;
and
therefore
,
would
willingly
shut
the
door
against
it
.
But
if
this
will
not
stand
the
Test
of
a
Judicious
Reader
,
let
this
Long
Parenthesis
pass
for
nothing
,
we
need
no
such
precarious
Principles
;
our
Case
is
good
without
it
,
as
you
may
find
in
the
other
parts
of
this
Discourse
.
And
now
I
have
nothing
more
to
trouble
my
Reader
with
,
but
only
to
Answer
Two
or
Three
Objections
which
could
not
so
conveniently
be
consider'd
in
the
Body
of
this
Discourse
;
and
then
draw
some
Conclusions
from
it
.
Obj.
First
then
it
may
be
Objected
,
That
according
to
these
Principles
,
we
are
now
Settled
upon
a
Legal
and
Rightful
Government
.
Ans.
First
,
If
this
be
well
prov'd
,
so
much
the
better
;
it
is
then
no
Argument
against
me
.
Secondly
,
I
can
see
no
good
Reason
,
Why
we
should
not
own
it
to
be
a
Legal
and
Rightful
Government
,
unless
it
be
,
that
our
Heads
are
perplex'd
with
the
nice
Distinction
of
a
King
de
Iure
,
and
a
King
de
Facto
:
By
a
King
,
de
Iure
,
we
commonly
mean
a
Prince
who
has
the
Crown
by
Right
of
Inheritance
;
and
it
is
thought
,
that
any
other
Person
can
be
,
at
best
,
but
a
King
,
de
Facto
:
Upon
this
,
many
suppose
,
that
His
Present
Majesty
cannot
be
King
,
de
Iure
,
at
least
,
during
the
Life
of
King
Iames
;
but
yet
may
be
obey'd
,
because
the
Law
,
made
in
the
11
th
.
of
Henry
7
th
.
determines
our
Obedience
to
a
King
,
de
Facto
.
It
is
True
,
that
Law
indemnifies
those
who
shall
obey
the
King
in
the
time
being
,
as
the
Words
of
the
Act
run
;
that
is
,
the
King
in
possession
,
Whether
he
Claims
the
Crown
by
Right
of
Inheritance
,
or
otherwise
.
But
if
Interpreters
shall
say
,
That
he
only
is
a
King
,
de
Iure
,
who
Claims
his
Crown
by
Right
of
Inheritance
,
it
is
a
visible
Mistake
;
for
all
Mankind
,
as
far
as
I
know
,
are
agreed
,
That
a
Conquerour
,
who
makes
a
just
War
,
upon
the
Submission
of
the
Conquered
Nation
,
becomes
a
King
,
de
Iure
:
and
if
in
this
present
Case
,
His
Majesty
is
justly
invested
with
the
Royal
Authority
,
he
is
so
likewise
,
as
I
think
I
have
prov'd
:
So
that
,
you
find
this
common
Interpretation
is
imperfect
;
a
King
,
de
Iure
,
should
not
so
peremptorily
be
restrained
to
a
King
by
Inheritance
;
but
we
run
away
with
the
Mistake
;
and
without
Considering
,
seem
to
yield
the
Point
,
as
if
His
Present
Majesty
were
only
a
King
,
de
Facto
.
I
cannot
say
,
Whether
such
as
are
skill'd
in
the
Laws
,
will
allow
of
this
Interpretation
;
but
with
submission
,
I
presume
it
is
agreeable
to
reason
,
and
does
not
defeat
the
Design
of
the
Law.
To
say
,
That
a
King
,
without
a
Title
,
is
a
King
,
de
Iure
,
is
a
Contradiction
;
but
to
suppose
,
that
he
that
originally
wants
a
Title
,
does
by
an
Act
of
Recognition
,
receive
a
Title
;
this
we
may
suppose
,
without
straining
or
forcing
our
Reason
:
I
am
sure
it
does
not
sound
so
harsh
,
as
to
require
Obedience
to
an
Illegal
Government
,
for
Conscience
sake
.
On
other
Occasions
we
make
no
Scruple
to
say
,
That
a
Sentence
in
a
Court
of
Judicature
,
gives
a
Man
a
Title
to
an
Estate
;
and
upon
this
,
the
Tenants
and
Vassals
,
though
it
were
procur'd
corruptly
,
are
to
look
upon
him
,
and
pay
him
Homage
,
as
the
Legal
Possessor
;
and
the
like
may
be
said
in
the
Case
before
us
,
if
our
Representatives
,
without
any
good
Reason
,
had
plac'd
His
Majesty
on
the
Throne
,
he
had
then
been
a
King
,
de
Facto
,
a
Legal
Possessor
in
the
Eye
of
the
Law
;
but
if
they
acted
according
to
Reason
and
Conscience
,
as
I
presume
they
did
,
he
is
then
King
,
de
Iure
.
And
if
this
were
allow'd
for
Sence
,
we
should
not
be
driven
to
say
,
That
God
Almighty
requires
our
Obedience
to
Illegal
Governments
;
which
I
cannot
yet
assent
to
,
notwithstanding
all
the
Authorities
,
which
are
brought
to
support
this
Doctrine
.
I
acknowledge
once
for
all
,
That
God
removeth
Kings
,
and
setteth
up
Kings
,
as
He
pleases
;
He
is
not
bound
by
Humane
Laws
,
as
we
are
;
and
when
He
has
set
up
a
New
King
,
He
must
be
obey'd
;
but
an
Usurp't
Soveraignty
must
not
be
ascrib'd
to
God
,
or
it
does
not
appear
to
be
His
Act
,
until
the
New
King
gets
quiet
possession
,
together
with
an
Act
of
Recognition
;
it
is
then
soon
enough
to
ascribe
the
Revolution
to
the
Hand
of
God
:
When
God
means
to
carry
things
to
this
Length
,
He
does
by
one
means
or
other
,
dispose
the
Peoples
Hearts
,
to
receive
such
a
Prince
,
and
then
he
hath
God's
Authority
.
Obj.
But
it
may
be
urg'd
,
That
this
Explication
defeats
the
Design
of
the
Law
;
which
,
as
they
say
,
was
Enacted
,
to
indemnify
such
as
assisted
Henry
the
Seventh
,
in
case
of
a
New
Revolution
;
because
,
originally
he
had
no
good
Title
to
the
Crown
;
for
if
quiet
Possession
,
and
the
Recognition
of
our
Representatives
,
gives
a
Title
,
it
may
be
said
,
there
was
no
need
of
this
Law.
Ans.
First
,
Abundans
Cautela
non
nocet
;
They
could
never
make
themselves
too
secure
;
and
therefore
,
lest
their
Enemies
,
as
it
was
in
the
Fable
,
should
say
,
that
their
Ears
were
Horns
,
they
did
wisely
provide
against
it
,
fencing
themselves
with
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
tho'
really
there
was
little
Occasion
for
it
;
but
lest
their
Enemies
might
afterwards
pretend
,
That
Henry
the
7th
.
was
not
King
,
de
Iure
,
they
declar'd
it
Lawful
to
Obey
a
King
,
de
Facto
;
though
at
the
same
time
,
there
was
no
great
Reason
to
Enact
it
barely
on
his
Account
.
And
I
presume
,
the
rather
,
to
make
this
Construction
of
it
,
because
it
is
scarce
credible
,
That
Henry
the
7th
.
(
who
had
so
many
Claims
to
the
Crown
,
viz.
Blood
,
Conquest
,
Marriage
,
and
all
strengthen'd
by
an
Act
of
Recognition
)
should
suffer
his
People
to
say
,
that
he
had
no
Rightful
Title
to
the
Crown
;
whereas
it
is
said
,
he
was
the
most
suspicious
Prince
then
living
;
and
therefore
,
it
is
very
improbable
,
he
should
own
such
a
Blot
in
his
Title
,
which
must
be
,
if
he
made
himself
thus
a
King
,
de
Facto
,
only
.
Secondly
,
If
this
be
an
empty
,
groundless
Surmise
,
His
Majesty
is
yet
a
Legal
King
,
because
this
Law
supposes
we
may
have
such
a
King
:
And
I
may
say
,
King
Iames
was
no
more
;
for
though
he
had
his
Authority
from
God
,
the
Law
only
was
our
Evidence
of
his
Authority
;
just
as
we
say
,
Marriage
is
the
Ordinance
of
God
;
yet
if
a
Man
be
not
Marryed
by
the
Form
,
which
the
Law
prescribes
,
we
presume
to
call
it
no
Marriage
.
But
after
all
,
we
are
very
unfortunate
,
if
this
Law
,
which
was
made
to
Govern
and
Direct
us
in
our
Obedience
,
should
prove
the
main
Foundation
of
all
our
Scruples
;
for
perhaps
,
if
our
Fore-Fathers
had
not
troubled
us
with
this
nice
distinction
of
a
King
de
jure
,
and
a
King
,
de
facto
,
we
should
not
have
coin'd
it
on
this
occasion
,
but
have
generally
submitted
to
their
Majesties
,
as
Lawful
and
Rightful
King
and
Queen
.
Obj.
But
Secondly
,
against
this
Hypothesis
may
be
Urg'd
our
Vulgar
Maxim
,
That
Conquest
gives
Right
;
for
if
there
be
any
Truth
in
this
saying
,
there
is
no
need
of
our
Consent
.
Ans.
This
I
have
in
part
answer'd
before
,
and
if
the
Maxim
be
ill
grounded
,
it
must
shift
for
it self
.
Secondly
,
I
allow
there
is
some
Truth
in
it
,
Conquest
may
give
a
Prince
Right
to
the
Conquered
Dominions
.
When
we
are
Conquer'd
,
we
lose
our
Property
.
But
I
cannot
conceive
,
that
he
should
have
Right
to
our
Obedience
,
and
our
Persons
,
as
so
many
Cattle
,
and
Stock
upon
the
Ground
;
and
in
short
,
if
you
would
make
this
the
sense
of
it
,
the
condition
of
a
Conquer'd
People
,
would
be
most
intolerable
,
since
we
thus
bind
their
consciences
without
Reserving
them
any
Property
;
it
being
agreed
by
all
,
that
a
Conqueror
has
the
whole
Property
in
the
Conquer'd
Country
;
and
we
only
plead
to
have
their
consciences
free
,
until
they
can
make
Terms
for
themselves
,
which
I
think
ought
not
to
be
included
in
this
Maxim
;
or
if
it
be
,
I
had
rather
quit
the
Maxim
,
than
lose
my
Liberty
.
I
Should
now
have
done
,
only
it
may
be
convenient
to
draw
some
Conclusions
from
this
Hypothesis
,
which
may
not
be
disagreeable
to
men
of
our
Principles
.
As
first
,
If
this
be
true
,
then
it
was
not
his
Majesties
Sword
,
nor
his
Armies
,
that
gave
him
his
Authority
over
us
,
but
our
Representatives
;
in
the
Condition
we
were
in
,
did
justly
Transfer
our
Allegiance
to
him
,
as
I
have
already
Demonstrated
.
This
therefore
must
be
great
satisfaction
to
us
all
,
that
notwithstanding
this
great
Revolution
,
things
have
run
in
the
Right
Channel
,
and
that
he
did
not
get
into
the
Throne
,
by
Illegal
means
,
which
being
suppos'd
,
we
may
the
better
hope
for
prosperity
under
his
Government
.
Secondly
,
If
these
Principles
be
True
,
then
his
Majesty
was
not
Elected
as
some
affirm
;
for
in
as
much
,
as
the
Late
King
was
not
able
,
or
willing
to
Protect
us
,
the
Crown
Naturally
Devolv'd
on
his
Majesty
,
(
for
if
Her
Majesty
,
and
Her
Royal
Highness
the
Princess
of
Denmark
be
pleas'd
to
postpone
their
Right
,
what
is
that
to
us
)
and
if
his
Majesty
upon
the
Late
Kings
Leaving
the
Kingdom
,
did
not
presently
take
it
,
but
left
the
doubt
to
be
decided
by
our
Representatives
,
it
is
no
more
than
might
be
done
upon
a
Descent
,
if
there
were
two
pretenders
to
the
Royal
Dignity
;
which
being
thus
determin'd
,
I
presume
would
not
be
Deem'd
an
Election
;
their
Act
does
not
so
much
give
the
Crown
,
as
determine
,
to
whom
it
did
belong
.
And
I
think
this
is
much
the
same
Case
to
that
which
is
now
before
us
;
viz.
The
Consent
of
the
Estates
,
to
place
his
Majesty
on
the
Throne
,
does
no
more
Derogate
from
his
Right
,
than
the
Act
of
Recognition
,
past
by
King
Iames
the
First
,
did
suppose
a
Flaw
in
his
Title
.
Thirdly
,
Upon
these
Principles
we
may
also
Silence
those
Rash
Men
,
who
for
Reasons
best
known
to
themselves
,
frequently
tell
us
,
that
the
Government
was
dissolv'd
,
when
the
Late
King
left
us
.
But
surely
these
Men
cannot
see
an
inch
before
them
,
and
I
am
almost
asham'd
to
give
them
a
serious
answer
.
Let
them
tell
me
,
if
the
Government
did
thereby
Crumble
into
pieces
,
by
what
Right
did
our
then
Representatives
,
Erect
another
on
the
Ruins
of
it
?
If
the
Fountain
of
Honour
fail'd
,
what
Right
had
the
Nobility
to
their
Peerage
,
and
why
might
not
the
meanest
Peasant
send
his
Representative
,
as
well
as
any
Landed
Man
,
or
free
Burgher
?
These
questions
are
too
difficult
to
be
resolv'd
,
unless
it
be
upon
the
supposition
,
that
the
Old
Government
was
then
in
being
.
They
were
at
a
loss
indeed
,
to
know
in
whom
the
Government
should
be
vested
,
and
they
came
together
to
determine
this
great
question
,
which
they
soon
Wisely
Resolv'd
;
And
unless
we
quietly
submit
to
what
is
done
,
by
our
Representatives
in
these
Exigencies
,
we
might
as
well
say
the
Government
was
Dissolv'd
,
when
the
King
Left
us
,
if
the
remaining
Powers
might
not
Determine
,
where
we
should
Pay
our
Obedience
:
For
I
suppose
those
Confusions
,
what
by
an
unruly
Rabble
,
and
a
Disbanded
Army
,
did
sufficiently
shew
the
necessity
of
fixing
somewhere
;
and
I
humbly
suppose
it
is
as
evident
to
all
Mankind
,
that
the
Late
King
would
not
,
or
could
not
come
to
Act
his
part
in
the
Government
.
But
lastly
,
upon
these
Principles
(
if
it
were
necessary
to
refute
such
vile
Reproaches
)
we
might
secure
our
last
Unhappy
Prince
,
from
being
accounted
the
Grand
Rebel
,
as
he
is
styl'd
in
a
late
Scurrilous
Pamphlet
:
For
if
it
is
only
our
own
Consent
,
that
makes
us
Subjects
,
we
may
at
least
be
so
favourable
to
the
Ruins
of
Majesty
,
as
to
excuse
him
from
being
a
Subject
or
a
Rebel
;
since
he
cannot
be
the
Head
,
he
has
not
consented
to
be
any
other
Member
of
the
Government
,
not
being
here
in
Person
,
or
any
Deputed
from
him
;
though
this
cannot
be
said
of
any
other
Person
,
since
they
are
Represented
in
our
Estates
,
whether
they
will
or
not
:
Nor
upon
any
other
Hypothesis
can
I
Conceive
it
Rational
,
to
exclude
the
Late
King
himself
from
being
a
Member
of
this
Present
Government
;
but
this
way
he
is
set
at
Liberty
,
and
consequently
,
as
free
to
Invade
Their
Majesties
Dominions
,
as
any
other
Prince
.
If
he
molest
us
with
an
Unjust
War
,
he
must
expect
,
at
the
Great
and
Dreadful
Day
,
to
give
Account
for
all
the
Desolations
and
Blood-shed
,
that
shall
ensue
upon
it
:
If
he
is
injur'd
,
he
has
a
good
God
to
Fight
his
Battles
,
and
we
a
Merciful
Creator
,
that
I
hope
will
Compassionate
our
Sins
of
Ignorance
:
I
hope
I
may
well
call
them
so
;
for
my
part
,
my
Conscience
bears
me
Witness
,
That
I
think
it
my
Duty
to
submit
to
Their
Present
Majesties
Government
;
and
that
I
see
nothing
,
that
moves
a
Scruple
in
my
Heart
,
but
the
contrary
Example
of
some
Worthy
Men
,
who
,
I
am
perswaded
,
Act
with
great
Sincerity
:
But
since
Example
is
no
Argument
,
and
if
it
were
,
is
much
stronger
on
our
part
;
I
dare
not
but
follow
the
Dictates
of
my
own
Conscience
.
FINIS
.
,
Some
BOOKS
lately
Printed
for
Robert
Clavel
.
POlitical
Arithmatick
,
or
a
Discourse
concerning
the
Extent
and
Value
of
Lands
,
People
,
Buildings
,
Husbandry
,
Manufacture
,
Commerce
,
Fishery
,
Artizans
,
Seamen
,
Souldiers
,
publick
Revenues
,
Interest
,
Taxes
,
Superlucration
,
Registries
,
Banks
,
Valuation
of
Men
,
Increasing
of
Seamen
,
of
Militia's
,
Harbours
,
Scituation
,
Shipping
,
Power
at
Sea
,
&c.
As
the
same
Relates
to
every
Country
in
General
,
but
more
particularly
to
the
Territories
of
His
Majesty
▪
of
Great
Britain
,
and
his
Neighbours
of
Holland
,
Zealand
,
and
France
.
By
Sir
William
Petty
,
late
Fellow
of
the
Royal
Society
.
The
Frauds
of
the
Romish
Monks
,
and
Priests
,
set
forth
in
Eight
Letters
,
written
lately
by
a
Gentlemen
in
his
Journey
into
Italy
,
and
published
for
the
benefit
of
the
publick
.
A
late
Letter
concerning
the
Proceedings
in
Scotland
,
and
Sufferings
of
the
Episcopal
Clergy
in
that
Kingdom
,
price
6
d.
Roman
Forgeries
in
the
Councils
,
during
the
first
four
Centuries
,
together
with
an
Appendix
concerning
the
Forgeries
,
and
Errors
in
the
Annals
of
Baronius
.
By
Thomas
Comber
,
D.
D.
Praecentor
of
York
.
A
Scholastical
History
of
the
Primitive
and
general
use
of
Liturgies
in
the
Christian
Church
,
together
with
an
Answer
to
Mr.
David
Clarksons
late
Discourse
concerning
Liturgies
,
in
two
Parts
in
Octavo
.
By
Thomas
Comber
,
D.
D.
Seasonable
Reflections
on
a
late
Pamphlet
,
Entituled
,
A
History
of
Passive
Obedience
since
the
Reformation
,
wherein
the
true
Notion
of
Passive
Obedience
is
settled
,
and
secured
from
the
malitious
Interpretations
of
ill
designing
Men.
The
Golden
Rule
,
or
the
Royal
Law
of
Equity
Explained
.
A
Sermon
Preached
before
the
Court
of
Aldermen
,
and
City
of
London
,
at
Guid-Hall
Chappel
,
on
Sunday
December
,
the
16th
,
1688.
Both
by
I.
Goodman
,
D.
D.