p s 1169 ms ■907 opy 3 class __2^z/^ book 4^ ^ 7" copi^htn^ '^p^j^\s cdpyright dep081k bryant and thoreau s,j;o « v;^.s:w« r ~^-'<^ ^ copyright, i^oy, by the bibliophile society all rights reserved '^'^ ■^m^-* v.». \ introduction 1 by professor curtis hidden page d deep were my musings in life's early blossom :? 'mid the twilight of mountain-groves wandering long, wrote bryant in a poem first printed by the new york review for february, 1826. bryant had just come to new york, in 1825, to be associate editor of this newly founded magazine. he had at last decided to give up his profession of the law, which was so irk some ; no longer to . . . scrawl strange words with the barbarous pen, and mingle among the jostling crowd. where the sons of strife are subtle and loud, but to return to the "calm life" of thought and poetry — that won my heart in my greener years, and to have the courage to be, for better or for worse, a man of letters. this decision had been reached only after much reflection and hesitation, after many nightly wanderings ix among the mountain-woods of great bar rington, — after long musings under the stars. he was twenty-four or twenty-five when he thus spoke of his "greener years" as already belonging to the distant past — a mood that need not surprise us in the young man who had written thanatopsis at the age of six teen or seventeen ; and he was thirty when he finally came to this decision, which marked the turning-point in his life. these deciding years were also the most fruitful, in poetic production, of all his hfe. from 1824 to 1826 he wrote more than twice as many poems as in any other three years; and among these poems are many of his most characteristic and best, such as autumn woods, the lapse of time, mutation, monu ment mountain, november, a forest hymn, the death of the flowers, "i cannot forget with what fervid devotion," the new moon, the journey of life, and october; and espe cially several poems of the stars, including the hymn to the north star, the song of the stars, the firmament, and the con junction of jupiter and venus. yet it is probable that not half the poems written dur ing these years are preserved. bryant was al x ways the sternest critic of his own writings. of a series of three odes, written a few years earlier, he has included only one in his works. of the many poems written for miss fair child, before she became mrs. bryant, we have but one — "o fairest of the rural maids." so it may well be that in choosing for publication only what he considered his best, he rejected, in this important period, many characteristic poems which, in view of the small total amount of his work, we can ill afford to lose. musings would seem to be one of these. though in the case of bryant it is particularly difficult to judge of dates by in ternal evidence — so little did his thought and style change from the beginning to the end of his work, from thanatopsis to the flood of years — yet i feel almost safe in assigning our poem to the year 1825 ; the more so since it is a poem of autumn, and since the comet of encke, which he speaks of in the poem and names in his note, was visible in september and october of that year. in any case, musings is thoroughly char acteristic of bryant. no one but he, in the early part of the nineteenth century in amer ica, could have written the beautiful lines — xi . . . was breathing incense o'er the pall of the shrouded earth : and dark and tall . . . stood up the gray old trees. he speaks again of ''tail gray trees" in the firmament, written at great barrington in 1825. we find "tall and dark," again ending a line, in the forest hymn, also written in 1825. indeed, bryant seems to have realized that he had a tendency to overwork these too easily coupled adjectives; for in monument mountain he later changed his original read ing of 1824, "these gray old rocks," to "these reverend rocks." nowhere has he used the phrase more effectively than in this brief tenth line of musings, which stands out bold and alone among the longer lines. we find here also not a few other phrases that are still more distinctively characteristic of bryant, such as "the shrouded earth," "the scarf of years," "the lovely vestal throng." the central thoughts of the poem, as well as their phrasing, may be closely paralleled in bryant's well-known work of this period. it would seem that from the time when he wrote thanatopsis he could hardly conceive of earth otherwise than as "the great tomb of xii man," "one mighty sepulchre." so here, he calls it . . . one vast chamber of the dead: a mighty mausoleum, where nature lay shrouded: and the tread of man gives out a hollow sound, as from a tomb. the journey of life is of all bryant's pub lished poems the one which most closely re sembles musings; in fact, it is the expression, condensed into three brief stanzas, of the same succession of thoughts and moods. to make this entirely clear one has but to quote the first two lines of each stanza, — beneath the waning moon i walk at night and muse on human life . . . the trampled earth returns a sound of fear — a hollow sound, as if i walked on tombs . . . and i, with faltering foot-steps, journey on, watching the stars that roll the hours away . . . after bryant had written the journey of life (and we know that this was in 1826), he perhaps laid aside the poem musings, thinking that he had given the essence of it in his briefer lyric. we may be permitted, xiii however, to prefer the more full and free and spontaneous version, and may even find it more beautiful than the other. it may lead us more gently and persuasively to the mood of quiet acceptance and aspiration which bryant drew so often from converse with night and the stars. "the thoughtful stars," he calls them in the firmament; he was ever their poet and devotee, and they never failed to bring him inspiration and "sweet com mune." most of all he loved the pleiades — "the gentle sisters," as he names them here — the group of sister-stars ... the gentle seven, as he says again in a later tribute, the con stellations. through all his long life, devoted more to public service than to poetry, and for the most part "in city pent," he needed only to walk alone at night, and toward the eternal stars again aspire, in order to find again the memories of his youth, and the nature-inspiration which was the inmost essence of his genius. new york, february, 1907. xiv /^^. r^v.^/tcd ^^^j^ a-c..^ /w.:^ «^' ij.^'v.* ' j u^^'oj -z^^fcr zw<^ ,^^22^/ ^*c^z^ '^ clri'^^ -e<«l^^ yi«^.^^e^' ,«2*t,^ ayx/^ a[z„^.*^..izr■ ^ ^#>«v *^^*^ 'jw*^^ /!<:*u!;t>xj l > y» im j 'ii njc k i i ifcl b l ^j. ^tu.^ .^^ ^-*^ .^^^t^ v /t<>^/>-/ :*^ *^ j'.^vfcr ^^^cj^ijr ^oc**^^ ^— /?h,^r^ /«t-«*^ ^^t^n^ /m-a.^t~^ /lc-^i^jc^ -^^e^tu-^^ ''0i4,i^ ^(..a^'f-y ^*t*^yv_ l-p^-r-^ — ^^t«< tv ^-^-rrut^ tu^r-^ cu^ ^ /f^^. / 7^ ^ >^ i/ x y /■ ,^4^j^j^i ;^a ipait' musings i pass'd on my nightly path alone; no friendly form was hovering near, no friendly voice was in mine ear, but the night wind's wailing tone. on the wide drear field no autumn bloom look'd gay, no flowret's rich perfume was breathing incense o'er the pall of the shrouded earth : and dark and tall and sighing to the passing breeze stood up the gray old trees. i pass'd on my nightly path alone and my weary feet trode faintly on : i look'd around me — the desolate earth to wan and sorrowful thoughts gave birth and flung its own dark-woven stole and its damp chill breathings o'er my soul and my spirit was heavy : it is sad to look on this beautiful earth when clad in its robes of darkness ; as it were but one vast chamber of the dead: xvii 'aas^sasnsshn a mighty mausoleum, where nature lay shrouded: and the tread of man gives out a hollow sound, as from a tomb. i look'd around o'er the desolate earth: there was no ray of gladness there: i turn'd away. and look'd to the glorious heavens afar, where the stranger orb,^ in his flaming car, rode on his destined way: like a proud and bloody conqueror, bearing the banner of his war, arrayed in his golden robes of fame. and crown'd with a victor's diadem. i look'd to the lovely vestal throng of shining stars, and they smiled on me with a kind and gentle sympathy — for i have lov'd them long: from youth to manhood i have lov'd with each pure and bright divinity to hold sweet commune: i have rov'd. in boyhood's hours of glee, and since the sombre scarf of years was over me, full many a night beneath their canopy of light. and felt my soul grow pure and bright ' the comet of encke xviii f t11 i iiijiii iti*a*jmiaifh•■ ■ 'tt■■ r'-'^^'irtrr"-h"1 as i gaz'd on them : and yet it cheers my spirit, when the phantom fears of the far future darkly rise, like storms in autumn's mellow skies, and memories of sorrow roll. like mountain mists, upon my soul. i lov'd them all : each one had power to chase the shades of my dark hour: each one was dear: but yet, than all that sate within night's regal hall, — as round some sultan's haram throne sit the bright dames, — more sweetly shone, to me, my own lov'd pleiades; when glancing through the old elm trees, that proudly rear'd their leafy dome around my boyhood's peaceful home. as the eyes of gentle sisters, they sent down their mild and tranquil ray. when years had roll'd and on their wings were borne away life's blossomings. their gentle smile, serene and calm. came o'er my heart, a healing balm. for it brought in all the glow of truth the hallow' d memories of youth. xix 'z*;*,^,,^ ^f'*^ ^a^ ^^*^ u-vtj^ ^^<*^ ^xvtst, ^^.^ji^^ct^ ^^-^<:^5^s>*w^-^,^ p-^'-'^y ;^^<. ^:;:^ ^^^-^ ^ ^ --^c^/^ ^--^t>^ ^^z.-^^^ . . ^"^ ^. ^ ^^^-c-'*!:^. *$^*-**=^?^ .^^'"^%'z^ ^^^.-^^ , introduction the ballad here printed for the first time, through the liberality of mr. bixby, is proba bly the earliest of the extant verses of the author. no date can with certainty be given it; but very likely it was written during his college life, which ended in the summer of 1837. it was during those years at harvard that he read tasso's jerusalem delivered, and still earlier, like many young poets, he had delighted in the easy, flowing verse of mrs. hemans. this ballad (perhaps the only one he ever wrote) savors of both tasso and mrs. he mans. in the service, written in 1840, are traces of this early interest in godfrey of boulogne and the crusades; and portions of the service may have been written a year or two before it was offered to margaret fuller for the dial, in 1840, and by her declined. this ballad was never offered anywhere for printing, i fancy, but cherished by some aunt or cousin into whose hands it fell, and thus preserved in the thatcher family at bangor, xxiii maine, where mr. bixby found it in 1906, along with later verses unknown to the pub lic, which appeared in the bibliophile so ciety's recent thoreau publication. the poetical product of thoreau's youth was much larger than he ever allowed to ap pear in print; nor did the whole of it fall into the hands of his literary executors, — his sis ter sophia, emerson, ellery channing, har rison blake, e. h. russell and myself. i name these six persons, because all of us have, first or last, had a hand in the work of presenting his writings to the public. to these might be added mr. henry salt, his english biographer, who edited in london the only collection of his poems aiming at com pleteness which has yet appeared. several persons aided mr. salt in this collection, notably, mr. blake, myself and miss anna ward, of spenser, mass. but none of these eight persons ever had all thoreau's verses in hand, or even within their knowledge. sophia thoreau may possibly be the exception, but i doubt it. f. b. sanborn concord, massachusetts, january 28, 1907. xxiv mae&n^km^. i ! ".i.xuy 1 godfrey of boulogne the moon hung low o'er provence vales, t was night upon the sea ; fair france was wooed by afric gales, and paid in minstrelsy; along the rhone there moves a band. their banner in the breeze, of mail-clad men with iron hand. and steel on breast and knees : the herdsman following his droves far in the night alone. read faintly through the olive groves, — t was godfrey of boulogne. the mist still slumbered on the heights. the glaciers lay in shade. the stars withdrew with faded lights. the moon went down the glade. proud jura saw the day from far. and showed it to the plain ; she heard the din of coming war but told it not again : the goatherd seated on the rocks. dreaming of battles none, xxvii was wakened by his startled flocks, — 't was godfrey of boulogne. night hung upon the danube's stream, deep midnight on the vales; along the shore no beacons gleam, no sound is on the gales ; the turkish lord has banished care, the harem sleeps profound, save one fair georgian sitting there, upon the moslem ground; the lightning flashed a transient gleam, a flaring banner shone, a host swept swiftly down the stream, — 't was godfrey of boulogne. t was noon upon byzantium, on street and tower and sea; on europe's edge a warlike hum, of gathered chivalry: a troop went boldly through the throng of ethiops, arabs, huns, jews, greeks and turks, — to right their wrong; their swords flashed thousand suns. their banner cleaved byzantium's dust. and like the sun it shone; their armor had acquired no rust, — t was godfrey of boulogne, xxviii jun 24 1907 library of congress lililllllillllllll 015 863 381 4 the service by henry david thoreau contents i. qualities of the recruit ii. what music shall we have? iii. not how many, but where the enemy are i. qualities of the recruit _spes sibi quisque._ virgil each one his own hope. the brave man is the elder son of creation, who has stept buoyantly into his inheritance, while the coward, who is the younger, waiteth patiently till he decease. he rides as wide of this earthâ��s gravity as a star, and by yielding incessantly to all the impulses of the soul, is constantly drawn upward and becomes a fixed star. his bravery deals not so much in resolute action, as healthy and assured rest; its palmy state is a staying at home and compelling alliance in all directions. so stands his life to heaven, as some fair sunlit tree against the western horizon, and by sunrise is planted on some eastern hill, to glisten in the first rays of the dawn. the brave man braves nothing, nor knows he of his bravery. he is that sixth champion against thebes, whom, when the proud devices of the rest have been recorded, the poet describes as â��bearing a full-orbed shield of solid brass,â�� â��but there was no device upon its circle, for not to seem just but to be is his wish.â�� he does not present a gleaming edge to ward off harm, for that will oftenest attract the lightning, but rather is the all-pervading ether, which the lightning does not strike but purify. so is the profanity of his companion as a flash across the face of his sky, which lights up and reveals its serene depths. earth cannot shock the heavens, but its dull vapor and foul smoke make a bright cloud spot in the ether, and anon the sun, like a cunning artificer, will cut and paint it, and set it for a jewel in the breast of the sky. his greatness is not measurable; not such a greatness as when we would erect a stupendous piece of art, and send far and near for materials, intending to lay the foundations deeper, and rear the structure higher than ever; for hence results only a remarkable bulkiness without grandeur, lacking those true and simple proportions which are independent of size. he was not builded by that unwise generation that would fain have reached the heavens by piling one brick upon another; but by a far wiser, that builded inward and not outward, having found out a shorter way, through the observance of a higher art. the pyramids some artisan may measure with his line; but if he gives you the dimensions of the parthenon in feet and inches, the figures will not embrace it like a cord, but dangle from its entablature like an elastic drapery. his eye is the focus in which all the rays, from whatever side, are collected; for, itself being within and central, the entire circumference is revealed to it. just as we scan the whole concave of the heavens at a glance, but can compass only one side of the pebble at our feet. so does his discretion give prevalence to his valor. â��discretion is the wise manâ��s soulâ�� says the poet. his prudence may safely go many strides beyond the utmost rashness of the coward; for, while he observes strictly the golden mean, he seems to run through all extremes with impunity. like the sun, which, to the poor worldling, now appears in the zenith, now in the horizon, and again is faintly reflected from the moonâ��s disk, and has the credit of describing an entire great circle, crossing the equinoctial and solstitial colures,â��without detriment to his steadfastness or mediocrity. the golden mean, in ethics, as in physics, is the centre of the system, and that about which all revolve; and, though to a distant and plodding planet it be the uttermost extreme, yet one day, when that planetâ��s year is complete, it will be found to be central. they who are alarmed lest virtue should so far demean herself as to be extremely good, have not yet wholly embraced her, but described only a slight arc of a few seconds about her; and from so small and ill-defined a curvature, you can calculate no centre whatever; but their mean is no better than meanness, nor their medium than mediocrity. the coward wants resolution, which the brave man can do without. he recognizes no faith but a creed, thinking this straw, by which he is moored, does him good service, because his sheet-anchor does not drag. â��the house-roof fights with the rain; he who is under shelter does not know it.â�� in his religion the ligature, which should be muscle and sinew, is rather like that thread which the accomplices of cylon held in their hands, when they went abroad from the temple of minerva,â��the other end being attached to the statue of the goddess. but frequently, as in their case, the thread breaks, being stretched; and he is left without an asylum. the divinity in man is the true vestal fire of the temple, which is never permitted to go out, but burns as steadily, and with as pure a flame, on the obscure provincial altars as in numaâ��s temple at rome. in the meanest are all the materials of manhood, only they are not rightly disposed. we say, justly, that the weak person is â��flat,â��â��for, like all flat substances, he does not stand in the direction of his strength, that is, on his edge, but affords a convenient surface to put upon. he slides all the way through life. most things are strong in one direction; a straw longitudinally; a board in the direction of its edge; a knee transversely to its grain; but the brave man is a perfect sphere, which cannot fall on its flat side, and is equally strong every way. the coward is wretchedly spheroidal at best, too much educated or drawn out on one side, and depressed on the other; or may be likened to a hollow sphere, whose disposition of matter is best when the greatest bulk is intended. we shall not attain to be spherical by lying on one or the other side for an eternity, but only by resigning ourselves implicitly to the law of gravity in us, shall we find our axis coincident with the celestial axis, and by revolving incessantly through all circles, acquire a perfect sphericity. mankind, like the earth, revolve mainly from west to east, and so are flattened at the pole. but does not philosophy give hint of a movement commencing to be rotary at the poles too, which in a millennium will have acquired increased rapidity, and help restore an equilibrium? and when at length every star in the nebul㦠and milky way has looked down with mild radiance for a season, exerting its whole influence as the polar star, the demands of science will in some degree be satisfied. the grand and majestic have always somewhat of the undulatoriness of the sphere. it is the secret of majesty in the rolling gait of the elephant, and of all grace in action and in art. always the line of beauty is a curve. when with pomp a huge sphere is drawn along the streets, by the efforts of a hundred men, i seem to discover each striving to imitate its gait, and keep step with it,â��if possible to swell to its own diameter. but onward it moves, and conquers the multitude with its majesty. what shame, then, that our lives, which might so well be the source of planetary motion, and sanction the order of the spheres, should be full of abruptness and angularity, so as not to roll nor move majestically! the romans â��made fortune sirname to fortitude,â�� for fortitude is that alchemy that turns all things to good fortune. the man of fortitude, whom the latins called _fortis_ is no other than that lucky person whom _fors_ favors, or _vir summae fortis_. if we will, every bark may â��carry cã¦sar and cã¦sarâ��s fortune.â�� for an impenetrable shield, stand inside yourself; he was no artist, but an artisan, who first made shields of brass. for armor of proof, _mea virtute me involvo_,â��i wrap myself in my virtue; â��tumble me down, and i will sit upon my ruins, smiling yet.â�� if you let a single ray of light through the shutter, it will go on diffusing itself without limit till it enlighten the world; but the shadow that was never so wide at first, as rapidly contracts till it comes to naught. the shadow of the moon, when it passes nearest the sun, is lost in space ere it can reach our earth to eclipse it. always the system shines with uninterrupted light; for as the sun is so much larger than any planet, no shadow can travel far into space. we may bask always in the light of the system, always may step back out of the shade. no manâ��s shadow is as large as his body, if the rays make a right angle with the reflecting surface. let our lives be passed under the equator, with the sun in the meridian. there is no ill which may not be dissipated like the dark, if you let in a stronger light upon it. overcome evil with good. practice no such narrow economy as they, whose bravery amounts to no more light than a farthing candle, before which most objects cast a shadow wider than themselves. nature refuses to sympathize with our sorrow; she has not provided _for_, but by a thousand contrivances _against_ it: she has bevelled the margin of the eyelids, that the tears may not overflow on the cheeks. it was a conceit of plutarch, accounting for the preference given to signs observed on the left hand, that men may have thought â��things terrestrial and mortal directly over against heavenly and divine things, and do conjecture that the things which to us are on the left hand, the gods send down from their right hand.â�� if we are not blind, we shall see how a right hand is stretched over all,â��as well the unlucky as the lucky,â��and that the ordering soul is only right-handed, distributing with one palm all our fates. what first suggested that necessity was grim, and made fate to be so fatal? the strongest is always the least violent. necessity is my eastern cushion on which i recline. my eye revels in its prospect as in the summer haze. i ask no more but to be left alone with it. it is the bosom of time and the lap of eternity. to be necessary is to be needful, and necessity is only another name for inflexibility of good. how i welcome my grim fellow, and walk arm in arm with him! let me too be such a necessity as he! i love him, he is so flexile, and yields to me as the air to my body. i leap and dance in his midst, and play with his beard till he smiles. i greet thee, my elder brother! who with thy touch ennoblest all things. then is holiday when naught intervenes betwixt me and thee. must it be so,â��then is it good. the stars are thy interpreters to me. over greece hangs the divine necessity, ever a mellower heaven of itself; whose light gilds the acropolis and a thousand fanes and groves. ii. what music shall we have? each more melodious note i hear brings this reproach to me, that i alone afford the ear, who would the music be. the brave man is the sole patron of music; he recognizes it for his mother tongue; a more mellifluous and articulate language than words, in comparison with which, speech is recent and temporary. it is his voice. his language must have the same majestic movement and cadence that philosophy assigns to the heavenly bodies. the steady flux of his thought constitutes time in music. the universe falls in and keeps pace with it, which before proceeded singly and discordant. hence are poetry and song. when bravery first grew afraid and went to war, it took music along with it. the soul is delighted still to hear the echo of her own voice. especially the soldier insists on agreement and harmony always. to secure these he falls out. indeed, it is that friendship there is in war that makes it chivalrous and heroic. it was the dim sentiment of a noble friendship for the purest soul the world has seen, that gave to europe a crusading era. war is but the compelling of peace. if the soldier marches to the sack of a town, he must be preceded by drum and trumpet, which shall identify his cause with the accordant universe. all things thus echo back his own spirit, and thus the hostile territory is preoccupied for him. he is no longer insulated, but infinitely related and familiar. the roll-call musters for him all the forces of nature. there is as much music in the world as virtue. in a world of peace and love music would be the universal language, and men greet each other in the fields in such accents as a beethoven now utters at rare intervals from a distance. all things obey music as they obey virtue. it is the herald of virtue. it is godâ��s voice. in it are the centripetal and centrifugal forces. the universe needed only to hear a divine melody, that every star might fall into its proper place, and assume its true sphericity. it entails a surpassing affluence on the meanest thing; riding over the heads of sages, and soothing the din of philosophy. when we listen to it we are so wise that we need not to know. all sounds, and more than all, silence, do fife and drum for us. the least creaking doth whet all our senses, and emit a tremulous light, like the aurora borealis,ses the vein in marble, and the grain in wood, so music brings out what of heroic lurks anywhere. it is either a sedative or a tonic to the soul. i read that â��plato thinks the gods never gave men music, the science of melody and harmony, for mere delectation or to tickle the ear; but that the discordant parts of the circulations and beauteous fabric of the soul, and that of it that roves about the body, and many times for want of tune and air, breaks forth into many extravagances and excesses, might be sweetly recalled and artfully wound up to their former consent and agreement.â�� a sudden burst from a horn startles us, as if one had rashly provoked a wild beast. we admire his boldness; he dares wake the echoes which he cannot put to rest. the sound of a bugle in the stillness of the night sends forth its voice to the farthest stars, and marshals them in new order and harmony. instantly it finds a fit sounding-board in the heavens. the notes flash out on the horizon like heat lightning, quickening the pulse of creation. the heavens say, now is this my own earth. to the sensitive soul the universe has her own fixed measure, which is its measure also, and as this, expressed in the regularity of its pulse, is inseparable from a healthy body, so is its healthiness dependent on the regularity of its rhythm. in all sounds the soul recognizes its own rhythm, and seeks to express its sympathy by a correspondent movement of the limbs. when the body marches to the measure of the soul, then is true courage and invincible strength. the coward would reduce this thrilling sphere-music to a universal wail,â��this melodious chant to a nasal cant. he thinks to conciliate all hostile influences by compelling his neighborhood into a partial concord with himself; but his music is no better than a jingle, which is akin to a jar,â��jars regularly recurring. he blows a feeble blast of slender melody, because nature can have no more sympathy with such a soul than it has of cheerful melody in itself. hence hears he no accordant note in the universe, and is a coward, or consciously outcast and deserted man. but the brave man, without drum or trumpet, compels concord everywhere, by the universality and tunefulness of his soul. let not the faithful sorrow that he has no ear for the more fickle and subtle harmonies of creation, if he be awake to the slower measure of virtue and truth. if his pulse does not beat in unison with the musicianâ��s quips and turns, it accords with the pulse-beat of the ages. a manâ��s life should be a stately march to an unheard music; and when to his fellows it may seem irregular and inharmonious, he will be stepping to a livelier measure, which only his nicer ear can detect. there will be no halt, ever, but at most a marching on his post, or such a pause as is richer than any sound, when the deeper melody is no longer heard, but implicitly consented to with the whole life and being. he will take a false step never, even in the most arduous circumstances; for then the music will not fail to swell into greater volume, and rule the movement it inspired. iii. not how many, but where the enemy are â��whatâ��s brave, whatâ��s noble, letâ��s do it after the high roman fashion. shakespeare when my eye falls on the stupendous masses of the clouds, tossed into such irregular greatness across the cope of my sky, i feel that their grandeur is thrown away on the meanness of my employments. in vain the sun, throâ�� morning and noon rolls defiance to man, and, as he sinks behind his cloudy fortress in the west, challenges him to equal greatness in his career; but, from his humbleness he looks up to the domes and minarets and gilded battlements of the eternal city, and is content to be a suburban dweller outside the walls. we look in vain over earth for a roman greatness, to take up the gantlet which the heavens throw down. idomeneus would not have demurred at the freshness of the last morning that rose to us, as unfit occasion to display his valor in; and of some such evening as this, methinks, that grecian fleet came to anchor in the bay of aulis. would that it were to us the eve of a more than ten yearsâ�� war,â��a tithe of whose exploits, and achillean withdrawals, and godly interferences, would stock a library of iliads. better that we have some of that testy spirit of knight errantry, and if we are so blind as to think the world is not rich enough nowadays to afford a real foe to combat, with our trusty swords and double-handed maces, hew and mangle some unreal phantom of the brain. in the pale and shivering fogs of the morning, gathering them up betimes, and withdrawing sluggishly to their daylight haunts, i see falsehood sneaking from the full blaze of truth, and with good relish could do execution on their rearward ranks, with the first brand that came to hand. we too are such puny creatures as to be put to flight by the sun, and suffer our ardor to grow cool in proportion as his increases; our own short-lived chivalry sounds a retreat with the fumes and vapors of the night; and we turn to meet mankind, with its meek face preaching peace, and such non-resistance as the chaff that rides before the whirlwind. let not our peace be proclaimed by the rust on our swords, or our inability to draw them from their scabbards; but let her at least have so much work on her hands as to keep those swords bright and sharp. the very dogs that bay the moon from farmyards oâ�� these nights, do evince more heroism than is tamely barked forth in all the civil exhortations and war sermons of the age. and that day and night, which should be set down indelibly in menâ��s hearts, must be learned from the pages of our almanack. one cannot wonder at the owlish habits of the race, which does not distinguish when its day ends and night begins; for, as night is the season of rest, it would be hard to say when its toil ended and its rest began. not to it â��returns day, or the sweet approach of even or morn, or sight of vernal bloom, or summerâ��s rose, or flocks or herds, or human face divine; but cloud instead, and ever-during dark surrounds. and so the time lapses without epoch or era, and we know some half-score of mornings and evenings by tradition only. almost the night is grieved and leaves her tears on the forelock of day, that men will not rush to her embrace, and fulfill at length the pledge so forwardly given in the youth of time. men are a circumstance to themselves, instead of causing the universe to stand around, the mute witness of their manhood, and the stars to forget their sphere music and chant an elegiac strain, that heroism should have departed out of their ranks and gone over to humanity. it is not enough that our life is an easy one; we must live on the stretch, retiring to our rest like soldiers on the eve of a battle, looking forward with ardor to the strenuous sortie of the morrow. â��sit not down in the popular seats and common level of virtues, but endeavor to make them heroical. offer not only peace-offerings but holocausts unto god.â�� to the brave soldier the rust and leisure of peace are harder than the fatigues of war. as our bodies court physical encounters, and languish in the mild and even climate of the tropics, so our souls thrive best on unrest and discontent. the soul is a sterner master than any king frederick; for a true bravery would subject our bodies to rougher usage than even a grenadier could withstand. we too are dwellers within the purlieus of the camp. when the sun breaks through the morning mist, i seem to hear the din of war louder than when his chariot thundered on the plains of troy. the thin fields of vapor, spread like gauze over the woods, form extended lawns whereon high tournament is held; before each van prick forth the aery knights, and couch their spears, till thickest legions close. it behoves us to make life a steady progression, and not be defeated by its opportunities. the stream which first fell a drop from heaven, should be filtered by events till it burst out into springs of greater purity, and extract a diviner flavor from the accidents through which it passes. shall man wear out sooner than the sun? and not rather dawn as freshly, and with such native dignity stalk down the hills of the east into the bustling vale of life, with as lofty and serene a countenance to roll onward through midday, to a yet fairer and more promising setting? in the crimson colors of the west i discover the budding hues of dawn. to my western brother it is rising pure and bright as it did to me; but only the evening exhibits in the still rear of day, the beauty which through morning and noon escaped me. is not that which we call the gross atmosphere of evening the accumulated deed of the day, which absorbs the rays of beauty, and shows more richly than the naked promise of the dawn? let us look to it that by earnest toil in the heat of the noon, we get ready a rich western blaze against the evening. nor need we fear that the time will hang heavy when our toil is done; for our task is not such a piece of day-labor, that a man must be thinking what he shall do next for a livelihood,â��but such, that as it began in endeavor, so will it end only when no more in heaven or on earth remains to be endeavored. effort is the prerogative of virtue. let not death be the sole task of life,â��the moment when we are rescued from death to life, and set to work,â��if indeed that can be called a task which all things do but alleviate. nor will we suffer our hands to lose one jot of their handiness by looking behind to a mean recompense; knowing that our endeavor cannot be thwarted, nor we be cheated of our earnings unless by not earning them. it concerns us, rather, to be somewhat here present, than to leave something behind us; for, if that were to be considered, it is never the deed men praise, but some marble or canvas, which are only a staging to the real work. the hugest and most effective deed may have no sensible result at all on earth, but may paint itself in the heavens with new stars and constellations. when in rare moments our whole being strives with one consent, which we name a yearning, we may not hope that our work will stand in any artistâ��s gallery on earth. the bravest deed, which for the most part is left quite out of history,â��which alone wants the staleness of a deed done, and the uncertainty of a deed doing,â��is the life of a great man. to perform exploits is to be temporarily bold, as becomes a courage that ebbs and flows,â��the soul, quite vanquished by its own deed, subsiding into indifference and cowardice; but the exploit of a brave life consists in its momentary completeness. every stroke of the chisel must enter our own flesh and bone; he is a mere idolater and apprentice to art who suffers it to grate dully on marble. for the true art is not merely a sublime consolation and holiday labor, which the gods have given to sickly mortals; but such a masterpiece as you may imagine a dweller on the tablelands of central asia might produce, with threescore and ten years for canvas, and the faculties of a man for tools,â��a human life; wherein you might hope to discover more than the freshness of guidoâ��s aurora, or the mild light of titianâ��s landscapes,â��no bald imitation nor even rival of nature, but rather the restored original of which she is the reflection. for such a masterpiece as this, whole galleries of greece and italy are a mere mixing of colors and preparatory quarrying of marble. of such sort, then, be our crusade,â��which, while it inclines chiefly to the hearty good will and activity of war, rather than the insincerity and sloth of peace, will set an example to both of calmness and energy;â��as unconcerned for victory as careless of defeat,â��not seeking to lengthen our term of service, nor to cut it short by a reprieve,â��but earnestly applying ourselves to the campaign before us. nor let our warfare be a boorish and uncourteous one, but a higher courtesy attend its higher chivalry,â��though not to the slackening of its tougher duties and severer discipline. that so our camp may be a palã¦stra, wherein the dormant energies and affections of men may tug and wrestle, not to their discomfiture, but to their mutual exercise and development. what were godfrey and gonsalvo unless we breathed a life into them and enacted their exploits as a prelude to our own? the past is the canvas on which our idea is painted,â��the dim prospectus of our future field. we are dreaming of what we are to do. methinks i hear the clarion sound, and clang of corselet and buckler, from many a silent hamlet of the soul. the signal gun has long since sounded, and we are not yet on our posts. let us make such haste as the morning, and such delay as the evening. henry d. thoreau _july, 1840_. 1854 slavery in massachusetts by henry david thoreau i lately attended a meeting of the citizens of concord, expecting, as one among many, to speak on the subject of slavery in massachusetts; but i was surprised and disappointed to find that what had called my townsmen together was the destiny of nebraska, and not of massachusetts, and that what i had to say would be entirely out of order. i had thought that the house was on fire, and not the prairie; but though several of the citizens of massachusetts are now in prison for attempting to rescue a slave from her own clutches, not one of the speakers at that meeting expressed regret for it, not one even referred to it. it was only the disposition of some wild lands a thousand miles off which appeared to concern them. the inhabitants of concord are not prepared to stand by one of their own bridges, but talk only of taking up a position on the highlands beyond the yellowstone river. our buttricks and davises and hosmers are retreating thither, and i fear that they will leave no lexington common between them and the enemy. there is not one slave in nebraska; there are perhaps a million slaves in massachusetts. they who have been bred in the school of politics fail now and always to face the facts. their measures are half measures and makeshifts merely. they put off the day of settlement indefinitely, and meanwhile the debt accumulates. though the fugitive slave law had not been the subject of discussion on that occasion, it was at length faintly resolved by my townsmen, at an adjourned meeting, as i learn, that the compromise compact of 1820 having been repudiated by one of the parties, "therefore,... the fugitive slave law of 1850 must be repealed." but this is not the reason why an iniquitous law should be repealed. the fact which the politician faces is merely that there is less honor among thieves than was supposed, and not the fact that they are thieves. as i had no opportunity to express my thoughts at that meeting, will you allow me to do so here? again it happens that the boston court-house is full of armed men, holding prisoner and trying a man, to find out if he is not really a slave. does any one think that justice or god awaits mr. loring's decision? for him to sit there deciding still, when this question is already decided from eternity to eternity, and the unlettered slave himself and the multitude around have long since heard and assented to the decision, is simply to make himself ridiculous. we may be tempted to ask from whom he received his commission, and who he is that received it; what novel statutes he obeys, and what precedents are to him of authority. such an arbiter's very existence is an impertinence. we do not ask him to make up his mind, but to make up his pack. i listen to hear the voice of a governor, commander-in-chief of the forces of massachusetts. i hear only the creaking of crickets and the hum of insects which now fill the summer air. the governor's exploit is to review the troops on muster days. i have seen him on horseback, with his hat off, listening to a chaplain's prayer. it chances that that is all i have ever seen of a governor. i think that i could manage to get along without one. if he is not of the least use to prevent my being kidnapped, pray of what important use is he likely to be to me? when freedom is most endangered, he dwells in the deepest obscurity. a distinguished clergyman told me that he chose the profession of a clergyman because it afforded the most leisure for literary pursuits. i would recommend to him the profession of a governor. three years ago, also, when the sims tragedy was acted, i said to myself, there is such an officer, if not such a man, as the governor of massachusettswhat has he been about the last fortnight? has he had as much as he could do to keep on the fence during this moral earthquake? it seemed to me that no keener satire could have been aimed at, no more cutting insult have been offered to that man, than just what happenedthe absence of all inquiry after him in that crisis. the worst and the most i chance to know of him is that he did not improve that opportunity to make himself known, and worthily known. he could at least have resigned himself into fame. it appeared to be forgotten that there was such a man or such an office. yet no doubt he was endeavoring to fill the gubernatorial chair all the while. he was no governor of mine. he did not govern me. but at last, in the present case, the governor was heard from. after he and the united states government had perfectly succeeded in robbing a poor innocent black man of his liberty for life, and, as far as they could, of his creator's likeness in his breast, he made a speech to his accomplices, at a congratulatory supper! i have read a recent law of this state, making it penal for any officer of the "commonwealth" to "detain or aid in the... detention," anywhere within its limits, "of any person, for the reason that he is claimed as a fugitive slave." also, it was a matter of notoriety that a writ of replevin to take the fugitive out of the custody of the united states marshal could not be served for want of sufficient force to aid the officer. i had thought that the governor was, in some sense, the executive officer of the state; that it was his business, as a governor, to see that the laws of the state were executed; while, as a man, he took care that he did not, by so doing, break the laws of humanity; but when there is any special important use for him, he is useless, or worse than useless, and permits the laws of the state to go unexecuted. perhaps i do not know what are the duties of a governor; but if to be a governor requires to subject one's self to so much ignominy without remedy, if it is to put a restraint upon my manhood, i shall take care never to be governor of massachusetts. i have not read far in the statutes of this commonwealth. it is not profitable reading. they do not always say what is true; and they do not always mean what they say. what i am concerned to know is, that that man's influence and authority were on the side of the slaveholder, and not of the slaveof the guilty, and not of the innocentof injustice, and not of justice. i never saw him of whom i speak; indeed, i did not know that he was governor until this event occurred. i heard of him and anthony burns at the same time, and thus, undoubtedly, most will hear of him. so far am i from being governed by him. i do not mean that it was anything to his discredit that i had not heard of him, only that i heard what i did. the worst i shall say of him is, that he proved no better than the majority of his constituents would be likely to prove. in my opinion, be was not equal to the occasion. the whole military force of the state is at the service of a mr. suttle, a slaveholder from virginia, to enable him to catch a man whom he calls his property; but not a soldier is offered to save a citizen of massachusetts from being kidnapped! is this what all these soldiers, all this training, have been for these seventy-nine years past? have they been trained merely to rob mexico and carry back fugitive slaves to their masters? these very nights i heard the sound of a drum in our streets. there were men training still; and for what? i could with an effort pardon the cockerels of concord for crowing still, for they, perchance, had not been beaten that morning; but i could not excuse this rub-a-dub of the "trainers." the slave was carried back by exactly such as these; i.e., by the soldier, of whom the best you can say in this connection is that he is a fool made conspicuous by a painted coat. three years ago, also, just a week after the authorities of boston assembled to carry back a perfectly innocent man, and one whom they knew to be innocent, into slavery, the inhabitants of concord caused the bells to be rung and the cannons to be fired, to celebrate their libertyand the courage and love of liberty of their ancestors who fought at the bridge. as if those three millions had fought for the right to be free themselves, but to hold in slavery three million others. nowadays, men wear a fool's-cap, and call it a liberty-cap. i do not know but there are some who, if they were tied to a whipping-post, and could but get one hand free, would use it to ring the bells and fire the cannons to celebrate their liberty. so some of my townsmen took the liberty to ring and fire. that was the extent of their freedom; and when the sound of the bells died away, their liberty died away also; when the powder was all expended, their liberty went off with the smoke. the joke could be no broader if the inmates of the prisons were to subscribe for all the powder to be used in such salutes, and hire the jailers to do the firing and ringing for them, while they enjoyed it through the grating. this is what i thought about my neighbors. every humane and intelligent inhabitant of concord, when he or she heard those bells and those cannons, thought not with pride of the events of the 19th of april, 1775, but with shame of the events of the 12th of april, 1851. but now we have half buried that old shame under a new one. massachusetts sat waiting mr. loring's decision, as if it could in any way affect her own criminality. her crime, the most conspicuous and fatal crime of all, was permitting him to be the umpire in such a case. it was really the trial of massachusetts. every moment that she hesitated to set this man free, every moment that she now hesitates to atone for her crime, she is convicted. the commissioner on her case is god; not edward g. god, but simply god. i wish my countrymen to consider, that whatever the human law may be, neither an individual nor a nation can ever commit the least act of injustice against the obscurest individual without having to pay the penalty for it. a government which deliberately enacts injustice, and persists in it, will at length even become the laughing-stock of the world. much has been said about american slavery, but i think that we do not even yet realize what slavery is. if i were seriously to propose to congress to make mankind into sausages, i have no doubt that most of the members would smile at my proposition, and if any believed me to be in earnest, they would think that i proposed something much worse than congress had ever done. but if any of them will tell me that to make a man into a sausage would be much worsewould be any worsethan to make him into a slavethan it was to enact the fugitive slave lawi will accuse him of foolishness, of intellectual incapacity, of making a distinction without a difference. the one is just as sensible a proposition as the other. i hear a good deal said about trampling this law under foot. why, one need not go out of his way to do that. this law rises not to the level of the head or the reason; its natural habitat is in the dirt. it was born and bred, and has its life, only in the dust and mire, on a level with the feet; and he who walks with freedom, and does not with hindoo mercy avoid treading on every venomous reptile, will inevitably tread on it, and so trample it under footand webster, its maker, with it, like the dirtbug and its ball. recent events will be valuable as a criticism on the administration of justice in our midst, or, rather, as showing what are the true resources of justice in any community. it has come to this, that the friends of liberty, the friends of the slave, have shuddered when they have understood that his fate was left to the legal tribunals of the country to be decided. free men have no faith that justice will be awarded in such a case. the judge may decide this way or that; it is a kind of accident, at best. it is evident that he is not a competent authority in so important a case. it is no time, then, to be judging according to his precedents, but to establish a precedent for the future. i would much rather trust to the sentiment of the people. in their vote you would get something of some value, at least, however small; but in the other case, only the trammeled judgment of an individual, of no significance, be it which way it might. it is to some extent fatal to the courts, when the people are compelled to go behind them. i do not wish to believe that the courts were made for fair weather, and for very civil cases merely; but think of leaving it to any court in the land to decide whether more than three millions of people, in this case a sixth part of a nation, have a right to be freemen or not! but it has been left to the courts of justice, so calledto the supreme court of the landand, as you all know, recognizing no authority but the constitution, it has decided that the three millions are and shall continue to be slaves. such judges as these are merely the inspectors of a pick-lock and murderer's tools, to tell him whether they are in working order or not, and there they think that their responsibility ends. there was a prior case on the docket, which they, as judges appointed by god, had no right to skip; which having been justly settled, they would have been saved from this humiliation. it was the case of the murderer himself. the law will never make men free; it is men who have got to make the law free. they are the lovers of law and order who observe the law when the government breaks it. among human beings, the judge whose words seal the fate of a man furthest into eternity is not he who merely pronounces the verdict of the law, but he, whoever he may be, who, from a love of truth, and unprejudiced by any custom or enactment of men, utters a true opinion or sentence concerning him. he it is that sentences him. whoever can discern truth has received his commission from a higher source than the chiefest justice in the world who can discern only law. he finds himself constituted judge of the judge. strange that it should be necessary to state such simple truths! i am more and more convinced that, with reference to any public question, it is more important to know what the country thinks of it than what the city thinks. the city does not think much. on any moral question, i would rather have the opinion of boxboro' than of boston and new york put together. when the former speaks, i feel as if somebody had spoken, as if humanity was yet, and a reasonable being had asserted its rightsas if some unprejudiced men among the country's hills had at length turned their attention to the subject, and by a few sensible words redeemed the reputation of the race. when, in some obscure country town, the farmers come together to a special town-meeting, to express their opinion on some subject which is vexing the land, that, i think, is the true congress, and the most respectable one that is ever assembled in the united states. it is evident that there are, in this commonwealth at least, two parties, becoming more and more distinctthe party of the city, and the party of the country. i know that the country is mean enough, but i am glad to believe that there is a slight difference in her favor. but as yet she has few, if any organs, through which to express herself. the editorials which she reads, like the news, come from the seaboard. let us, the inhabitants of the country, cultivate self-respect. let us not send to the city for aught more essential than our broadcloths and groceries; or, if we read the opinions of the city, let us entertain opinions of our own. among measures to be adopted, i would suggest to make as earnest and vigorous an assault on the press as has already been made, and with effect, on the church. the church has much improved within a few years; but the press is, almost without exception, corrupt. i believe that in this country the press exerts a greater and a more pernicious influence than the church did in its worst period. we are not a religious people, but we are a nation of politicians. we do not care for the bible, but we do care for the newspaper. at any meeting of politicianslike that at concord the other evening, for instancehow impertinent it would be to quote from the bible! how pertinent to quote from a newspaper or from the constitution! the newspaper is a bible which we read every morning and every afternoon, standing and sitting, riding and walking. it is a bible which every man carries in his pocket, which lies on every table and counter, and which the mail, and thousands of missionaries, are continually dispersing. it is, in short, the only book which america has printed and which america reads. so wide is its influence. the editor is a preacher whom you voluntarily support. your tax is commonly one cent daily, and it costs nothing for pew hire. but how many of these preachers preach the truth? i repeat the testimony of many an intelligent foreigner, as well as my own convictions, when i say, that probably no country was ever rubled by so mean a class of tyrants as, with a few noble exceptions, are the editors of the periodical press in this country. and as they live and rule only by their servility, and appealing to the worse, and not the better, nature of man, the people who read them are in the condition of the dog that returns to his vomit. the liberator and the commonwealth were the only papers in boston, as far as i know, which made themselves heard in condemnation of the cowardice and meanness of the authorities of that city, as exhibited in '51. the other journals, almost without exception, by their manner of referring to and speaking of the fugitive slave law, and the carrying back of the slave sims, insulted the common sense of the country, at least. and, for the most part, they did this, one would say, because they thought so to secure the approbation of their patrons, not being aware that a sounder sentiment prevailed to any extent in the heart of the commonwealth. i am told that some of them have improved of late; but they are still eminently time-serving. such is the character they have won. but, thank fortune, this preacher can be even more easily reached by the weapons of the reformer than could the recreant priest. the free men of new england have only to refrain from purchasing and reading these sheets, have only to withhold their cents, to kill a score of them at once. one whom i respect told me that he purchased mitchell's citizen in the cars, and then throw it out the window. but would not his contempt have been more fatally expressed if he had not bought it? are they americans? are they new englanders? are they inhabitants of lexington and concord and framingham, who read and support the boston post, mail, journal, advertiser, courier, and times? are these the flags of our union? i am not a newspaper reader, and may omit to name the worst. could slavery suggest a more complete servility than some of these journals exhibit? is there any dust which their conduct does not lick, and make fouler still with its slime? i do not know whether the boston herald is still in existence, but i remember to have seen it about the streets when sims was carried off. did it not act its part well-serve its master faithfully! how could it have gone lower on its belly? how can a man stoop lower than he is low? do more than put his extremities in the place of the head he has? than make his head his lower extremity? when i have taken up this paper with my cuffs turned up, i have heard the gurgling of the sewer through every column. i have felt that i was handling a paper picked out of the public gutters, a leaf from the gospel of the gambling-house, the groggery, and the brothel, harmonizing with the gospel of the merchants' exchange. the majority of the men of the north, and of the south and east and west, are not men of principle. if they vote, they do not send men to congress on errands of humanity; but while their brothers and sisters are being scourged and hung for loving liberty, whilei might here insert all that slavery implies and isit is the mismanagement of wood and iron and stone and gold which concerns them. do what you will, o government, with my wife and children, my mother and brother, my father and sister, i will obey your commands to the letter. it will indeed grieve me if you hurt them, if you deliver them to overseers to be hunted by bounds or to be whipped to death; but, nevertheless, i will peaceably pursue my chosen calling on this fair earth, until perchance, one day, when i have put on mourning for them dead, i shall have persuaded you to relent. such is the attitude, such are the words of massachusetts. rather than do thus, i need not say what match i would touch, what system endeavor to blow up; but as i love my life, i would side with the light, and let the dark earth roll from under me, calling my mother and my brother to follow. i would remind my countrymen that they are to be men first, and americans only at a late and convenient hour. no matter how valuable law may be to protect your property, even to keep soul and body together, if it do not keep you and humanity together. i am sorry to say that i doubt if there is a judge in massachusetts who is prepared to resign his office, and get his living innocently, whenever it is required of him to pass sentence under a law which is merely contrary to the law of god. i am compelled to see that they put themselves, or rather are by character, in this respect, exactly on a level with the marine who discharges his musket in any direction he is ordered to. they are just as much tools, and as little men. certainly, they are not the more to be respected, because their master enslaves their understandings and consciences, instead of their bodies. the judges and lawyerssimply as such, i meanand all men of expediency, try this case by a very low and incompetent standard. they consider, not whether the fugitive slave law is right, but whether it is what they call constitutional. is virtue constitutional, or vice? is equity constitutional, or iniquity? in important moral and vital questions, like this, it is just as impertinent to ask whether a law is constitutional or not, as to ask whether it is profitable or not. they persist in being the servants of the worst of men, and not the servants of humanity. the question is, not whether you or your grandfather, seventy years ago, did not enter into an agreement to serve the devil, and that service is not accordingly now due; but whether you will not now, for once and at last, serve godin spite of your own past recreancy, or that of your ancestorby obeying that eternal and only just constitution, which he, and not any jefferson or adams, has written in your being. the amount of it is, if the majority vote the devil to be god, the minority will live and behave accordinglyand obey the successful candidate, trusting that, some time or other, by some speaker's casting-vote, perhaps, they may reinstate god. this is the highest principle i can get out or invent for my neighbors. these men act as if they believed that they could safely slide down a hill a little wayor a good wayand would surely come to a place, by and by, where they could begin to slide up again. this is expediency, or choosing that course which offers the slightest obstacles to the feet, that is, a downhill one. but there is no such thing as accomplishing a righteous reform by the use of "expediency." there is no such thing as sliding up hill. in morals the only sliders are backsliders. thus we steadily worship mammon, both school and state and church, and on the seventh day curse god with a tintamar from one end of the union to the other. will mankind never learn that policy is not moralitythat it never secures any moral right, but considers merely what is expedient? chooses the available candidatewho is invariably the deviland what right have his constituents to be surprised, because the devil does not behave like an angel of light? what is wanted is men, not of policy, but of probitywho recognize a higher law than the constitution, or the decision of the majority. the fate of the country does not depend on how you vote at the pollsthe worst man is as strong as the best at that game; it does not depend on what kind of paper you drop into the ballot-box once a year, but on what kind of man you drop from your chamber into the street every morning. what should concern massachusetts is not the nebraska bill, nor the fugitive slave bill, but her own slaveholding and servility. let the state dissolve her union with the slaveholder. she may wriggle and hesitate, and ask leave to read the constitution once more; but she can find no respectable law or precedent which sanctions the continuance of such a union for an instant. let each inhabitant of the state dissolve his union with her, as long as she delays to do her duty. the events of the past month teach me to distrust fame. i see that she does not finely discriminate, but coarsely hurrahs. she considers not the simple heroism of an action, but only as it is connected with its apparent consequences. she praises till she is hoarse the easy exploit of the boston tea party, but will be comparatively silent about the braver and more disinterestedly heroic attack on the boston court-house, simply because it was unsuccessful! covered with disgrace, the state has sat down coolly to try for their lives and liberties the men who attempted to do its duty for it. and this is called justice! they who have shown that they can behave particularly well may perchance be put under bonds for their good behavior. they whom truth requires at present to plead guilty are, of all the inhabitants of the state, preeminently innocent. while the governor, and the mayor, and countless officers of the commonwealth are at large, the champions of liberty are imprisoned. only they are guiltless who commit the crime of contempt of such a court. it behooves every man to see that his influence is on the side of justice, and let the courts make their own characters. my sympathies in this case are wholly with the accused, and wholly against their accusers and judges. justice is sweet and musical; but injustice is harsh and discordant. the judge still sits grinding at his organ, but it yields no music, and we hear only the sound of the handle. he believes that all the music resides in the handle, and the crowd toss him their coppers the same as before. do you suppose that that massachusetts which is now doing these thingswhich hesitates to crown these men, some of whose lawyers, and even judges, perchance, may be driven to take refuge in some poor quibble, that they may not wholly outrage their instinctive sense of justicedo you suppose that she is anything but base and servile? that she is the champion of liberty? show me a free state, and a court truly of justice, and i will fight for them, if need be; but show me massachusetts, and i refuse her my allegiance, and express contempt for her courts. the effect of a good government is to make life more valuableof a bad one, to make it less valuable. we can afford that railroad and all merely material stock should lose some of its value, for that only compels us to live more simply and economically; but suppose that the value of life itself should be diminished! how can we make a less demand on man and nature, how live more economically in respect to virtue and all noble qualities, than we do? i have lived for the last monthand i think that every man in massachusetts capable of the sentiment of patriotism must have had a similar experiencewith the sense of having suffered a vast and indefinite loss. i did not know at first what ailed me. at last it occurred to me that what i had lost was a country. i had never respected the government near to which i lived, but i had foolishly thought that i might manage to live here, minding my private affairs, and forget it. for my part, my old and worthiest pursuits have lost i cannot say how much of their attraction, and i feel that my investment in life here is worth many per cent less since massachusetts last deliberately sent back an innocent man, anthony burns, to slavery. i dwelt before, perhaps, in the illusion that my life passed somewhere only between heaven and hell, but now i cannot persuade myself that i do not dwell wholly within hell. the site of that political organization called massachusetts is to me morally covered with volcanic scoriae and cinders, such as milton describes in the infernal regions. if there is any hell more unprincipled than our rulers, and we, the ruled, i feel curious to see it. life itself being worth less, all things with it, which minister to it, are worth less. suppose you have a small library, with pictures to adorn the wallsa garden laid out aroundand contemplate scientific and literary pursuits and discover all at once that your villa, with all its contents is located in hell, and that the justice of the peace has a cloven foot and a forked taildo not these things suddenly lose their value in your eyes? i feel that, to some extent, the state has fatally interfered with my lawful business. it has not only interrupted me in my passage through court street on errands of trade, but it has interrupted me and every man on his onward and upward path, on which he had trusted soon to leave court street far behind. what right had it to remind me of court street? i have found that hollow which even i had relied on for solid. i am surprised to see men going about their business as if nothing had happened. i say to myself, "unfortunates! they have not heard the news." i am surprised that the man whom i just met on horseback should be so earnest to overtake his newly bought cows running awaysince all property is insecure, and if they do not run away again, they may be taken away from him when he gets them. fool! does he not know that his seed-corn is worth less this yearthat all beneficent harvests fail as you approach the empire of hell? no prudent man will build a stone house under these circumstances, or engage in any peaceful enterprise which it requires a long time to accomplish. art is as long as ever, but life is more interrupted and less available for a man's proper pursuits. it is not an era of repose. we have used up all our inherited freedom. if we would save our lives, we must fight for them. i walk toward one of our ponds; but what signifies the beauty of nature when men are base? we walk to lakes to see our serenity reflected in them; when we are not serene, we go not to them. who can be serene in a country where both the rulers and the ruled are without principle? the remembrance of my country spoils my walk. my thoughts are murder to the state, and involuntarily go plotting against her. but it chanced the other day that i scented a white water-lily, and a season i had waited for had arrived. it is the emblem of purity. it bursts up so pure and fair to the eye, and so sweet to the scent, as if to show us what purity and sweetness reside in, and can be extracted from, the slime and muck of earth. i think i have plucked the first one that has opened for a mile. what confirmation of our hopes is in the fragrance of this flower! i shall not so soon despair of the world for it, notwithstanding slavery, and the cowardice and want of principle of northern men. it suggests what kind of laws have prevailed longest and widest, and still prevail, and that the time may come when man's deeds will smell as sweet. such is the odor which the plant emits. if nature can compound this fragrance still annually, i shall believe her still young and full of vigor, her integrity and genius unimpaired, and that there is virtue even in man, too, who is fitted to perceive and love it. it reminds me that nature has been partner to no missouri compromise. i scent no compromise in the fragrance of the water-lily. it is not a nymphaea douglasii. in it, the sweet, and pure, and innocent are wholly sundered from the obscene and baleful. i do not scent in this the time-serving irresolution of a massachusetts governor, nor of a boston mayor. so behave that the odor of your actions may enhance the general sweetness of the atmosphere, that when we behold or scent a flower, we may not be reminded how inconsistent your deeds are with it; for all odor is but one form of advertisement of a moral quality, and if fair actions had not been performed, the lily would not smell sweet. the foul slime stands for the sloth and vice of man, the decay of humanity; the fragrant flower that springs from it, for the purity and courage which are immortal. slavery and servility have produced no sweet-scented flower annually, to charm the senses of men, for they have no real life: they are merely a decaying and a death, offensive to all healthy nostrils. we do not complain that they live, but that they do not get buried. let the living bury them: even they are good for manure. the end . a plea for captain john brown by henry david thoreau [read to the citizens of concord, mass., sunday evening, october 30, 1859.] i trust that you will pardon me for being here. i do not wish to force my thoughts upon you, but i feel forced myself. little as i know of captain brown, i would fain do my part to correct the tone and the statements of the newspapers, and of my countrymen generally, respecting his character and actions. it costs us nothing to be just. we can at least express our sympathy with, and admiration of, him and his companions, and that is what i now propose to do. first, as to his history. i will endeavor to omit, as much as possible, what you have already read. i need not describe his person to you, for probably most of you have seen and will not soon forget him. i am told that his grandfather, john brown, was an officer in the revolution; that he himself was born in connecticut about the beginning of this century, but early went with his father to ohio. i heard him say that his father was a contractor who furnished beef to the army there, in the war of 1812; that he accompanied him to the camp, and assisted him in that employment, seeing a good deal of military life, more, perhaps, than if he had been a soldier, for he was often present at the councils of the officers. especially, he learned by experience how armies are supplied and maintained in the fieldâ��a work which, he observed, requires at least as much experience and skill as to lead them in battle. he said that few persons had any conception of the cost, even the pecuniary cost, of firing a single bullet in war. he saw enough, at any rate, to disgust him with a military life, indeed to excite in him a great abhorrence of it; so much so, that though he was tempted by the offer of some petty office in the army, when he was about eighteen, he not only declined that, but he also refused to train when warned, and was fined for it. he then resolved that he would never have anything to do with any war, unless it were a war for liberty. when the troubles in kansas began, he sent several of his sons thither to strengthen the party of the free state men, fitting them out with such weapons as he had; telling them that if the troubles should increase, and there should be need of him, he would follow, to assist them with his hand and counsel. this, as you all know, he soon after did; and it was through his agency, far more than any otherâ��s, that kansas was made free. for a part of his life he was a surveyor, and at one time he was engaged in wool-growing, and he went to europe as an agent about that business. there, as everywhere, he had his eyes about him, and made many original observations. he said, for instance, that he saw why the soil of england was so rich, and that of germany (i think it was) so poor, and he thought of writing to some of the crowned heads about it. it was because in england the peasantry live on the soil which they cultivate, but in germany they are gathered into villages, at night. it is a pity that he did not make a book of his observations. i should say that he was an old-fashioned man in respect for the constitution, and his faith in the permanence of this union. slavery he deemed to be wholly opposed to these, and he was its determined foe. he was by descent and birth a new england farmer, a man of great common sense, deliberate and practical as that class is, and tenfold more so. he was like the best of those who stood at concord bridge once, on lexington common, and on bunker hill, only he was firmer and higher principled than any that i have chanced to hear of as there. it was no abolition lecturer that converted him. ethan allen and stark, with whom he may in some respects be compared, were rangers in a lower and less important field. they could bravely face their countryâ��s foes, but he had the courage to face his country herself, when she was in the wrong. a western writer says, to account for his escape from so many perils, that he was concealed under a â��rural exteriorâ��; as if, in that prairie land, a hero should, by good rights, wear a citizenâ��s dress only. he did not go to the college called harvard, good old alma mater as she is. he was not fed on the pap that is there furnished. as he phrased it, â��i know no more of grammar than one of your calves.â�� but he went to the great university of the west, where he sedulously pursued the study of liberty, for which he had early betrayed a fondness, and having taken many degrees, he finally commenced the public practice of humanity in kansas, as you all know. such were _his humanities_, and not any study of grammar. he would have left a greek accent slanting the wrong way, and righted up a falling man. he was one of that class of whom we hear a great deal, but, for the most part, see nothing at allâ��the puritans. it would be in vain to kill him. he died lately in the time of cromwell, but he reappeared here. why should he not? some of the puritan stock are said to have come over and settled in new england. they were a class that did something else than celebrate their forefathersâ�� day, and eat parched corn in remembrance of that time. they were neither democrats nor republicans, but men of simple habits, straightforward, prayerful; not thinking much of rulers who did not fear god, not making many compromises, nor seeking after available candidates. â��in his camp,â�� as one has recently written, and as i have myself heard him state, â��he permitted no profanity; no man of loose morals was suffered to remain there, unless, indeed, as a prisoner of war. â��i would rather,â�� said he, â��have the small-pox, yellow fever, and cholera, all together in my camp, than a man without principle.... it is a mistake, sir, that our people make, when they think that bullies are the best fighters, or that they are the fit men to oppose these southerners. give me men of good principles,â��god-fearing men,â��men who respect themselves, and with a dozen of them i will oppose any hundred such men as these buford ruffians.â��â�� he said that if one offered himself to be a soldier under him, who was forward to tell what he could or would do, if he could only get sight of the enemy, he had but little confidence in him. he was never able to find more than a score or so of recruits whom he would accept, and only about a dozen, among them his sons, in whom he had perfect faith. when he was here, some years ago, he showed to a few a little manuscript book,â��his â��orderly bookâ�� i think he called it,â��containing the names of his company in kansas, and the rules by which they bound themselves; and he stated that several of them had already sealed the contract with their blood. when some one remarked that, with the addition of a chaplain, it would have been a perfect cromwellian troop, he observed that he would have been glad to add a chaplain to the list, if he could have found one who could fill that office worthily. it is easy enough to find one for the united states army. i believe that he had prayers in his camp morning and evening, nevertheless. he was a man of spartan habits, and at sixty was scrupulous about his diet at your table, excusing himself by saying that he must eat sparingly and fare hard, as became a soldier or one who was fitting himself for difficult enterprises, a life of exposure. a man of rare common sense and directness of speech, as of action; a transcendentalist above all, a man of ideas and principles,â��that was what distinguished him. not yielding to a whim or transient impulse, but carrying out the purpose of a life. i noticed that he did not overstate anything, but spoke within bounds. i remember, particularly, how, in his speech here, he referred to what his family had suffered in kansas, without ever giving the least vent to his pent-up fire. it was a volcano with an ordinary chimney-flue. also referring to the deeds of certain border ruffians, he said, rapidly paring away his speech, like an experienced soldier, keeping a reserve of force and meaning, â��they had a perfect right to be hung.â�� he was not in the least a rhetorician, was not talking to buncombe or his constituents anywhere, had no need to invent anything but to tell the simple truth, and communicate his own resolution; therefore he appeared incomparably strong, and eloquence in congress and elsewhere seemed to me at a discount. it was like the speeches of cromwell compared with those of an ordinary king. as for his tact and prudence, i will merely say, that at a time when scarcely a man from the free states was able to reach kansas by any direct route, at least without having his arms taken from him, he, carrying what imperfect guns and other weapons he could collect, openly and slowly drove an ox-cart through missouri, apparently in the capacity of a surveyor, with his surveying compass exposed in it, and so passed unsuspected, and had ample opportunity to learn the designs of the enemy. for some time after his arrival he still followed the same profession. when, for instance, he saw a knot of the ruffians on the prairie, discussing, of course, the single topic which then occupied their minds, he would, perhaps, take his compass and one of his sons, and proceed to run an imaginary line right through the very spot on which that conclave had assembled, and when he came up to them, he would naturally pause and have some talk with them, learning their news, and, at last, all their plans perfectly; and having thus completed his real survey he would resume his imaginary one, and run on his line till he was out of sight. when i expressed surprise that he could live in kansas at all, with a price set upon his head, and so large a number, including the authorities, exasperated against him, he accounted for it by saying, â��it is perfectly well understood that i will not be taken.â�� much of the time for some years he has had to skulk in swamps, suffering from poverty and from sickness, which was the consequence of exposure, befriended only by indians and a few whites. but though it might be known that he was lurking in a particular swamp, his foes commonly did not care to go in after him. he could even come out into a town where there were more border ruffians than free state men, and transact some business, without delaying long, and yet not be molested; for said he, â��no little handful of men were willing to undertake it, and a large body could not be got together in season.â�� as for his recent failure, we do not know the facts about it. it was evidently far from being a wild and desperate attempt. his enemy, mr. vallandigham, is compelled to say, that â��it was among the best planned and executed conspiracies that ever failed.â�� not to mention his other successes, was it a failure, or did it show a want of good management, to deliver from bondage a dozen human beings, and walk off with them by broad daylight, for weeks if not months, at a leisurely pace, through one state after another, for half the length of the north, conspicuous to all parties, with a price set upon his head, going into a court room on his way and telling what he had done, thus convincing missouri that it was not profitable to try to hold slaves in his neighborhood?â��and this, not because the government menials were lenient, but because they were afraid of him. yet he did not attribute his success, foolishly, to â��his star,â�� or to any magic. he said, truly, that the reason why such greatly superior numbers quailed before him was, as one of his prisoners confessed, because they _lacked a cause_â��a kind of armor which he and his party never lacked. when the time came, few men were found willing to lay down their lives in defence of what they knew to be wrong; they did not like that this should be their last act in this world. but to make haste to _his_ last act, and its effects. the newspapers seem to ignore, or perhaps are really ignorant of the fact, that there are at least as many as two or three individuals to a town throughout the north who think much as the present speaker does about him and his enterprise. i do not hesitate to say that they are an important and growing party. we aspire to be something more than stupid and timid chattels, pretending to read history and our bibles, but desecrating every house and every day we breathe in. perhaps anxious politicians may prove that only seventeen white men and five negroes were concerned in the late enterprise, but their very anxiety to prove this might suggest to themselves that all is not told. why do they still dodge the truth? they are so anxious because of a dim consciousness of the fact, which they do not distinctly face, that at least a million of the free inhabitants of the united states would have rejoiced if it had succeeded. they at most ongh we wear no crape, the thought of that manâ��s position and probable fate is spoiling many a manâ��s day here at the north for other thinking. if any one who has seen him here can pursue successfully any other train of thought, i do not know what he is made of. if there is any such who gets his usual allowance of sleep, i will warrant him to fatten easily under any circumstances which do not touch his body or purse. i put a piece of paper and a pencil under my pillow, and when i could not sleep, i wrote in the dark. on the whole, my respect for my fellow-men, except as one may outweigh a million, is not being increased these days. i have noticed the cold-blooded way in which newspaper writers and men generally speak of this event, as if an ordinary malefactor, though one of unusual â��pluck,â��â��as the governor of virginia is reported to have said, using the language of the cock-pit, â��the gamest man he ever saw,â��â��had been caught, and were about to be hung. he was not dreaming of his foes when the governor thought he looked so brave. it turns what sweetness i have to gall, to hear, or hear of, the remarks of some of my neighbors. when we heard at first that he was dead, one of my townsmen observed that â��he died as the fool diethâ��; which, pardon me, for an instant suggested a likeness in him dying to my neighbor living. others, craven-hearted, said disparagingly, that â��he threw his life away,â�� because he resisted the government. which way have they thrown _their_ lives, pray?â��such as would praise a man for attacking singly an ordinary band of thieves or murderers. i hear another ask, yankee-like, â��what will he gain by it?â�� as if he expected to fill his pockets by this enterprise. such a one has no idea of gain but in this worldly sense. if it does not lead to a â��surpriseâ�� party, if he does not get a new pair of boots, or a vote of thanks, it must be a failure. â��but he wonâ��t gain anything by it.â�� well, no, i donâ��t suppose he could get four-and-sixpence a day for being hung, take the year round; but then he stands a chance to save a considerable part of his soul,â��and _such_ a soul!â��when _you_ do not. no doubt you can get more in your market for a quart of milk than for a quart of blood, but that is not the market that heroes carry their blood to. such do not know that like the seed is the fruit, and that, in the moral world, when good seed is planted, good fruit is inevitable, and does not depend on our watering and cultivating; that when you plant, or bury, a hero in his field, a crop of heroes is sure to spring up. this is a seed of such force and vitality, that it does not ask our leave to germinate. the momentary charge at balaclava, in obedience to a blundering command, proving what a perfect machine the soldier is, has, properly enough, been celebrated by a poet laureate; but the steady, and for the most part successful, charge of this man, for some years, against the legions of slavery, in obedience to an infinitely higher command, is as much more memorable than that, as an intelligent and conscientious man is superior to a machine. do you think that that will go unsung? â��served him rightâ��â��â��a dangerous manâ��â��â��he is undoubtedly insane.â�� so they proceed to live their sane, and wise, and altogether admirable lives, reading their plutarch a little, but chiefly pausing at that feat of putnam, who was let down into a wolfâ��s den; and in this wise they nourish themselves for brave and patriotic deeds some time or other. the tract society could afford to print that story of putnam. you might open the district schools with the reading of it, for there is nothing about slavery or the church in it; unless it occurs to the reader that some pastors are _wolves_ in sheepâ��s clothing. â��the american board of commissioners for foreign missionsâ�� even, might dare to protest against _that_ wolf. i have heard of boards, and of american boards, but it chances that i never heard of this particular lumber till lately. and yet i hear of northern men, and women, and children, by families, buying a â��life membershipâ�� in such societies as these. a life-membership in the grave! you can get buried cheaper than that. our foes are in our midst and all about us. there is hardly a house but is divided against itself, for our foe is the all but universal woodenness of both head and heart, the want of vitality in man, which is the effect of our vice; and hence are begotten fear, superstition, bigotry, persecution, and slavery of all kinds. we are mere figure-heads upon a hulk, with livers in the place of hearts. the curse is the worship of idols, which at length changes the worshipper into a stone image himself; and the new englander is just as much an idolater as the hindoo. this man was an exception, for he did not set up even a political graven image between him and his god. a church that can never have done with excommunicating christ while it exists! away with your broad and flat churches, and your narrow and tall churches! take a step forward, and invent a new style of out-houses. invent a salt that will save you, and defend our nostrils. the modern christian is a man who has consented to say all the prayers in the liturgy, provided you will let him go straight to bed and sleep quietly afterward. all his prayers begin with â��now i lay me down to sleep,â�� and he is forever looking forward to the time when he shall go to his â��_long_ rest.â�� he has consented to perform certain old established charities, too, after a fashion, but he does not wish to hear of any new-fangled ones; he doesnâ��t wish to have any supplementary articles added to the contract, to fit it to the present time. he shows the whites of his eyes on the sabbath, and the blacks all the rest of the week. the evil is not merely a stagnation of blood, but a stagnation of spirit. many, no doubt, are well disposed, but sluggish by constitution and by habit, and they cannot conceive of a man who is actuated by higher motives than they are. accordingly they pronounce this man insane, for they know that _they_ could never act as he does, as long as they are themselves. we dream of foreign countries, of other times and races of men, placing them at a distance in history or space; but let some significant event like the present occur in our midst, and we discover, often, this distance and this strangeness between us and our nearest neighbors. _they_ are our austrias, and chinas, and south sea islands. our crowded society becomes well spaced all at once, clean and handsome to the eye, a city of magnificent distances. we discover why it was that we never got beyond compliments and surfaces with them before; we become aware of as many versts between us and them as there are between a wandering tartar and a chinese town. the thoughtful man becomes a hermit in the thoroughfares of the market-place. impassable seas suddenly find their level between us, or dumb steppes stretch themselves out there. it is the difference of constitution, of intelligence, and faith, and not streams and mountains, that make the true and impassable boundaries between individuals and between states. none but the like-minded can come plenipotentiary to our court. i read all the newspapers i could get within a week after this event, and i do not remember in them a single expression of sympathy for these men. i have since seen one noble statement, in a boston paper, not editorial. some voluminous sheets decided not to print the full report of brownâ��s words to the exclusion of other matter. it was as if a publisher should reject the manuscript of the new testament, and print wilsonâ��s last speech. the same journal which contained this pregnant news, was chiefly filled, in parallel columns, with the reports of the political conventions that were being held. but the descent to them was too steep. they should have been spared this contrast, been printed in an extra at least. to turn from the voices and deeds of earnest men to the _cackling_ of political conventions! office seekers and speech-makers, who do not so much as lay an honest egg, but wear their breasts bare upon an egg of chalk! their great game is the game of straws, or rather that universal aboriginal game of the platter, at which the indians cried _hub, bub!_ exclude the reports of religious and political conventions, and publish the words of a living man. but i object not so much to what they have omitted, as to what they have inserted. even the _liberator_ called it â��a misguided, wild, and apparently insane ... effort.â�� as for the herd of newspapers and magazines, i do not chance to know an editor in the country who will deliberately print anything which he knows will ultimately and permanently reduce the number of his subscribers. they do not believe that it would be expedient. how then can they print truth? if we do not say pleasant things, they argue, nobody will attend to us. and so they do like some travelling auctioneers, who sing an obscene song in order to draw a crowd around them. republican editors, obliged to get their sentences ready for the morning edition, and accustomed to look at everything by the twilight of politics, express no admiration, nor true sorrow even, but call these men â��deluded fanaticsâ��â��â��mistaken menâ��â��â��insane,â�� or â��crazed.â�� it suggests what a _sane_ set of editors we are blessed with, _not_ â��mistaken menâ��; who know very well on which side their bread is buttered, at least. a man does a brave and humane deed, and at once, on all sides, we hear people and parties declaring, â��i didnâ��t do it, nor countenance _him_ to do it, in any conceivable way. it canâ��t be fairly inferred from my past career.â�� i, for one, am not interested to hear you define your position. i donâ��t know that i ever was, or ever shall be. i think it is mere egotism, or impertinent at this time. ye neednâ��t take so much pains to wash your skirts of him. no intelligent man will ever be convinced that he was any creature of yours. he went and came, as he himself informs us, â��under the auspices of john brown and nobody else.â�� the republican party does not perceive how many his _failure_ will make to vote more correctly than they would have them. they have counted the votes of pennsylvania & co., but they have not correctly counted captain brownâ��s vote. he has taken the wind out of their sails, the little wind they had, and they may as well lie to and repair. what though he did not belong to your clique! though you may not approve of his method or his principles, recognize his magnanimity. would you not like to claim kindredship with him in that, though in no other thing he is like, or likely, to you? do you think that you would lose your reputation so? what you lost at the spile, you would gain at the bung. if they do not mean all this, then they do not speak the truth, and say what they mean. they are simply at their old tricks still. â��it was always conceded to him,â�� _says one who calls him crazy_, â��that he was a conscientious man, very modest in his demeanor, apparently inoffensive, until the subject of slavery was introduced, when he would exhibit a feeling of indignation unparalleled.â�� the slave-ship is on her way, crowded with its dying victims; new cargoes are being added in mid ocean; a small crew of slaveholders, countenanced by a large body of passengers, is smothering four millions under the hatches, and yet the politician asserts that the only proper way by which deliverance is to be obtained, is by â��the quiet diffusion of the sentiments of humanity,â�� without any â��outbreak.â�� as if the sentiments of humanity were ever found unaccompanied by its deeds, and you could disperse them, all finished to order, the pure article, as easily as water with a watering-pot, and so lay the dust. what is that that i hear cast overboard? the bodies of the dead that have found deliverance. that is the way we are â��diffusingâ�� humanity, and its sentiments with it. prominent and influential editors, accustomed to deal with politicians, men of an infinitely lower grade, say, in their ignorance, that he acted â��on the principle of revenge.â�� they do not know the man. they must enlarge themselves to conceive of him. i have no doubt that the time will come when they will begin to see him as he was. they have got to conceive of a man of faith and of religious principle, and not a politician or an indian; of a man who did not wait till he was personally interfered with, or thwarted in some harmless business, before he gave his life to the cause of the oppressed. if walker may be considered the representative of the south, i wish i could say that brown was the representative of the north. he was a superior man. he did not value his bodily life in comparison with ideal things. he did not recognize unjust human laws, but resisted them as he was bid. for once we are lifted out of the trivialness and dust of politics into the region of truth and manhood. no man in america has ever stood up so persistently and effectively for the dignity of human nature, knowing himself for a man, and the equal of any and all governments. in that sense he was the most american of us all. he needed no babbling lawyer, making false issues, to defend him. he was more than a match for all the judges that american voters, or office-holders of whatever grade, can create. he could not have been tried by a jury of his peers, because his peers did not exist. when a man stands up serenely against the condemnation and vengeance of mankind, rising above them literally _by a whole body_,â��even though he were of late the vilest murderer, who has settled that matter with himself,â��the spectacle is a sublime one,â��didnâ��t ye know it, ye liberators, ye tribunes, ye republicans?â��and we become criminal in comparison. do yourselves the honor to recognize him. he needs none of your respect. as for the democratic journals, they are not human enough to affect me at all. i do not feel indignation at anything they may say. i am aware that i anticipate a little, that he was still, at the last accounts, alive in the hands of his foes; but that being the case, i have all along found myself thinking and speaking of him as physically dead. i do not believe in erecting statues to those who still live in our hearts, whose bones have not yet crumbled in the earth around us, but i would rather see the statue of captain brown in the massachusetts state-house yard, than that of any other man whom i know. i rejoice that i live in this age, that i am his contemporary. what a contrast, when we turn to that political party which is so anxiously shuffling him and his plot out of its way, and looking around for some available slaveholder, perhaps, to be its candidate, at least for one who will execute the fugitive slave law, and all those other unjust laws which he took up arms to annul! insane! a father and six sons, and one son-in-law, and several more men besides,â��as many at least as twelve disciples,â��all struck with insanity at once; while the same tyrant holds with a firmer gripe than ever his four millions of slaves, and a thousand sane editors, his abettors, are saving their country and their bacon! just as insane were his efforts in kansas. ask the tyrant who is his most dangerous foe, the sane man or the insane? do the thousands who know him best, who have rejoiced at his deeds in kansas, and have afforded him material aid there, think him insane? such a use of this word is a mere trope with most who persist in using it, and i have no doubt that many of the rest have already in silence retracted their words. read his admirable answers to mason and others. how they are dwarfed and defeated by the contrast! on the one side, half brutish, half timid questioning; on the other, truth, clear as lightning, crashing into their obscene temples. they are made to stand with pilate, and gessler, and the inquisition. how ineffectual their speech and action! and what a void their silence! they are but helpless tools in this great work. it was no human power that gathered them about this preacher. what have massachusetts and the north sent a few _sane_ representatives to congress for, of late years?â��to declare with effect what kind of sentiments? all their speeches put together and boiled down,â��and probably they themselves will confess it,â��do not match for manly directness and force, and for simple truth, the few casual remarks of crazy john brown, on the floor of the harperâ��s ferry engine-house,â��that man whom you are about to hang, to send to the other world, though not to represent _you_ there. no, he was not our representative in any sense. he was too fair a specimen of a man to represent the like of us. who, then, _were_ his constituents? if you read his words understandingly you will find out. in his case there is no idle eloquence, no made, nor maiden speech, no compliments to the oppressor. truth is his inspirer, and earnestness the polisher of his sentences. he could afford to lose his sharpâ��s rifles, while he retained his faculty of speech,â��a sharpâ��s rifle of infinitely surer and longer range. and the _new york herald_ reports the conversation _verbatim!_ it does not know of what undying words it is made the vehicle. i have no respect for the penetration of any man who can read the report of that conversation, and still call the principal in it insane. it has the ring of a saner sanity than an ordinary discipline and habits of life, than an ordinary organization, secure. take any sentence of itâ��â��any questions that i can honorably answer, i will; not otherwise. so far as i am myself concerned, i have told everything truthfully. i value my word, sir.â�� the few who talk about his vindictive spirit, while they really admire his heroism, have no test by which to detect a noble man, no amalgam to combine with his pure gold. they mix their own dross with it. it is a relief to turn from these slanders to the testimony of his more truthful, but frightened, jailers and hangmen. governor wise speaks far more justly and appreciatingly of him than any northern editor, or politician, or public personage, that i chance to have heard from. i know that you can afford to hear him again on this subject. he says: â��they are themselves mistaken who take him to be a madman.... he is cool, collected, and indomitable, and it is but just to him to say, that he was humane to his prisoners.... and he inspired me with great trust in his integrity as a man of truth. he is a fanatic, vain and garrulous,â�� (i leave that part to mr. wise) â��but firm, truthful, and intelligent. his men, too, who survive, are like him.... colonel washington says that he was the coolest and firmest man he ever saw in defying danger and death. with one son dead by his side, and another shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son with one hand, and held his rifle with the other, and commanded his men with the utmost composure, encouraging them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dear as they could. of the three white prisoners, brown, stephens, and coppoc, it was hard to say which was most firm....â�� almost the first northern men whom the slaveholder has learned to respect! the testimony of mr. vallandigham, though less valuable, is of the same purport, that â��it is vain to underrate either the man or his conspiracy.... he is the farthest possible removed from the ordinary ruffian, fanatic, or madman.â�� â��all is quiet at harperâ��s ferry,â�� say the journals. what is the character of that calm which follows when the law and the slaveholder prevail? i regard this event as a touchstone designed to bring out, with glaring distinctness, the character of this government. we needed to be thus assisted to see it by the light of history. it needed to see itself. when a government puts forth its strength on the side of injustice, as ours to maintain slavery and kill the liberators of the slave, it reveals itself a merely brute force, or worse, a demoniacal force. it is the head of the plug uglies. it is more manifest than ever that tyranny rules. i see this government to be effectually allied with france and austria in oppressing mankind. there sits a tyrant holding fettered four millions of slaves; here comes their heroic liberator. this most hypocritical and diabolical government looks up from its seat on the gasping four millions, and inquires with an assumption of innocence: â��what do you assault me for? am i not an honest man? cease agitation on this subject, or i will make a slave of you, too, or else hang you.â�� we talk about a _representative_ government; but what a monster of a government is that where the noblest faculties of the mind, and the _whole_ heart, are not _represented_. a semi-human tiger or ox, stalking over the earth, with its heart taken out and the top of its brain shot away. heroes have fought well on their stumps when their legs were shot off, but i never heard of any good done by such a government as that. the only government that i recognize,â��and it matters not how few are at the head of it, or how small its army,â��is that power that establishes justice in the land, never that which establishes injustice. what shall we think of a government to which all the truly brave and just men in the land are enemies, standing between it and those whom it oppresses? a government that pretends to be christian and crucifies a million christs every day! treason! where does such treason take its rise? i cannot help thinking of you as you deserve, ye governments. can you dry up the fountains of thought? high treason, when it is resistance to tyranny here below, has its origin in, and is first committed by, the power that makes and forever recreates man. when you have caught and hung all these human rebels, you have accomplished nothing but your own guilt, for you have not struck at the fountain head. you presume to contend with a foe against whom west point cadets and rifled cannon _point_ not. can all the art of the cannon-founder tempt matter to turn against its maker? is the form in which the founder thinks he casts it more essential than the constitution of it and of himself? the united states have a coffle of four millions of slaves. they are determined to keep them in this condition; and massachusetts is one of the confederated overseers to prevent their escape. such are not alltheir escape. such are not all the inhabitants of massachusetts, but such are they who rule and are obeyed here. it was massachusetts, as well as virginia, that put down this insurrection at harperâ��s ferry. she sent the marines there, and she will have to pay the penalty of her sin. suppose that there is a society in this state that out of its own purse and magnanimity saves all the fugitive slaves that run to us, and protects our colored fellow-citizens, and leaves the other work to the government, so-called. is not that government fast losing its occupation, and becoming contemptible to mankind? if private men are obliged to perform the offices of government, to protect the weak and dispense justice, then the government becomes only a hired man, or clerk, to perform menial or indifferent services. of course, that is but the shadow of a government whose existence necessitates a vigilant committee. what should we think of the oriental cadi even, behind whom worked in secret a vigilant committee? but such is the character of our northern states generally; each has its vigilant committee. and, to a certain extent, these crazy governments recognize and accept this relation. they say, virtually, â��weâ��ll be glad to work for you on these terms, only donâ��t make a noise about it.â�� and thus the government, its salary being insured, withdraws into the back shop, taking the constitution with it, and bestows most of its labor on repairing that. when i hear it at work sometimes, as i go by, it reminds me, at best, of those farmers who in winter contrive to turn a penny by following the coopering business. and what kind of spirit is their barrel made to hold? they speculate in stocks, and bore holes in mountains, but they are not competent to lay out even a decent highway. the only _free_ road, the underground railroad, is owned and managed by the vigilant committee. _they_ have tunnelled under the whole breadth of the land. such a government is losing its power and respectability as surely as water runs out of a leaky vessel, and is held by one that can contain it. i hear many condemn these men because they were so few. when were the good and the brave ever in a majority? would you have had him wait till that time came?â��till you and i came over to him? the very fact that he had no rabble or troop of hirelings about him would alone distinguish him from ordinary heroes. his company was small indeed, because few could be found worthy to pass muster. each one who there laid down his life for the poor and oppressed was a picked man, culled out of many thousands, if not millions; apparently a man of principle, of rare courage, and devoted humanity, ready to sacrifice his life at any moment for the benefit of his fellow man. it may be doubted if there were as many more their equals in these respects in all the countryâ��i speak of his followers onlyâ��for their leader, no doubt, scoured the land far and wide, seeking to swell his troop. these alone were ready to step between the oppressor and the oppressed. surely they were the very best men you could select to be hung. that was the greatest compliment which this country could pay them. they were ripe for her gallows. she has tried a long time, she has hung a good many, but never found the right one before. when i think of him, and his six sons, and his son-in-law, not to enumerate the others, enlisted for this fight, proceeding coolly, reverently, humanely to work, for months if not years, sleeping and waking upon it, summering and wintering the thought, without expecting any reward but a good conscience, while almost all america stood ranked on the other sideâ��i say again that it affects me as a sublime spectacle. if he had had any journal advocating â��_his cause_,â�� any organ, as the phrase is, monotonously and wearisomely playing the same old tune, and then passing round the hat, it would have been fatal to his efficiency. if he had acted in any way so as to be let alone by the government, he might have been suspected. it was the fact that the tyrant must give place to him, or he to the tyrant, that distinguished him from all the reformers of the day that i know. it was his peculiar doctrine that a man has a perfect right to interfere by force with the slaveholder, in order to rescue the slave. i agree with him. they who are continually shocked by slavery have some right to be shocked by the violent death of the slaveholder, but no others. such will be more shocked by his life than by his death. i shall not be forward to think him mistaken in his method who quickest succeeds to liberate the slave. i speak for the slave when i say, that i prefer the philanthropy of captain brown to that philanthropy which neither shoots me nor liberates me. at any rate, i do not think it is quite sane for one to spend his whole life in talking or writing about this matter, unless he is continuously inspired, and i have not done so. a man may have other affairs to attend to. i do not wish to kill nor to be killed, but i can foresee circumstances in which both these things would be by me unavoidable. we preserve the so-called peace of our community by deeds of petty violence every day. look at the policemanâ��s billy and handcuffs! look at the jail! look at the gallows! look at the chaplain of the regiment! we are hoping only to live safely on the outskirts of _this_ provisional army. so we defend ourselves and our hen-roosts, and maintain slavery. i know that the mass of my countrymen think that the only righsharpâ��s rifles and revolvers is to fight duels with them, when we are insulted by other nations, or to hunt indians, or shoot fugitive slaves with them, or the like. i think that for once the sharpâ��s rifles and the revolvers were employed in a righteous cause. the tools were in the hands of one who could use them. the same indignation that is said to have cleared the temple once will clear it again. the question is not about the weapon, but the spirit in which you use it. no man has appeared in america, as yet, who loved his fellow man so well, and treated him so tenderly. he lived for him. he took up his life and he laid it down for him. what sort of violence is that which is encouraged, not by soldiers, but by peaceable citizens, not so much by laymen as by ministers of the gospel, not so much by the fighting sects as by the quakers, and not so much by quaker men as by quaker women? this event advertises me that there is such a fact as deathâ��the possibility of a manâ��s dying. it seems as if no man had ever died in america before; for in order to die you must first have lived. i donâ��t believe in the hearses, and palls, and funerals that they have had. there was no death in the case, because there had been no life; they merely rotted or sloughed off, pretty much as they had rotted or sloughed along. no templeâ��s veil was rent, only a hole dug somewhere. let the dead bury their dead. the best of them fairly ran down like a clock. franklin,â��washington,â��they were let off without dying; they were merely missing one day. i hear a good many pretend that they are going to die; or that they have died, for aught that i know. nonsense! iâ��ll defy them to do it. they havenâ��t got life enough in them. theyâ��ll deliquesce like fungi, and keep a hundred eulogists mopping the spot where they left off. only half a dozen or so have died since the world began. do you think that you are going to die, sir? no! thereâ��s no hope of you. you havenâ��t got your lesson yet. youâ��ve got to stay after school. we make a needless ado about capital punishment,â��taking lives, when there is no life to take. _memento mori!_ we donâ��t understand that sublime sentence which some worthy got sculptured on his gravestone once. weâ��ve interpreted it in a grovelling and snivelling sense; weâ��ve wholly forgotten how to die. but be sure you do die nevertheless. do your work, and finish it. if you know how to begin, you will know when to end. these men, in teaching us how to die, have at the same time taught us how to live. if this manâ��s acts and words do not create a revival, it will be the severest possible satire on the acts and words that do. it is the best news that america has ever heard. it has already quickened the feeble pulse of the north, and infused more and more generous blood into her veins and heart, than any number of years of what is called commercial and political prosperity could. how many a man who was lately contemplating suicide has now something to live for! one writer says that brownâ��s peculiar monomania made him to be â��dreaded by the missourians as a supernatural being.â�� sure enough, a hero in the midst of us cowards is always so dreaded. he is just that thing. he shows himself superior to nature. he has a spark of divinity in him. â��unless above himself he can erect himself, how poor a thing is man!â�� newspaper editors argue also that it is a proof of his _insanity_ that he thought he was appointed to do this work which he did,â��that he did not suspect himself for a moment! they talk as if it were impossible that a man could be â��divinely appointedâ�� in these days to do any work whatever; as if vows and religion were out of date as connected with any manâ��s daily work; as if the agent to abolish slavery could only be somebody appointed by the president, or by some political party. they talk as if a manâ��s death were a failure, and his continued life, be it of whatever character, were a success. when i reflect to what a cause this man devoted himself, and how religiously, and then reflect to what cause his judges and all who condemn him so angrily and fluently devote themselves, i see that they are as far apart as the heavens and earth are asunder. the amount of it is, our â��_leading men_â�� are a harmless kind of folk, and they know _well enough_ that _they_ were not divinely appointed, but elected by the votes of their party. who is it whose safety requires that captain brown be hung? is it indispensable to any northern man? is there no resource but to cast these men also to the minotaur? if you do not wish it, say so distinctly. while these things are being done, beauty stands veiled and music is a screeching lie. think of him,â��of his rare qualities!â��such a man as it takes ages to make, and ages to understand; no mock hero, nor the representative of any party. a man such as the sun may not rise upon again in this benighted land. to whose making went the costliest material, the finest adamant; sent to be the redeemer of those in captivity. and the only use to which you can put him is to hang him at the end of a rope! you who pretend to care for christ crucified, consider what you are about to do to him who offered himself to be the savior of four millions of men. any man knows when he is justified, and all the wits in the world cannot enlighten him on that point. the murderer always knows that he is justly punished; but when a government takes the life of a man without the consent of his conscience, it is an audacious government, and is taking a step towards its own dissolution. is it not possible that an individual may be right and a government wrong? are laws to be enforced simply because they were made? or declared by any number of men to be good, if they are _not_ good? is there any necessity for a manâ��s being a tool to perform a deed of which his better nature disapproves? is it the intention of law-makers that _good_ men shall be hung ever? are judges to interpret the law according to the letter, and not the spirit? what right have _you_ to enter into a compact with yourself that you _will_ do thus or so, against the light within you? is it for _you_ to _make up_ your mind,â��to form any resolution whatever,â��and not accept the convictions that are forced upon you, and which ever pass your understanding? i do not believe in lawyers, in that mode of attacking or defending a man, because you descend to meet the judge on his own ground, and, in cases of the highest importance, it is of no consequence whether a man breaks a human law or not. let lawyers decide trivial cases. business men may arrange that among themselves. if they were the interpreters of the everlasting laws which rightfully bind man, that would be another thing. a counterfeiting law-factory, standing half in a slave land and half in a free! what kind of laws for free men can you expect from that? i am here to plead his cause with you. i plead not for his life, but for his character,â��his immortal life; and so it becomes your cause wholly, and is not his in the least. some eighteen hundred years ago christ was crucified; this morning, perchance, captain brown was hung. these are the two ends of a chain which is not without its links. he is not old brown any longer; he is an angel of light. i see now that it was necessary that the bravest and humanest man in all the country should be hung. perhaps he saw it himself. i _almost fear_ that i may yet hear of his deliverance, doubting if a prolonged life, if _any_ life, can do as much good as his death. â��misguidedâ��! â��garrulousâ��! â��insaneâ��! â��vindictiveâ��! so ye write in your easy-chairs, and thus he wounded responds from the floor of the armory, clear as a cloudless sky, true as the voice of nature is: â��no man sent me here; it was my own prompting and that of my maker. i acknowledge no master in human form.â�� and in what a sweet and noble strain he proceeds, addressing his captors, who stand over him: â��i think, my friends, you are guilty of a great wrong against god and humanity, and it would be perfectly right for any one to interfere with you so far as to free those you willfully and wickedly hold in bondage.â�� and referring to his movement: â��it is, in my opinion, the greatest service a man can render to god.â�� â��i pity the poor in bondage that have none to help them; that is why i am here; not to gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or vindictive spirit. it is my sympathy with the oppressed and the wronged, that are as good as you, and as precious in the sight of god.â�� you donâ��t know your testament when you see it. â��i want you to understand that i respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of colored people, oppressed by the slave power, just as much as i do those of the most wealthy and powerful.â�� â��i wish to say, furthermore, that you had better, all you people at the south, prepare yourselves for a settlement of that question, that must come up for settlement sooner than you are prepared for it. the sooner you are prepared the better. you may dispose of me very easily. i am nearly disposed of now; but this question is still to be settled,â��this negro question, i mean; the end of that is not yet.â�� i foresee the time when the painter will paint that scene, no longer going to rome for a subject; the poet will sing it; the historian record it; and, with the landing of the pilgrims and the declaration of independence, it will be the ornament of some future national gallery, when at least the present form of slavery shall be no more here. we shall then be at liberty to weep for captain brown. then, and not till then, we will take our revenge. we will take our revenge. wild apples by henry david thoreau contents the history of the apple-tree the wild apple the crab how the wild apple grows the fruit, and its flavor their beauty the naming of them the last gleaning the â��frozen-thawedâ�� apple the history of the apple-tree it is remarkable how closely the history of the apple-tree is connected with that of man. the geologist tells us that the order of the _rosaceã¦_, which includes the apple, also the true grasses, and the _labiatã¦_, or mints, were introduced only a short time previous to the appearance of man on the globe. it appears that apples made a part of the food of that unknown primitive people whose traces have lately been found at the bottom of the swiss lakes, supposed to be older than the foundation of rome, so old that they had no metallic implements. an entire black and shrivelled crab-apple has been recovered from their stores. tacitus says of the ancient germans that they satisfied their hunger with wild apples, among other things. niebuhr[1] observes that â��the words for a house, a field, a plough, ploughing, wine, oil, milk, sheep, apples, and others relating to agriculture and the gentler ways of life, agree in latin and greek, while the latin words for all objects pertaining to war or the chase are utterly alien from the greek.â�� thus the apple-tree may be considered a symbol of peace no less than the olive. [1] a german historical critic of ancient life. the apple was early so important, and so generally distributed, that its name traced to its root in many languages signifies fruit in general. î�á¿�î»î¿î½ (mä�lon), in greek, means an apple, also the fruit of other trees, also a sheep and any cattle, and finally riches in general. the apple-tree has been celebrated by the hebrews, greeks, romans, and scandinavians. some have thought that the first human pair were tempted by its fruit. goddesses are fabled to have contended for it, dragons were set to watch it, and heroes were employed to pluck it.[2] [2] the greek myths especially referred to are the choice of paris and the apples of the hesperides. the tree is mentioned in at least three places in the old testament, and its fruit in two or three more. solomon sings, â��as the apple-tree among the trees of the wood, so is my beloved among the sons.â�� and again, â��stay me with flagons, comfort me with apples.â�� the noblest part of manâ��s noblest feature is named from this fruit, â��the apple of the eye.â�� the apple-tree is also mentioned by homer and herodotus. ulysses saw in the glorious garden of alcinous â��pears and pomegranates and apple-trees bearing beautiful fruit.â�� and according to homer, apples were among the fruits which tantalus could not pluck, the wind ever blowing their boughs away from him. theophrastus knew and described the apple-tree as a botanist. according to the prose edda,[3] â��iduna keeps in a box the apples which the gods, when they feel old age approaching, have only to taste of to become young again. it is in this manner that they will be kept in renovated youth until ragnarã¶kâ�� (or the destruction of the gods). [3] the stories of the early scandinavians. i learn from loudon[4] that â��the ancient welsh bards were rewarded for excelling in song by the token of the apple-spray;â�� and â��in the highlands of scotland the apple-tree is the badge of the clan lamont.â�� [4] an english authority on the culture of orchards and gardens. the apple-tree belongs chiefly to the northern temperate zone. loudon says, that â��it grows spontaneously in every part of europe except the frigid zone, and throughout western asia, china and japan.â�� we have also two or three varieties of the apple indigenous in north america. the cultivated apple-tree was first introduced into this country by the earliest settlers, and is thought to do as well or better here than anywhere else. probably some of the varieties which are now cultivated were first introduced into britain by the romans. pliny, adopting the distinction of theophrastus, says, â��of trees there are some which are altogether wild, some more civilized.â�� theophrastus includes the apple among the last; and, indeed, it is in this sense the most civilized of all trees. it is as harmless as a dove, as beautiful as a rose, and as valuable as flocks and herds. it has been longer cultivated than any other, and so is more humanized; and who knows but, like the dog, it will at length be no longer traceable to its wild original? it migrates with man, like the dog and horse and cow; first, perchance, from greece to italy, thence to england, thence to america; and our western emigrant is still marching steadily toward the setting sun with the seeds of the apple in his pocket, or perhaps a few young trees strapped to his load. at least a million apple-trees are thus set farther westward this year than any cultivated ones grew last year. consider how the blossom-week, like the sabbath, is thus annually spreading over the prairies; for when man migrates he carries with him not only his birds, quadrupeds, insects, vegetables, and his very sward, but his orchard also. the leaves and tender twigs are an agreeable food to many domestic animals, as the cow, horse, sheep, and goat; and the fruit is sought after by the first, as well as by the hog. thus there appears to have existed a natural alliance between these animals and this tree from the first. â��the fruit of the crab in the forests of franceâ�� is said to be â��a great resource for the wild boar.â�� not only the indian, but many indigenous insects, birds, and quadrupeds, welcomed the apple-tree to these shores. the tent-caterpillar saddled her eggs on the very first twig that was formed, and it has since shared her affections with the wild cherry; and the canker-worm also in a measure abandoned the elm to feed on it. as it grew apace, the bluebird, robin, cherry-bird, king-bird, and many more, came with haste and built their nests and warbled in its boughs, and so became orchard-birds, and multiplied more than ever. it was an era in the history of their race. the downy woodpecker found such a savory morsel under its bark, that he perforated it in a ring quite round the tree before he left it,â��a thing which he had never done before, to my knowledge. it did not take the partridge long to find out how sweet its buds were, and every winter eve she flew, and still flies, from the wood, to pluck them, much to the farmerâ��s sorrow. the rabbit, too, was not slow to learn the taste of its twigs and bark; and when the fruit was ripe, the squirrel half-rolled, half-carried it to his hole; and even the musquash crept up the bank from the brook at evening, and greedily devoured it, until he had worn a path in the grass there; and when it was frozen and thawed, the crow and the jay were glad to taste it occasionally. the owl crept into the first apple-tree that became hollow, and fairly hooted with delight, finding it just the place for him; so, settling down into it, he has remained there ever since. my theme being the wild apple, i will merely glance at some of the seasons in the annual growth of the cultivated apple, and pass on to my special province. the flowers of the apple are perhaps the most beautiful of any tree, so copious and so delicious to both sight and scent. the walker is frequently tempted to turn and linger near some more than usually handsome one, whose blossoms are two thirds expanded. how superior it is in these respects to the pear, whose blossoms are neither colored nor fragrant! by the middle of july, green apples are so large as to remind us of coddling, and of the autumn. the sward is commonly strewed with little ones which fall still-born, as it were,â��nature thus thinning them for us. the roman writer palladius said: â��if apples are inclined to fall before their time, a stone placed in a split root will retain them.â�� some such notion, still surviving, may account for some of the stones which we see placed to be overgrown in the forks of trees. they have a saying in suffolk, england,â�� â��at michaelmas time, or a little before, half an apple goes to the core.â�� early apples begin to be ripe about the first of august; but i think that none of them are so good to eat as some to smell. one is worth more to scent your handkerchief with than any perfume which they sell in the shops. the fragrance of some fruits is not to be forgotten, along with that of flowers. some gnarly apple which i pick up in the road reminds me by its fragrance of all the wealth of pomona,[5]â��carrying me forward to those days when they will be collected in golden and ruddy heaps in the orchards and about the cider-mills. [5] the roman goddess of fruit and fruit-trees. a week or two later, as you are going by orchards or gardens, especially in the evenings, you pass through a little region possessed by the fragrance of ripe apples, and thus enjoy them without price, and without robbing anybody. there is thus about all natural products a certain volatile and ethereal quality which represents their highest value, and which cannot be vulgarized, or bought and sold. no mortal has ever enjoyed the perfect flavor of any fruit, and only the godlike among men begin to taste its ambrosial qualities. for nectar and ambrosia are only those fine flavors of every earthly fruit which our coarse palates fail to perceive,â��just as we occupy the heaven of the gods without knowing it. when i see a particularly mean man carrying a load of fair and fragrant early apples to market, i seem to see a contest going on between him and his horse, on the one side, and the apples on the other, and, to my mind, the apples always gain it. pliny says that apples are the heaviest of all things, and that the oxen begin to sweat at the mere sight of a load of them. our driver begins to lose his load the moment he tries to transport them to where they do not belong, that is, to any but the most beautiful. though he gets out from time to time, and feels of them, and thinks they are all there, i see the stream of their evanescent and celestial qualities going to heaven from his cart, while the pulp and skin and core only are going to market. they are not apples, but pomace. are not these still idunaâ��s apples, the taste of which keeps the gods forever young? and think you that they will let loki or thjassi carry them off to jã¶tunheim,[6] while they grow wrinkled and gray? no, for ragnarã¶k, or the destruction of the gods, is not yet. [6] jã¶tunheim (_ye_(r)_tâ�²-un-hime_) in scandinavian mythology was the home of the jotun or giants. loki was a descendant of the gods, and a companion of the giants. thjassi (_tee-assy_) was a giant. there is another thinning of the fruit, commonly near the end of august or in september, when the ground is strewn with windfalls; and this happens especially when high winds occur after rain. in some orchards you may see fully three quarters of the whole crop on the ground, lying in a circular form beneath the trees, yet hard and green,â��or, if it is a hillside, rolled far down the hill. however, it is an ill wind that blows nobody any good. all the country over, people are busy picking up the windfalls, and this will make them cheap for early apple-pies. in october, the leaves falling, the apples are more distinct on the trees. i saw one year in a neighboring town some trees fuller of fruit than i remember to have ever seen before, small yellow apples hanging over the road. the branches were gracefully drooping with their weight, like a barberry-bush, so that the whole tree acquired a new character. even the topmost branches, instead of standing erect, spread and drooped in all directions; and there were so many poles supporting the lower ones, that they looked like pictures of banian-trees. as an old english manuscript says, â��the mo appelen the tree bereth the more sche boweth to the folk.â�� surely the apple is the noblest of fruits. let the most beautiful or the swiftest have it. that should be the â��goingâ�� price of apples. between the fifth and twentieth of october i see the barrels lie under the trees. and perhaps i talk with one who is selecting some choice barrels to fulfil an order. he turns a specked one over many times before he leaves it out. if i were to tell what is passing in my mind, i should say that every one was specked which he had handled; for he rubs off all the bloom, and those fugacious ethereal qualities leave it. cool evenings prompt the farmers to make haste, and at length i see only the ladders here and there left leaning against the trees. it would be well if we accepted these gifts with more joy and gratitude, and did not think it enough simply to put a fresh load of compost about the tree. some old english customs arthem described chiefly in brandâ��s â��popular antiquities.â�� it appears that â��on christmas eve the farmers and their men in devonshire take a large bowl of cider, with a toast in it, and carrying it in state to the orchard, they salute the apple-trees with much ceremony, in order to make them bear well the next season.â�� this salutation consists in â��throwing some of the cider about the roots of the tree, placing bits of the toast on the branches,â�� and then, â��encircling one of the best bearing trees in the orchard, they drink the following toast three several times:â�� â��â��hereâ��s to thee, old apple-tree, whence thou mayst bud, and whence thou mayst blow, and whence thou mayst bear apples enow! hats-full! caps-full! bushel, bushel, sacks-full! and my pockets full, too! hurra!â��â�� also what was called â��apple-howlingâ�� used to be practised in various counties of england on new-yearâ��s eve. a troop of boys visited the different orchards, and, encircling the apple-trees, repeated the following words:â�� â��stand fast, root! bear well, top! pray god send us a good howling crop: every twig, apples big; every bow, apples enow!â�� â��they then shout in chorus, one of the boys accompanying them on a cowâ��s horn. during this ceremony they rap the trees with their sticks.â�� this is called â��wassailingâ�� the trees, and is thought by some to be â��a relic of the heathen sacrifice to pomona.â�� herrick sings,â�� â��wassaile the trees that they may beare you many a plum and many a peare; for more or less fruits they will bring as you so give them wassailing.â�� our poets have as yet a better right to sing of cider than of wine; but it behooves them to sing better than english phillips did, else they will do no credit to their muse. the wild apple so much for the more civilized apple-trees (_urbaniores_, as pliny calls them). i love better to go through the old orchards of ungrafted apple-trees, at whatever season of the year,â��so irregularly planted: sometimes two trees standing close together; and the rows so devious that you would think that they not only had grown while the owner was sleeping, but had been set out by him in a somnambulic state. the rows of grafted fruit will never tempt me to wander amid them like these. but i now, alas, speak rather from memory than from any recent experience, such ravages have been made! some soils, like a rocky tract called the easterbrooks country in my neighborhood, are so suited to the apple, that it will grow faster in them without any care, or if only the ground is broken up once a year, than it will in many places with any amount of care. the owners of this tract allow that the soil is excellent for fruit, but they say that it is so rocky that they have not patience to plough it, and that, together with the distance, is the reason why it is not cultivated. there are, or were recently, extensive orchards there standing without order. nay, they spring up wild and bear well there in the midst of pines, birches, maples, and oaks. i am often surprised to see rising amid these trees the rounded tops of apple-trees glowing with red or yellow fruit, in harmony with the autumnal tints of the forest. going up the side of a cliff about the first of november, i saw a vigorous young apple-tree, which, planted by birds or cows, had shot up amid the rocks and open woods there, and had now much fruit on it, uninjured by the frosts, when all cultivated apples were gathered. it was a rank wild growth, with many green leaves on it still, and made an impression of thorniness. the fruit was hard and green, but looked as if it would be palatable in the winter. some was dangling on the twigs, but more half-buried in the wet leaves under the tree, or rolled far down the hill amid the rocks. the owner knows nothing of it. the day was not observed when it first blossomed, nor when it first bore fruit, unless by the chickadee. there was no dancing on the green beneath it in its honor, and now there is no hand to pluck its fruit,â��which is only gnawed by squirrels, as i perceive. it has done double duty,â��not only borne this crop, but each twig has grown a foot into the air. and this is _such_ fruit! bigger than many berries, we must admit, and carried home will be sound and palatable next spring. what care i for idunaâ��s apples so long as i can get these? when i go by this shrub thus late and hardy, and see its dangling fruit, i respect the tree, and i am grateful for natureâ��s bounty, even though i cannot eat it. here on this rugged and woody hillside has grown an apple-tree, not planted by man, no relic of a former orchard, but a natural growth, like the pines and oaks. most fruits which we prize and use depend entirely on our care. corn and grain, potatoes, peaches, melons, etc., depend altogether on our planting; but the apple emulates manâ��s independence and enterprise. it is not simply carried, as i have said, but, like him, to some extent, it has migrated to this new world, and is even, here and there, making its way amid the aboriginal trees; just as the ox and dog and horse sometimes run wild and maintain themselves. even the sourest and crabbedest apple, growing in the most unfavorable position, suggests such thoughts as these, it is so noble a fruit. the crab nevertheless, _our_ wild apple is wild only like myself, perchance, who belong not to the aboriginal race here, but have strayed into the woods from the cultivated stock. wilder still, as i have said, there grows elsewhere in this country a native and aboriginal crab-apple, â��whose nature has not yet been modified by cultivation.â�� it is found from western new york to minnesota and southward. michaux[7] says that its ordinary height â��is fifteen or eighteen feet, but it is sometimes found twenty-five or thirty feet high,â�� and that the large ones â��exactly resemble the common apple-tree.â�� â��the flowers are white mingled with rose-color, and are collected in corymbs.â�� they are remarkable for their delicious odor. the fruit, according to him, is about an inch and a half in diameter, and is intensely acid. yet they make fine sweet-meats, and also cider of them. he concludes, that â��if, on being cultivated, it does not yield new and palatable varieties, it will at least be celebrated for the beauty of its flowers, and for the sweetness of its perfume.â�� [7] pronounced _mee-shå�;_ a french botanist and traveller. i never saw the crab-apple till may, 1861. i had heard of it through michaux, but more modern botanists, so far as i know, have not treated it as of any peculiar importance. thus it was a half-fabulous tree to me. i contemplated a pilgrimage to the â��glades,â�� a portion of pennsylvania, where it was said to grow to perfection. i thought of sending to a nursery for it, but doubted if they had it, or would distinguish it from european varieties. at last i had occasion to go to minnesota, and on entering michigan i began to notice from the cars a tree with handsome rose-colored flowers. at first i thought it some variety of thorn; but it was not long before the truth flashed on me, that this was my long-sought crab-apple. it was the prevailing flowering shrub or tree to be seen from the cars at that season of the year,â��about the middle of may. but the cars never stopped before one, and so i was launched on the bosom of the mississippi without having touched one, experiencing the fate of tantalus. on arriving at st. anthonyâ��s falls, i was sorry to be told that i was too far north for the crab-apple. nevertheless i succeeded in finding it about eight miles west of the falls; touched it and smelled it, and secured a lingering corymb of flowers for my herbarium. this must have been near its northern limit. how the wild apple grows but though these are indigenous, like the indians, i doubt whether they are any hardier than those back-woodsmen among the apple-trees, which, though descended from cultivated stocks, plant themselves in distant fields and forests, where the soil is favorable to them. i know of no trees which have more difficulties to contend with, and which more sturdily resist their foes. these are the ones whose story we have to tell. it oftentimes reads thus:â�� near the beginning of may, we notice little thickets of apple-trees just springing up in the pastures where cattle have been,â��as the rocky ones of our easter-brooks country, or the top of nobscot hill in sudbury. one or two of these perhaps survive the drought and other accidents,â��their very birthplace defending them against the encroaching grass and some other dangers, at first. in two yearsâ�� time â��t had thus reached the level of the rocks, admired the stretching world, nor feared the wandering flocks. but at this tender age its sufferings began: there came a browsing ox and cut it down a span. this time, perhaps, the ox does not notice it amid the grass; but the next year, when it has grown more stout, he recognizes it for a fellow-emigrant from the old country, the flavor of whose leaves and twigs he well knows; and though at first he pauses to welcome it, and express his surprise, and gets for answer, â��the same cause that brought you here brought me,â�� he nevertheless browses it again, reflecting, it may be, that he has some title to it. thus cut down annually, it does not despair; but, putting forth two short twigs for every one cut off, it spreads out low along the ground in the hollows or between the rocks, growing more stout and scrubby, until it forms, not a tree as yet, but a little pyramidal, stiff, twiggy mass, almost as solid and impenetrable as a rock. some of the densest and most impenetrable clumps of bushes that i have ever seen, as well, on account of the closeness and stubbornness of their branches as of their thorns, have been these wild-apple scrubs. they are more like the scrubby fir and black spruce on which you stand, and sometimes walk, on the tops of mountains, where cold is the demon they contend with, than anything else. no wonder they are prompted to grow thorns at last, to defend themselves against such foes. in their thorniness, however, there is no malice, only some malic acid. the rocky pastures of the tract i have referred toâ��for they maintain their ground best in a rocky fieldâ��are thickly sprinkled with these little tufts, reminding you often of some rigid gray mosses or lichens, and you see thousands of little trees just springing up between them, with the seed still attached to them. being regularly clipped all around each year by the cows, as a hedge with shears, they are often of a perfect conical or pyramidal form, from one to four feet high, and more or less sharp, as if trimmed by the gardenerâ��s art. in the pastures on nobscot hill and its spurs they make fine dark shadows when the sun is low. they are also an excellent covert from hawks for many small birds that roost and build in them. whole flocks perch in them at night, and i have seen three robinsâ�� nests in one which was six feet in diameter. no doubt many of these are already old trees, if you reckon from the day they were planted, but infants still when you consider their development and the long life before them. i counted the annual rings of some which were just one foot high, and as wide as high, and found that they were about twelve years old, but quite sound and thrifty! they were so low that they were unnoticed by the walker, while many of their contemporaries from the nurseries were already bearing considerable crops. but what you gain in time is perhaps in this case, too, lost in power,â��that is, in the vigor of the tree. this is their pyramidal state. the cows continue to browse them thus for twenty years or more, keeping them down and compelling them to spread, until at last they are so broad that they become their own fence, when some interior shoot, which their foes cannot reach, darts upward with joy: for it has not forgotten its high calling, and bears its own peculiar fruit in triumph. such are the tactics by which it finally defeats its bovine foes. now, if you have watched the progress of a particular shrub, you will see that it is no longer a simple pyramid or cone, but out of its apex there rises a sprig or two, growing more lustily perchance than an orchard-tree, since the plant now devotes the whole of its repressed energy to these upright parts. in a short time these become a small tree, an inverted pyramid resting on the apex of the other, so that the whole has now the form of a vast hour-glass. the spreading bottom, having served its purpose, finally disappears, and the generous tree permits the now harmless cows to come in and stand in its shade, and rub against and redden its trunk, which has grown in spite of them, and even to taste a part of its fruit, and so disperse the seed. thus the cows create their own shade and food; and the tree, its hour-glass being inverted, lives a second life, as it were. it is an important question with some nowadays, whether you should trim young apple-trees as high as your nose or as high as your eyes. the ox trims them up as high as he can reach, and that is about the right height, i think. in spite of wandering kine and other adverse circumstance, that despised shrub, valued only by small birds as a covert and shelter from hawks, has its blossom-week at last, and in course of time its harvest, sincere, though small. by the end of some october, when its leaves have fallen, i frequently see such a central sprig, whose progress i have watched, when i thought it had forgotten its destiny, as i had, bearing its first crop of small green or yellow or rosy fruit, which the cows cannot get at over the bushy and thorny hedge which surrounds it; and i make haste to taste the new and undescribed variety. we have all heard of the numerous varieties of fruit invented by van mons[8] and knight.[9] this is the system of van cow, and she has invented far more and more memorable varieties than both of them. [8] a belgian chemist and horticulturist. [9] an english vegetable physiologist. through what hardships it may attain to bear a sweet fruit! though somewhat small, it may prove equal, if not superior, in flavor to that which has grown in a garden,â��will perchance be all the sweeter and more palatable for the very difficulties it has had to contend with. who knows but this chance wild fruit, planted by a cow or a bird on some remote and rocky hillside, where it is as yet unobserved by man, may be the choicest of all its kind, and foreign potentates shall hear of it, and royal societies seek to propagate it, though the virtues of the perhaps truly crabbed owner of the soil may never be heard of,â��at least, beyond the limits of his village? it was thus the porter and the baldwin grew. every wild-apple shrub excites our expectation thus, somewhat as every wild child. it is, perhaps, a prince in disguise. what a lesson to man! so are human beings, referred to the highest standard, the celestial fruit which they suggest and aspire to bear, browsed on by fate; and only the most persistent and strongest genius defends itself and prevails, sends a tender scion upward at last, and drops its perfect fruit on the ungrateful earth. poets and philosophers and statesmen thus spring up in the country pastures, and outlast the hosts of unoriginal men. such is always the pursuit of knowledge. the celestial fruits, the golden apples of the hesperides, are ever guarded by a hundred-headed dragon which never sleeps, so that it is an herculean labor to pluck them. this is one and the most remarkable way in which the wild apple is propagated; but commonly it springs up at wide intervals in woods and swamps, and by the sides of roads, as the soil may suit it, and grows with comparative rapidity. those which grow in dense woods are very tall and slender. i frequently pluck from these trees a perfectly mild and tamed fruit. as palladius says, â��and the ground is strewn with the fruit of an unbidden apth the fruit of an unbidden apple-tree.â�� it is an old notion, that, if these wild trees do not bear a valuable fruit of their own, they are the best stocks by which to transmit to posterity the most highly prized qualities of others. however, i am not in search of stocks, but the wild fruit itself, whose fierce gust has suffered no â��inteneration.â�� it is not my â��highest plot to plant the bergamot.â�� the fruit, and its flavor the time for wild apples is the last of october and the first of november. they then get to be palatable, for they ripen late, and they are still, perhaps, as beautiful as ever. i make a great account of these fruits, which the farmers do not think it worth the while to gather,â��wild flavors of the muse, vivacious and inspiriting. the farmer thinks that he has better in his barrels; but he is mistaken, unless he has a walkerâ��s appetite and imagination, neither of which can he have. such as grow quite wild, and are left out till the first of november, i presume that the owner does not mean to gather. they belong to children as wild as themselves,â��to certain active boys that i know,â��to the wild-eyed woman of the fields, to whom nothing comes amiss, who gleans after all the world,â��and, moreover, to us walkers. we have met with them, and they are ours. these rights, long enough insisted upon, have come to be an institution in some old countries, where they have learned how to live. i hear that â��the custom of grippling, which may be called apple-gleaning, is, or was formerly, practised in herefordshire. it consists in leaving a few apples, which are called the gripples, on every tree, after the general gathering, for the boys, who go with climbing-poles and bags to collect them.â�� as for those i speak of, i pluck them as a wild fruit, native to this quarter of the earth,â��fruit of old trees that have been dying ever since i was a boy and are not yet dead, frequented only by the wood-pecker and the squirrel, deserted now by the owner, who has not faith enough to look under their boughs. from the appearance of the tree-top, at a little distance, you would expect nothing but lichens to drop from it, but your faith is rewarded by finding the ground strewn with spirited fruit,â��some of it, perhaps, collected at squirrel-holes, with the marks of their teeth by which they carried them,â��some containing a cricket or two silently feeding within, and some, especially in damp days, a shelless snail. the very sticks and stones lodged in the tree-top might have convinced you of the savoriness of the fruit which has been so eagerly sought after in past years. i have seen no account of these among the â��fruits and fruit-trees of america,â�� though they are more memorable to my taste than the grafted kinds; more racy and wild american flavors do they possess, when october and november, when december and january, and perhaps february and march even, have assuaged them somewhat. an old farmer in my neighborhood, who always selects the right word, says that â��they have a kind of bow-arrow tang.â�� apples for grafting appear to have been selected commonly, not so much for their spirited flavor, as for their mildness, their size, and bearing qualities,â��not so much for their beauty, as for their fairness and soundness. indeed, i have no faith in the selected lists of pomological gentlemen. their â��favoritesâ�� and â��non-suchesâ�� and â��seek-no-farthers,â�� when i have fruited them, commonly turn out very tame and forgetable. they are eaten with comparatively little zest, and have no real _tang_ nor _smack_ to them. what if some of these wildings are acrid and puckery, genuine _verjuice_, do they not still belong to the _pomaceã¦_, which are uniformly innocent and kind to our race? i still begrudge them to the cider-mill. perhaps they are not fairly ripe yet. no wonder that these small and high-colored apples are thought to make the best cider. loudon quotes from the herefordshire report that â��apples of a small size are always, if equal in quality, to be preferred to those of a larger size, in order that the rind and kernel may bear the greatest proportion to the pulp, which affords the weakest and most watery juice.â�� and he says, that, â��to prove this, dr. symonds of hereford, about the year 1800, made one hogshead of cider entirely from the rinds and cores of apples, and another from the pulp only, when the first was found of extraordinary strength and flavor, while the latter was sweet and insipid.â�� evelyn[10] says that the â��red-strakeâ�� was the favorite cider-apple in his day; and he quotes one dr. newburg as saying, â��in jersey â��t is a general observation, as i hear, that the more of red any apple has in its rind, the more proper it is for this use. pale-faced apples they exclude as much as may be from their cider-vat.â�� this opinion still prevails. [10] an english writer of the seventeenth century. all apples are good in november. those which the farmer leaves out as unsalable, and unpalatable to those who frequent the markets, are choicest fruit to the walker. but it is remarkable that the wild apple, which i praise as so spirited and racy when eaten in the fields or woods, being brought into the house, has frequently a harsh and crabbed taste. the saunter-erâ��s apple not even the saunterer can eat in the house. the palate rejects it there, as it does haws and acorns, and demands a tamed one; for there you miss the november air, which is the sauce it is to be eaten with. accordingly, when tityrus, seeing the lengthening shadows, invites melibå�us to go home and pass the night with him, he promises him _mild_ apples and soft chestnuts. i frequently pluck wild apples of so rich and spicy a flavor that i wonder all orchardists do not get a scion from that tree, and i fail not to bring home my pockets full. but perchance, when i take one out of my desk and taste it in my chamber i find it unexpectedly crude,â��sour enough to set a squirrelâ��s teeth on edge and make a jay scream. these apples have hung in the wind and frost and rain till they have absorbed the qualities of the weather or season, and thus are highly _seasoned_, and they _pierce_ and _sting_ and _permeate_ us with their spirit. they must be eaten in _season_, accordingly,â��that is, out-of-doors. to appreciate the wild and sharp flavors of these october fruits, it is necessary that you be breathing the sharp october or november air. the out-door air and exercise which the walker gets give a different tone to his palate, and he craves a fruit which the sedentary would call harsh and crabbed. they must be eaten in the fields, when your system is all aglow with exercise, when the frosty weather nips your fingers, the wind rattles the bare boughs or rustles the few remaining leaves, and the jay is heard screaming around. what is sour in the house a bracing walk makes sweet. some of these apples might be labelled, â��to be eaten in the wind.â�� of course no flavors are thrown away; they are intended for the taste that is up to them. some apples have two distinct flavors, and perhaps one-half of them must be eaten in the house, the other out-doors. one peter whitney wrote from northborough in 1782, for the proceedings of the boston academy, describing an apple-tree in that town â��producing fruit of opposite qualities, part of the same apple being frequently sour and the other sweet;â�� also some all sour, and others all sweet, and this diversity on all parts of the tree. there is a wild apple on nawshawtuck hill in my town which has to me a peculiarly pleasant bitter tang, not perceived till it is ns on the tongue. as you eat it, it smells exactly like a squash-bug. it is a sort of triumph to eat and relish it. i hear that the fruit of a kind of plum-tree in provence is â��called _prunes sibarelles_, because it is impossible to whistle after having eaten them, from their sourness.â�� but perhaps they were only eaten in the house and in summer, and if tried out-of-doors in a stinging atmosphere, who knows but you could whistle an octave higher and clearer? in the fields only are the sours and bitters of nature appreciated; just as the wood-chopper eats his meal in a sunny glade, in the middle of a winter day, with content, basks in a sunny ray there, and dreams of summer in a degree of cold which, experienced in a chamber, would make a student miserable. they who are at work abroad are not cold, but rather it is they who sit shivering in houses. as with temperatures, so with flavors; as with cold and heat, so with sour and sweet. this natural raciness, the sours and bitters which the diseased palate refuses, are the true condiments. let your condiments be in the condition of your senses. to appreciate the flavor of these wild apples requires vigorous and healthy senses, _papillã¦_[11] firm and erect on the tongue and palate, not easily flattened and tamed. [11] a latin word, accent on the second syllable, meaning here the rough surface of the tongue and palate. from my experience with wild apples, i can understand that there may be reason for a savageâ��s preferring many kinds of food which the civilized man rejects. the former has the palate of an outdoor man. it takes a savage or wild taste to appreciate a wild fruit. what a healthy out-of-door appetite it takes to relish the apple of life, the apple of the world, then! â��nor is it every apple i desire, nor that which pleases every palate best; â��t is not the lasting deuxan i require, nor yet the red-cheeked greening i request, nor that which first beshrewed the name of wife, nor that whose beauty caused the golden strife: no, no! bring me an apple from the tree of life.â�� so there is one _thought_ for the field, another for the house. i would have my thoughts, like wild apples, to be food for walkers, and will not warrant them to be palatable, if tasted in the house. their beauty almost all wild apples are handsome. they cannot be too gnarly and crabbed and rusty to look at. the gnarliest will have some redeeming traits even to the eye. you will discover some evening redness dashed or sprinkled on some protuberance or in some cavity. it is rare that the summer lets an apple go without streaking or spotting it on some part of its sphere. it will have some red stains, commemorating the mornings and evenings it has witnessed; some dark and rusty blotches, in memory of the clouds and foggy, mildewy days that have passed over it; and a spacious field of green reflecting the general face of nature,â��green even as the fields; or a yellow ground, which implies a milder flavor,â��yellow as the harvest, or russet as the hills. apples, these i mean, unspeakably fair,â��apples not of discord, but concord! yet not so rare but that the homeliest may have a share. painted by the frosts, some a uniform clear bright yellow, or red, or crimson, as if their spheres had regularly revolved, and enjoyed the influence of the sun on all sides alike,â��some with the faintest pink blush imaginable,â��some brindled with deep red streaks like a cow, or with hundreds of fine blood-red rays running regularly from the stem-dimple to the blossom-end, like meridional lines, on a straw-colored ground,â��some touched with a greenish rust, like a fine lichen, here and there, with crimson blotches or eyes more or less confluent and fiery when wet,â��and others gnarly, and freckled or peppered all over on the stem side with fine crimson spots on a white ground, as if accidentally sprinkled from the brush of him who paints the autumn leaves. others, again, are sometimes red inside, perfused with a beautiful blush, fairy food, too beautiful to eat,â��apple of the hesperides, apple of the evening sky! but like shells and pebbles on the sea-shore, they must be seen as they sparkle amid the withering leaves in some dell in the woods, in the autumnal air, or as they lie in the wet grass, and not when they have wilted and faded in the house. the naming of them it would be a pleasant pastime to find suitable names for the hundred varieties which go to a single heap at the cider-mill. would it not tax a manâ��s invention,â��no one to be named after a man, and all in the _lingua vernacula?_[12] who shall stand god-father at the christening of the wild apples? it would exhaust the latin and greek languages, if they were used, and make the _lingua vernacula_ flag. we should have to call in the sunrise and the sunset, the rainbow and the autumn woods and the wild flowers, and the woodpecker and the purple finch, and the squirrel and the jay and the butterfly, the november traveller and the truant boy, to our aid. [12] _lingua vernacula_, common speech. in 1836 there were in the garden of the london horticultural society more than fourteen hundred distinct sorts. but here are species which they have not in their catalogue, not to mention the varieties which our crab might yield to cultivation. let us enumerate a few of these. i find myself compelled, after all, to give the latin names of some for the benefit of those who live where english is not spoken,â��for they are likely to have a world-wide reputation. there is, first of all, the wood-apple (_malus sylvatica_); the blue-jay apple; the apple which grows in dells in the woods (_sylvestrivallis_), also in hollows in pastures (_campestrivallis_); the apple that grows in an old cellar-hole (_malus cellaris_); the meadow-apple; the partridge-apple; the truantâ��s apple (_cessatoris_), which no boy will ever go by without knocking off some, however _late_ it may be; the sauntererâ��s apple,â��you must lose yourself before you can find the way to that; the beauty of the air (_decus aã«ris_); december-eating; the frozen-thawed (_gelato-soluta_), good only in that state; the concord apple, possibly the same with the _musketa-quidensis;_ the assabet apple; the brindled apple; wine of new england; the chickaree apple; the green apple (_malus viridis_);â��this has many synonyms; in an imperfect state, it is the _cholera morbifera aut dysenterifera, puerulis dilectissima;_[13]â��the apple which atalanta stopped to pick up; the hedge-apple (_malus sepium_); the slug-apple (_limacea_); the railroad-apple, which perhaps came from a core thrown out of the cars; the apple whose fruit we tasted in our youth; our particular apple, not to be found in any catalogue,â��_pedestrium solatium;_[14] also the apple where hangs the forgotten scythe; idunaâ��s apples, and the apples which loki found in the wood; and a great many more i have on my list, too numerous to mention,â��all of them good. as bodã¦us exclaims, referring to the culti-vated kinds, and adapting virgil to his case, so i, adapting bodã¦us,â�� â��not if i had a hundred tongues, a hundred mouths, an iron voice, could i describe all the forms and reckon up all the names of these _wild apples_.â�� [13] the apple that brings the disease of cholera and of dysentery, the fruit that small boys like best. [14] the trampâ��s comfort. the last gleaning by the middle of november the wild apples have lost some of their brilliancy, and have chiefly fallen. a great part are decayed on the ground, and the sound ones are more palatable than before. the note of the chickadee sounds now more distinct, as you wander amid the old trees, and the autumnal dandelion is half-closed and tearful. but still, if you are a skilful gleaner, you may get many a pocket-full even of grafted fruit, long after apples are supposed to be gone out-of-doors. i know a blue-pearmain tree, growing within the edge of a swamp, almost as good as wild. you would not suppose that there was any fruit left there, on the first survey, but you must look according to system. those which lie exposed are quite brown and rotten now, or perchance a few still show one blooming cheek here and there amid the wet leaves. nevertheless, with experienced eyes, i explore amid the bare alders and the huckleberry-bushes and the withered sedge, and in the crevices of the rocks, which are full of leaves, and pry under the fallen and decaying ferns, which, with apple and alder leaves, thickly strew the ground. for i know that they lie concealed, fallen into hollows long since and covered up by the leaves of the tree itself,â��a proper kind of packing. from these lurking-places, anywhere within the circumference of the tree, i draw forth the fruit, all wet and glossy, maybe nibbled by rabbits and hollowed out by crickets and perhaps with a leaf or two cemented to it (as curzon[15] an old manuscript from a monasteryâ��s mouldy cellar), but still with a rich bloom on it, and at least as ripe and well kept, if not better than those in barrels, more crisp and lively than they. if these resources fail to yield anything, i have learned to look between the bases of the suckers which spring thickly from some horizontal limb, for now and then one lodges there, or in the very midst of an alder-clump, where they are covered by leaves, safe from cows which may have smelled them out. if i am sharp-set, for i do not refuse the blue-pearmain, i fill my pockets on each side; and as i retrace my steps in the frosty eve, being perhaps four or five miles from home, i eat one first from this side, and then from that, to keep my balance. [15] robert curzon was a traveller who searched for old manuscripts in the monasteries of the levant. see his book, ancient monasteries of the east. i learn from topsellâ��s gesner, whose authority appears to be albertus, that the following is the way in which the hedgehog collects and carries home his apples. he says: â��his meat is apples, worms, or grapes: when he findeth apples or grapes on the earth, he rolleth himself upon them, until he have filled all his prickles, and then carrieth them home to his den, never bearing above one in his mouth; and if it fortune that one of them fall off by the way, he likewise shaketh off all the residue, and walloweth upon them afresh, until they be all settled upon his back again. so, forth he goeth, making a noise like a cart-wheel; and if he have any young ones in his nest, they pull off his load wherewithal he is loaded, eating thereof what they please, and laying up the residue for the time to come.â�� the â��frozen-thawedâ�� apple toward the end of november, though some of the sound ones are yet more mellow and perhaps more edible, they have generally, like the leaves, lost their beauty, and are beginning to freeze. it is finger-cold, and prudent farmers get in their barrelled apples, and bring you the apples and cider which they have engaged; for it is time to put them into the cellar. perhaps a few on the ground show their red cheeks above the early snow, and occasionally some even preserve their color and soundness under the snow throughout the winter. but generally at the beginning of the winter they freeze hard, and soon, though undecayed, acquire the color of a baked apple. before the end of december, generally, they experience their first thawing. those which a month ago were sour, crabbed, and quite unpalatable to the civilized taste, such at least as were frozen while sound, let a warmer sun come to thaw them, for they are extremely sensitive to its rays, are found to be filled with a rich, sweet cider, better than any bottled cider that i know of, and with which i am better acquainted than with wine. all apples are good in this state, and your jaws are the cider-press. others, which have more substance, are a sweet and luscious food,â��in my opinion of more worth than the pine-apples which are imported from the west indies. those which lately even i tasted only to repent of it,â��for i am semi-civilized,â��which the farmer willingly left on the tree, i am now glad to find have the property of hanging on like the leaves of the young oaks. it is a way to keep cider sweet without boiling. let the frost come to freeze them first, solid as stones, and then the rain or a warm winter day to thaw them, and they will seem to have borrowed a flavor from heaven through the medium of the air in which they hang. or perchance you find, when you get home, that those which rattled in your pocket have thawed, and the ice is turned to cider. but after the third or fourth freezing and thawing they will not be found so good. what are the imported half-ripe fruits of the torrid south to this fruit matured by the cold of the frigid north? these are those crabbed apples with which i cheated my companion, and kept a smooth face that i might tempt him to eat. now we both greedily fill our pockets with them,â��bending to drink the cup and save our lappets from the overflowing juice,â��and grow more social with their wine. was there one that hung so high and sheltered by the tangled branches that our sticks could not dislodge it? it is a fruit never carried to market, that i am aware of,â��quite distinct from the apple of the markets, as from dried apple and cider,â��and it is not every winter that produces it in perfection. the era of the wild apple will soon be past. it is a fruit which will probably become extinct in new england. you may still wander through old orchards of native fruit of great extent, which for the most part went to the cider-mill, now all gone to decay. i have heard of an orchard in a distant town, on the side of a hill, where the apples rolled down and lay four feet deep against a wall on the lower side, and this the owner cut down for fear they should be made into cider. since the temperance reform and the general introduction of grafted fruit, no native apple-trees, such as i see everywhere in deserted pastures, and where the woods have grown up around them, are set out. i fear that he who walks over these fields a century hence will not know the pleasure of knocking off wild apples. ah, poor man, there are many pleasures which he will not know! notwithstanding the prevalence of the baldwin and the porter, i doubt if so extensive orchards are set out to-day in my town as there were a century ago, wrhen those vast straggling cider-orchards were planted, when men both ate and drank apples, when the pomace-heap was the only nursery, and trees cost nothing but the trouble of setting them out. men could afford then to stick a tree by every wall-side and let it take its chance. i see nobody planting trees to-day in such out-of-the-way places, along the lonely roads and lanes, and at the bottom of dells in the wood. now that they have grafted trees, and pay a priee for them, they collect them into a plat by their houses, and fence them in,â��and the end of it all will be that we shall be compelled to look for our apples in a barrel. this is â��the word of the lord that came to joel the son of pethuel. â��hear this, ye old men, and give ear, all ye inhabitants of the land! hath this been in your days, or even in the days of your fathers?... â��that which the palmer-worm hath left hath the locust eaten; and that which the locust hath left hath the canker-worm eaten; and that which the canker-worm hath left hath the caterpillar eaten. â��awake, ye drunkards, and weep! and howl, all ye drinkers of wine, because of the new wine! for it is cut off from your mouth. â��for a nation is come up upon my land, strong, and without number, whose teeth are the teeth of a lion, and he hath the cheek-teeth of a great lion. â��he hath laid my vine waste, and barked my fig-tree; he hath made it clean bare, and cast it away; the branches thereof are made white.... â��be ye ashamed, o ye husbandmen! howl, o ye vine-dressers!... â��the vine is dried up, and the fig-tree languisheth; the pomegranate-tree, the palm tree also, and the apple-tree, even all the trees of the field, are withered: because joy is withered away from the sons of men.â��[16] [16] joel, chapter i., verses 1â��12. civil disobedience henry david thoreau by henry david thoreau published for the new york thoreau fellowship liberty library boonton, new jersey 1 first printed under the title “resistance to civil government” in 1849 in the first number of aesthetic papers, edited by elizabeth peabody. c iv il d iso be die n c f. i heartily accept the motto, "that government is best which governs least,” and i should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also i believe, “that government is best which governs not at all,” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. the objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. the standing army is only an arm of the standing government. the government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. witness the present mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure. this american government, what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? it has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. it is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. but it is not the less necessary for this; for the people 4. c i v i l id is o b e d i e n c e must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. it is excellent, we must all allow. yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. it does not keep the country free. it does not settle the west. it does not educate. the character inherent in the american people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. for government is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. trade and commerce, if they were not made of india-rubber, would never manage to bounce over the obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and, if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads. but, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, i ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it. after all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor bec 1 v i l d is o b e d e n c e 5 cause this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. but a government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?—in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree resign his conscience to the legislator? why has every man a conscience, then? i think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. it is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. the only obligation which i have a right to assume is to do at any time what i think right. it is truly enough said, that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice. a common and natural result of an undue respect for law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. they have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. now, what are they? men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? visit the navy yard, and be hold a marine, such a man as an american government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black 6 c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e arts, a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniments, though it may be, “not a drum was heard, not a funeral note, as his corse to the rampart we hurried; not a soldier discharged his farewell shot o'er the grave where our hero we buried.” the mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. they are the standing army, and the militia, jailors, constables, posse comitatus, &tc. in most cases there is no free. exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. they have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. others, as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders, serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as god. a very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the state with their consciences also, and so neces. sarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. a wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay,” and “stop a hole to keep the wind away,” but leave that office to his dust at least c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e 7 “i am too high-born to be propertied, to be a secondary at control, or useful serving-man and instrument to any sovereign state throughout the world.” he who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives him. self partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist. how does it become a man to behave toward this american government to-day? i answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. i cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave's government also. all men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. but almost all say that such is not the case now. but such was the case, they think, in the revolution of '75. if one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that i should not make an ado about it, for i can do without them. all machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil. at any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. but when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, i say, let us not have such a machine any longer. in other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, i think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. what 8 c 1 v i l d is o b e d e n c e makes this duty the more urgent is the fact, that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army. paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on the “duty of submission to civil government,” resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say, “that so long as the interest of the whole society requires it, that is, so long as the established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of god that the established government be obeyed, and no longer. . . . . this principle being admitted, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quantity of the danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense of redressing it on the other.” of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. but paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. if i have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, i must restore it to him though i drown myself. this, according to paley, would be inconvenient. but he that would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it. this people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people. in their practice, nations agree with paley; but does any one think that massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis? “a drab of state, a cloth-o'-silver slut. to have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirt.” practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in massac i v i l id is o b e d i e n c e 9 chusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the south, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and to mexico, cost what it may. i quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, near at home co-operate with, and do the bidding of, those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. we are accustomed to say, that the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. it is not so important that many should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump. there are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of washington and franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing, who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. what is the price. current of an honest man and patriot to-day? they hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. they will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. at most, they give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and god. speed, to the right, as it goes by them. there are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one vir. tuous man. but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it. 1 o c i. v. i. l. d. is o b e d i e n c e all voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. the character of the voters is not staked. i cast my vote, perchance, as i think right; but i am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. i am willing to leave it to the majority. its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. it is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. a wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. there is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. when the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. they will then be the only slaves. only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote. i hear of a convention to be held at baltimore, or elsewhere, for the selection of a candidate for the presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession; but i think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what decision they may come to? shall we not have the advantage of his wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? can we not count upon some independent votes? are there not many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions? but no. i find that the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reason to despair of him. he forthwith adopts one of c i v i l id is o b e d i e n c e 11 the candidates thus selected as the only available one, thus proving that he is himself available for any purposes of the demagogue. his vote is of no more worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. o for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand through! our statistics are at fault: the population has been returned too large. how many men are there to a square thousand miles in this country? hardly one. does not america offer any inducement for men to settle here? the american has dwindled into an odd fellow, one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is to see that the almshouses are in good repair; and before yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to col. lect a fund for the support of the widows and orphans that may be, who, in short, ventures to live only by the aid of the mutual insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently. it is not a man's duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support. if i devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, i must first see, at least, that i do not pursue them sitting upon another man's shoulders. i must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. see what gross inconsistency is tolerated. i have heard some of my townsmen 12 c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e say, “i should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to mexico; see if i would go," and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. the soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war, is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if the state were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. thus, under the name of order and civil government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. after the first blush of sin comes its indif. ference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made. the broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue to sustain it. the slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to incur. those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. some are petitioning the state to dissolve the union, to dis. regard the requisitions of the president. why do they not dissolve it themselves—the union between them. selves and the state-and refuse to pay their quota into the treasury? do not they stand in the same relation to the state that the state does to the union? and have c i v il. d. i. s. o b e d i e n c e 13 not the same reasons prevented the state from resisting the union which have prevented them from resisting the state? how can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? if you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again. action from principle, the perception and the performance of right, changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. it not only divides states and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine. unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. they think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. but it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. it makes it worse. why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? why does it not cherish its wise minority? why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them? why does it always crucify christ, and excommunicate cop14 c i v i. l. d. i. s. o b e d i e n c e ernicus and luther, and pronounce washington and franklin rebels. one would think, that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was the only offense never contemplated by government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalty? if a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the state, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that i know, and determined only by the discretion of those who placed him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the state, he is soon permitted to go at large again. if the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let it go: perchance it will wear smooth, certainly the machine will wear out. if the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another, then, i say, break the law. let your life be a counter friction to stop the machine. what i have to do is to see, at any rate, that i do not lend myself to the wrong which i condemn. as for adopting the ways which the state has provided for remedying the evil, i know not of such ways. they take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. i have other affairs to attend to. i came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. a man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. it is not my business to be petitioning the governor or the legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e 15 and, if they should not hear my petition, what should i do then? but in this case the state has provided no way: its very constitution is the evil. this may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconciliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. so is all change for the better, like birth and death, which convulse the body. i do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the government of massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them. i think that it is enough if they have god on their side, without waiting for that other one. moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already. i meet this american government, or its representative, state government, directly, and face to face, once a year—no more—in the person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in which a man situated as i am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, recognize me; and the simplest, most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. my civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man i have to deal with, for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that i quarrel,-and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. how shall he ever know well what he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as 16 c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action. i know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom i could name, if ten honest men only,–ay, if one honest man, in this state of massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in america. for it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be what is once well done is done forever. but we love better to talk about it that we say is our mission. reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. if my esteemed neighbor, the state's ambassador, who will devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the council chamber, instead of being threatened with the prisons of carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of massachusetts, that state which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister, though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her, the legislature would not wholly waive the subject the following winter. under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. the proper place to-day, the only place which massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the state by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. it is there that the fugitive slave, and the mexican prisoner on parole, and the indian come to plead the wrongs of his race should find them; on c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e 17 that separate, but more free and honorable ground, where the state places those who are not with her but against her, the only house in a slave state in which a free man can abide with honor. if any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the state, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. a minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. if the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the state will not hesitate which to choose. if a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the state to commit violence and shed innocent blood. this is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. if the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, “but what shall i do?’ my answer is, “if you really wish to do anything, resign your office.” when the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished. but even suppose blood should flow. is there not a sort of blood shed when the conscience is wounded? through this wound a man's real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. i see this blood flowing now. i have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender, rather than the seizure of his goods,-though both 18 c iv i l d is o b e d i e n c e will serve the same purpose, because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt state, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. to such the state renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands. if there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the state itself would hesitate to demand it of him. but the rich man,—not to make any invidious comparison, is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. absolutely speaking, the more money, the less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him; and it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. it puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. the opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the “means” are increased. the best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor. christ answered the herodians according to their condition. “show me the tribute money,” said he;—and one took a penny out of his pocket;-if you use money which has the image of caesar on it and which he has made current and valuable, that is, if you are men of the state, and gladly enjoy the advantage of caesar's government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it; “render therefore to caesar that which is caesar's, and to god those things which are god's,”—leaving them no wiser c 1 v i l. d. i so b e d e n c e 19 than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know. when i converse with the freest of my neighbors, i perceive that, whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the question, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the short of the matter is, that they cannot spare the protection of the existing government, and they dread the consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. for my own part, i should not like to think that i ever rely on the protection of the state. but, if i deny the authority of the state when it presents its tax-bill, it will soon take and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. this is hard. this makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at the same time comfortably, in outward respects. it will not be worth the while to accumulate property; that would be sure to go again. you must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon. you must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. a man may grow rich in turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the turkish government. con. fucius said: “if a state is governed by the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame; if a state is not governed by the principles of reason, riches and honors are the subjects of shame.” no. until i want the protection of massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant southern port, where my liberty is endangered, or until i am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, i can afford to refuse allegiance to massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. it costs me less in every sense to incur 2o c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e the penalty of disobedience to the state, than it would do obey. i should feel as if i were worth less in that case. some years ago, the state met me in behalf of the church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never i myself. “pay,” it said, “or be locked up in the jail.” i declined to pay, but, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. i did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster; for i was not the state's schoolmaster, but i supported myself by voluntary subscription. i did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill, and have the state to back its demand, as well as the church. however, at the request of the selectmen, i condescended to make some such statement as this in writing –"know all men by these presents, that i, henry thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated society which i have not joined.” this i gave to the town clerk; and he has it. the state, having thus learned that i did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. if i had known how to name them, i should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which i never signed on to; but i did not know where to find a complete list. i have paid no poll-tax for six years. i was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as i stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, i could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution c i v i-l d is o b e d i e n c e 21 which treated me as if i were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. i wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. i saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through, before they could get to be as free as i was. i did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. i felt as if i alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. they plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. in every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. i could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. as they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. i saw that the state was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and i lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it. thus the state never intentionally confronts a man's sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. it is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength. i was not born to be forced. i will breathe after my own fashion. let us see who is the strongest. what force has a multitude? they only can force me who obey a higher law than i. they force me to become like themselves. i do not hear of men 22 c i v i l id is o b e d i e n c e being forced to live this way or that by masses of men. what sort of life were that to live? when i meet a government which says to me, “your money or your life,” why should i be in haste to give it my money? it may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: i cannot help that. it must help itself, do as i do. it is not worth the while to snivel about it. i am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society. i am not the son of the engineer. i perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the other. if a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a man. the night in prison was novel and interesting enough. the prisoners in their shirt-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the doorway, when i entered. but the jailer said, “come, boys, it is time to lock up;" and so they dispersed, and i heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments. my room-mate was introduced to me by the jailer, as “a first-rate fellow and a clever man.” when the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed matters there. the rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably the neatest apartment in the town. he naturally wanted to know where i came from, and what brought me there; and, when i had told him, i asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, i believe he was. “why,” said he, “they accuse me of burning a barn; but i never did it.” as c i v i l id is o b e d i e n c e 23 near as i could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. he had the reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on, and would have to wait as much longer; but he was quite domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated. he occupied one window, and i the other; and i saw, that, if one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out the window. i had soon read all the tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various occupants of that room; for i found that even here there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. probably this is the only house in the town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published. i was shown quite a long list of verses which were composed by some young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them. i pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as i could, for fear i should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out the lamp. it was like traveling into a far country, such as i had never expected to behold, to lie there for one night. it seemed to me that i never had heard the town-clock strike before, nor the evening sounds of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the grating. it was to see my native village in the light of * 24 c i v il. d. i. s. o b e d i e n c e the middle ages, and our concord was turned into a * rhine stream, and visions of knights and castles passed before me. they were the voices of old burghers that i heard in the streets. i was an involuntary spectator and auditor of whatever was done and said in the kitchen of the adjacent village-inn, a wholly new and rare experience to me. it was a closer view of my native town. i was fairly inside of it. i never had seen its institutions before. this is one of its peculiar institutions; for it is a shire town. i began to comprehend what its inhabitants were about. in the morning, our breakfasts were put through the hole in the door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon. when they called for the vessels again, i was green enough to return what bread i had left; but my comrade seized it, and said that i should lay that up for lunch or dinner. soon after he was let out to work at haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till noon; so he bade me good-day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again. when i came out of prison, for some one interfered, and paid that tax,-i did not perceive that great changes had taken place on the common, such as he observed who went in a youth, and emerged a tottering and grayheaded man; and yet a change had to my eyes come over the scene,—the town, and state, and country, greater than any that mere time could effect. i saw yet more distinctly the state in which i lived. i saw to what extent the people among whom i lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e 25 propose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the chinamen and malays are; that, in their sacrifices to humanity, they ran no risks, not even to their property; that, after all, they were not so noble but they treated the thief as he had treated them, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls. this may be to judge my neighbors harshly; for i believe that many of them are not aware that they have such an institution as the jail in their village. it was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent the grating of a jail window, “how do ye do?” my neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if i had returned from a long journey. i was put into jail as i was going to the shoemaker's to get a shoe which was mended. when i was let out the next morning, i proceeded to finish my errand, and having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour, for the horse was soon tackled,—was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off, and then the state was nowhere to be seen. this is the whole history of “my prisons.” i have never declined paying the highway tax, because i am as desirous of being a good neighbor as i am of being a bad subject; and as for supporting schools, i am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now. it is for no particular item in the tax-bill that i refuse to 26 c iv i l id is o b e d i e n c e pay it. i simply wish to refuse allegiance to the state, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. i do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if i could, till it buys a man or a musket to shoot one with, the dollar is innocent, but i am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. in fact, i quietly declare war with the state, after my fashion, though i will still make what use and get what advantage of her i can, as is usual in such cases. if others pay the tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the state, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the state requires. if they pay the tax from a mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with the public good. this, then, is my position at present. but one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his action be biased by obstinacy, or an undue regard for the opinions of men. let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour. i think sometimes, why, this people mean well; they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to? but i think again, this is no reason why i should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. again, i sometimes say to myself, when many millions of men, without heat, without ill will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retractc i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e 27 ing or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force? you do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. you do not put your head into the fire. but just in proportion as i regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that i have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, i see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. but, if i put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal to fire or to the maker of fire, and i have only myself to blame. if i could convince myself that i have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and i ought to be, then, like a good mussulman and fatalist, i should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of god. and, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that i can resist this with some effect; but i cannot expect, like orpheus, to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts. i do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. i do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. i seek rather, i may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. i am but too ready to conform to them. indeed, i have reason to suspect myself on this head; and each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, i find 28 c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e myself disposed to review the acts and position of the general and state governments, and the spirit of the people, to discover a pretext for conformity. “we must affect our country as our parents, and if at any time we alienate our love or industry from doing it honor, we must respect effects and teach the soul matter of conscience and religion, and not desire of rule or benefit.” i believe that the state will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then i shall be no better a patriot than my fellow-countrymen. seen from a lower point of view, the constitution, with all its faults, is very good; the law and the courts are very respectable; even this state and this american government are, in many respects, very admirable, and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a great many have described them; but seen from a point of view a little higher, they are what i have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all? . however, the government does not concern me much, and i shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. it is not many moments that i live under a government, even in this world. if a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him. i know that most men think differently from myself, but those whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects, content me as little as any. statesmen and legislators, standing so completec i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e 29 ly within the institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. they speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. they may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. they are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency. webster never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about it. his words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. i know of those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind's range and hospitality. yet, compared with the cheap professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom and eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost the only sensible and valuable words, and we thank heaven for him. comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. still his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. the lawyer's truth is not truth, but consistency, or a consistent expediency. truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-doing. he well deserves to be called, as he has been called, the defender of the constitution. there are really no blows to be given by him but defensive ones. he is not a leader, but a follower. his leaders are the men of '87. “i have never made an effort,” he says, “and never propose to make an effort; i have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrange30 c i v i l id is o b e d i e n c e ment as originally made, by which the various states came into the union.” still thinking of the sanction which the constitution gives to slavery, he says, “because it was a part of the original compact, let it stand.” notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellect, what, for instance, it behooves a man to do here in america to-day with regard to slavery, but ventures, or is driven, to make some such desperate answer as the following, while professing to speak absolutely, and as a private man,—from which what new and singular code of social duties might be inferred? “the manner,” says he, “in which the governments of those states where slavery exists are to regulate it, is for their own consideration, under their responsibility to their constituents, to the general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and to god. associations formed elsewhere, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. they have never received any encouragement from me, and they never will.” they who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the bible and the constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humility; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountainhead. no man with a genius for legislation has appeared in america. they are rare in the history of the world. 1. these extracts have been inserted since the lecture was read. c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e. 31 there are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak, who is capable of settling the much-vexed questions of the day. we love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may inspire. our legislators have not yet learned the comparative value of free-trade and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. they have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and agriculture. if we were left solely to the wordy wit of legislators in congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual complaints of the people, america would not long retain her rank among the nations. for eighteen hundred years, though perchance i have no right to say it, the new testament has been written, yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation? the authority of government, even such as i am willing to submit to, for i will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than i, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so well,—is still an impure one: to be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. it can have no pure right over my person and property but what i concede to it. the progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual. even the chinese philosopher was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire. is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? is it not possible to take a step further to: 32 c i v i l d is o b e d i e n c e wards recognizing and organizing the rights of man? there will never be a really free and enlightened state, until the state comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. i please myself with imagining a state at last which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose, if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow-men. a state which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious state, which also i have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen. ” paradise (to be) regained[1] by henry david thoreau we learn that mr. etzler is a native of germany, and originally published his book in pennsylvania, ten or twelve years ago; and now a second english edition, from the original american one, is demanded by his readers across the water, owing, we suppose, to the recent spread of fourierâ��s doctrines. it is one of the signs of the times. we confess that we have risen from reading this book with enlarged ideas, and grander conceptions of our duties in this world. it did expand us a little. it is worth attending to, if only that it entertains large questions. consider what mr. etzler proposes: â��fellow men! i promise to show the means of creating a paradise within ten years, where everything desirable for human life may be had by every man in superabundance, without labor, and without pay; where the whole face of nature shall be changed into the most beautiful forms, and man may live in the most magnificent palaces, in all imaginable refinements of luxury, and in the most delightful gardens; where he may accomplish, without labor, in one year, more than hitherto could be done in thousands of years; may level mountains, sink valleys, create lakes, drain lakes and swamps, and intersect the land everywhere with beautiful canals, and roads for transporting heavy loads of many thousand tons, and for travelling one thousand miles in twenty-four hours; may cover the ocean with floating islands movable in any desired direction with immense power and celerity, in perfect security, and with all comforts and luxuries, bearing gardens and palaces, with thousands of families, and provided with rivulets of sweet water; may explore the interior of the globe, and travel from pole to pole in a fortnight; provide himself with means, unheard of yet, for increasing his knowledge of the world, and so his intelligence; lead a life of continual happiness, of enjoyments yet unknown; free himself from almost all the evils that afflict mankind, except death, and even put death far beyond the common period of human life, and finally render it less afflicting. mankind may thus live in and enjoy a new world, far superior to the present, and raise themselves far higher in the scale of being.â�� it would seem from this and various indications beside, that there is a transcendentalism in mechanics as well as in ethics. while the whole field of the one reformer lies beyond the boundaries of space, the other is pushing his schemes for the elevation of the race to its utmost limits. while one scours the heavens, the other sweeps the earth. one says he will reform himself, and then nature and circumstances will be right. let us not obstruct ourselves, for that is the greatest friction. it is of little importance though a cloud obstruct the view of the astronomer compared with his own blindness. the other will reform nature and circumstances, and then man will be right. talk no more vaguely, says he, of reforming the world,â��i will reform the globe itself. what matters it whether i remove this humor out of my flesh, or this pestilent humor from the fleshy part of the globe? nay, is not the latter the more generous course? at present the globe goes with a shattered constitution in its orbit. has it not asthma, and ague, and fever, and dropsy, and flatulence, and pleurisy, and is it not afflicted with vermin? has it not its healthful laws counteracted, and its vital energy which will yet redeem it? no doubt the simple powers of nature, properly directed by man, would make it healthy and a paradise; as the laws of manâ��s own constitution but wait to be obeyed, to restore him to health and happiness. our panaceas cure but few ails, our general hospitals are private and exclusive. we must set up another hygeian than is now worshipped. do not the quacks even direct small doses for children, larger for adults, and larger still for oxen and horses? let us remember that we are to prescribe for the globe itself. this fair homestead has fallen to us, and how little have we done to improve it, how little have we cleared and hedged and ditched! we are too inclined to go hence to a â��better land,â�� without lifting a finger, as our farmers are moving to the ohio soil; but would it not be more heroic and faithful to till and redeem this new-england soil of the world? the still youthful energies of the globe have only to be directed in their proper channel. every gazette brings accounts of the untutored freaks of the wind,â��shipwrecks and hurricanes which the mariner and planter accept as special or general providences; but they touch our consciences, they remind us of our sins. another deluge would disgrace mankind. we confess we never had much respect for that antediluvian race. a thorough-bred business man cannot enter heartily upon the business of life without first looking into his accounts. how many things are now at loose ends. who knows which way the wind will blow to-morrow? let us not succumb to nature. we will marshal the clouds and restrain the tempests; we will bottle up pestilent exhalations, we will probe for earthquakes, grub them up; and give vent to the dangerous gases; we will disembowel the volcano, and extract its poison, take its seed out. we will wash water, and warm fire, and cool ice, and underprop the earth. we will teach birds to fly, and fishes to swim, and ruminants to chew the cud. it is time we had looked into these things. and it becomes the moralist, too, to inquire what man might do to improve and beautify the system; what to make the stars shine more brightly, the sun more cheery and joyous, the moon more placid and content. could he not heighten the tints of flowers and the melody of birds? does he perform his duty to the inferior races? should he not be a god to them? what is the part of magnanimity to the whale and the beaver? should we not fear to exchange places with them for a day, lest by their behavior they should shame us? might we not treat with magnanimity the shark and the tiger, not descend to meet there on their own level, with spears of sharksâ�� teeth and bucklers of tigerâ��s skin? we slander the hyã¦na; man is the fiercest and cruelest animal. ah! he is of little faith; even the erring comets and meteors would thank him, and return his kindness in their kind. how meanly and grossly do we deal with nature! could we not have a less gross labor? what else do these fine inventions suggest,â��magnetism, the daguerreotype, electricity? can we not do more than cut and trim the forest,â��can we not assist in its interior economy, in the circulation of the sap? now we work superficially and violently. we do not suspect how much might be done to improve our relation to animated nature; what kindness and refined courtesy there might be. there are certain pursuits which, if not wholly poetic and true, do at least suggest a nobler and finer relation to nature than we know. the keeping of bees, for instance, is a very slight interference. it is like directing the sunbeams. all nations, from the remotest antiquity, have thus fingered nature. there are hymettus and hybla, and how many bee-renowned spots beside? there is nothing gross in the idea of these little herds,â��their hum like the faintest low of kine in the meads. a pleasant reviewer has lately reminded us that in some places they are led out to pasture where the flowers are most abundant. â��columella tells us,â�� says he, â��that the inhabitants of arabia sent their hives into attica to benefit by the later-blowing flowers.â�� annually are the hives, in immense pyramids, carried up the nile in boats, and suffered to float slowly down the stream by night, resting by day, as the flowers put forth along the banks; and they determine the richness of any locality, and so the profitableness of delay, by the sinking of the boat in the water. we are told, by the same reviewer, of a man in germany, whose bees yielded more honey than those of his neighbors, with no apparent advantage; but at length he informed them that he had turned his hives one degree more to the east, and so his bees, having two hours the start in the morning, got the first sip of honey. here, there is treachery and selfishness behind all this; but these things suggest to the poetic mind what might be done. many examples there are of a grosser interference, yet not without their apology. we saw last summer, on the side of a mountain, a dog employed to churn for a farmerâ��s family, travelling upon a horizontal wheel, and though he had sore eyes, an alarming cough, and withal a demure aspect, yet their bread did get buttered for all that. undoubtedly, in the most brilliant successes, the first rank is always sacrificed. much useless travelling of horses, _in extenso_, has of late years been improved for manâ��s behoof, only two forces being taken advantage of,â��the gravity of the horse, which is the centripetal, and his centrifugal inclination to go a-head. only these two elements in the calculation. and is not the creatureâ��s whole economy better economized thus? are not all finite beings better pleased with motions relative than absolute? and what is the great globe itself but such a wheel,â��a larger tread-mill,â��so that our horseâ��s freest steps over prairies are oftentimes balked and rendered of no avail by the earthâ��s motion on its axis? but here he is the central agent and motive power; and, for variety of scenery, being provided with a window in front, do not the ever-varying activity and fluctuating energy of the creature himself work the effect of the most varied scenery on a country road? it must be confessed that horses at present work too exclusively for men, rarely men for horses; and the brute degenerates in manâ��s society. it will be seen that we contemplate a time when manâ��s will shall be law to the physical world, and he shall no longer be deterred by such abstractions as time and space, height and depth, weight and hardness, but shall indeed be the lord of creation. â��well,â�� says the faithless reader, â��â�¯â��life is short, but art is long;â�� where is the power that will effect all these changes?â�� this it is the very object of mr. etzlerâ��s volume to show. at present, he would merely remind us that there are innumerable and immeasurable powers already existing in nature, unimproved on a large scale, or for generous and universal ends, amply sufficient for these purposes. he would only indicate their existence, as a surveyor makes known the existence of a water-power on any stream; but for their application he refers us to a sequel to this book, called the â��mechanical system.â�� a few of the most obvious and familiar of these powers are the wind, the tide, the waves, the sunshine. let us consider their value. first, there is the power of the wind, constantly exerted over the globe. it appears from observation of a sailing-vessel, and from scientific tables, that the average power of the wind is equal to that of one horse for every one hundred square feet. â��we know,â�� says our authorâ�� â��that ships of the first class carry sails two hundred feet high; we may, therefore, equally, on land, oppose to the wind surfaces of the same height. imagine a line of such surfaces one mile, or about 5,000 feet, long; they would then contain 1,000,000 square feet. let these surfaces intersect the direction of the wind at right angles, by some contrivance, and receive, consequently, its full power at all times. its average power being equal to one horse for every 100 square feet, the total power would be equal to 1,000,000 divided by 100, or 10,000 horsesâ�� power. allowing the power of one horse to equal that of ten men, the power of 10,000 horses is equal to 100,000 men. but as men cannot work uninterruptedly, but want about half the time for sleep and repose, the same power would be equal to 200,000 men.... we are not limited to the height of 200 feet; we might extend, if required, the application of this power to the height of the clouds, by means of kites.â�� but we will have one such fence for every square mile of the globeâ��s surface, for, as the wind usually strikes the earth at an angle of more than two degrees, which is evident from observing its effect on the high sea, it admits of even a closer approach. as the surface of the globe contains about 200,000,000 square miles, the whole power of the wind on these surfaces would equal 40,000,000,000,000 menâ��s power, and â��would perform 80,000 times as much work as all the men on earth could effect with their nerves.â�� if it should be objected that this computation includes the surface of the ocean and uninhabitable regions of the earth, where this power could not be applied for our purposes, mr. etzler is quick with his replyâ��â��but, you will recollect,â�� says he, â��that i have promised to show the means for rendering the ocean as inhabitable as the most fruitful dry land; and i do not exclude even the polar regions.â�� the reader will observe that our author uses the fence only as a convenient formula for expressing the power of the wind, and does not consider it a necessary method of its application. we do not attach much value to this statement of the comparative power of the wind and horse, for no common ground is mentioned on which they can be compared. undoubtedly, each is incomparably excellent in its way, and every general comparison made for such practical purposes as are contemplated, which gives a preference to the one, must be made with some unfairness to the other. the scientific tables are, for the most part, true only in a tabular sense. we suspect that a loaded wagon, with a light sail, ten feet square, would not have been blown so far by the end of the year, under equal circumstances, as a common racer or dray horse would have drawn it. and how many crazy structures on our globeâ��s surface, of the same dimensions, would wait for dry-rot if the traces of one horse were hitched to them, even to their windward side? plainly, this is not the principle of comparison. but even the steady and constant force of the horse may be rated as equal to his weight at least. yet we should prefer to let the zephyrs and gales bear, with all their weight, upon our fences, than that dobbin, with feet braced, should lean ominously against them for a season. nevertheless, here is an almost incalculable power at our disposal, yet how trifling the use we make of it. it only serves to turn a few mills, blow a few vessels across the ocean, and a few trivial ends besides. what a poor compliment do we pay to our indefatigable and energetic servant! â��if you ask, perhaps, why this power is not used, if the statement be true, i have to ask in return, why is the power of steam so lately come to application? so many millions of men boiled water every day for many thousand years; they must have frequently seen that boiling water, in tightly closed pots or kettles, would lift the cover or burst the vessel with great violence. the power of steam was, therefore, as commonly known down to the least kitchen or wash-woman, as the power of wind; but close observation and reflection were bestowed neither on the one nor the other.â�� men having discovered the power of falling water, which after all is comparatively slight, how eagerly do they seek out and improve these _privileges?_ let a difference of but a few feet in level be discovered on some stream near a populous town, some slight occasion for gravity to act, and the whole economy of the neighborhood is changed at once. men do indeed speculate about and with this power as if it were the only privilege. but meanwhile this aerial stream is falling from far greater heights with more constant flow, never shrunk by drought, offering mill-sites wherever the wind blows; a niagara in the air, with no canada side;â��only the application is hard. there are the powers too of the tide and waves, constantly ebbing and flowing, lapsing and relapsing, but they serve man in but few ways. they turn a few tide mills, and perform a few other insignificant and accidental services only. we all perceive the effect of the tide; how imperceptibly it creeps up into our harbors and rivers, and raises the heaviest navies as easily as the lightest chip. everything that floats must yield to it. but man, slow to take natureâ��s constant hint of assistance, makes slight and irregular use of this power, in careening ships and getting them afloat when aground. the following is mr. etzlerâ��s calculation on this head: to form a conception of the power which the tide affords, let us imagine a surface of 100 miles square, or 10,000 square miles, where the tide rises and sinks, on an average, 10 feet; how many men would it require to empty a basin of 10,000 square miles area, and 10 feet deep, filled with sea-water, in 6â¼ hours and fill it again in the same time? as one man can raise 8 cubic feet of sea-water per minute, and in 6â¼ hours 3,000, it would take 1,200,000,000 men, or as they could work only half the time, 2,400,000,000, to raise 3,000,000,000,000 cubic feet, or the whole quantity required in the given time. this power may be applied in various ways. a large body, of the heaviest materials that will float, may first be raised by it, and being attached to the end of a balance reaching from the land, or from a stationary support, fastened to the bottom, when the tide falls, the whole weight will be brought to bear upon the end of the balance. also when the tide rises it may be made to exert a nearly equal force in the opposite direction. it can be employed wherever a _point dâ��appui_ can be obtained. â��however, the application of the tide being by establishments fixed on the ground, it is natural to begin with them near the shores in shallow water, and upon sands, which may be extended gradually further into the sea. the shores of the continent, islands, and sands, being generally surrounded by shallow water, not exceeding from 50 to 100 fathoms in depth, for 20, 50, or 100 miles and upward. the coasts of north america, with their extensive sand-banks, islands, and rocks, may easily afford, for this purpose, a ground about 3,000 miles long, and, on an average, 100 miles broad, or 300,000 square miles, which, with a power of 240,000 men per square mile, as stated, at 10 feet tide, will be equal to 72,000 millions of men, or for every mile of coast, a power of 24,000,000 men.â�� â��rafts, of any extent, fastened on the ground of the sea, along the shore, and stretching far into the sea, may be covered with fertile soil, bearing vegetables and trees, of every description, the finest gardens, equal to those the firm land may admit of, and buildings and machineries, which may operate, not only on the sea, where they are, but which also, by means of mechanical connections, may extend their operations for many miles into the continent. (etzlerâ��s mechanical system, page 24.) thus this power may cultivate the artificial soil for many miles upon the surface of the sea, near the shores, and, for several miles, the dry land, along the shore, in the most superior manner imaginable; it may build cities along the shore, consisting of the most magnificent palaces, every one surrounded by gardens and the most delightful sceneries; it may level the hills and unevennesses, or raise eminences for enjoying open prospect into the country and upon the sea; it may cover the barren shore with fertile soil, and beautify the same in various ways; it may clear the sea of shallows, and make easy the approach to the land, not merely of vessels, but of large floating islands, which may come from, and go to distant parts of the world, islands that have every commodity and security for their inhabitants which the firm land affords.â�� â��thus may a power, derived from the gravity of the moon and the ocean, hitherto but the objects of idle curiosity to the studious man, be made eminently subservient for creating the most delightful abodes along the coasts, where men may enjoy at the same time all the advantages of sea and dry land; the coasts may hereafter be continuous paradisiacal skirts between land and sea, everywhere crowded with the densest population. the shores and the sea along them will be no more as raw nature presents them now, but everywhere of easy and charming access, not even molested by the roar of waves, shaped as it may suit the purposes of their inhabitants; the sea will be cleared of every obstruction to free passage everywhere, and its productions in fishes, etc., will be gathered in large, appropriate receptacles, to present them to the inhabitants of the shores and of the sea.â�� verily, the land would wear a busy aspect at the spring and neap tide, and these island shipsâ��these _terr㦠infirmã¦_â��which realise the fables of antiquity, affect our imagination. we have often thought that the fittest locality for a human dwelling was on the edge of the land, that there the constant lesson and impression of the sea might sink deep into the life and character of the landsman, and perhaps impart a marine tint to his imagination. it is a noble word, that _mariner_â��one who is conversant with the sea. there should be more of what it signifies in each of us. it is a worthy country to belong toâ��we look to see him not disgrace it. perhaps we should be equally mariners and terreners, and even our green mountains need some of that sea-green to be mixed with them. the computation of the power of the waves is less satisfactory. while only the average power of the wind and the average height of the tide were taken before, now the extreme height of the waves is used, for they are made to rise ten feet above the level of the sea, to which, adding ten more for depression, we have twenty feet, or the extreme height of a wave. indeed, the power of the waves, which is produced by the wind blowing obliquely and at disadvantage upon the water, is made to be, not only three thousand times greater than that of the tide, but one hundred times greater than that of the wind itself, meeting its object at right angles. moreover, this power is measured by the area of the vessel, and not by its length mainly, and it seems to be forgotten that the motion of the waves is chiefly undulatory, and exerts a power only within the limits of a vibration, else the very continents, with their extensive coasts, would soon be set adrift. finally, there is the power to be derived from sunshine, by the principle on which archimedes contrived his burning-mirrors, a multiplication of mirrors reflecting the rays of the sun upon the same spot, till the requisite degree of heat is obtained. the principal application of this power will be to the boiling of water and production of steam. â��how to create rivulets of sweet and wholesome water, on floating islands, in the midst of the ocean, will be no riddle now. sea-water changed into steam, will distill into sweet water, leaving the salt on the bottom. thus the steam engines on floating islands, for their propulsion and other mechanical purposes, will serve, at the same time, for the distillery of sweet water, which, collected in basins, may be led through channels over the island, while, where required, it may be refrigerated by artificial means, and changed into cool water, surpassing, in salubrity, the best spring water, because nature hardly ever distils water so purely, and without admixture of less wholesome matter.â�� so much for these few and more obvious powers, already used to a trifling extent. but there are innumerable others in nature, not described nor discovered. these, however, will do for the present. this would be to make the sun and the moon equally our satellites. for, as the moon is the cause of the tides, and the sun the cause of the wind, which, in turn, is the cause of the waves, all the work of this planet would be performed by these far influences. â��but as these powers are very irregular and subject to interruptions; the next object is to show how they may be converted into powers that operate continually and uniformly for ever, until the machinery be worn out, or, in other words, into perpetual motionsâ�� . . . â��hitherto the power of the wind has been applied immediately upon the machinery for use, and we have had to wait the chances of the windâ��s blowing; while the operation was stopped as soon as the wind ceased to blow. but the manner, which i shall state hereafter, of applying this power, is to make it operate only for collecting or storing up power, and then to take out of this store, at any time, as much as may be wanted for final operation upon the machines. the power stored up is to react as required, and may do so long after the original power of the wind has ceased. and though the wind should cease for intervals of many months, we may have by the same power a uniform perpetual motion in a very simple way.â�� â��the weight of a clock being wound up gives us an image of reaction. the sinking of this weight is the reaction of winding it up. it is not necessary to wait till it has run down before we wind up the weight, but it may be wound up at any time, partly or totally; and if done always before the weight reaches the bottom, the clock will be going perpetually. in a similar, though not in the same way, we may cause a reaction on a larger scale. we may raise, for instance, water by the immediate application of wind or steam to a pond upon some eminence, out of which, through an outlet, it may fall upon some wheel or other contrivance for setting machinery a going. thus we may store up water in some eminent pond, and take out of this store, at any time, as much water through the outlet as we want to employ, by which means the original power may react for many days after it has ceased. . . . such reservoirs of moderate elevation or size need not be made artificially, but will be found made by nature very frequently, requiring but little aid for their completion. they require no regularity of form. any valley, with lower grounds in its vicinity, would answer the purpose. small crevices may be filled up. such places may be eligible for the beginning of enterprises of this kind.â�� the greater the height, of course, the less water required. but suppose a level and dry country; then hill and valley, and â��eminent pond,â�� are to be constructed by main force; or, if the springs are unusually low, then dirt and stones may be used, and the disadvantage arising from friction will be counterbalanced by their greater gravity. nor shall a single rood of dry land be sunk in such artificial ponds as may be wanted, but their surfaces â��may be covered with rafts decked with fertile earth, and all kinds of vegetables which may grow there as well as anywhere else.â�� and, finally, by the use of thick envelopes retaining the heat, and other contrivances, â��the power of steam caused by sunshine may react at will, and thus be rendered perpetual, no matter how often or how long the sunshine may be interrupted. (etzlerâ��s _mechanical system_).â�� here is power enough, one would think, to accomplish somewhat. these are the powers below. oh ye millwrights, ye engineers, ye operatives and speculators of every class, never again complain of a want of power; it is the grossest form of infidelity. the question is, not how we shall execute, but what. let us not use in a niggardly manner what is thus generously offered. consider what revolutions are to be effected in agriculture. first, in the new country a machine is to move along, taking out trees and stones to any required depth, and piling them up in convenient heaps; then the same machine, â��with a little alteration,â�� is to plane the ground perfectly, till there shall be no hills nor valleys, making the requisite canals, ditches, and roads as it goes along. the same machine, â��with some other little alterations,â�� is then to sift the ground thoroughly, supply fertile soil from other places if wanted, and plant it; and finally the same machine, â��with a little addition,â�� is to reap and gather in the crop, thresh and grind it, or press it to oil, or prepare it any way for final use. for the description of these machines we are referred to â��etzlerâ��s _mechanical system_, pages 11 to 27.â�� we should be pleased to see that â��_mechanical system_,â�� though we have not been able to ascertain whether it has been published, or only exists as yet in the design of the author. we have great faith in it. but we cannot stop for applications now. â��any wilderness, even the most hideous and sterile, may be converted into the most fertile and delightful gardens. the most dismal swamps may be cleared of all their spontaneous growth, filled up and levelled, and intersected by canals, ditches and aqueducts, for draining them entirely. the soil, if required, may be meliorated, by covering or mixing it with rich soil taken from distant places, and the same be mouldered to fine dust, levelled, sifted from all roots, weeds and stones, and sowed and planted in the most beautiful order and symmetry, with fruit trees and vegetables of every kind that may stand the climate.â�� new facilities for transportation and locomotion are to be adopted: â��large and commodious vehicles, for carrying many thousand tons, running over peculiarly adapted level roads, at the rate of forty miles per hour, or one thousand miles per day, may transport men and things, small houses, and whatever may serve for comfort and ease, by land. floating islands, constructed of logs, or of wooden-stuff prepared in a similar manner, as is to be done with stone, and of live trees, which may be reared so as to interlace one another, and strengthen the whole, may be covered with gardens and palaces, and propelled by powerful engines, so as to run at an equal rate though seas and oceans. thus, man may move, with the celerity of a birdâ��s flight, in terrestrial paradises, from one climate to another, and see the world in all its variety, exchanging, with distant nations, the surplus of productions. the journey from one pole to another may be performed in a fortnight; the visit to a transmarine country in a week or two; or a journey round the world in one or two months by land and water. and why pass a dreary winter every year while there is yet room enough on the globe where nature is blessed with a perpetual summer, and with a far greater variety and luxuriance of vegetation? more than one-half the surface of the globe has no winter. men will have it in their power to remove and prevent all bad influences of climate, and to enjoy, perpetually, only that temperature which suits their constitution and feeling best.â�� who knows but by accumulating the power until the end of the present century, using meanwhile only the smallest allowance, reserving all that blows, all that shines, all that ebbs and flows, all that dashes, we may have got such a reserved accumulated power as to run the earth off its track into a new orbit, some summer, and so change the tedious vicissitude of the seasons? or, perchance, coming generations will not abide the dissolution of the globe, but, availing themselves of future inventions in aerial locomotion, and the navigation of space, the entire race may migrate from the earth, to settle some vacant and more western planet, it may be still healthy, perchance unearthy, not composed of dirt and stones, whose primary strata only are strewn, and where no weeds are sown. it took but little art, a simple application of natural laws, a canoe, a paddle, and a sail of matting, to people the isles of the pacific, and a little more will people the shining isles of space. do we not see in the firmament the lights carried along the shore by night, as columbus did? let us not despair nor mutiny. â��the dwellings also ought to be very different from what is known, if the full benefit of our means is to be enjoyed. they are to be of a structure for which we have no name yet. they are to be neither palaces, nor temples, nor cities, but a combination of all, superior to whatever is known. earth may be baked into bricks, or even vitrified stone by heat,â��we may bake large masses of any size and form, into stone and vitrified substance of the greatest durability, lasting even thousands of years, out of clayey earth, or of stones ground to dust, by the application of burning mirrors. this is to be done in the open air, without other preparation than gathering the substance, grinding and mixing it with water and cement, moulding or casting it, and bringing the focus of the burning mirrors of proper size upon the same. the character of the architecture is to be quite different from what it ever has been hitherto; large solid masses are to be baked or cast in one piece, ready shaped in any form that may be desired. the building may, therefore, consist of columns two hundred feet high and upwards, of proportionate thickness, and of one entire piece of vitrified substance; huge pieces are to be moulded so as to join and hook on to each other firmly, by proper joints and folds, and not to yield in any way without breaking.â�� â��foundries, of any description, are to be heated by burning mirrors, and will require no labor, except the making of the first moulds and the superintendence for gathering the metal and taking the finished articles away.â�� alas! in the present state of science, we must take the finished articles away; but think not that man will always be a victim of circumstances. the countryman who visited the city and found the streets cluttered with bricks and lumber, reported that it was not yet finished, and one who considers the endless repairs and reforming of our houses, might well wonder when they will be done. but why may not the dwellings of men on this earth be built once for all of some durable material, some roman or etruscan masonry which will stand, so that time shall only adorn and beautify them? why may we not finish the outward world for posterity, and leave them leisure to attend to the inner? surely, all the gross necessities and economies might be cared for in a few years. all might be built and baked and stored up, during this, the term-time of the world, against the vacant eternity, and the globe go provisioned and furnished like our public vessels, for its voyage through space, as through some pacific ocean, while we would â��tie up the rudder and sleep before the wind,â�� as those who sail from lima to manilla. but, to go back a few years in imagination, think not that life in these crystal palaces is to bear any analogy to life in our present humble cottages. far from it. clothed, once for all, in some â��flexible stuff,â�� more durable than george foxâ��s suit of leather, composed of â��fibres of vegetables,â�� â��glutinatedâ�� together by some â��cohesive substances,â�� and made into sheets, like paper, of any size or form, man will put far from him corroding care and the whole host of ills. â��the twenty-five halls in the inside of the square are to be each two hundred feet square and high; the forty corridors, each one hundred feet long and twenty wide; the eighty galleries, each from 1,000 to 1,250 feet long; about 7,000 private rooms, the whole surrounded and intersected by the grandest and most splendid colonnades imaginable; floors, ceilings, columns with their various beautiful and fanciful intervals, all shining, and reflecting to infinity all objects and persons, with splendid lustre of all beautiful colors, and fanciful shapes and pictures. all galleries, outside and within the halls, are to be provided with many thousand commodious and most elegant vehicles, in which persons may move up and down like birds, in perfect security, and without exertion. any member may procure himself all the common articles of his daily wants, by a short turn of some crank, without leaving his apartment; he may, at any time, bathe himself in cold or warm water, or in steam, or in some artificially prepared liquor for invigorating health. he may, at any time, give to the air in his apartment that temperature that suits his feeling best. he may cause, at any time, an agreeable scent of various kinds. he may, at any time, meliorate his breathing air,â��that main vehicle of vital power. thus, by a proper application of the physical knowledge of our days, man may be kept in a perpetual serenity of mind, and if there is no incurable disease or defect in his organism, in constant vigor of health, and his life be prolonged beyond any parallel which present times afford. â��one or two persons are sufficient to direct the kitchen business. they have nothing else to do but to superintend the cookery, and to watch the time of the victuals being done, and then to remove them, with the table and vessels, into the dining-hall, or to the respective private apartments, by a slight motion of the hand at some crank. any extraordinary desire of any person may be satisfied by going to the place where the thing is to be had; and anything that requires a particular preparation in cooking or baking may be done by the person who desires it.â�� this is one of those instances in which the individual genius is found to consent, as indeed it always does, at last, with the universal. these last sentences have a certain sad and sober truth, which reminds us of the scripture of all nations. all expression of truth does at length take the deep ethical form. here is hint of a place the most eligible of any in space, and of a servitor, in comparison with whom, all other helps dwindle into insignificance. we hope to hear more of him anon, for even a crystal palace would be deficient without his invaluable services. and as for the environs of the establishment, â��there will be afforded the most enrapturing views to be fancied, out of the private apartments, from the galleries, from the roof, from its turrets and cupolas,â��gardens as far as the eye can see, full of fruits and flowers, arranged in the most beautiful order, with walks, colonnades, aqueducts, canals, ponds, plains, amphitheatres, terraces, fountains, sculptural works, pavilions, gondolas, places for public amusement, etc., to delight the eye and fancy, the taste and smell. . . . the walks and roads are to be paved with hard vitrified, large plates, so as to be always clean from all dirt in any weather or season. . . . the channels being of vitrified substance, and the water perfectly clear, and filtrated or distilled if required, may afford the most beautiful scenes imaginable, wile a variety of fishes is seen clear down to the bottom playing about, and the canals may afford at the same time, the means of gliding smoothly along between various sceneries of art and nature, in beautiful gondolas, while their surface and borders may be covered with fine land and aquatic birds. the walks may be covered with porticos adorned with magnificent columns, statues, and sculptural works; all of vitrified substance, and lasting forever, while the beauties of nature around heighten the magnificence and deliciousness. â��the night affords no less delight to fancy and feelings. an infinite variety of grand, beautiful and fanciful objects and sceneries, radiating with crystalline brilliancy, by the illumination of gas-light; the human figures themselves, arrayed in the most beautiful pomp fancy may suggest, or the eye desire, shining even with brilliancy of stuffs and diamonds, like stones of various colors, elegantly shaped and arranged around the body; all reflected a thousand-fold in huge mirrors and reflectors of various forms; theatrical scenes of a grandeur and magnificence, and enrapturing illusions, unknown yet, in which any person may be either a spectator or an actor; the speech and the songs reverberating with increased sound, rendered more sonorous and harmonious than by nature, by vaultings that are moveable into any shape at any time; the sweetest and most impressive harmony of music, produced by song and instruments partly not known yet, may thrill through the nerves and vary with other amusements and delights. â��at night the roof, and the inside and outside of the whole square, are illuminated by gas-light, which in the mazes of many-colored crystal-like colonnades and vaultings, is reflected with a brilliancy that gives to the whole a lustre of precious stones, as far as the eye can see. such are the future abodes of men. . . . such is the life reserved to true intelligence, but withheld from ignorance, prejudice, and stupid adherence to custom.â�� ... â��such is the domestic life to be enjoyed by every human individual that will partake of it. love and affection may there be fostered and enjoyed without any of the obstructions that oppose, diminish, and destroy them in the present state of men.â�� ... â��it would be as ridiculous, then, to dispute and quarrel about the means of life, as it would be now about water to drink along mighty rivers, or about the permission to breathe air in the atmosphere, or about sticks in our extensive woods.â�� thus is paradise to be regained, and that old and stern decree at length reversed. man shall no more earn his living by the sweat of his brow. all labor shall be reduced to â��a short turn of some crank,â�� and â��taking the finished article away.â�� but there is a crank,â��oh, how hard to be turned! could there not be a crank upon a crank,â��an infinitely small crank?â��we would fain inquire. no,â��alas! not. but there is a certain divine energy in every man, but sparingly employed as yet, which may be called the crank within,â��the crank after all,â��the prime mover in all machinery,â��quite indispensable to all work. would that we might get our hands on its handle! in fact no work can be shirked. it may be postponed indefinitely, but not infinitely. nor can any really important work be made easier by co-operation or machinery. not one particle of labor now threatening any man can be routed without being performed. it cannot be hunted out of the vicinity like jackals and hyenas. it will not run. you may begin by sawing the little sticks, or you may saw the great sticks first, but sooner or later you must saw them both. we will not be imposed upon by this vast application of forces. we believe that most things will have to be accomplished still by the application called industry. we are rather pleased after all to consider the small private, but both constant and accumulated force, which stands behind every spade in the field. this it is that makes the valleys shine, and the deserts really bloom. sometimes, we confess, we are so degenerate as to reflect with pleasure on the days when men were yoked like cattle, and drew a crooked stick for a plough. after all, the great interests and methods were the same. it is a rather serious objection to mr. etzlerâ��s schemes, that they require time, men, and money, three very superfluous and inconvenient things for an honest and well-disposed man to deal with. â��the whole world,â�� he tells us, â��might therefore be really changed into a paradise, within less than ten years, commencing from the first year of an association for the purpose of constructing and applying the machinery.â�� we are sensible of a startling incongruity when time and money are mentioned in this connection. the ten years which are proposed would be a tedious while to wait, if every man were at his post and did his duty, but quite too short a period, if we are to take time for it. but this fault is by no means peculiar to mr. etzlerâ��s schemes. there is far too much hurry and bustle, and too little patience and privacy, in all our methods, as if something were to be accomplished in centuries. the true reformer does not want time, nor money, nor co-operation, nor advice. what is time but the stuff delay is made of? and depend upon it, our virtue will not live on the interest of our money. he expects no income, but our outgoes; so soon as we begin to count the cost the cost begins. and as for advice, the information floating in the atmosphere of society is as evanescent and unserviceable to him as gossamer for clubs of hercules. there is absolutely no common sense; it is common nonsense. if we are to risk a cent or a drop of our blood, who then shall advise us? for ourselves, we are too young for experience. who is old enough? we are older by faith than by experience. in the unbending of the arm to do the deed there is experience worth all the maxims in the world. â��it will now be plainly seen that the execution of the proposals is not proper for individuals. whether it be proper for government at this time, before the subject has become popular, is a question to be decided; all that is to be done, is to step forth, after mature reflection, to confess loudly oneâ��s conviction, and to constitute societies. man is powerful but in union with many. nothing great, for the improvement of his own condition, or that of his fellow men, can ever be effected by individual enterprise.â�� alas! this is the crying sin of the age, this want of faith in the prevalence of a man. nothing can be effected but by one man. he who wants help wants everything. true, this is the condition of our weakness, but it can never be the means of our recovery. we must first succeed alone, that we may enjoy our success together. we trust that the social movements which we witness indicate an aspiration not to be thus cheaply satisfied. in this matter of reforming the world, we have little faith in corporations; not thus was it first formed. but our author is wise enough to say that the raw materials for the accomplishment of his purposes are â��iron, copper, wood, earth chiefly, and a union of men whose eyes and understanding are not shut up by preconceptions.â�� aye, this last may be what we want mainly,â��a company of â��odd fellowsâ�� indeed. â��small shares of twenty dollars will be sufficient,â��â��in all, from â��200,000 to 300,000,â��â��â��to create the first establishment for a whole community of from 3,000 to 4,000 individualsâ��â��at the end of five years we shall have a principal of 200 millions of dollars, and so paradise will be wholly regained at the end of the tenth year. but, alas, the ten years have already elapsed, and there are no signs of eden yet, for want of the requisite funds to begin the enterprise in a hopeful manner. yet it seems a safe investment. perchance they could be hired at a low rate, the property being mortgaged for security, and, if necessary, it could be given up in any stage of the enterprise, without loss, with the fixtures. mr. etzler considers this â��address as a touchstone, to try whether our nation is in any way accessible to these great truths, for raising the human creature to a superior state of existence, in accordance with the knowledge and the spirit of the most cultivated minds of the present time.â�� he has prepared a constitution, short and concise, consisting of twenty-one articles, so that wherever an association may spring up, it may go into operation without delay; and the editor informs us that â��communications on the subject of this book may be addressed to c.f. stollmeyer, no. 6, upper charles street, northampton square, london.â�� but we see two main difficulties in the way. first, the successful application of the powers by machinery (we have not yet seen the â��mechanical system,â��) and, secondly, which is infinitely harder, the application of man to the work by faith. this it is, we fear, which will prolong the ten years to ten thousand at least. it will take a power more than â��80,000 times greater than all the men on earth could effect with their nerves,â�� to persuade men to use that which is already offered them. even a greater than this physical power must be brought to bear upon that moral power. faith, indeed, is all the reform that is needed; it is itself a reform. doubtless, we are as slow to conceive of paradise as of heaven, of a perfect natural as of a perfect spiritual world. we see how past ages have loitered and erred. â��is perhaps our generation free from irrationality and error? have we perhaps reached now the summit of human wisdom, and need no more to look out for mental or physical improvement?â�� undoubtedly, we are never so visionary as to be prepared for what the next hour may bring forth. î�á½³î»î»îµî¹ ï�ὸ î¸îµá¿�î¿î½ î´â�� á¼�ï�ï�î¹ ï�î¿î¹î¿á¿¦ï�î¿î½ ï�á½»ï�îµî¹. the divine is about to be, and such is its nature. in our wisest moments we are secreting a matter, which, like the lime of the shell fish, incrusts us quite over, and well for us if, like it, we cast our shells from time to time, though they be pearl and of fairest tint. let us consider under what disadvantages science has hitherto labored before we pronounce thus confidently on her progress. â��there was never any system in the productions of human labor; but they came into existence and fashion as chance directed men.â�� â��only a few professional men of learning occupy themselves with teaching natural philosophy, chemistry, and the other branches of the sciences of nature, to a very limited extent, for very limited purposes, with very limited means.â�� â��the science of mechanics is but in a state of infancy. it is true, improvements are made upon improvements, instigated by patents of government; but they are made accidentally or at hap-hazard. there is no general system of this science, mathematical as it is, which develops its principles in their full extent, and the outlines of the application to which they lead. there is no idea of comparison between what is explored and what is yet to be explored in this science. the ancient greeks placed mathematics at the head of their education. but we are glad to have filled our memory with notions, without troubling ourselves much with reasoning about them.â�� mr. etzler is not one of the enlightened practical men, the pioneers of the actual, who move with the slow deliberate tread of science, conserving the world; who execute the dreams of the last century, though they have no dreams of their own; yet he deals in the very raw but still solid material of all inventions. he has more of the practical than usually belongs to so bold a schemer, so resolute a dreamer. yet his success is in theory, and not in practice, and he feeds our faith rather than contents our understanding. his book wants order, serenity, dignity, everything,â��but it does not fail to impart what only man can impart to man of much importance, his own faith. it is true his dreams are not thrilling nor bright enough, and he leaves off to dream where he who dreams just before the dawn begins. his castles in the air fall to the ground, because they are not built lofty enough; they should be secured to heavenâ��s roof. after all, the theories and speculations of men concern us more than their puny execution. it is with a certain coldness and languor that we loiter about the actual and so called practical. how little do the most wonderful inventions of modern times detain us. they insult nature. every machine, or particular application, seems a slight outrage against universal laws. how many fine inventions are there which do not clutter the ground? we think that those only succeed which minister to our sensible and animal wants, which bake or brew, wash or warm, or the like. but are those of no account which are patented by fancy and imagination, and succeed so admirably in our dreams that they give the tone still to our waking thoughts? already nature is serving all those uses which science slowly derives on a much higher and grander scale to him that will be served by her. when the sunshine falls on the path of the poet, he enjoys all those pure benefits and pleasures which the arts slowly and partially realize from age to age. the winds which fan his cheek waft him the sum of that profit and happiness which their lagging inventions supply. the chief fault of this book is, that it aims to secure the greatest degree of gross comfort and pleasure merely. it paints a mahometanâ��s heaven, and stops short with singular abruptness when we think it is drawing near to the precincts of the christianâ��s,â��and we trust we have not made here a distinction without a difference. undoubtedly if we were to reform this outward life truly and thoroughly, we should find no duty of the inner omitted. it would be employment for our whole nature; and what we should do thereafter would be as vain a question as to ask the bird what it will do when its nest is built and its brood reared. but a moral reform must take place first, and then the necessity of the other will be superseded, and we shall sail and plough by its force alone. there is a speedier way than the â��mechanical systemâ�� can show to fill up marshes, to drown the roar of the waves, to tame hyã¦nas, secure agreeable environs, diversify the land, and refresh it with â��rivulets of sweet water,â�� and that is by the power of rectitude and true behavior. it is only for a little while, only occasionally, methinks, that we want a garden. surely a good man need not be at the labor to level a hill for the sake of a prospect, or raise fruits and flowers, and construct floating islands, for the sake of a paradise. he enjoys better prospects than lie behind any hill. where an angel travels it will be paradise all the way, but where satan travels it will be burning marl and cinders. what says veeshnoo sarma? â��he whose mind is at ease is possessed of all riches. is it not the same to one whose foot is enclosed in a shoe, as if the whole surface of the earth were covered with leather?â�� he who is conversant with the supernal powers will not worship these inferior deities of the wind, waves, tide, and sunshine. but we would not disparage the importance of such calculations as we have described. they are truths in physics, because they are true in ethics. the moral powers no one would presume to calculate. suppose we could compare the moral with the physical, and say how many horse-power the force of love, for instance, blowing on every square foot of a manâ��s soul, would equal. no doubt we are well aware of this force; figures would not increase our respect for it; the sunshine is equal to but one ray of its heat. the light of the sun is but the shadow of love. â��the souls of men loving and fearing god,â�� says raleigh, â��receive influence from that divine light itself, whereof the sunâ��s clarity, and that of the stars, is by plato called but a shadow. _lumen est umbra dei, deus est lumen luminis._ light is the shadow of godâ��s brightness, who is the light of light,â�� and, we may add, the heat of heat. love is the wind, the tide, the waves, the sunshine. its power is incalculable; it is many horse-power. it never ceases, it never slacks; it can move the globe without a resting-place; it can warm without fire; it can feed without meat; it can clothe without garments; it can shelter without roof; it can make a paradise within which will dispense with a paradise without. but though the wisest men in all ages have labored to publish this force, and every human heart is, sooner or later, more or less, made to feel it, yet how little is actually applied to social ends! true, it is the motive-power of all successful social machinery; but, as in physics we have made the elements do only a little drudgery for us,â��steam to take the place of a few horses, wind of a few oars, water of a few cranks and hand-mills,â��as the mechanical forces have not yet been generously and largely applied to make the physical world answer to the ideal, so the power of love has been but meanly and sparingly applied, as yet. it has patented only such machines as the almshouses, the hospital, and the bible society, while its infinite wind is still blowing, and blowing down these very structures too, from time to time. still less are we accumulating its power, and preparing to act with greater energy at a future time. shall we not contribute our shares to this enterprise, then? [1] _the paradise within the reach of all men, without labor, by powers of nature and machinery. an address to all intelligent men._ in two parts. by j.a. etzler. part first. second english edition. london, 1842. pp. 55. ' ^ i *^'^>'l a*' 0' -'-' ^/.>°.:..'''^°c°v::;;>>. /^^r*^% -,o .ko^^ ;^^.^%. ^ \..„,%, •.. "/...., ,^-./-°' /,,.„, °».-•;/. 1 ^ friemp 5hi17 lwee e ey hemry r thvrebv ^' copyright, 1910 by elbert hubbard €^cla278:i.o3 p-§ c friendship hile we float here, far from that tributary stream on whose banks our friends and kindred dwell, our thoughts, like the stars, come out of their horizon still; for there !• circulates a finer blood than lavoisier has discovered the laws of— the blood, not of kindred merely, but of kindness whose pulse still beats at any distance and forever. after years of vain familiarity, some distant gesture or unconscious behavior, which w^e remember, speaks to us w^ith more emphasis than the wisest or kindest words. we are sometimes made aware of a kindness long passed, and realize that there have been times w^hen our friends' thoughts of us were of so pure and lofty a character that they passed over us like the w^inds of heaven unnoticed; w^hen they treated us not as what we were, but as what we aspired to be. there has just reached us, it may be, the nobleness of some such silent behavior, not to be forgotten, not to be remembered, and we shudder to think how^ it fell on us cold, though in some true but tardy hour w^e endeavor to w^ipe off these scores. in my experience, persons, when they are made the subject of conversation, though w^ith a friend, are commonly the most prosaic and trivial of facts. the universe seems bankrupt as soon as we begin to discuss the character of individuals. our discourse all runs to slander, and our limits 9 grow narrow^er as we advance. how is it that w are impelled to treat our old friends so ill when we obtain new ones? the housekeeper says, *' i never had any new crockery in my life but i began to break the old." i say, let us speak of mushrooms and forest-trees, rather. yet, we can sometimes afford to remember them in private. c friendship is evanescent in every man's experience, and remembered like heat-lightning in past summers. fair and flitting, like a summer cloud, there is alw^ays some vapor in the air, no matter how long the drought; there are even april showier s j2*. surely from time to time, for its vestiges never depart, it floats through our atmosphere. it takes place, like vegetation, in so many materials, because there is such a law^, but always without permanent form, though ancient . and familiar as the sun and moon, and as sure to come again. the heart is forever inexperienced. they silently gather, as by magic, these never failing, never quite deceiving visions, like the bright and fleecy clouds in the calmest and clearest days isv the friend is some fair, floating isle of palms eluding the mariner in pacific seas. many are the dangers to be encountered, equinoctial gales and coral-reefs, ere he may sail before the constant trades. but w^ho w^ould not sail through mutiny and storm, even over atlantic waves, to reach the fabulous, retreating shores of some continent man ? columbus has sailed westw^ard of these isles, by the mariner's compass, but neither he nor his successors have found them. we are no nearer than plato w^as. the earnest seeker and hopeful discoverer of this new^ 'world alw^ays haunts 10 the outskirts of his time, and walks through the densest crowd uninterrupted, and, as it w^ere, in a straight line. who does not walk on the plain as amid the columns of tadmore of the desert? there is on the earth no institution which friendship has established; it is not taught by any religion; no scripture contains its maxims. it has no temple, nor even a solitary column. there goes a rumor that the earth is inhabited, but the shipwrecked mariner has not seen a footprint on the shore. the hunter has found only fragments of pottery and the monuments of inhabitants. however, our fates at least are social ^ our courses do not diverge ; but as the w^eb of destiny is woven it is fulled, and we are cast more and more into the center s*. men naturally, though feebly, seek this alliance, and their actions faintly foretell it. we are inclined to lay the chief stress on likeness and not on difference, and in foreign bodies we admit that there are many degrees of w^armth below^ blood-heat, but none of cold above it. one or two persons come to my house from time to time, there being proposed to them the faint possibility of intercourse. they are as full as they are silent, and wait for my plectrum to stir the strings of their lyre. if they could ever come to the length of a sentence, or hear one, on that ground they are dreaming of ! they speak faintly, and do not obtrude themselves ^ they have heard some new^s which none, not even they themselves, can impart. it is a w^ealth they bear about them which can be expended in various ways. w^hat came they out to seek ? 11 no word is oftener on tlie lips of men thani friendship, and indeed no thought is more familiar to their aspirations is^ all men are dreaming of it, and its drama, which is always a tragedy, is enacted daily. it is the secret of the universe. you may thread the town, you may wander the country, and none shall ever speak of it, yet thought is everyw^here busy about it, and the idea of what is possible in this respect affects our behavior toward all new^ men and women, and a great many old ones. nevertheless, i can remember only tw^o or three essays on this subject in all literature ^ no "wonder that the mythology, and arabian nights, and scott's novels and shakespeare entertain us— we are poets and fablers and novelists and dramatists ourselves. we are continually acting a part in a more interesting drama than any w^ritten. we are dreaming that our friends are our friends^ and that we are our friends' friends. our actual friends are but distant relations of those to \vhom we are pledged. we never exchange more than three w^ords w^ith a friend in our lives on that level to which our thoughts and feelings almost habitually rise. one goes forth prepared to say, ** sw^eet friends ! " and the salutation is, **damn your eyes !" but, never mind; faint heart never w^on true friend, o my friend, may it come to pass, once, that when you are my friend i may be yours, v of what use the friendliest disposition even, if there are no hours given to friendship, if it is forever postponed to unimportant duties and relations? friendship is first. friendship last. but it is equally impossible to forget our friends, u and to make them answer to our ideal. "when they say farewell, then indeed w^e begin to keep them company. how often we find ourselves turning our backs on our actual friends, that we may go and meet their ideal cousins ^ i would that i were worthy to be any man's friend. what is commonly honored with the name of friendship is no very profound or powerful instinct. men do not, after all, love their friends greatly 3k i do not often see the farmers made seers and wise to the verge of insanity by their friendship for one another. they are not often transfigured and translated by love in each other's presence. i do not observe them purified, refined and elevated by the love of a man. if one abates a little the price of his wood, or gives a neighbor his vote at town-meeting, or a barrel of apples, or lends him his wagon frequently, it is esteemed a rare instance of friendship. nor do the farmers' wives lead lives consecrated to friendship. i do not see the pair of farmer friends of either sex prepared to stand against the -world. there are only two or three couples in history. to say that a man is your friend, means commonly no more than this, that he is not your enemy s*. most contemplate only ^vhat would be the accidental and trifling advantages of friendship, as that the friend can assist in time of need, by his substance, or his influence, or his counsel; but he w^ho foresees such advantages in this relation proves himself blind to its real advantage, or indeed w^holly inexperienced in the relation itself. such services are particular and menial, compared w^ith the perpetual and all-embracing service w^hich it is s*. even the utmost good w^ill and 13 harmony and practical kindness are not sufficient for friendship, for friencls do not live in harmony merely, as some say, but in melody. we do not wish for friends to clothe and feed our bodies (neighbors are kind enough for that), but to do the like office to our spirits. for this, few are rich enough, however w^ell disposed they may be. €l think of the importance of friendship in the education of men. it w^ill make a man honest; it will make him a hero; it will make him a saint. it is the state of the just dealing with the just, the magnanimous w^ith the magnanimous, the sincere w^ith the sincere, man with man. " why love amon^ the virtues is not known. is that love is them all contract in one." all the abuses which are the object of reform with the philanthropist, the statesman and the housekeeper, are unconsciously amended in the intercourse of friends ^ a friend is one w^ho incessantly pays us the compliment of expecting from us all the virtues, and who can appreciate them in us. it takes tw^o to speak the truth— one to speak, and another to hear. how can one treat w^ith magnanimity mere w^ood and stone ? if we dealt only w^ith the false and dishonest, w^e should at last forget how to speak truth. in our daily intercourse with men, our nobler faculties are dormant and suffered to rust. none w^ill pay us the compliment to expect nobleness from us. "we ask our neighbor to suffer himself to be dealt w^ith truly, sincerely, nobly; but he answ^ers **no," by his deafness. he does not even hear this prayer. he says practically, ** i w^ill be content if you treat me as no better than i should be, as deceitful, mean, dishonest and selfish." for the 14 most part, we are contented so to deal and to be dealt with, and we do not think that for the mass of men there is any truer and nobler relation possible. a man may have good neighbors, so called, and acquaintances, and even companions, wife, parents, brothers, sisters, children, ^vho meet himself and one another on this ground only. the state does not demand justice of its members, but thinks that it succeeds very w^ell w^ith the least degree of it— hardly more than rogues practise — and so do the family and the neighborhood. even w^hat is commonly called friendship is only a little more honor among rogues. but sometimes w^e are said to love another; that is, to stand in a true relation to him, so that w^e give the best to, and receive the best from, him. between whom there is hearty truth there is love; and in proportion to our truthfulness and confidence in one another, our lives are divine and miraculous, and answer to our ideal. there are passages of affection in our intercourse w^ith mortal men and w^omen, such as no prophecy had taught us to expect, w^hich transcend our earthly life, and anticipate heaven for us. "what is this love that may come right into the middle of a prosaic goffstown day, equal to any of the gods ; that discovers a new^ w^orld, fair and fresh and eternal, occupying the place of this old one, when to the common eye a dust has settled on the universe ; which w^orld can not else be reached, and does not e^istl w^hat other words, w^e may almost ask, are memorable and worthy to be repeated than those which love has inspired ? it is wonderful that they were ever uttered. they 15 are few and rare, indeed; but, like a strain of music, they are incessantly repeated and modulated by the memory s^ all other words crumble off w^ith the stucco which overlies the heart. we should not dare to repeat them now aloud. we are not competent to hear them at all times. the books for young people say a great deal about the selection of friends ; it is because they really have nothing to say about friends. they mean associates and confidants merely. **know^ that the contrariety of foe and friend proceeds from god." friendship takes place betw^een those who have an affinity for one another, and is a perfectly natural and inevitable result 3^ no professions nor advances w^ill avail. even speech, at first, necessarily has nothing to do with it: but it follows after silence, as the buds in the graft do not put forth into leaves till long after the graft has taken. it is a drama in which the parties have no part to act 3. "we are all mussulmans and fatalists in this respect i^ impatient and uncertain lovers think that they must say or do something kind whenever they meet; they must never be cold. but they w^ho are friends do not do what they think they must, but what they must. even their friendship is in , one sense but a sublime phenomenon to them. i €l the true and not despairing friend w^ill address his friend in some such terms as these : **i never asked thy leave to let me love thee— i have a right. i love thee not as something private and personal, w^hich is your own, but as something universal and w^orthy of love, which i have found. oh, how i think of you ! you are purely good ie you are infinitely good. i can trust you forever. i did not think that humanity was so rich. give me an opportunity to live. ** you are the fact in a fiction — you are the truth more strange and admirable than fiction. consent only to be what you are. i alone will never stand in your w^ay. **this is what i would like: to be as intimate with you as our spirits are intimate, respecting you as i respect my ideal. never to profane one another by word or action, even by a thought. between us, if necessary, let there be no acquaintance. '*i have discovered you; how can you be concealed from me?" the friend asks no return but that his friend will religiously accept and wear and not disgrace his apotheosis of him. they cherish each other's hopes. they are kind to each other's dreams. c though the poet says, ** 't is the pre-eminence of friendship to impute excellence," yet w^e can never praise our friend, nor esteem him praiseworthy, nor let him think that he can please us by any behavior^ or ever treat us w^ell enough ^ that kindness w^hich has so good a reputation elsewhere can least of all consist w^ith this relation, and no such affront can be offered to a friend, as a conscious good w^ill, a friendliness which is not a necessity of the friend's nature. €lthe sexes are naturally most strongly attracted to one another, by constant constitutional differences, and are most commonly and surely the complements of one another i^ how natural and easy it is for man to secure the attention of w^oman to what interests himself 3»^ men and 17 women of equal culture, thrown together, are sure to be of a certain value to one another, more than men to men. there exists already a natural disinterestedness and liberality in such society, and i think that any man w^ill more confidently carry his favorite books to read to some circle of intelligent w^omen, than to one of his ow^n sex. the visit of man to man is w^ont to be an interruption, but the sexes naturally expect one another. yet friendship is no respecter of sex ; and perhaps it is more rare betw^een the sexes than between two of the same sex. friendship is, at any rate, a relation of perfect equality. it can not w^ell spare any outw^ard sign of equal obligation and advantage sv the nobleman can never have a friend among his retainers, nor the king among his subjects. not that the parties to it are in all respects equal, but they are equal in all that respects or affects their friendship. the one's love is exactly balanced and represented by the other's. persons are only the vessels which contain the nectar, and the hydrostatic paradox is the symbol of love's law^. it finds its level and rises to its fountainhead in all breasts, and its slenderest column balances the ocean. love equals s-wiit and slo^v. and high and lew. racer and lame. the hunter and his game. the one sex is not, in this respect, more tender than the other. a hero's love is as delicate as a maiden's. confucius said, ** never contract friendship w^ith a man that is not better than thyself." it is 18 the merit and preservation of friendship, that it takes place on a level higher than the actual characters of the parties would seem to warrant. the rays of light come to us in such a curve that every man whom we meet appears to be taller than he actually is. such foundation has civility. my friend is that one whom i can associate w^ith my choicest thought. i alw^ays assign to him a nobler employment in my absence than i ever find him engaged in ; and i imagine that the hours which he devotes to me were snatched from a higher society. the sorest insult which i ever received from a friend was, w^hen he behaved w^ith the license which only long and cheap acquaintance allows to one's fault, in my presence, w^ithout shame, and still addressed me in friendly accents. beware, lest thy friend learn at last to tolerate one frailty of thine, and so an obstacle be raised to the progress of thy love. friendship is never established as an understood relation ^ do you demand that i be less your friend that you may know it ? yet what right have i to think that another cherishes so rare a sentiment for me ? it is a miracle which requires constant proofs. it is an exercise of the purest imagination and the rarest faith. it says by a silent but eloquent behavior: ** i w^ill be so related to thee as thou canst imagine; even so thou mayest believe. i will spend truth — all my wealth —on thee," and the friend responds silently through his nature and life, and treats his friend with the same divine courtesy. he knows us literally through thick and thin. he never asks for a sign of love, but can distinguish it by the features which it naturally wears. we never 19 need to stand upon cefemony -with him with regard to his visits. wait not till i invite thee, but observe that i am glad to see thee when thou comest. it would be paying too dear for thy visit to ask for it. where my friend lives there are riches and every attraction, and no slight obstacle can keep me from him. let me never have to tell thee what i have not to tell. let our intercourse be w^holly above ourselves, and draw^ us up to it. the language of friendship is not words but meanings. it is an intelligence above language. one imagines endless conversations w^ith his friend, in w^hich the tongue shall be loosed, and thoughts be spoken without hesitancy, or end; but the experience is commonly far otherw^ise. acquaintances may come and go, and have a word ready for every occasion ; but what puny word shall he utter w^hose very breath is thought and meaning ? suppose you go to bid farewell to your friend w^ho is setting out on a journey ; w^hat other outw^ard sign do you know^ of than to shake his hand ? have you any palaver ready for him then; any box of salve to commit to his pocket; any particular message to send by him; any statement w^hich you had forgotten to make as if you could forget anything? ^ no; it is much that you take his hand and say farew^ell ; that you could easily omit; so far custom has prevailed. it is even painful, if he is to go, that he should linger so long. if he must go, let him go quickly. have you any last words ? alas, it is only the w^ord of words, which you have so long sought and found not ; you have not a first word yet. there are few even whom i should venture to call earnestly by their most proper 20 natnes. a name pronounced is the recognition of the individual to whom it belongs. he who can pronounce my name aright, he can call me, and is entitled to my love and service. the violence of love is as much to be dreaded as that of hate. w^hen it is durable it is serene and equable. even its famous pains begin only with the ebb of love, for few are indeed lovers, though all would fain be s^ it is one proof of a man's fitness for friendship that he is able to do without that w^hich is cheap and passionate 3^. a true friendship is as w^ise as it is tender. the parties to it yield implicitly to the guidance of their love, and know no other law^ nor kindness. it is not extravagant and insane, but w^hat it says is something established henceforth, and w^ill 1 ear to be stereotyped. it is a truer truth, it is better and fairer news, and no time will ever shame it, or prove it false. this is a plant which thrives best in a temperate zone, w^here summer and w^inter alternate with one another. the friend is a necessarious, and meets his friend on homely ground; not on carpets and cushions, but on the ground and on rocks they w^ill sit, obeying the natural and primitive laws s** they ^vill meet w^ithout any outcry, and part without loud sorrow. their relation implies such qualities as the w^arrior prizes ; for it takes a valor to open the hearts of men as w^ell as the gates of cities. c friendship is not so kind as is imagined; it has not much human blood in it, but consists with a certain disregard for men and their erections, the christian duties and humanities, w^hile it purifies the air like electricity. there may be the sternest tragedy in the relation of two more than usually 21 innocent and true to thjeir highest instincts. we may call it an essentially heathenish intercourse, free and irresponsible in its nature, and practising all the virtues gratuitously ^ it is not the highest sympathy merely, but a pure and lofty society, a fragmentary and godlike intercourse of ancient date, still kept up at intervals, which, remembering itself, does not hesitate to disregard the humbler rights and duties of humanity. it requires immaculate and godlike qualities full grown, and exists at all only by condescension and anticipation of the remotest future. we love nothing w^hich is merely good and not fair, if such a thing is possible. nature j puts some kind of blossom before every fruit, ^ not simply a calyx behind it. w^hen the friend comes out of his heathenism and superstition, and breaks his idols, being converted by the i precepts of a newer testament ; w^hen he forgets \ his mythology, and treats his friend like a christian, or as he can afford; then friendship ceases to be friendship, and becomes charity; that principle which established the almshouse is now beginning with its charity at home, and establishing an almshouse and pauper relations there s». s*. s for the number \vhich this society admits, it is at any rate to be be^un with one, the noblest and greatest that we know, and whether the world w^ill ever carry it further, whether, as chaucer affirms, ''there be mo sterres in the skie than a pair," remains to be proved; "and certaine he is well begone. among a thousand that findeth one." w^e shall not surrender ourselves heartily to any while ^ve are conscious that another is more deserving of our love. yet friendship does not stand for numbers ; the friend does not count his friends on his fingers; they are not numerable. the more there are included by this bond, if they are indeed included, the rarer and diviner the quality of the love that binds them ik i am ready to believe that as private and intimate a relation may exist by which three are embraced, as betw^een tw^o. indeed, we can not have too many friends; the virtue which w^e appreciate w^e to some extent appropriate, so that thus ^ve are made at last fit for every relation of life. a base friendship is alw^ays of a narro"wing and exclusive tendency, but a noble one is never exclusive; its very superfluity and dispersed love is the humanity which sweetens society, and sympathizes with foreign nations ; for though its foundations are private, it is in effect a public affair and a public advantage, and the friend, more than the father of a family, deserves w^ell 23 of the state. c. the only clanger in friendship is that it will end. it is a delicate plant though a native j*. the least un worthiness, even if it be unknown to one's self, vitiates it. let the friend know that those faults which he observes in his friend his own faults attract. there is no rule more invariable than that we are paid for our suspicions by finding what we suspected. by our narrowness and prejudices 'we say, ** i will have so much and such of you, my friend, no more." perhaps there are none charitable, none wise, none disinterested, noble, and heroic enough for a true and lasting friendship. i sometimes hear my friends complain finely that i do not appreciate their fineness. i shall not tell them whether i do or not. as if they expected a vote of thanks for every fine thing w^hich they uttered or did! who knows but it w^as finely appreciated? j*. it may be that your silence was the finest thing of the tw^o. there are some things w^hich a man never speaks of, which are much finer kept silent about. to the highest communications w^e only lend a silent ear. our finest relations are not simply kept silent about, but buried under a positive depth of silence, never to be revealed. it may be that we are not even yet acquainted 3^ in human intercourse the tragedy begins, not w^hen there is misunderstanding about words, but when silence is not understood. then there can never be an explanation. "what avails it that another loves you, if he does not understand you ? such love is a curse. what sort of companions are they who are presuming always that their silence is more expressive than yours ? how foolish, and 24 inconsiderate, and unjust, to conduct as if you were the only party aggrieved! has not your friend always equal ground of complaint ? no doubt my friends sometimes speak to me in vain, but they do not know w^hat things i hear which they are not aware that they have spoken. i know^ that i have frequently disappointed them by not giving them w^ords w^hen they expected them, or such as they expected. 'whenever i see my friend i speak to him, but the expector, the man with the ears, is not he. they will complain, too, that you are hard. o ye that would have the cocoanut wrong side outwards, when next i weep i will let you know^. they ask for w^ords and deeds, when a true relation is word and deed. if they know not of these things, how can they be informed ? w^e often forbear to confess our feelings, not from pride, but for fear that we could not continue to love the one who required .^us to gvve such proof of our affection. i know a woman who possesses a restless and intelligent mind, interested in her ow^n culture, and earnest to enjoy the highest possible advantages, and i meet her w^ith pleasure as a natural person w^ho not a little provokes me, and, i suppose, is stimulated in turn by myself. yet our acquaintance plainly does not attain to that degree of confidence and sentiment which women, w^hich all, in fact, covet. i am glad to help her, as i am helped by her; i like very well to know^ her w^ith a sort of stranger's privilege, and hesitate to visit her often, like her other friends. my nature pauses here, i do not well know w^hy 3^ perhaps she does not make the highest demand on me, a religious demand. some, 25 •with whose prejudices or peculiar bias i have no sympathy, yet inspire me with confidence, and i trust that they confide in me also as a religious heathen at least— a good greek 3< i, too, have principles as w^ell founded as their ow^n. if this person could conceive that, w^ithout w^ilfulness, i associate with her as far as our destinies are coincident, as far as our good geniuses permit, and still value such intercourse, it w^ould be a grateful assurance to me. i feel as if i appeared careless, indifferent and without principle to her, not expecting more, and yet not content w^ith less. if she could know that i make an infinite demand on myself, as w^ell as on all others, she would see that this true though incomplete intercourse is infinitely better than a more unreserved but falsely grounded one, without the principle of growth in it. for a companion, i require one w^ho will make an equal demand on me with my ow^n genius. such a one will always be rightly tolerant. it is suicide and corrupts good manners to welcome any less than this. i value and trust those w^ho love and praise my aspiration rather than my performance. if you w^ould not stop to look at me, but look 'whither i am looking and farther, then my education could not dispense with your company. my love must be as free as is the eagle's "wing. hovering o'er land and sea and everything. i must not dim my eye in thy saloon, i must not leave my sky and nightly moon. 26 be not the fowler's net "which stays my flight. and craftily i« set t' allure the sight. but the favoring gale that bears me on. and still doth fill my sail when thou art gone. i can not leave my sky for thy caprice. true love w^ould soar as high as heaven is. the eagle would not brook her mate thus ^^on. who trained his eye to look beneath the sun. nothing is so difficult as to help a friend in matters tvhich do not require the aid of friendship, but only a cheap and trivial service, if your friendship wants the basis of a thorougfh, practical acquaintance. i stand in the friendliest relation, on social and spiritual grounds, to one who does not perceive w^hat practical skill i have, but when he seeks my assistance in such matters, is wholly ignorant of that one whom he deals with ; does not use my skill, which in such matters is much greater than his, but only my hands. i know another, who, on the contrary, is remarkable for his discrimination in this respect ; who know^s how to make use of the talents of others w^hen he does not possess the same ; knows when not to look after or oversee, and stops short at his man. it is a rare pleasure to serve him, which all laborers know. i am not a little pained by the other kind of treatment. it 27 is as if, after the friendliest and most ennobling intercourse, your friend should use you as a hammer and drive a nail with your head, all in good faith; notwithstanding that you are a tolerable carpenter, as well as his good friend, and would use a hammer cheerfully in his service. this want of perception is a defect which all the virtues of the heart can not supply. the good how can ^^e trust ? only the "wise arc just. the good we use. the w^ise "we can not choose. these there are none above; the good they know^ and love. but are not known again by those of lesser ken. they do not charm us w^ith their eyes. but they transfix -with theitt.advice; no partial sympathy they feel "with private w^oe or private w^eal. but with the universe joy and sigh, "whose know^ledge is their sympathy. confucius said: **to contract ties of friendship with any one, is to contract friendship with his virtue. there ought not to be any other motive in friendship." but men wish us to contract friendship w^ith their vice also. i have a friend who wishes me to see that to be right w^hich i know^ to be wrong. but if friendship is to rob me of my eyes, if it is to darken the day, i w^ill have none of it ^ it should be expansive and inconceivably liberalizing in its effects. true friendship can afford true kno^vledge. it does not depend on darkness and ignorance. a w^ant of discernment can not be an ingredient in it. if i can see my friend's virtues more distinctly than another's, his faults, too, are made more conspicuous by contrast. 'we have not so good a right to hate any as our friend ^ faults are not the less faults because they are invariably balanced by corresponding virtues, and for a fault there is no excuse, though it may appear greater than it is in many ways. i have never known one who could bear criticism, who could not be flattered, who w^ould not bribe his judge, or w^ho was content that the truth should be loved always better than himself. if tw^o travelers would go their way harmoniously together, the one must take as true and just a view of things as the other, else their path w^ill not be strewn with roses. yet you can travel profitably and pleasantly even with a blind man, if he practises common courtesy, and w^hen you converse about the scenery ^vill remember that he is blind but that you can see; and you will not forget that his sense of hearing is probably quickened by his w^ant of sight. otherwise you w^ill not long keep company. a blind man and a man in w^hose eyes there w^as no defect w^ere w^alking together, w^hen they came to the edge of a precipice. **take care! my friend," said the latter; **here is a steep precipice; go no farther this way." '*i know better," said the other, and stepped off. it is impossible to say all that we think, even to our truest friend s*. "we may bid him farewell forever sooner than complain, for our complaint is too w^ell grounded to be uttered. there is not so good an understanding betw^een any two, but the exposure by the one of a serious fault in the other will produce a misunderstanding in proportion to its heinousness. the constitutional 29 differences which always exist, and are obstacles to a perfect friendship,' are to the lips of friends forever a forbidden theme j** they advise by their w^hole behavior. nothings can reconcile them but love. they are fatally late w^hen they undertake to explain and treat w^ith one another like foes. who w^ill take an apology for a friend? they must apologize like dew and frost, which are off again with the sun, and which all men know in their hearts to be beneficent s^k the necessity itself for explanation; what explanation will atone for that ? true love does not quarrel for slight reasons, such mistakes as mutual acquaintances can explain aw^ay, but, alas! how^ever slight the apparent cause, only for adequate and fatal and everlasting reasons, w^hich can never be set aside. its quarrel, if there is any, is ever recurring, notwithstanding the beams of affection which invariably come to gild its tears; as the rainbow, however beautiful and unerring a sign, does not promise fair weather forever, but only for a season. i have known two or three persons pretty well, and yet i have never know^n advice to be of use but in trivial and transient matters. one may know^ what another does not, but the utmost kindness can not impart what is requisite to make the advice useful. w^e must accept or refuse one another as ^ve are. i could tame a hyena more easily than my friend. he is a material which no tool of mine ^'ill work. a naked savage will fell an oak -with a firebrand and wear a hatchet out of the rock by friction, but i can not hew the smallest chip out of the character of my friend, either to beautify or to deform it. 30 the lover learns at last there is no person quite transparent and trustworthy, but every one has a devil in him that is capable of any crime in the long run. yet, as an oriental philosopher has said, ** although friendship between good men is interrupted, their principles remain unaltered. the stalk of the lotus may be broken, and the fibers remain connected." ignorance and bungling with love are better than wisdom and skill without. there may be courtesy, there may be even temper and \vit and talent and sparkling conversation, there may even be good w^ill— and yet the humanest and divinest faculties pine for exercise ^ our life without love is like coke and ashes. men may be as pure as alabaster and parian marble, elegant as a tuscan villa, sublime as niagara; and yet if there is no milk mingled w^ith the wine at their entertainments, better is the hospitality of goths and vandals. my friend is not of some other race or family of men, but flesh of my flesh, bone of my bone. he is my real brother. i see his nature groping yonder so like mine. we do not live far apart. have not the fates associated us in many \vays? is it of no significance that we have so long partaken of the same loaf, drank at the same fountain, breathed the same air. summer and winter felt the same heat and cold; that the same fruits have been pleased to refresh us both, and we have never had a thought of different fiber the one with the other ? nature doth have her dawn each day. but mine are far between ; content, i cry, for sooth to say. mine brightest are i w^een. 31 for when my sun doth deign to rise. though it be her noontide. her fairest field in shadow lies. nor can my light abide. sometimes i bask me in her day. conversing with my mate. but if w^c interchange one ray. forthwith her heats abate. through his discourse i climb and see. as from some eastern hill, a brighter morrow^ rise to me than lieth in her skill. as 't 'were two summer days in one, tw^o sundays come together. our rays united make one sun with fairest summer weather. ' as surely as the sunset in my latest novenjjber shall translate me to the ethereal 'world, and remind me of the ruddy morning of youth ; as surely as the last strain of music "which falls on my decaying ear shall make age to be forgotten, or, in short, the manifold influences of nature survive during the term of our natural life, so surely my friend shall forever be my friend, and reflect a ray of god to me, and time shall foster and adorn and consecrate our friendship, no less than the ruins of temples/ i5*» as i love nature, as i love singing birds, and gleaming stubble, and flo'wing rivers, and morning and evening, and summer and winter, i love thee, my friend. but all that can be said of friendship is like botany to flow^ers. how can the understanding take account of its friendliness ? even the death of friends will inspire us as 32 much as their lives. they will leave consolation to the mourners, as the rich leave money to defray the expenses of their funerals, and their memories will be incrusted over with sublime and pleasing thoughts, as their monuments are overgrown with moss. this to our cis-alpine and cis-atlantic friends. €l also this other word of entreaty and advice to the large and respectable nation of acquaintances, beyond the mountains; greeting: my most serene and irresponsible neighbors, let us see that we have the w^hole advantage of each other; we w^ill be useful, at least, if not admirable, to one another s*. i know that the mountains w^hich separate us are high, and are covered w^ith perpetual snow, but despair not. improve the serene nvinter weather to scale them. if need be, soften the rocks with vinegar. for here lie the verdant plains of italy ready to receive you. nor shall i be slow on my side to penetrate to your provence. strike then boldly at head or heart or any vital part. depend upon it, the timber is well seasoned and tough, and will bear rough usage; and if it should crack, there is plenty more w^here it came from. i am no piece of crockery that can not be jostled against my neighbor w^ithout danger of being broken by the collision, and must needs ring false and jarringly to the end of my days, w^hen once i am cracked; but rather one of the old-fashioned w^ooden trenchers, which at one while stands at the head of the table, and at another is a milkingstool, and at another is a seat for children, and finally goes down to its grave not unadorned with honorable scars, and 33 does not die till it is. worn out. nothing can shock a brave man but dulness. think how many rebuffs every man has experienced in his day ; perhaps has fallen into a horse-pond, eaten fresh-water clams, or worn one shirt for a w^eek without washing. indeed, you can not receive a shock unless you have an electric affinity for that ^vhich shocks you. use me, then, for i am useful in my w^ay, and stand as one of many petitioners from toadstool and henbane up to dahlia and violet, supplicating to be put to my use, if by any means ye may find me serviceable; whether for a medicated drink or bath, as balm and lavender; or for fragrance, as verbena and geranium; or for sight, as cactus; or for thoughts, as pansy. these humbler, at least, if not those higher uses. ah, my dear strangers and enemies, i w^ould not forget you. i can well afford to welcome you. let me subscribe myself. yours ever and truly— your much obliged servant ^ "we have nothing to fear from our foes ; god keeps a standing army for that service ; but w^e have no ally against our friends, those ruthless vandals. 34> 11^ love hat the essential difference between man and woman is that they should be thus attracted to one another, no one has satisfactorily answ^ered. perhaps w^e must • acknow^ledge the justness of the distinction w^hich assigns to man the sphere of wisdom, and to w^oman that of love, though neither belongs exclusively to either. man is continually saying to ^ w^oman, ** why will you not be more w^ise ? " woman is continually saying to man, ** w^hy w^ill you not be more loving?" it is not in their w^ills to be wise or to be loving; but unless each is both ^wise and loving there can be neither w^isdom nor love. all transcendent goodness is one, though appreciated in different w^ays, or by different senses. in beauty we see it, in music we hear it^ in fragrance w^e scent it, in the palatable the pure palate tastes it, and in rare health the whole bo^y feels it. the variety is in the surface or manifestation; but the radical identity we fail to express. the lover sees in the glance of his beloved the same beauty that in the sunset paints the w^estern skies 3» it is the same daimon, here lurking under a human eyelid, and there under the closing eyelids of the day. here, in small compass, is the ancient and natural beauty of evening and morning. w^hat loving astronomer has ever fathomed the ethereal depths of the eye ? ik j*. 39 the maiden conceals a fairer flower and sweeter fruit than any calyx in the field; and, if she goes w^ith averted face, confiding in her purity and high resolves, she will make the heavens retrospective, and all nature humbly confess its queen ik 3^ under the influence of this sentiment, man is a string of an aeolian harp, which vibrates w^ith the zephyrs of the eternal morning. there is at first thought something trivial in the commonness of love jk so many indian youths and maidens along these banks have yielded in ages past to the influence of this great civilizer. nevertheless, this generation is not disgusted nor discouraged, for love is no individual's experience; and though w^e are imperfect mediums, it does not partake of our imperfection ; though we are finite, it is infinite and eternal ; and the same divine influence broods over these banks, whatever race may inhabit them, and perchance still w^ould even if the human race did not d^vell here. perhaps an instinct survives through the intensest actual love, w^hich prevents entire abandonment and devotion, and makes the most ardent lover a little reserved ik it is the anticipation of change. for the most ardent lover is not the less practically wise, and seeks a love w^hich w^ill last forever. considering how few poetical friendships there are, it is remarkable that so many are married. it would seem as if men yielded too easy an obedience to nature without consulting their genius. one may be drunk w^ith love w^ithout being any nearer to finding his mate 3k there 40 is more of good nature than good sense at the bottom of most marriages. but the good nature must have the counsel of the good spirit or intelligence. if commonsense had been consulted, how many marriages would never have taken place; if uncommon or divine sense, how^ few^ marriages such as we witness w^ould ever have taken place ! our love may be ascending or descending. what is its character, if it may be said of it : " we must respect the souls above. but only those belo"w -we love "? love is a severe critic. hate can pardon more than love. they who aspire to love -worthily, subject themselves to an ordeal more rigid than any other. is your friend such an one that an increase of worth on your part will rarely make her more your friend ? is she retained— is she attracted— by more nobleness in you, by more of that virtue which is peculiarly yours; or is she indifferent and blind to that ? is she to be flattered and won by your meeting her on any other than the ascending path? then duty requires that you separate from her. love must be as much a light as a flame. "where there is not discernment, the behavior even of the purest soul may in effect amount to coarseness. a man of fine perceptions is more truly feminine than a merely sentimental w^oman. the heart is blind ; but love is not blind. none of the gods is so discriminating. in love and friendship the imagination is as much exercised as the heart ; and if either is outraged 41 the other will be estranged. it is commonly the imagination which is wounded first, rather than the heart, — it is so much the more sensitive. comparatively, we can excuse any offense againstthe heart, but not against the imagination. the imagination knows — nothing escapes its glance from out its eyrie— and it controls the breast ^ my heart may still yearn toward the valley, but my imagination will not permit me to jump off the precipice that debars me from it, for it is wounded, w^ounded, its wings are clipped and it can not fly even descendingly. our ** blundering hearts!" some poet says sk the imagination never forgets ; it is a re-membering. it is not foundationless, but most reasonable, and it alone uses all the knowledge of the intellect. love is the profoundest of secrets is** divulged, even to the beloved, it is no longer love. as if it were merely i that loved you. when love ceases, then it is divulged. in our intercourse with one we love, w^e wish to have answered those questions at the end of which we do not raise our voice ; against w^hich w^e put no interrogation -mark, — answered w^ith the same unfailing, universal aim toward every point of the compass. i require that thou knowest everything without being told anything. i parted from my beloved because there was one thing which i had to tell her. she questioned me. she should have known all by sympathy. that i had to tell it her was thedifferencebetw^eenus, — the misunderstanding. c a lover never hears anything that is told, for that is commonly either false or stale ; but he hears things taking place, as the sentinels heard 42 trenck mining in the ground, and thought it was moles. the relation may be profaned in many ways. the parties may not regard it with equal sacredness. 'what if the lover should learn that his beloved dealt in incantations and philters! "what if he should hear that she consulted a clairvoyant! 3-^ the spell w^ould be instantly broken s^ 3k if to chaffer and higgle are bad in trade, they are much w^orse in love. it demands directness as of an arrow. there is danger that w^e lose sight of what our friend is absolutely, w^hile considering w^hat she is to us alone. the lover w^ants no partiality. he says, **be so kind as to be just." " can'st thou love with thy mind and reason with thy heart? can'st thou be kind. and from thy darling part ? " can'st thou range earth, sea and air. and so meet me every w^here ? through all events i w^ill pursue thee. through all persons i will woo thee," ** i need thy hate as much as thy love. thou wilt not repel me entirely w^hen thou repellest w^hat is evil in me." " indeed, indeed, i can not tell. though i ponder on it w^ell, "which w^ere easier to state. all my love or all my hate. surely, surely, thou wilt trust me when i say thou dost disgust me; o i hate thee with a hate that would fain annihilate; 43 " yet, sometimes, against my will. my dear friend, i love thee still. it were treason to our love. and a sin to god above. one iota to abate of a pure, impartial bate." it is not enough that we are truthful ; we must cherish and carry out high purposes to be truthful about. it must be rare, indeed, that we meet with one to whom we are prepared to be quite ideally related, as she to us. we should have no reserve; we should give the whole of ourselves to that society ; we should have no duty aside from that. one who could bear to be so wonderfully and beautifully exaggerated every day. i would take my friend out of her low self and set her higher, infinitely higher, and there know her. but, commonly, men are as much afraid of love as of hate. they have low^er engagements. they have near ends to serve. they have not imagination enough to be thus employed about a human being, but must be coopering a barrel, forsooth ! 'what a difference, w^hether, in all your walks, you meet only strangers, or in one house is one who knows you, and tvhom you know ! to have a brother or a sister ! to have a gold mine on your farm! ^ to find diamonds in the gravel-heaps before your door ! how rare these things are! to share the day with you,— to people the earth. w^hether to have a god or a goddess for companion in your walks, or to walk alone with hinds and villains and carles. w^ould not a friend enhance the beauty of the landscape as much as a deer or hare ? everything 44 would acknow^ledge and serve such a relation ; the corn in the field, and the cranberries in the meadow. the flowers would bloom, and the birds sing, with a new impulse. there w^ould be more fair days in the year. the object of love expands and grows before us to eternity, until it includes all that is lovely, and we become all that can love. 45 marriage he subject of sex is a remarkable one, since, though its phenomena concern us so much, both directly and indirectly, and, sooner or later, it occupies the thoughts of all, yet all mankind, as it were, agree to be silent about it, at least the sexes commonly one to another. one of the most interesting of all human facts is veiled more completely than any mystery. it is treated with such secrecy and awe as surely do not go to any religion ^ i believe that it is unusual even for the most intimate friends to communicate the pleasures and anxieties connected w^ith this fact, —much as external a£fair of love, its comings and goings, are bruited. the shakers do not exaggerate it so much by their manner of speaking of it, as all mankind by their manner of keeping silence about it. not that men should speak on this or any subject without having anything worthy to say ; but it is plain that the education of man has hardly commenced,— there is so little genuine intercommunication. in a pure society, the subject of marriage would not be so often avoided from shame and not from reverence, winked out of sight, and hinted at only, but treated naturally and simply,— perhaps simply avoided, like the kindred mysteries. it can not be spoken of for shame, how can it be acted of? but, doubtless, there is far more purity, as w^ell as more impurity, than is apparent. 51 men commonly couple with their idea of marriage a slight degree at least of sensuality ; but every lover, the world over, believes in its inconceivable purity sk s^ if it is the result of a pure love, there can be nothing sensual in marriage ilk chastity is something positive, not negative. it is the virtue of the married especially isw all lusts or base pleasures must gvve place to loftier delights! they who meet as superior beings can not perform the deeds of inferior ones. the deeds of love are less questionable than any action of an individual can be, for, it being founded on the rarest mutual respect, the parties incessantly stimulate each other to a loftier and purer life, and the act in which they are associated must be pure and noble indeed, for innocence and purity can have no equal. in this relation we deal w^ith one w^hom w^e respect more religiously even than we respect our better selves, and we shall necessarily conduct as in the presence of god. "what presence can be more aw^ful to the lover than the presence of his beloved ? if you seek the w^armth even of affection from a similar motive to that from w^hich cats and dogs and slothful persons hug the £re, because your temperature is low through sloth, you are on the downw^ard road, and it is but to plunge yet deeper into sloth. better the cold affection of the sun, reflected from fields of ice and snow^, or his warmth in some still w^intry dell. the warmth of celestial love does not relax, but nerves and braces its enjoyer. warm your body by healthful exercise, not by cowering over a stove. w^arm your spirit by performing independently noble 62 deeds, not by ignobly seeking the sympathy of your fellows who are no better than yourself. a man^s social and spiritual discipline must answer to his corporeal. he must lean on a friend w^ho has a hard breast, as he w^ould lie on a hard bed. he must drink cold w^ater for his only beverage. so he must not hear sweetened and colored w^ords, but pure and refreshing truths. he must daily bathe in truth cold as spring w^ater, not w^armed by the sympathy of friends. can love be in aught allied to dissipation ? let us love by refusing, not accepting, one another. lov e and lust are^ far ^sunder. xhe one is good, "tke other ba3. when the affectionate synipathize by their higher natures, there is love ; but there is danger that they w^ill sympathize by their lower natures, and then there is lust. it is not necessary that this be deliberate, hardly even conscious ; but, in the close contact of affection, there is danger that w^e may stain and pollute one another, for we can not embrace but w^ith an entire embrace. we must love our friend so much that she shall be associated w^ith our purest and holiest thougnts alone ik when there is impurity, we have '* descended to meet," though we knew it not. cthe luxury of affection,— there 's the danger. there must be some nerve and heroism in our love, as of a w^inter morning. in the religion of all nations a purity is hinted at, which, i fear, men never attain to. we may love and not elevate one another. the love that takes us as it finds us degrades us. w^hat w^atch we must keep over the fairest and purest of our affections, lest there be some taint about them ! may we so love as never 53 to have occasion to repent of our love ! c, there is to be attributed to sensuality the loss to language of how many pregnant symbols ? flowers, w^hich, by their infinite hues and fragrance, celebrate the marriage of the plants, are intended for a symbol of the open and unsuspected beauty of all true marriage, w^hen man*s flowering season arrives. virginity, too, is a budding flower, and by an impure marriage the virgin is deflowered isv whoever loves flowers, loves virgins and chastity. love and lust are as far asunder as a flower-garden is from a brothel. j. biberg, in the amaenitates botanicae^ edited by linnaeus, observes (i translate from the latin): '* the organs of generation, "which, in the animal kingdom, are for the most part concealed by nature, as if they w^ere to be ashamed of, in the vegetable kingdom are exposed to the eyes of all ; and, when the nuptials of plants are celebrated, it is wonderful w^hat delight they afford to the beholder, refreshing the senses w^ith the most agreeable color and the sweetest odor; and, at the same time, bees and other insects, not to mention the humming-bird, extract honey from their nectaries, and gather wax from their effete pollen." linnaeus himself calls the calyx the thalamus, or bridal chamber ; and the corolla the aulaeum, or tapestry of it, and proceeds to explain thus every part of the flow^er. 'who know^s but evil spirits might corrupt the flow^ers themselves, rob them of their fragrance and their fair hues, and turn their marriage into a secret shame and defilement? already they are of various qualities, and there is one w^hose 54 nuptials fill the lowlands in june with the odor of carrion. the intercourse of the sexes, i have dreamed, is incredibly beautiful, too fair to be remembered. i have had thoughts about it, but they are among the most fleeting and irrecoverable in my experience. it is strange that men will talk of miracles, revelation, inspiration, and the like, as things past, w^hile love remains. a true marriage w^ill differ in no w^ise from illumination. in all perception of the truth there is 2l divine ecstacy, an inexpressible delirium of joy, as when a youth embraces his betrothed virgin. the ultimate delights of a true marriage are one w^ith this. no w^onder that out of such a union, not as end, but as accompaniment, comes the undying race of men. the womb is a most fertile soil. some have asked if the stock of men could not be improved, — if they could not be bred as cattle. let love be purified, and all the rest w^ill follow. a pure love is thus, indeed, the panacea for all the ills of the w^orld. the only excuse for reproduction is improvement. nature abhors repetition <^ beasts merely propagate their kind; but the offspring of noble men and w^omen w^ill be superior to themselves, as their aspirations are. by their fruits ye shall know them. ^^^ 55 here endeth " friendship, love, and marriage,** three essays written by henry d. thoreau. and preserved in a printed book by the roycrofters, at their shop, which is in east aurora, erie county, new york, a. d., mcmx one copy del. to cat. div. i.:c 7 1310 .z^'-^vv^v^.^ ^ ^. .^j ./> .s.^ oo^ x^^^. * a> .n\,%s?, •-^^^^' " .$^-%-, ■r,:'>>---->°.y:.x'---^>*:-i;;:.: vyc€*' -r '^^^. ". ^^ .' a^^ '^^. ^.. v^ v^^x. .i^->:■•>:•;■ 0. o^ ^^ deacidified using the bookkeeper process. neutralizing agent: magnesium oxide treatment date: .... jan 1999 ^ bbrkeeper ^ preservation technologies, lp. \^ 1 1 1 thomson park drive p* cranberry township, pa 16066 i / (724) 779-21 1 1 .3^% xo°^ <\ ^ , x xo^^ epess a word y>^^ t^^ maiive woods z q < < h u q z < < hi z o u to oq u q r ?■ library of congress two cooles received apn 22 1907 veoyrtffttt entry f/ci lu zoifyo/ lass cl w^c., no, / y v > ^ /' copy b. ^ to those seeking rest. recreation. health, sport with rod or gun. or to live close to and to study nature in its primitive state. this booklet is dedicated copyriglitfd iy07 by c. c. garland introduction pages 5 to 3 1 of this booklet is an excerpt from " ktaadn " and " the maine woods," published by houghton, mifflin & co., and written by henry david thoreau, who visited mt. ktaadn (katahdin) in august, 1 846, and whose description of that trip was first published in 1 848. thoreau, a close observer of nature and a writer of fine english diction and whose works become more and more valued as literary productions, was one of that eminent group of writers of his day, among whom are william cullen bryant, edgar allen poe, henry wadsworth longfellow, ralph waldo emerson, john greenleaf whittier, oliver wendall holmes, james russell lowell, nathaniel hawthorne, margaret fuller, richard henry dana, george william curtis and william ellery channing, most of whom were his close, personal friends. this excerpt only treats of that portion of thoreau's ktaadn trip com mencing at ambajejus lake, to the top of the mountain, and back to the west branch of the penobscot, on his return journey. it is over a portion of this route that one journeys in visiting debsconeag. the means of transporta tion are much easier, quicker and cheaper today than were those of thoreau's time, yet the grandeur of scenery and the wildness of the country remain about the same. pages 33 to 40 of this booklet treat of the debsconeag outing camps at debsconeag, ktaadn, rainbow lake and hurd pond, all located in the famous ktaadn region. full information giving particulars " how to get there," rates of board, transportation and all other desired informatian will be found in these pages. 3 mt. ktaadn is .situitcd in pistatacjuis county, between the west and east branch of the penobscot l^ivcr, in the heart of maine's unbroken wilderness. unlike most large mountain peaks, ktaadn stands alone; a view from it being unobstructed by other \\\v,\\ mount, uns. many persons who have (limbed most of the high mountains of the world say that ktaadn is not only the most interesting, but that a finer and more extended view can be obtained from it than from any other mountain on this continent, if not m the world. for a more minute descri()tion read what i horeau says of it herein. the easiest, quickest, best and cheapest way to get to ktaadn, is to make debsconeag your starting [)oint and to have our mr. c. c. garland, make all arrangements for you. (see page 37.) illustrations. no picture can do justice to these camps, it being practically impossible to take good photographs of them, owing to their high location. the camps and scenery about them must be seen to be appreciated. debsconeag falls "ktaadn" by thoreau " in the next nine miles, which were the extent of our voyage, and which it took us the rest of the day to get over, we rowed across several small lakes, poled up numerous rapids and thoroughfares, and carried over four portages. i will give the names and distances, for the benefit of future tourists. first, after leaving ambejijis lake, we had a quarter of a mile of rapids to the portage, or carry of ninety rods around ambejijis falls; then a mile and a half through passamagamet lake, which is narrow and river-like, to the falls of the same name, — ambejijis stream coming in on the right; then two miles through katepskonegan lake to the portage of ninety rods around katepskonegan falls, which name signifies " carrying-place,"— passamagamet stream coming in on the left ; then three miles through pockwockomus lake, a slight expansion of the river, to the portage of forty rods around the falls of the same name,— katepskonegan stream coming in on the left; then three quarters of a mile through aboljacarmegus lake, similar to the last, to the portage of forty rods around the falls of the same name ; then half a mile of rapid water to the sowadnehunk dead-water, and the aboljacknagesic stream. this is generally the order of names as you ascend the river : first, the lake, or, if there is no expansion, the dead-water ; then the falls ; then the stream emptying into the lake, or river above, all of the same name. first we came to passamagamet lake, then to passamagamet falls, then to passa magamet stream, emptying in. this order and identity of names, it will be perceived, is quite philosophical, since the dead-water or lake is always at least partially produced by the stream emptying in above; and the first fall below, which is the outlet of that lake, and where that tributary water makes its first plunge, also naturally bears the same name. at the portage around ambejijis falls i observed a pork barrel on the shore, with a hole eight or nine inches square cut in one side, which was set against an upright rock ; but the bears, without turning or upsetting the barrel, editor's nutk:since thoreau's time the spelling has been changed of many of the indian names, which he enumerates. ,^, katepskonegan has been corrupted into the word debsconeag. ka epskonegan lake as herein mentioned is now known as debsconeag dead-water . katet^skot egan fa is, as debsc.meag falls: passamagamet lake, as passamagamet dead wa e?; i'ockwockomus lake, as pockwockomus dead-water .a ...ijacknagesicstreani, as abol stream; .aboljacarmegus lake, as abol dead-water; aboljacarmegus falls, as abol falls ; atjd ivturch brook (see page 13) as katahdm stream. r^}^ ) i-^n r »>. v ''■*■ -.; \/(e.vy,^ fron top mt >\arahdlh. had gnawed a hole in the opposite side, which looked exactly hke an enor mous rat-hole, big enough to put their heads in; and at the bottom of the barrel were still left a few mangled and slabbered slices of pork it is usual for the lumberers to leave such supplies as they cannot conveniently carry along with them at carries or camps, to which the next comers do not scruple to help themselves, they being the property commonly, not of an individual, but a company, who can afford to deal liberally. 1 will describe particularly how we got over some of these portages and rapids in order that the reader may get an idea of the boatman s life. at ambe,i,is falls, for mstance, there was the roughest path imaginable, cut through the woods; at f^rst uphill, at an angle of nearly forty-five degrees, over rocks and logs without end. this was the manner of the portage. we (\rst carried over our baggage, and deposited it on the shore at the other end; then, returning to the batteau, we dragged it up the h.ll by the painter, and onward, with frequent pauses, over half the portage. but this was a bunglmg way and would soon have worn out the boat. commonly, three men walk over with a batteau weighing from three to five or six hundred pounds on their heads and shoulders, the tallest standing under the middle of the boat, which is turned over, and one at each end, or else there are two at the bows more cannot well take hold at once. but this requires some practice, as well as strength, and is in any case extremely laborious, and wearing to the consti tution, to follow. we were, on the whole, rather an invalid party and could render our boatmen but little assistance. our two men at length took the batteau upon their shoulders, and, while two of us steadied it, to prevent it from rocking and wearing into their shoulders, on which they placed their hats folded, walked bravely over the remaining distance, with two or three pauses. in the same manner they accomplished the other portages. with this crushing weight they must climb and stumble along over fallen trees and slippery rocks of all sizes, where those who walked by the sides were contin ually brushed off, such was the narrowness of the path. but we were fortun ate not to have to cut our path in the first place. before we launched our boat, we scraped the bottom smooth agam, with our knives, where it had rubbed on the rocks, to save friction. • , to avoid the difficulties of the portage, our men determmed to warp up" the passamagamet falls; so while the rest walked over the portage with the baggage, i remamed in the batteau, to assist in warping up. we were in the midst of the rapids, which were more swift and tumultuous than soon any we had poled up, and had turned to the side of the stream for the pur pose of warping, when the hoalmen, who felt some pride in their skill, and were ambitious to do something more than usual, for my benefit, as i surmised, took one more view of the rapids, or rather the falls; and, in answer to our question, whether we couldn't get up there, the other answered that he guessed he'd trv it. so we pushed again into tlic midst of the streim, and began to slrue;gle with the current. 1 sat m the middle of the boat to trim it, moving slightly to the right or left as it grazed a rock. with an uncertain and wavering motion we wound and bolted our way up, until the bow was actually raised two feet above the stern at the steepest pitch ; and then, when every thing depended upon his exertions, the bowman's pole snapped in two ; but before he had time to take the spare one, which 1 reached him, he had saved himself with the fragment u{)on a rock ; and so we got up by a hair's breadth; and uncle george e.xclaimed that that was never done before, and he had not tried it if he had not known whom he had got in the bow, nor he in the bow. if he had not known him in the stern. at this place there was a regu lar portage cut through the woods, and our boatmen had never known a batteau to ascend the falls. as near as 1 can remember, there was a perpen dicular fall here, at the worst place of the whole penobscot river, two or three feet at least. 1 could not sufficiently admire the skill and coolness with which they performed this feat, never speaking to each other. the bowman, not looking ijehind, but knowing exactly what the other is about, works as if he worked alone. now sounding in vain for a bottom in fifteen feet of water, while the boat falls back several rods, held straight only with the greatest skill and exertion ; or, while the sternman obstinately holds his ground, like a turtle, the bowman springs from side to side with wonderful suppleness and dexterity, scanning the rapids and the rocks with a thousand eyes ; and now, having got a fjite at last, with a lusty shove, which makes his pole bend and (juiver, and the whole boat tremble, he gains a few feet upon the river. to i\d(\ ti) llir danger, the poles are liable at any time to be caught between the rocks, and wrenched out of their hands, leaving them at the mercy of the rapids, the rocks, as it were, lying in wait, like so many alligators, to catch tlwin 111 llirir teeth, and jerk them from your hands, before you have stolen an eflectual shove against their palates. f he pole is set close to the boat, and the prow is made to overshoot, and just turn the corners of the rocks, in the verv ti methinks that must be where all my property lies, cast up on the rocks on some distant and unexplored stream, and waiting for an unheard-of freshet to fetch it down. o make haste, ye gods, with your winds and rains, and start the jam before it rots ! the last half mile carried us to the sowadnehunk dead-water, so called from the stream of the same name, signifying " running between mountains," an important tributary which comes in a mile above. here we decided to camp, about twenty miles from the dam, at the mouth of murch brook and the aboljacknagesic, mountain streams, broad off from ktaadn, and about a dozen miles from its summit, having made fifteen miles this day. we had been told by mccauslin that we should here find trout enough ; so, while some prepared the camp, the rest fell to fishing. seizing the birch poles which some party of indians, or white hunters, had left on the shore, and baiting our hooks with pork, and with trout, as soon as they were caught, we cast our lines into the mouth of the aboljacknagesic, a clear, swift, shallow stream, which came in from ktaadn. instantly a shoal of white chivin {leucisci pulchelli), silvery roaches, cousin-trout, or what not, large and small, prowling thereabouts, fell upon our bait, and one after another were landed amidst the bushes. anon their cousins, the true trout, took their turn, and alternately the speckled trout, and the silvery roaches, swallowed the bait as fast as we could throw in ; and the finest specimens of both that i have ever seen, the largest one weighing three pounds, were heaved upon the shore, though at first in vain, to wiggle down into the water again, for we stood in the boat ; but soon we learned to remedy this evil ; for one, who had lost his hook, stood on shore to catch them as they fell m a perfect shower around him — sometimes, wet and slippery, full in his face and bosom, as his arms were outstretched to receive them. while yet alive, before their tints had faded, they glistened like the fairest flowers, the product of primitive rivers ; and he could hardly trust his senses, as he stood over them, that these jewels should have swam away in that aboljacknagesic water for so long, so many dark ages; — these bright fluviatile flowers, seen of indians only, made beauti ful, the lord only knows why, to swim there ; i could understand better for this, the truth of mythology, the fables of proteus, and all those beautiful sea monsters, — how all history, indeed, put to a terrestrial use, is mere history ; but put to a celestial, is mythology always. but there is the rough voice of uncle george, who commands at the frying-pan, to send over what we've got, and then you may stay till morning. 13 the pork sizzles and cries for fish. luckily for the foolish race, and this particularly foolish generation of trout, the night shut clown at last, not a little deepened by tli' roach, like fly ing-fish, sped swiftly through the moonlight air, describing bright arcs on the dark side of ktaadn, until moonlight, now fading into daylight, brought satiety to my mind, and (he minds of my companions, who had joined me. h by six o'clock, havins^ mounted our packs and a good blanketful of trout, ready dressed, and swung up such baggage and provision as we wished to leave behind upon the tops of saplings, to be out of the reach of bears, we started for the sutimit of the mountain, distant, as uncle george said the boat men called it, about four miles, but as i judged, and as it proved, nearer four teen. he had never been any nearer the mountain than this, and there was not the slightest trace of man to guide us farther in this direction. at first, push ing a few rods up the aboljacknagesic, or " open-land stream, " we fastened our batteau to a tree, and traveled up the north side, through burnt lands, now partially overgrown with young aspens and other shrubbery ; but soon, re crossing this stream, where it was about fifty or sixty feet wide, upon a jam of logs and rocks, and you could cross it by this means almost anywhere, — we struck at once for the highest peak, over a mile or more of comparatively open land, still very gradually ascending the while. here it fell to my lot, as the oldest mountain-climber, to take the lead. so, scanning the woody side of the mountain, which lay still at an indefinite distance, stretched out some seven or eight miles in length before us, we determined to steer directly for the base of the highest peak, leaving a large slide, by which, as 1 have since learned, some of our predecessors ascended, on our left. this course would lead us parallel to a dark seam in the forest, which marked the bed of a torrent, and over a slight spur, which extended southward from the main mountain, from whose bare summit we could get an outlook over the country, and climb directly up the peak, which would then be close at hand. seen from this point, a bare ridge at the extremity of the open land, ktaadn presented a different aspect from any mountain 1 have seen, there being a greater propor tion of naked rock rising abruptly from the forest ; and we looked up at this blue barrier as if it were some fragment of a wall which anciently bounded the earth in that direction. setting the compass for a northeast course, which was the bearing of the southern base of the highest peak, we were soon buried in the woods. we soon began to meet with traces of bears and moose, and tho^e of rabbits were everywhere visible. the tracks of moose, more or less recent, to speak literally, covered every square rod on iuc sides oi the mountain ; and these animals are probably more numerous there now than ever before, being driven into this wilderness, from all sides, by the settlements. the track of a full-grown moose is like that of a cow. or larger, and of the young, like that of a calf. sometimes we found ours(>lvcs ir.welinu; in faint paths, which they had 16 made, like cow-paths in the woods, only far more indistinct, being rather open ings, affording imperfect vistas through the dense underwood, than trodden paths ; and everywhere the twigs had been browsed by them, clipped as smoothly as if by a knife. the bark of trees was stripped up by them to the height of eight or nine feet, in long, narrow strips, an inch wide, still showing the dintinct marks of their teeth. we expected nothing less than to meet a herd of them every moment, and our nimrod held his shooting-iron in readiness ; but we did not go out of our way to look for them, and, though numerous, they are so wary that the unskillful hunter might range the forest a long time before he could get sight of one. they are sometimes dangerous to encounter, and will not turn out for the hunter, but furiously rush upon him and trample him to death, unless he is lucky enough to avoid them by dodging round a tree. the largest are nearly as large as a horse, and weigh sometimes one thousand pounds ; and it is said that they can step over a five-foot gate in their ordinary walk. they are described as exceedingly awkward-looking animals, with their long legs and short bodies, making a ludicrous figure when in full run, but making great headway, nevertheless. it seemed a mystery to us how they could thread these woods, which it required all our suppleness to accomplish, — climbing, stooping, and winding, alternately. they are said to drop their long and branching horns, which usually spread five or six feet, on their backs, and make their way easily by the weight of their bodies. our boatmen said, but i know not with how much truth, that their horns are apt to be gnawed away by vermin while they sleep. their flesh, which is more like beef than venison, is common in bangor market. we had proceeded on thus seven or eight miles, till about noon, with frequent pauses to refresh the weary ones, crossing a considerable mountain stream, which we conjectured to be murch brook, at whose mouth we had camped, all the time in woods, without having once seen the summit, and ris ing very gradually, when the boatmen beginning to despair a little, and fear ing that we were leaving the mountain on one side of us, for they had not entire faith in the compass, mccauslin climbed a tree, from the top of which he could see the peak, when it appeared that we had not swerved from a right line, the compass down below still ranging with his arm, which pointed to the summit. by the side of a cool mountain rill, amid the woods, where the water began to partake of the purity and transparency of the air, we stopped to cook some of our fishes, which we had brought thus far in order to save our hard bread and pork, in the use of which we had put ourselves on short 17 allowance. we soon had a fire blazing, and stood around it, under the damp and sombre forest of firs and birches, each with a sharpened stick, three or four feet in length, upon which he had spitted his trout, or roach, previously well gashed and salted, our sticks radiating like the spokes of a wheel from one centre, and each crowding his particular fish into the most desirable ex posure, not with the truest regard always to his neighbor's rights. thus we regaled ourselves, drinking meanwhile at the spring, till one man's pack, at least, was considerably lightened, when we again took up our line of march. at length we reached an elevation sufficiently bare to afford a view of the summit, still distant and blue, almost as if retreating from us. a torrent, which proved to be the same we had crossed, was seen tumbling down in front, literally from out of the clouds. but this glimpse at our whereabouts was soon lost, and we were buried in the woods again. the wood was chiefly yellow birch, spruce, fir, mountain-ash, or round-wood, as the maine people call it, and moose-wood. it was the worst kind of traveling ; some times like the densest scrub-oak patches with us. the cornel, or bunch berries, were very abundant, as well as solomon's seal and mooseberries. blueberries were distributed along our whole route ; and in one place the bushes were drooping with the weight of the fruit, still as fresh as ever. it was the seventh of september. such patches afforded a grateful repast, and served to bait the tired party forward. when any lagged behind, the cry of "blueberries " was most effectual to bring them up. even at this elevation we passed through a moose-yard, formed by a large flat rock, four or five rods square, where they tread down the snow in winter. at length, fearing that if we held the direct course to the summit, we should not find any water near our camping-ground, we gradually swerved to the west, till, at four o'clock, we struck again the torrent which i have mentioned, and here, in view of the summit, the weary party decided to camp that night. while my companions were seeking a suitable spot for this purpose, i improved the little daylight that was left in climbing the mountain alone. we were in a deep and narrow ravine, sloping up to the clouds, at an angle of nearly forty-five degrees, and hemmed in by walls of rock, which were at first covered with low trees, then with impenetrable thickets of scraggy birches and spruce-trees, and with moss, but at last bare of all vegetation but lichens, and almost continually draped in clouds. following up the course of the torrent which occupied this, — and i mean to lay some emphasis on this word up, — pulling myself up by the side of perpendicular falls of twenty or thirty feet, by 19 the roots of firs and birches, and then, perhaps, walking a level rod or two in the thin stream, for it took up the whole road, ascending by huge steps, as it were, a giant's stairway, down which a river flowed, 1 had soon cleared the trees, and paused on the successive shelves, to look back over the country. the torrent was from fifteen to thirty feet wide, without a tributary, and seemingly not diminishing in breadth as i advanced ; but still it came rushing and roarmg down, with a copious tide, over and amidst masses of bare rock, from the very clouds, as though a waterspout had just burst over the mountain. leaving this at last, i began to work my way, scarcely less arduous than satan's anciently through chaos, up the nearest, though not the highest peak. at first scrambling on all fours over the tops of ancient black spruce-trees {abies nigra), old as the flood, from two to ten or twelve feet in height, their tops flat and spreading, and their foliage blue, and nipped with cold, as if for centuries they had ceased growing upward against the bleak sky, the solid cold. i walked some good rods erect upon the tops of these trees, which were overgrown with moss and mountain-cranberries. it seemed that in the course of time they had filled up the intervals between the huge rocks, and the cold wind had uniformly leveled all over. here the principal of vege tation was hard put to it. there was apparently a belt of this kind running quite round the mountain, though, perhaps, nowhere so remarkable as here. once slumping through, i looked down ten feet, into a dark and cavernous re gion, and saw the stem of a spruce, on whose top i stood, as on a mass of coarse basket-work, fully nine inches in diameter at the ground. these holes were bears' dens, and the bears were even then at home. this was the sort of garden 1 made my way over, for an eighth of a mile, at the risk, it is true, of treading on some of the plants, not seeing any path through it, — certainly the most treacherous and porous country i ever traveled. " nigh foundered on he fares. treading the crude consistence, half on foot. half flying. " but nothing could exceed the toughness of the twigs, — not one snapped under my weight, for they had slowly grown. having slumped, scrambled, rolled, bounced, and walked, by turns, over this scraggy country, i arrived upon a side hill, or rather side-mountain, where rocks, gray, silent rocks, were the flocks and herds that pastured, chewing a rocky cud at sunset. they looked at me with hard gray eyes, without a bleat or a low. this brought me to the skirt of a cloud, and bounded my walk that night. but i had already seen that 21 maine country when i turned about, waving, flowing, rippling down below. when i returned to my companions, they had selected a camping-ground on the torrent's edge, and were resting on the ground ; one was on the sick list, rolled in a blanket, on a damp shelf of rock. it was a savage and dreary scenery enough ; so wildly rough, that they looked long to find a level and open space for the tent. we could not well camp higher, for want of fuel ; .and the trees here seemed so evergreen and sappy, that we almost doubted if they would acknowledge the influence of fire ; but fire prevailed at last, and blazed here, too, like a good citizen of the world. even at this height we met with frequent traces of moose, as well as of bears. as there was no cedar, we made our bed of coarser feathered spruce ; but at any rate the feathers were plucked from the live tree. it was, perhaps, even a more grard and desolate place for a night's lodging than the summit would have been, being in the neighborhood of those wild trees, and of the torrent. some more aerial and finer-spirited winds rushed and roared through the ravine all night, from time to time arousing our fire, and dispersing the embers about. it was as if we lay in the very nest of a young whirlwind. at midnight, one of my bed-fellows, being startled in his dreams by the sudden blazing up to its top of a fir-tree, whose green boughs were dried by the heat, sprang up, with a cry, from his bed, thinking the world on fire, and drew the whole camp after him. in the morning, after whetting our appetite on some raw pork, a wafer of hard bread, and a dipper of condensed cloud or waterspout, we all together began to make our way up the falls, which i have described ; this time choosing the right hand, or highest peak, which was not the one i had approached before. but soon my companions were lost to my sight behind the mountain ridge in my rear, which still seemed ever retreating before me, and i climbed alone over huge rocks, loosely poised, a mile or more, still edging toward the clouds ; for though the day was clear elsewhere, the summit was concealed by mist. the mountain seemed a vast aggregation of loose rocks, as if some time it had rained rocks, and they lay as they fell on the mountain sides, nowhere fairly at rest, but leaning on each other, all rock ing stones, with cavities between, but scarcely any soil or smoother shelf. they were the raw materials of a planet dropped from an unseen quarry, which the vast chemistry of nature would anon work up, or work down, into the smiling and verdant plains and valleys of earth. this was an undone extremity of the globe ; as in lignite, we see coal in the process of formation. at length i entered within the skirts of the cloud which seemed forever 23 drifting over the summit, and yet would never be gone, but was generated out of tfial pure air as fast as it flowed away ; and when, a quarter of a mile farther. 1 reached the summit of the ridge, which those who have seen in clearer weather say is about five miles long, and contains a thousand acres of table-land. i was deep within the hostile ranlis of clouds, and all objects were obscured by them. now the wind would blow me out a yard of clear sun light, wherein i stood ; then a gray, dawning-light was all that it could ac complish, the cloud-line ever rising and falling with the wind's intensity. sometimes it seemed as if the summit would be cleared in a few moments, and smile in sunshine ; but what was gained on one side was lost on another. it was like sitting in a chimney and waiting for the smoke to blow away, it was. in fact, a cloud factory, these were the cloud-works, and the wind turned them off down from the cool, bare rocks. occasionally, when the windy columns broke m to me, i caught sight of a dark, damp crag to the right or left ; the mist driving ceaselessly between it and me. it reminded me of the creations of the old epic and dramatic poets, of atlas, vulcan, the cyclops, and prometheus. such was caucasus and the rock where pro metheus was bound. /eschylus had no doubt visited such scenery as this. it was vast, titanic, and such as man never inhabits. some part of the be holder, even some vital part, seems to escape through the loose grating of his ribs as he ascends. he is more lone than you can imagine. there is less of substantial thought and fair understanding in him than in the plains where men inhabit. his reason is dispersed and shadowy, more thin and subtile, like the air. vast, titanic, inhuman nature has got him at disadvantage, caught him alone, and pilfers him of some of his divine faculty. she does not smile on him as in the plains. she seems to say sternly. why came ye here before your time. this ground is not prepared for you. is it not enough that i smile in the valleys ? 1 have never made this soil for thy feel, this air for thy breathing, these rocks for thy neighbors. i cannot pity nor fondle thee here, but forever relentlessly drive thee hence to where 1 am kind. why seek me where i have not called thee, and then complain because you find me but a stepmother? shouldsl thou freeze or starve, or shudder thy life away, here is no shrine, nor altar, nor any access to my ear. "chaos and ancient night. i come no spy with i)ur|)ose to explore or to disturb the secrets of your rcalni, but as my way lies through your spacious empire up to light." 24 the tops of mountains are among the unfinished parts of the globe, whither it is a slight insult to the gods to climb and pry into their secrets, and try their effect on our humanity. only daring and insolent men, perchance, go there. simple races, as savages, do not climb mountains, — their tops are sacred and mysterious tracts never visited by them. pomola is always angry with those who climb to the summit of ktaadn. according to jackson, who, in his capacity of geological surveyor of the state, has accurately measured it,— the altitude of ktaadn is 5300 feet, or a little more than one mile above the level of the sea, — and he adds, " it is then evidently the highest point in the state of maine, and is the most abrupt granite mountain in new england." the peculiarities of that spacious table land on which i was standmg, as well as the remarkable semi-circular precipice or basin on the eastern side, were all concealed by the mist. 1 had brought my whole pack to the top, not knowing but i should have to make my descent to the river, and possibly to the settled portion of the state alone, and by some other route, and wishing to have a complete outfit with me. but at length, fearing that my companions would be anxious to reach the river before night, and knowing that the clouds might rest on the mountain for days, i was com pelled to descend. occasionally, as i came down, the wind would blow me a vista open, through which i could see the country eastward, boundless forests, and lakes and streams, gleaming in the sun, some of them emptying into the east branch. there were also new mountains in sight in that direction. now and then some small bird of the sparrow family would hit away before me, unable to command its course, like a fragment of the gray rock blown off by the wind. i found my companions where i had left them, on the side of the peak, gathering the mountain-cranberries, which filled every crevice between the rocks, together with blueberries, which had a spicier flavor the higher up they grew, but were not the less agreeable to our palates. when the country is settled, and roads are made, these cranberries will perhaps become an article of commerce. from this elevation, just on the skirts of the clouds, we could overlook the country, west and south, for a hundred miles. there it was, the state of maine, which we had seen on the map, but not much like that, — immeasurable forest for the sun to shine on, that eastern stuff we hear of in massachusetts. no clearing, no house. it did not look as if a solitary traveler had cut so much as a walking-stick there. countless lakes, — moosehead in the southwest, forty miles long by ten wide, like a gleaming 25 silver i)lattcr at the end of ihe table ; chesuncook, eighteen long by three wide, without an island ; millinocket, on the south, with its hundred islands ; and a hundred others without a name ; and mountains, also, whose names, for the most part, are known only to the indians. the forest looked like a firm grass sward, and the effect of these lakes in its midst has been well compared, by one who has since visited this same spot, to that of a " mirror broken into a ihousand fragments, and wildly scattered over the grass, reflecting the full blaze of the sun." it was a large farm for somebody, when cleared. according to the gazetteer, which was printed before the boundary question was settled, this single penobscot county, in which we were, was larger than the whole state of vermont, with its fourteen counties ; and this was only a part of the wild lands of maine. we are concerned now, however, about natural, not political limits. we were about eighty miles, as the bird flies, from bangor, or one hundred and fifteen, as we had ridden, and walked, and paddled. we had to console ourselves with the reflection that this view was probably as good as that from the peak, as far as it went ; and what were a mountain without its attendant clouds and mists ? like ourselves, neither bailey nor jackson had obtained a clear view from the summit. setting out on our return to the river, still at an early hour in llic day, we decided to follow the course of the torrent, which we supposed to be murch brook, as long as it would not lead us too far out of our way. we thus traveled about four miles in the very torrent itself, continually crossing and re crossing it, leaping from rock to rock, and jumping with the stream down falls of seven or eight feet, or sometimes sliding down on our backs in a thin sheet of water. 1 his ravine had been the scene of an extraordinary freshet in the spring, ap|)arently accompanied by a slide from the mountain. it must have been filled with a stream of stones and water, at le:ist twenty feet above the present level of the torrent. lor a rod or two, on either side of its channel, the trees were barked and si)lintered up to their tops, the birches bent over, twisted, and sonietirnes finely split, like a stable-broom ; some, a foot in diam eter, snap|)ed off, and whole clumps of trees bent over with the weight of rocks |)iled on them. in one place we noticed a rock, two or three feet in diameter, lodged nearly twenty feet high in the crotch of a tree. for the whole four miles, we saw but one rill emj)tying in, and the volume of water did not seem to be increased from the first. we traveled thus very rapidly with a downward impetus, and grew remarkably expert in leaping from rock to rock, lor jr.ip wimust, .uid leap we dul. wlullici there was any rock at 26 the right distance or not. it was a pleasant picture when the foremost turned about and looked up the winding ravine, walled in with rocks and the green forest, to see, at intervals of a rod or two, a red-shirted or green-jacketed mountaineer against the white torrent, leaping down the channel with his pack on his back, or pausing upon a convenient rock in the midst of the torrent to mend a rent in his clothes, or unstrap the dipper at his belt to take a draught of the water. at one place we were startled by seeing, on a little sandy shelf by the side of the stream, the fresh print of a man's foot, and for a moment realized how robinson crusoe felt in a similar case ; but at last we remembered that we had struck this stream on our way up, though we could not have told where, and one had descended into the ravine for a drink. the cool air above and the continual bathing of our bodies m mountain water, alternate foot, sitz, douche, and plunge baths, made this walk exceedingly re freshing, and we had traveled only a mile or two, after leaving the torrent, before every thread of our clothes was as dry as usual, owing perhaps to a peculiar quality in the atmosphere. after leaving the torrent, being in doubt about our course, tom threw down his pack at the foot of the loftiest spruce-tree at hand, and shinned up the bare trunk some twenty feet, and then climbed through the green tower, lost to our sight, until he held the topmost spray in his hand. mccauslin, in his younger days, had marched through the wilderness with a body of troops, under general somebody, and with one other man did all the scouting and spying service. the general's word was, " throw down the top of that tree, and there was no tree in the maine woods so high that it did not lose its top in such a case. i have heard a story of two men being lost once in these woods, nearer to the settlement than this, who climbed the loftiest pine they could find, some six feet in diameter at the ground, from whose top they dis covered a solitary clearing and its smoke. when at this height, some two hundred feet from the ground, one of them became dizzy, and fainted in his companion's arms, and the latter had to accomplish the descent with him, alternately fainting and reviving, as best he could. to tom we cried, where away does the summit bear ? where the burnt lands ? the last he could only conjecture ; he descried, however, a little meadow and pond, lying probably in our course, which we concluded to steer for. on reaching this secluded meadow, we found fresh tracks of moose on the shore of the pond, and the water was still unsettled as if they had fled before us. a little farther, in a dense thicket, vve seemed to be still on their trail. it was a small 27 meadow, of a few acres, on the mountain side, concealed by the forest, and perhaps never seen by a white man before, where one would think that the moose might browse and bathe, and rest in peace. pursuing this course, we soon reached the open land, which went sloping down some miles toward the penobscot. perhaps i most fully realized that this was primeval, untamed, and for ever untamable nature, or whatever else men call it, while coming down this part of the mountain. we were passing over " burnt land," burnt by lightning, perchance, though they showed no recent marks of fire, hardly so much as a charred stump, but looked rather like a natural pasture for the moose and deer, exceedingly wild and desolate, with occasional strips of timber cross ing them, and low poplars springing up, and patches of blueberries here and there. 1 found myself traversing them familiarly, like some pasture run to waste, or partially reclaimed by man ; but wiien i reflected what man, what brother or sister or kinsman of our race made it and claimed it, i expected the proprietor to rise up and dispute my passage. it is difficult to conceive of a region unin habited by man. we habitually presume his presence and influence every where. and yet we have not seen pure nature, unless we have seen her thus vast and drear and inhuman, though in the midst of cities. nature was here something savage and awful, though beautiful. 1 looked with awe at the ground i trod on, to see what the powers had made there, the form and fashion and material of their work. this was that earth of which we have heard, made out of chaos and old night. here was no man's garden, but the unhandseled globe. it was not lawn, nor pasture, nor mead, nor wood land, nor lea, nor arable, nor waste land. it was the fresh and natural surface o' the planet earth, as it was made forever and ever, — to be the dwelling of man we say, — so nature made it, and man may use it, if he can. man was nol to be associated with it. it was matter, vast, terrific, — not his mother earth that we have heard of, not for him to tread on, or be buried in, — no, it were being too familiar even to let his bones lie there, — the home, this, of necessity and fate. there was clearly felt the presence of a force not bound to be kind to man. it was a place for heathenism and superstitious rites, — to be inhabited by men nearer of kin to the rocks and to wild animals than we. we walked over it with a certain awe, stopping, from time to time, to pick the blueberries which grew there, and had a smart and spicy taste. perchance where our wild pines stand, and leaves lie on their forest floor, in concord, there were once reapers, and husbandmen planted grain ; 29 but here not even the surl.icc had hccri scaircu hy man, hut it was a specimen of what god saw lit to make this world. what is it to he admitted to a museum, to see a myriad of particular tilings, compared with being shown some star's surface, some hard matter in its home ! 1 stand in awe of my body, this matter to which 1 am bound has become so strange to me. i fear not spirits, ghosts, of which i am one, — ihaf my body might, but i fear bodies, 1 tremble to meet them. \\ hat is this i itan that has possession of me ? 1 alk of mysteries ! think of our life in nature, — daily to be shown matter, to come in contact with it, — rocks, trees, wind on our cheeks ! the solid earth ! the actual world ! the common sense ! contact ! contact ! who are we ? where are we ? erelong we recognized some rocks and other features in the landscape which we had purposely impressed on our memories, and, quickening our pace, by two o'clock we reached the batteau. here we had expected to dine on trout, but in this glaring sunlight they were slow to take the bait, so we were compelled to make the most of the crumbs of our hard bread and our pork, which were both nearly exhausted. meanwhile we deliberated whether we should go up the river a mile farther, to gibson's clearing, on the sowadnehunk, where there was a deserted log-hut, in order to get a half inch auger, to mend one of our spike-poles with. there were young spruce trees enough around us, and we had a spare spike, but nothing to make a hole with. but as it was uncertain whether we should find any tools left there, we patched up the broken pole, as well as we could, for the downward voyage, in which there would be but little use for it. moreover, we were unwilling to lose any time in this expedition, lest the wind should rise before we reached the larger lakes, and detain us ; for a moderate wind produces quite a sea on these waters, in which a batteau will not live for a moment ; and on o.ie occa sion mccauslin had been delayed a week at the head of the north twin, wiirii is only four miles across. we were nearly out of provisions, and ill prepared in this respect for what might possibly prove a week's journey round by the shore, fording innumerable streams, and threading a trackless forest, should any accident happen to our boat. it was with regret that we turned our backs on chesuncook, which mccauslin had formerly lugged on, and the allegash lakes. i here were still longer rapids and portages above ; among the last the rippogenus portage, which he described as the most diffuult on the river, and three miles long. the whole length of the penobscot is two hundred and seventy-dve miles, and 30 we are still nearly one hundred miles from its source. hodge, the assistant state geologist, passed up this river in 1837, and by a portage of only one mile and three quarters crossed over into the allegash, and so went down that into the st. john, and up the madawaska to the grand portage across to the st. lawrence. his is the only account that i know of an expedition through canada in this direction. he thus describes his first sight of the latter river, which, to compare small things with great, is like balboa's first sight of the pacific from the mountains of the isthmus of darien. " when we first came in sight of the st. lawrence, " he says, " from the top of a high hill, the view was most striking, and much more interesting to me from having been shut up in the woods for the two previous months. directly before us lay the broad river, extending across nine or ten miles, its surface broken by a few islands and reefs, and two ships riding at anchor near the shore. beyond, extended ranges of uncultivated hills, parallel with the river. the sun was just going down behind them, and gilding the whole scene with its parting rays." about four o'clock, the same afternoon, we commenced our return voy age, which would require but little if any poling." o 1j mb fe*-m kr *^3 ckt'*" ^'^ ^j m| 2^ ^^ ^ -am si 1 *p ^ 31 v 1-}, ^ /'• ■;. ,.^ >n i^iarvi \ \ ' \. ^i^ l^lft af de-bscohhag the debsconeag outing camps are conducted as a public outing resort. located near mt. ktaadn, in piscat aquis county, maine, and were formerly owned by the debsconeag fish & game club. they are known also as garland's camps. they will continue to be under the popular and efficient management of mr. c. c. garland, who first established and conducted these camps for the club. home camps. the home camps, or principal camps of this group, are located on the north shore of first debsconeag lake facing south. these consist of a gen eral camp containing an assembly room, formerly the club-house, and a separate dining-room and kitchen building, several sleeping lodges or small cottages arranged for parties and families, and tents having board floors and log walls upon which the tent rests, making the combined walls about six to seven feet in height. these camps are substantially and comfortably built of peeled logs and have commodious covered piazzas. all these camps are kept immaculately clean and are comfortably furnished with spring beds, mattresses, clean linen and bedding, easy chairs and open franklin stoves. the floors of the tents extend to form a commodious piazza, which, with the tent proper, is covered with a large fly, protecting the tent from both the sun and rain. these tents are furnished with spring beds, easy chairs, and toilet articles the same as the cottages. they have become most popular and are as much sought after as the private camps. all tents and camps give privacy to ladies. the sanitation about these premises is carefully looked after. bathing. excellent sand beaches near by afford good facilities for an invigorating bath in the crystal waters of debsconeag. the greater percentage of the camps' guests resort to these beaches daily. be sure to take your bathing suit with you. 33 tefc canoeing. canoeing facilities could be no better and tlie variety and beauty of scenery cannot be surpassed. f'robably there is no place in maine where so many different canoe and fishing trijjs and daily picnic excursions can be taken as from debsconeag. the table. i o set a table unefjualled in the maine woods, serving in season all the delicacies of forest and stream, is the aim of the management. this camp has its own vegetable garden and hennery and draws lilxially from the bangor markets. to those persons tired and worn out frf)m business cares, recovering from pneumonia, having nervous prostration, bronchial or catarrhal troubles, insomnia, constipation, stomach troubles, hay fever (unknown at debsconeag), pleurisy, or needing a change from any course, we offer special advantages, and solicit correspondence regarding the same. 1 o such, our table will be found attractive. no alcoholics or tuberculous patients, or any person who would be objectionable to other guests, will be entertained at these camps. the atmos phere at debsconeag will be found cool, dry and bracing. the spring water is absolutely pure and soft and many persons are greatly benefitted by its use. it comes to the table clear as crystal, cool as ice water, from a near-by cave. fishing. no part of maine has as great a variety of fishing, as is here found in something like 30 lakes and ponds within a radius of three miles of the home camps. trout being especially abundant. large numbers of gamy lake i rout are taken in front of these camps, in first debsconeag lake, many weighing from 12 to 20 [)ounds and measuring three feet in length. rainbow lake camps. 1 he rainbow lake camps consist of a large two story main camp in which is the diriiiig-room and kitchen, and two separate log sleeping lodges. i (ills are also used during the warm months. i loretofoie these camps have been used as outl\ing cam|w ; this season they will be run lnc^ependent of the home camps and will be in charge of a competent man and his wife, who will cater to the roiiilorl of their guests. 34 canoes are kept here for rental to guests at the rate of fifty cents per day. at rainbow, one can come closer in touch with nature, with the usual discomforts eliminated, than at any far distant camp in the maine woods. the beds are of woven wire, piled high with fresh-picked fir, fragrant with the breath of the forest. the menu contains just such articles as are closely associated with primitive forest life, but which are cooked in a manner superior to that of the average woodsman. one's fishing may be done comfortably from the mammoth rocks on the lake shore, from canoes or from a large log float anchored near by the camps for that purpose. rainbow lake is an ideal location for either a permanent stay or for a few days' side trip from the main camps at debsconeag. the distance from these is about six miles, but one-half of it is made by water, the balance being over well cleared trails. in traveling between these camps, four lakes and ponds are traversed, on each of which are kept relays of canoes, thus render ing carrying of canoes unnecessary. the average person can make the trip in three hours. rainbow lake's famous trout. in rainbow lake, five miles long by a mile wide, there are more square tailed trout than m any other body of water of the same size in the country. the bottom is covered with great boulders, from beneath which bubble the springs from which the lake is fed, and in the interstices of which the trout hide. it is one of the most unique sights to lower a bait toward one of these rocky formations. for a moment there is not a fish to be seen ; then from a dozen crevices the trout come flashing toward the surface, each anxious to secure the coveted morsel. a few seconds after, every trout has again dis appeared, save those struggling at the leader, and so wonderfully clear is the water that they may be distinctly seen at a depth of 40 feet. it may seem exaggeration to say that " square-tailed " or " brook trout " (salmo fontinalis) may be taken at any time in this lake at any time, day or night ; but one has only to try to be convinced. unlike trout in general, those at rainbow take the fly in the warmest weather, and bite well at all seasons, chiefly during the mornings and evenings. these fish make a strenuous fight when hooked, are firm in flesh, light pink in color, and will be found of a delicious flavor. they vary in size from one quarter pound to five pounds, 35 >|alhl»oiv'^i.££p/m()i0fl6f v *.. 1 f^aine>ow camp ktaadn camp. close to the southwest slide trail, near the timber line, leading up ktaadn, is a finely constructed and comfortable camp, another of this group, built especially for the use of our guests wishing to climb the mountain. this camp is kept furnished with cooking utensils and blankets, but not with sup plies. the latter are toted by the guides accompanying each party. by a measurement made in 1 906, the height of mt. ktaadn at west peak, its highest point, is 5268 feet above the sea. making the ascent of ktaadn is a feature of a stay at debsconeag, this being the nearest point of departure. {the management will make special arrangements to tal^e parties from their homes to the mountain and return arranging all details and paying all bills, for a fixed sum.) probably the best route upon the mountain is over the abol-ktaadn stream trail. the distance, via the west branch, from debsconeag to the foot of the trail is about six miles. parties visiting the mountain should plan on taking three days from debsconeag. the first day the ktaadn camp should be made ; the second day, visit the top of the mountain and return to the ktaadn camp ; and the third day, return to the home camps. by carrying out this program, haste at no time need be made, and the trip will be found a comparatively easy one. ktaadn stream along the mountain trail may be fished on both the first and third days if one is so inclined. hurd pond (more properly a lake) is one mile north of the home camps ; is about two miles wide by three miles long. its waters are wonderfully clear ; is well stocked with trout, lake trout, and some good sized landlocked salmon are here taken. on the shore of the lake, about three miles from debsconeag, we have for the convenience of our guests a small outlying camp. here one can spend the day or a few days by taking supplies from the home camp. guide laws. non-residents of the state of maine are not allowed to enter upon the wild lands of the state and camp, or kindle fires thereon, while engaged in climbing or fishing without being in charge of a registered guide during the months of may, june, july, august, september, october and november, but // is not necessary for a non-resident to employ a guide, prodded he is stopping with the omner of a "registered camp" and does not camp, or kindle fires, '^hese camps are registered camps. 37 rates and accommodations. persons wishing to visit debsconeag and other camps, will do well to write early for accommodations. rates of board and lodging, $14.00 per week and upwards. guides' board at the home camps, $1.50 per day. rates at rainbow lake camps, a uniform rate of $2.00 per day. guides' wages are $3.00 per day and their board ; this rate includes the use of one canoe. canoes and boats may be hired at the rate of fifty cents per day or three dollars per week. a supply of standard rods and fishing tackle, moccasins, heavy wool maine socks, cigars and tobacco, eire kept for sale at the home camps, so that one leaving home on short notice is sure to find here all he may need for his comfort and pleasure on arrival. to these camps, guests may bring their own guides, canoes and outfits, or, upon proper notice, the manager will supply guides, and all, or any part of an outfit, including tents and canoes. reliable registered guides make their headquarters at these camps. camera. you should not fail to take your camera and plenty of films with you, that you may carry home pleasant memories of the picturesque scenery and of live game so plentiful in this region. baggage. visitors to these camps should avoid bringing heavy baggage. grips and bags are preferable to trunks and are less expensive to transport. trunks may be left at the south twin house and contents there transferred to grips, bags, or telescope cases. how to get there. buy tickets to south twin, maine. a through sleeper leaves boston ua boston & maine, maine central and bangor & aroostook r. r., about 7.00 p. m., and arrives at south twin about 6.00 o'clock the following morning. the last train leaving boston arrives at south twin about 1 0.00 o'clock the next morning, but the sleeper is switched off at milo junction, hence we recommend taking the train leaving boston about 7.00 p. m. this gives ample time to make any shifts of outfit before taking the steamer, which leaves south twin, after the arrival of the train from the west, about 1 0.00 a. m. 39 apr 22 1907 (trains only stop at south twin on siknal, or notice to the conductor on the train.) the south i win i louse is located at south i win, wlicre one s trunks and heavy baggage may be left during his slay in the woods. steamers operated by capt. pearl s. willey, who handles our business on the lakes, start from south twin daily except sunday, about 10.30 a. m. after the arrival of the train from the west, for ambejijis, return ing in season for [)assengers to take the afternoon train for the west. at ambejijis these steamers are met daily, sunday excepted, by competent employees of these camps with canoes or boats to carry passengers and their baggage to debsconeag. the "debsconeag" post office is located at the home camps, which is also a u. s. weather bureau station. mail arrives and departs daily, except sunday. the nearest express and telegraph office is south twin. correspondence is solicited and will receive prompt attention. address all communications to c. c. garland, manager, debsconeag, piscataquis county, maine. v • ;i; v'^ 40 the shortest, quickest, only direct route to the great forest recreation region of northern maine solid vestibuled trains. pullman sleeping and parlor cars. dining cars. strictly modem equipment and service throughout. "in the maine woods" our 1907 guidebook offering most attractive news and views oi northern maine's famous fishing, hunting and recreation region — a book of 1 92 pages with over 100 actual maine woods scenes — mailed for 15 cents in stamps. address geo. m. houghton, passenger traffic manager, bangor. maine library of congress 013 995 722 7 threepence on the duty of civil diso be die ince by h. d. thoreau º uniform with “civil disobedience.” 40 pages. foap. 8vo. 3d. post free, 3%d. rubayat of omar khayyám translated by edward fitzgerald. a complete reprint of the first (1859) edition of fitzgerald's translation of this famous gem of the persian philosopher poet of the simple life. * the ball no question makes of ayes and noes, but right or left as strikes the player goes; and he that toss'd thee down into the field, he knows about it a -he knows—he knows.” (quatraº. 50 ºn this edition.) nº. 3 of the simple life series. a new series of inexpensive, tasteful booklets treating of social justice, religious truth, and the meaning and way of life. the simple life press, 1903, 5, water lane, ludgate hill, e.c. a. --tº a . in º º on the duty of civil disobedience the simple life series. a new series of inexpensive, tasteful booklets treating of social justice, religious truth, and the meaning and way of life, sincerely and unaffectedly. many will be reprints of wellknown gems of thought, many will be new. published by the simple life press 5, water lane, ludgate hill, london, e.c. if you would care to be kept informed of new issues, or to have a little catalogue of important books and pamphlets issued by the general press, which will be published quarterly (gratis), please send a post card. the s.l.p. will be happy to procure for you any progressive literature you may find a difficulty in obtaining, or to help with advice, if possible. estimates for the production of leaflets, pamphlets, and booklets, tastefully and economically, furnished with pleasure. now ready, the first volumes of the series. no. 1. tolstoy and his message. by ernest. howard crosby, author of plain talk in psalm and parable. the story of tolstoy's life and a study of his teaching, by a personal friend. feap. 8vo, 96 pages. antique paper. artistic covers, dark green on olivine, 6d. net., post free, 7d. (a shilling cloth edition also in preparation.) no. 2. even as you and i : fables and parables of the life to-day. by bolton hall, author of things as they are, etc., etc. an authorized popular edition of this unique book. uniform with no. 1. fcap. 8vo, 96 pages. antique paper. artistic covers, dark green on olivine, 6d, net, post free, 7d. (a shilling cloth edition in preparation.) no. 3. the rubaiyat of omar khayyam. translated by edward fitzgerald, with the translator's life of omar, and the notes. feap. 8vo, 40 pages. antique paper. artistic covers, dark green on olivine, 3d., post free, 3}d. o no. 4. an essay on the duty of civil disobedience. by henry david thqreau, author of walden, or life in the woods, etc.. a reprint of this classic essay on the supremacy of the individual conscience. feap. 8vo, 40 pages. antique * artistic covers, dark green on oliviné, 3d., post free, 3}d. others in are/aration.) on the duty of civil disobedience by henry david thoreau author of “walden : or life in the woods”; “a week on the concord”; etc. the simple life press 5 water lane london e c 1903 “all our liberties are due to men who, when their conscience has compelled them, have broken the laws of the land.” pr. clifford. “i think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. it is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. . . . the few men who serve the state with their consciences also, necessarily resist it for the most part.” (duty of civil disobedience.) note to this edition thoreau wrote his famous essay, on the duty of civil disobedience, as a protest against an unjust but popular war and the immoral but popular institution of slave-owning. he did more than write—he declined to pay his taxes, and was hauled off to gaol in consequence. who can say how much this refusal of his hastened the end of the war and of slavery 2 at the present day, intellectual detachment from the state, and individual defiance of its behests when these are opposed to conscience, are more difficult, and apparently more futile, than in thoreau's time. the unit seems of less importance in the mass. it is all the more imperative, therefore, that the facts that the mass is composed of units and the conscience of the mass is the aggregate conscience of the units, and that the individual is still the sole responsible guardian of his own conscience and the co-guardian of the public conscience, should be fully recognized. the constant circulation of this essay of thoreau, in which the matter is probed to its bottom with the clearness of sight given to a man when he cares nothing for personal “ consequences,” cannot, therefore, but be of service, and of increasing service with the increasing dominance of the state, to the whole body politic. “those few who serve the state with their consciences as well as with their bodies, cannot but resist it for the most part, and are commonly termed its enemies.” a. c. f. 6 on the duty of civil disobedience i heartily accept the motto—“that government is best which governs least ’’; and i should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also i believe—“that government is best which governs not at all ”; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. government is at best but an expedient ; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. the objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. the standing army is only an arm of the standing government. the government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. witness the present mexican war (1849), the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure. this american government—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavouring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity ? it has not 7 8 (wit the øuty ot the vitality and force of a single living man ; for a single man can bend it to his will. it is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. but it is not the less necessary for this ; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. it is excellent, we must all allow. yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. it does not keep the country free. it does not settle the west. it does not educate. the character inherent in the american people has done all that has been accomplished ; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. for government is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone ; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. trade and commerce, if they were not made of india-rubber, would never manage to bounce over the obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and, if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads. but, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, i ask for, not at once no government, but at once civil øigobeoience 9 a better government. let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it. after all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. but a government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience 2–in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable p must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator p why has every man a conscience, then 2 i think that we should be men first, and subjects afterwards. it is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. the only obligation which i have a right to assume is to do at any time what i think right. it is truly enough said, that a corporation has no conscience ; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. law never made men a whit more just ; and, by means of their respect for it, even the welldisposed are daily made the agents of injustice. a common and natural result of an undue respect for law is that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys, and io on the øuty of all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. they have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned ; they are all peaceably inclined. now, what are they p men at all p or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power p visit the navy-yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an american government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts— a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniments, though it may be— not a drum was heard, not a funeral note, as his corse to the rampart we hurried ; not a soldier discharged his farewell shot o'er the grave where our hero we buried. the mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. they are the standing army, and the militia, gaolers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. in most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense ; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. they have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. civil øigobeoience it others—as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders—serve the state chiefly with their heads ; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as god. a very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part ; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. a wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay,” and “stop a hole to keep the wind away,” but leave that office to his dust at least :— i am too high-born to be propertied, to be a secondary at control, or useful serving-man and instrument to any sovereign state throughout the world. he who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish ; but he who gives himself partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist. how does it become a man to behave toward this american government to-day p i answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. i cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave's government also, all men recognize the right of revolution ; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. but almost all say that such is not the case now. but such was the case, they think, in the revolution of ’75. i 2 qm the øuty of if one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that i should not make an ado about it, for i can do without them. all machines have their friction ; and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil. at any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. but when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, i say, let us not have such a machine any longer. in other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, i think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. what makes this duty the more urgent is the fact that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army. paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on the “duty of submission to civil government,” resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say, “that so long as the interest of the whole society requires it, that is, so long as the established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of god that the established government be obeyed, and no longer. . . . this principle being admitted, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quality of the danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense of recivil ºigobeoience i3 dressing it on the other.” of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. but paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. if i have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, i must restore it to him though i drown myself. this, according to paley, would be inconvenient. but he that would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it. this people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people. in their practice, nations agree with paley ; but does any one think that massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis 2 a drab of state, a cloth-o'-silver slut, to have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirt practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the south, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and to mexico, cost what it may. i quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, near at home, co-operate with, and do the bidding of, those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. we are accustomed to say that the mass of men are unprepared ; but improvement is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. it is not so important that many i4 on the euty of should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere, for that will leaven the whole lump. there are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them ; who, esteeming themselves children of washington and franklin [cromwell and gladstone p] sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing ; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. what is the price-current of an honest man and patriot to-day 2 they hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition ; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. they will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. at most, they give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and god-speed, to the right, as it goes by them. #there are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man. but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it. all voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions ; and betting naturally accompanies it. the character of the voters is not staked. i cast my vote, perchance, as i think right , but i am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. i am willing to leave it to the majority. civil ()isobedience i5 its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. it is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. a wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. there is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. when the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. they will then be the only slaves. only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote. i hear of a convention to be held at baltimore, or elsewhere, for the selection of a candidate for the presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession ; but i think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what decision they may come to 2 shall we not have the advantage of his wisdom and honesty, nevertheless p can we not count upon some independent votes ? are there not many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions p but no : i find that the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reason to despair of him. he forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus selected as the only available one, thus proving that he is himself available for any purposes of the demagogue. his vote is of no more worth than that of any uni6 qn the øuty of principled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. oh for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbour says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand through our statistics are at fault : the population has been returned too large. how many men are there to a square thousand miles in this country p hardly one. does not america offer any inducement for men to settle here 2 the american has dwindled into an odd fellow, —one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance ; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is to see that the almshouses are in good repair ; and, before yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund for the support of the widows and orphans that may be ; who, in short, ventures to live only by the aid of the mutual insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently. it is not a man's duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous wrong ; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him ; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support. if i devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, i must first see, at least, that i do not pursue them, sitting upon another man’s shoulders. i must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. see what gross inconsistency is tolerated. i have heard some of my townsmen say, “i should civil øigobeofence i 7 like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to mexico—see if i would go " , and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. the soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war ; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught ; as if the state were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. thus, under the name of order and civil government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. after the first blush of sin comes its indifference ; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made. the broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue to sustain it. the slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to incur. those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. some are petitioning the state to dissolve the union, to disregard the requisitions of the president. why do they not dissolve it themselves, —the union between themselves and the state, b 18 qn the euty of —and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury 2 do not they stand in the same relation to the state, that the state does to the union ? and have not the same reasons prevented the state from resisting the union, which have prevented them from resisting the state p how can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely and enjoy it 2 is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved 2 if you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbour, you do not rest satisfied with knowing that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due ; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again. action from principle, the perception and the performance of right, changes things and relations ; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. it not only divides states and churches, it divides families ; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine. unjust laws exist : shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavour to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once 2 men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. they think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. but it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. it makes it worse. why is it not more civil øigobeoience i9 apt to anticipate and provide for reform 2 why does it not cherish its wise minority p why does it cry and resist before it is hurt p why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults and do better than it would have them 2 why does it always crucify christ, and excommunicate copernicus and luther, and pronounce washington and franklin rebels 2 one would think that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was the only offence never contemplated by government ; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalty p if a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the state, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that i know, and determined only by the discretion of those who placed him there ; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the state, he is soon permitted to go at large again. if the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let it go : perchance it will wear smooth — certainly the machine will wear out. if the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will not be worse than the evil ; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another, then, i say, break the law. let your life be a counterfriction to stop the machine. what i have to do is to see, at any rate, that i do not lend myself to the wrong which i condemn. as for adopting the ways which the state has provided for remedying the evil, i know not of 2o on the ºuty of such ways. they take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. i have other affairs to attend to. i came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. a man has not everything to do, but something ; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. -it is not my business to be petitioning the governor or the legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and if they should not hear my petition, what should i do then p but in this case the state has provided no way : its very constitution is the evil. this may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconciliatory ; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. so is all change for the better, like birth and death, which convulse the body. i do not hesitate to say that those who call themselves abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support both in person and property, from the government of massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them. i think that it is enough if they have god on their side, without waiting for that other one. moreover, any man more right that his neighbours constitutes a majority of one already. i meet this american government, or its representative, the state government, directly, and face to face, once a year—no more—in the person of its tax-gatherer ; this is the only mode in which a man situated as i am necessarily meets it ; and civil øigobeoience 2 i it then says distinctly, recognize me ; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. my civil neighbour, the tax-gatherer, is the very man i have to deal with, for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that i quarrel, —and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. how shall he ever know well what he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbour, for whom he has respect, as a neighbour and welldisposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighbourliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action. i know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom i could name—if ten honest men only—ay, if one honest man, in this state of massachusetts ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this co-partnership, and be locked up in the county gaol therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in america. for it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be : what is once well done is done for ever. but we love better to talk about it : that we say is our mission. reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. if my esteemed neighbour, the state's ambassador, who will 22 on the øuty of devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the council chamber, instead of being threatened with the prisons of carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of massachusetts, that state which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister—though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her—the legislature would not wholly waive the subject the following winter. under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. the proper place to-day, the only place which massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the state by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. it is there that the fugitive slave, and the mexican prisoner on parole, and the indian come to plead the wrongs of his race, should find them ; on that separate but more free and honourable ground, where the state places those who are not with her but against her—the only house in a slave state in which a free man can abide with honour. if any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the state, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. a minority is civil øigobeoience 23 powerless while it conforms to the majority ; it is not even a minority then ; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. if the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the state will not hesitate which to choose. if a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the state to commit violence and shed innocent blood. this is, in fact, the definition of a peaceful revolution, if any such is possible. if the taxgatherer or any other public officer asks me, as one has done, “but what shall i do p’’ my answer is, “if you really wish to do anything, resign your office.” when the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished. but even suppose blood should flow. is there not a sort of blood shed when the conscience is wounded ? through this wound a man's real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. i see this blood flowing now. i have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender rather than the seizure of his goods— though both will serve the same purpose—because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt state, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. to such the state renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labour with their hands. 24 (wit the øuty of if there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the state itself would hesitate to demand it of him. but the rich man—not to make any invidious comparison—is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. absolutely speaking, the more money the less virtue ; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him ; and it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. it puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. the opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the “means '' are increased. the best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavour to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor. christ answered the herodians according to their condition. “show me the tribute-money,” said he—and one took a penny out of his pocket— if you use money which has the image of caesar on it, and which he has made current and valuable —that is, if you are men of the state, and gladly enjoy the advantages of caesar's government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it; “render therefore to caesar that which is caesar's, and to god those things which are god’s ”—leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which ; for they did not wish to know. when i converse with the freest of my neighbours, i perceive that, whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the quescivil øigobedience 25 tion, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the short of the matter is, that they cannot spare the protection of the existing government, and they dread the consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. for my own part, i should not like to think that i ever rely on the protection of the state. but, if i deny the authority of the state when it presents its tax-bill, it will soon take and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. this is hard. this makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at the same time comfortably, in outward respects. it will not be worth the while to accumulate property ; that would be sure to go again. you must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon. you must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself, always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. a man may grow rich in turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the turkish government. confucius said: “if a state is governed by the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame ; if a state is not governed by the principles of reason, riches and honours are the subjects of shame.” no : until i want the protection of massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant southern port, where my liberty is endangered, or until i am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, i can afford to refuse allegiance to massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. 26 qn the øuty of it costs me less in every sense to incur the penalty of disobedience to the state than it would to obey. i should feel as if i were worth less in that case. some years ago the state met me in behalf of the church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum towards the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never i myself. “pay,” it said, “ or be locked up in the gaol.” i declined to pay. but, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. i did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster ; for i was not the state's schoolmaster, but i supported myself by voluntary subscription. i did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill, and have the state to back its demand, as well as the church. however, at the request of the selectmen, i condescended to make some such statement as this in writing : “ know all men by these presents, that i, henry thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated society which i have not joined.” this i gave to the town clerk ; and he has it. the state, having thus learned that i did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since ; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. if i had known how to name them, i should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which i never signed on to ; but i did not know where to find a complete list. i have paid no poll-tax for six years. i was civil øigobedience 27 put into a gaol once on this account for one night; and as i stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, i could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if i were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. i wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. i saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as i was. i did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. i felt as if i alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. they plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. in every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder ; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. i could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. as they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body ; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. i saw that the state was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, 28 qn the øuty of and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and i lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it. thus the state never intentionally confronts a man's senses, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. it is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength. i was not born to be forced. i will breathe after my own fashion. let us see who is the strongest. what force has a multitude 2 they only can force me who obey a higher law than i. they force me to become like themselves. i do not hear of men being forced to live this way or that by masses of men. what sort of life were that to live p when i meet a government which says to me, “your money or your life,” why should i be in haste to give it my money p. it may be in a great strait, and not know what to do : i cannot help that. it must help itself ; do as i do. it is not worth the while to snive1 about it. i am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society. i am not the son of the engineer. i perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the other. if a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies ; and so a man. i have never declined paying the highway tax, because i am as desirous of being a good neighbour as i am of being a bad subject ; and as for qívil ſºigobeofence 29 supporting schools, i am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now. it is for no particular item in the tax-bill that i refuse to pay it. i simply wish to refuse allegiance to the state, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. i do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if i could, till it buys a man or a musket to shoot one with ; the dollar is innocent, but i am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. in fact, i quietly declare war with the state, after my fashion, though i will still make what use and get what advantage of her i can, as is usual in such cases. if others pay the tax which is demanded of me from a sympathy with the state, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the state requires. if they pay the tax from a mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going to gaol, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with the public good. this, then, is my position at present. but one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his action be biassed by obstinacy, or an undue regard for the opinions of men. let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour. i think sometimes, why, this people mean well; they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how ; why give your neighbours this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to ? but i think again, this is no reason 30 on the ºuty of why i should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. again, i sometimes say to myself, when many millions of men, without heat, without ill-will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force p you do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately ; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. you do not put your head into the fire. but just in proportion as i regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that i have relations to those millions, as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, i see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. but if i put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal to fire or to the maker of fire, and i have only myself to blame. if i could convince myself that i have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and i ought to be, then, like a good mussulman and fatalist, i should endeavour to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of god. and, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that i can resist this civil øigobeoience 3 i with some effect ; but i cannot expect, like orpheus, to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts. i do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. i do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbours. i seek rather, i may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. i am but too ready to conform to them. indeed, i have reason to suspect myself on this head ; and each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, i find myself disposed to review the acts and position of the general and state governments, and the spirit of the people, to discover a pretext for conformity. we must affect our country as our parents, and if at any time we alienate our love or industry from doing it honour, we must respect effects and teach the soul matter of conscience and religion, and not desire of rule or benefit. i believe that the state will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then i shall be no better a patriot than my fellowcountrymen. seen from a lower point of view the constitution, with all its faults, is very good ; the law and the courts are very respectable ; even this state and this american government are, in many respects, very admirable and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a great many have described them ; but seen from a point of view a little higher, they are what i have described them ; seen from a higher still, and the highest, 32 qn the øuty of who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all p however, the government does not concern me much, and i shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. it is not many moments that i live under a government, even in this world. if a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imaginationfree, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him. i know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects, content me as little as any. statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within the institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. they speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. they may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them ; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. they are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency . . . the lawyer's truth is not truth, but consistency, or a consistent expediency. truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrongdoing. . . . they who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up this stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the bible and the constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and civil disobedience 33 humility ; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountain-head. . . . for eighteen hundred years, though perchance i have no right to say it, the new testament has been written ; yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation ? the authority of government, even such as i am willing to submit to—for i will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than i, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so well—is still an impure one : to be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. it can have no pure right over my person and property but what i concede to it. the progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress towards a true respect for the individual. even the chinese philosopher was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire. is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government 2 is it not possible to take a step further towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man p there will never be a really free and enlightened state until the state comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. i please c 34 qn the ºutg of myself with imagining a state at last which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbour ; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbours and fellow-men. a state which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious state, which also i have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen. “the cost of disobedience.” by one who has tried it. on april 26, 1902, a polite and even friendly individual handed me a communication from none other than the king himself—not because of my intimate acquaintance with the king, but because of his need of money—demanding of me the sum of £2 16s. 6d. for unpaid income tax, £1 6s. 8d. for the letter, and an appearance before the king's remembrancer, royal courts of justice, strand, ilondon. i learned from a friend in the law, that to comply strictly with the command and enter an appearance, would involve needless and useless expense, so the following reply was sent : civil ºfgobeoſence 35 derby, may 7, 1902. to the king's remembrancer, london. i have received a command from the king to enter an appearance at your office to answer him concerning certain articles to be objected against me, viz., that he wants £2 16s od, from me (which i have not paid) to carry on his wars. with every wish to oblige, i cannot see it is to any one's advantage that i should make an expensive journey to london in order to present myself at the high court. i, therefore, content myself with stating here the precise grounds upon which i decline to afford that assistance which the king demands of me. i am engaged in peaceful industry, and receive in recompence for my work a certain sum of money. perhaps it is more than i deserve—but no matter. although i feel that there are many legitimate claims upon my service and my wealth, it is a fact that i cannot and do not comply with them all. there are so many poor people who have no clothes, houses, food, or land. and yet the king, who himself—along with his associates—has an abundance of these things, demands of me two pounds and sixteen shillings. unfortunately, i am not in ignorance of the meaning of this demand ; it is not for food, clothing or lands to succour some hapless folk, or even to meet the personal needs of the king himself; but that he and his government may have the wherewithal to murder men like you and me. there is not a shadow of doubt as to this ; in fact, i have blood on my hands already. in 190o an officer appeared in my workroom and suggested i should pay the income tax. as i rung the counters on the table, he (saying to himself, no doubt, “that’s the sort of tax-payer we like ’’) said to me: “you will have the satisfaction of knowing that we are going to crush the boers with this.” the following year, without any doubt that i was by my action supporting the very crimes i had been denouncing, i paid the tax under protest. this year i simply stand still, and advise the king's government to send the hat round to those who approve of their work. if i were asked to help in matters harmonious to my conscience—to feed the starving indians, to uplift the millions of destitute poor, to reclaim to the labourer his 36 on the ſputy of rightful share of land, i should find it impossible to decline. but no ; i am too well aware that the state is an organised violence existing by virtue of army, navy, police, prisons, judges and hangmen, and that in handing over £2 16s, od. to the king, i am helping the governing classes to maintain that flagrant injustice by which they have gradually disinherited millions upon millions of the workers of the world. i have learned, too, and cannot now forget, that this vast oppression is maintained by power of a vaster evil—the perversion of the truth. for the teaching of that jesus whom men call god is to the effect that we should love each other—before all things that ; that we should not hurt or destroy, but always help our fellows. such teaching, which i believe, abolishes all force, disregards all patriotisms, and urges that men should stop and think what folly they are committing. it is the simplest, most practical, and necessary teaching for the modern world. and yet, how stands the case ! like this: there are men paid thousands a year to promulgate this grand doctrine of practical life. they deny it, flout it; openly, brazenly ; and so successful is their false prophecy that the whole world is gone after them. it remains, then, for the few individuals (and they are many, nevertheless), whose perceptions of the real needs of human life is clear, to do the work the churches are neglecting, to testify to the truth they see, come what may. that is why i, a nonentity, without any feeling of personal hostility to you or any other officers of the king and government, find myself compelled to take the stand i do. a christian cannot wage war or help others to wage it for him. —i am, yours sincerely, william l. hare. the correspondence explains itself. the objection to assist the king in doing what appears to be wrong seems simple, to say the least. if we are to judge from the great blackstone, it has also the merit of being constitutional ; for he says, “no subject of england can be constrained to pay any aids or taxes, even for the defence of the civil øigobeofence 37 realm or the support of the government, but such as are imposed by his own consent.” how is it then, that for withholding that consent, i find myself inundated with papers, blue, yellow, and white, personally solicited and threatened with divers pains and penalties, and finally arrested and imprisoned 2 ay there's the rub. the terms of the warrant were unmistakable. the faithful sheriff of the county was to search out and seize all goods, chattels, lands, houses, tenements and messuages belonging to the said w. l. h., and to hold them unto our sovereign lord the king ; failing the discovery of such goods and chattels the sheriff was to scour the bailiwick in search of the body of w. l. h., to seize and possess it, and bring it unto our sovereign lord the king. the royal command was obeyed to the letter. the body of the editor of the candlestick was taken to one of his majesty's establishments, lodged and fed at his expense, and finally sold to friends for the sum of £7 i4s. 1d. that is how the king got his money. how was the price arrived at 2 like this : £ s. d. item. contribution to cost of king's wars 2 16 o -writing one letter from the king (cost about 1.d.) . . . . . i 6 8 -part of judge's salary for trying case (without hearing it) . . i i4 5 -part of sherift's salary for finding the body . . . . . i i7 o £7 i4 i 38 civil ºf 3obeofence in such cases there is no sentence or period of imprisonment prescribed. it is “pull devil, pull baker’’; you simply wait. i was told of former prisoners whose fate was somewhat as follows: (1) discharge by doctor's orders after io months ; (2) discharge by doctor's orders after ii months ; (3) discharge after 14 months ; the released prisoner died in a few days. the terms are, frankly, those of the highway robber, your money or your life. you thought, did you not, that force was an outworn instrument ; that people relied upon reason and law. i have shewn you that force is at the back of your every act of government, and that the way to bring down the edifice of tyranny which is on your backs is to decline to support it. w. l. h. 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(a capital epitome of vegetarian cookery), 3}d. thi e yegetist's dietary, 7d. guide t0. fruita rian diet and cooxery. by dr. oldfield, 2d. a compre}{ensive guide to natural }{ygienic º }{uman e diet. by sidney beard, is, 3d., paper; 1s. 9d., cloth. t}{e modern rack. papers on vivisection. by frances º cobbe, is, 3d. fam ishing london. by f. a. mckenzie, iº. 2d. the simple life press, 5, water lane, e.c. uniform with “tolstoy and tº message.” 96 pages. foap. 8vo, 6d. net; post free, 7d. e v e n a s you and by bolton hall. author of “ things as zhey are,” etc. a series of delightful fables and parables of the life to-day; keen, courageous, witty, and inspiring. “when i saw that god watched me at my work, i said, “the toil is hard, but i shall see the fruit.” god turned away, saying, ‘you shall not see the fruit." | cried after him, “but there will be fruit, o lord ** and god said, “for all your labour you get strength, not fruit.” (from “avers as you and i.”) nº. 2 of the simple life series. a new series of inexpensive, tasteful booklets treating of social justice, religious truth, and the meaning and way of life. published by the simple life press, 5, water lane, ludgate hill, e.c. | uniform with ** even as you and i,” 96 pages. foap. 8vo, 6d, net. post free, 7d. tolstoy and his message by ernest. h. grosby, author of “plaiº zală in psalm and parable.” a popular account of the leading phases of tolstoy's life and career, and an analysis of his teaching, by a personal friend. contents-chapter i. tolstoy's boyhood and manhood–ii. his great spiritual crisis—iii. his answer to the riddle of life—w. the ºasis of his moral and social code –w. his "heories tested by the christian teaching—vi. the christian teaching in practice–vii. the tolstoy of to-day. nº. 1 of the simple life series. a new series of inexpensive, tasteful booklets treating of social justice, religious truth, and the meaning and way of life. published ºr the simple life press, 5, water lane, ludgate hill, e.c. without principle. by h. d. thoreau. the simple life series no. 18. just published. crown 820, c/oth gº/, 2s, netº, aost 2s. 8d. an important new work by edward carpenter. prisons, police . and punishment, an inquiry into the causes and treatment of crime and criminals mr. c. f. g. masterman, in a book of the day," daily news, says:“mr. carpenter is one of the few prophets of the present generation. he never writes without a message . . . we may be thankful for the presence of one at least prepared thus to speak fearlessly, humane without being hysterical, filled with a fiery effort towards the righting of the old wrongs, and the redemption of human life now and in the days to come.” the new age says:– “altogether, prisons, police and punishment is a very remarkable and exceedingly interesting book: it is a book we earnestly desire our readers to circulate as widely as possible.” the academy says:– “on the substitution of the voluntary for the enforced he is very interesting. . . to all alike this volume will prove suggestive.” a wew and cheaper edition of the came of life. . . . . . author of eze, as pºoza and z. a new and larger collection of mr. hall's wise and pungent parables. lecturers and teachers will find these parables of the greatest help in driving principles home. cr. 8vo, cloth. 2s, nett. postage 3a. a wew and cheaper edition of the diary of an old soul, and other spiritual verse. by george macdonald. the growing circle of admirers of george macdonald’s profound and beautiful spiritual philosophy will be glad to hear that this book is now accessible to people of modest means. cr. 8vo, 3oo pp., 2s. nett. postage ga. the white slaves . . . . . of e. n glan d. with 80 page appendix, containing confirmatory evidence of the abuses exposed in the text, from blue books, etc. fully illustrated. this is a book no social reformer should be without. cloth is. 6d. nett. postage 3d. paper edition, without appendix, post free, 8d., london : arthur c. fifield, 44, fleet street, e.c. no. º * . t h e labadie library (private) detroit, michigan. c a t a o g u e d 1 sº o sº. laurance labadie 2306 buchanan st. detroit, mich. 783 lººp life without principle the simple life series of booklets are inexpensive, tasteful in get-up, suggestive in matter, and appeal to quiet, thoughtful, and earnest people. the editor of to-day says:—“i have seemed to myself to observe during the last few years a slackening of the market for idealism. i am all the more pleased to find volumes such as those issued in the ‘simple life series' appearing in steadily increasing numbers.” the following are now ready :. tolstoy and his message. e. crosby. 6d. nett. is. cloth. 5th thousand. 2. even as you and i. bolton hall. 6d. nett. is. cloth. 3rd thousand. . rubaiyat of ormar khayyam. fitzgerald. 3d. cloth 6d. 19th thousand. on the duty of civil disobedience. thoreau. 3d. cloth 6d. 5th thousand. . true and false life. tolstoy. 3d. cloth 6d. and (special 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thoreau. 3d. cloth 6d. nett. 1g. a siding at a railway station. a religious and social allegory. j. a. froude. 3d. cloth 6d. nett. 20. in praise of walking. essays by thoreau, whitman, hazlitt & baezzoughs. 6d. nett. cloth is. postage of 3d. books, #d. ; of 6d. books, id. ; of is. books, 2d. orders for this series, of 2s. and over, post free in u. k. i also by the same auðlisher. animals’ rights in relation to social progress. h. s. salz. new edition. too pp., cr. 8vo. 6d. nett. post free, 7%d. the ballad of judas iscariot. buchanam. post free, 3}d. edward carpenter : poet and prophet. by ernest crosby. with portrait. 6d. nett. postage ra. the white slaves of england. a. h. sherazzº. 6d. nett. postage 2d. cloth, with 80 page appendix, 1s. 6d. nett. postage 3d. facts, about. flogging. by joseph collinson. 2nd and revised edition. 6d. nett. postage ra. for our country's sake : a plea for country life and crafts. by godfrey blount. 6d. nett. postage id. london : a. c. fifield, 44 fleet street, e.c. life aſ without principle by henry david thoreau author of “walpen,” “the duty of civil disobedience,” etc * º º º º º º anusociºus bºº xºlº, illinus london : arthur c. fifield the simple life press 44 fleet street e.c 1905 “if a man were to place himself in an attitude to bear manſu//y the greatest evil that can be inflicted on him, he would find suddenly that žhere was no such evil to bear, his braze back would go a-begging. when atlas got his back made up, that was al/ that was required. the world rests on principles.” — h. d. thoreau, lab, | lab. bequeſ |º life without principle t a lyceum, not long since, i felt that the lecturer had chosen a theme too foreign to himself, and so failed to interest me as much as he might have done. he described things not in or near to his heart, but toward his extremities and superficies. there was, in this sense, no truly central or centralising thought in the lecture. i would have had him deal with his privatest experience, as the poet does. the greatest compliment that was ever paid me was when one asked me what i thought, and attended to my answer. i am surprised, as well as delighted, when this happens; it is such a rare use he would make of me, as if he were acquainted with the tool. commonly, if men want anything of me, it is only to know how many acres i make of their land,since i am a surveyor, or, at most, what trivial news i have burdened myself with. they never will go to law for my meat; they prefer the shell. a man once came a considerable distance to ask me to lecture on slavery ; but on conversing with him, i found that he and his clique expected seven-eighths of the lecture to be theirs, and only one-eighth mine ; so i declined. i take it for granted, when i am invited to lecture anywhere— for i have had a little experience in that business, —that there is a desire to hear what i think on 5 6 life without principle some subject, though i may be the greatest fool in the country, and not that i should say pleasant things merely, or such as the audience will assent to ; and i resolve, accordingly, that i will give them a strong dose of myself. they have sent for me and engaged to pay for me, and i am determined that they shall have me, though i bore them beyond all precedent. so now i would say something similar to you, my readers. since you are my readers and i have not been much of a traveller, i will not talk about people a thousand miles off, but come as near home as i can. as the time is short, i will leave out all the flattery, and retain all the criticism. let us consider the way in which we spend our lives. this world is a place of business. what an infinite bustle ! i am awaked almost every night by the panting of the locomotive. it interrupts my dreams. there is no sabbath. it would be glorious to see mankind at leisure for once. it is nothing but work, work, work. i cannot easily buy a blank book to write thoughts in ; they are commonly ruled for dollars and cents. an irishman, seeing me making a minute in the fields, took it for granted that i was calculating my wages. if a man was tossed out of a window when an infant, and so made a cripple for life, or scared out of his wits by the indians, it is regretted chiefly because he was thus incapacitated for—business | i think that there is nothing, not even crime, more opposed to poetry, to philosophy, ay, to life itself, than this incessant business. there is a coarse and boisterous money-making fellow in the outskirts of our town, who is going to build a bank-wall under the hill along the edge life without principle 7 of his meadow. the powers have put this into his head to keep him out of mischief, and he wishes me to spend three weeks digging there with him. the result will be that he will perhaps get some more money to hoard, and leave for his heirs to spend foolishly. if i do this, most will commend me as an industrious and hardworking man ; but if i choose to devote myself to certain labours which yield more real profit, though but little money, they may be inclined to look on me as an idler. nevertheless, as i do not need the police of meaningless labour to regulate me, and do not see anything absolutely praiseworthy in this fellow's undertaking, any more than in many an enterprise of our own or foreign governments, however amusing it may be to him or them, i prefer to finish my education at a different school. if a man walk in the woods for love of them half of each day, he is in danger of being regarded as a loafer; but if he spends his whole day as a speculator, shearing off those woods and making earth bald before her time, he is esteemed an industrious and enterprising citizen. as if a town had no interest in its forests but to cut them down | most men would feel insulted if it were proposed to employ them in throwing stones over a wall, and then in throwing them back, merely that they might earn their wages. but many are no more worthily employed now. for instance : just after sunrise, one summer morning, i noticed one of my neighbours walking beside his team, which was slowly drawing a heavy hewn stone swung under the axle, surrounded by an atmosphere of industry, his day's work begun, his brow 8 life without principle commenced to sweat, a reproach to all sluggards and idlers, pausing abreast the shoulders of his oxen, and half turning round with a flourish of his merciful whip, while they gained their length on him. and i thought, such is the labour which the american congress exists to protect, honest, manly toil, honest as the day is long, -that makes his bread taste sweet, and keeps society sweet,_which all men respect and have consecrated ; one of the sacred band, doing the needful but irksome drudgery. indeed, i felt a slight reproach, because i observed this from a window, and was not abroad and stirring about a similar business. the day went by, and at evening i passed the yard of another neighbour, who keeps many servants, and spends much money foolishly, while he adds nothing to the common stock, and there i saw the stone of the morning lying beside a whimsical structure intended to adorn this lord timothy dexter's premises, and the dignity forthwith departed from the teamster's labour, in my eyes. in my opinion, the sun was made to light worthier toil than this. i may add, that his employer has since run off, in debt to a good part of the town, and, after passing through chancery, has settled somewhere else, there to become once more a patron of the arts. the ways by which you may get money almost without exception lead downward. to have done anything by which you earned money merely is to have been truly idle, or worse. if the labourer gets no more than the wages which his employer pays him he is cheated—he cheats himself. if you would get money as a writer or lecturer, you must be popular, which is to go down perpendicularly. those services which the community life without principle 9 will most readily pay for, it is most disagreeable to render. you are paid for being something less than a man. the state does not commonly reward a genius any more wisely. even the poet-laureate would rather not have to celebrate the accidents of royalty. he must be bribed with a pipe of wine; and perhaps another poet is called away from his muse to gauge that very pipe. as for my own business, even that kind of surveying which i could do with most satisfaction my employers do not want. they would prefer that i should do my work coarsely and not too well—ay, not well enough. when i observe that there are different ways of surveying, my employer commonly asks which will give him the most land, not which is most correct. i once invented a rule for measuring cord-wood, and tried to introduce it in boston ; but the measurer there told me that the sellers did not wish to have their wood measured correctly,–that he was already too accurate for them, and therefore they commonly got their wood measured in charlestown before crossing the bridge. the aim of the labourer should be, not to get his living, to get “a good job,” but to perform well a certain work; and, even in a pecuniary sense, it would be economy for a town to pay its labourers so well that they would not feel that they were working for low ends, as for a livelihood merely, but for scientific, or even moral ends. do not hire a man who does your work for money, but him who does it for love of it. # it is remarkable that there are few men so well employed, so much to their minds, but that a little money or fame would commonly buy them off from their present pursuit. i see advertiseio life without principle ments for active young men, as if activity were the whole of a young man's capital. yet i have been surprised when one has with confidence proposed to me, a grown man, to embark in some enterprise of his, as if i had absolutely nothing to do, my life having been a complete failure hitherto. what a doubtful compliment this is to pay me ! as if he had met me half-way across the ocean beating up against the wind, but bound nowhere, and proposed to me to go along with him if i did, what do you think the underwriters would say p no, no i am not without employment at this stage of the voyage. to tell the truth, i saw an advertisement for able-bodied seamen, when i was a boy, sauntering in my native port, and as soon as i came of age i embarked. the community has no bribe that will tempt a wise man. you may raise money to tunnel a mountain, but you cannot raise money enough to hire a man who is minding his own business. an efficient and valuable man does what he can, whether the community pay him for it or not. the inefficient offer their inefficiency to the highest bidder, and are for ever expecting to be put into office. one would suppose that they were rarely disappointed. perhaps i am more than usually jealous with respect to my freedom. i feel that my connection with and obligation to society are still very slight and transient. those slight labours which afford me a livelihood, and by which it is allowed that i am to some extent serviceable to my contemporaries, are as yet commonly a pleasure to me, and i am not often reminded that they are a necessity. so far i am successful. but i forelife without principle ii see that, if my wants should be much increased, the labour required to supply them would become a drudgery. if i should sell both my forenoons and afternoons to society, as most appear to do, i am sure that for me there would be nothing left worth living for. i trust that i shall never thus sell my birthright for a mess of pottage. i wish to suggest that a man may be very industrious, and yet not spend his time well. there is no more fatal blunderer than he who consumes the greater part of his life getting his living. all great enterprises are self-supporting. the poet, for instance, must sustain his body by his poetry, as a steam planing-mill feeds its boilers with the shavings it makes. you must get your living by loving. but as it is said of the merchants that ninety-seven in a hundred fail, so the life of men generally, tried by this standard, is a failure, and bankruptcy may be surely prophesied. merely to come into the world the heir of a fortune is not to be born, but to be still-born, rather. to be supported by the charity of friends, or a government pension,-provided you continue to breathe, by whatever fine synonyms you describe these relations, is to go into the almshouse. on sundays the poor debtor goes to church to take an account of stock, and finds, of course, that his outgoes have been greater than his income. in the catholic church, especially, they go into chancery, make a clean confession, give up all, and think to start again. thus men will lie on their backs, talking about the fall of man, and never make an effort to get up. as for the comparative demand which men make on life, it is an important difference between two, that the one is satisfied with a level success, i2 life without principle that his marks can all be hit by point-blank shots, but the other, however low and unsuccessful his life may be, constantly elevates his aim, though at a very slight angle to the horizon. i should much rather be the last man,—though, as the orientals say, “greatness doth not approach him who is for ever looking down ; and all those who are looking high are growing poor.” it is remarkable that there is little or nothing to be remembered written on the subject of getting a living : how to make getting a living not merely honest and honourable, but altogether inviting and glorious ; for if getting a living is not so, then living is not. one would think, from looking at literature, that this question had never disturbed a solitary individual’s musings. is it that men are too much disgusted with their experience to speak of it 2 the lesson of value which money teaches, which the author of the universe has taken so much pains to teach us, we are inclined to skip altogether. as for the means of living, it is wonderful how indifferent men of all classes are about it, even reformers, so called,—whether they inherit, or earn, or steal it. i think that society has done nothing for us in this respect, or at least has undone what she has done. cold and hunger seem more friendly to my nature than those methods which men have adopted and advise to ward them off. the title wise is, for the most part, falsely applied. how can one be a wise man, if he does not know any better how to live than other men p —if he is only more cunning and intellectually subtle p does wisdom work in a treadmill p or does she teach how to succeed by her example? is there any such thing as wisdom not applied to life without principle i3 life 2 is she merely the miller who grinds the finest logic p. it is pertinent to ask if plato got his living in a better way or more successfully than his contemporaries, or did he succumb to the difficulties of life like other men p did he seem to prevail over some of them merely by indifference, or by assuming grand airs 2 or find it easier to live, because his aunt remembered him in her will p the ways in which most men get their living, that is, live, are mere makeshifts, and a shirking of the real business of life, chiefly because they do not know, but partly because they do not mean, any better. the rush to california, for instance, and the attitude, not merely of merchants, but of philosophers and prophets, so called, in relation to it, reflect the greatest disgrace on mankind. that so many are ready to live by luck, and so get the means of commanding the labour of others less lucky, without contributing any value to society and that is called enterprise ! i know of no more startling development of the immorality of trade, and all the common modes of getting a living. the philosophy and poetry and religion of such a mankind are not worth the dust of a puff-ball. the hog that gets his living by rooting, stirring up the soil so, would be ashamed of such company. if i could command the wealth of all the worlds by lifting my finger, i would not pay such a price for it. even mahomet knew that god did not make this world in jest. it makes god to be a moneyed gentleman who scatters a handful of pennies in order to see mankind scramble for them. the world’s raffle a subsistence in the domains of nature a thing to be raffled for what a comment, what a i4 life without principle satire, on our institutions ! the conclusion will be, that mankind will hang itself upon a tree. and have all the precepts in all the bibles taught men only this p and is the last and most admirable invention of the human race only an improved muck-rake 2 is this the ground on which orientals and occidentals meet p did god direct us so to get our living, digging where we never planted,—and he would, perchance, reward us with lumps of gold p god gave the righteous man a certificate entitling him to food and raiment, but the unrighteous man found a fac-simile of the same in god's coffers, and appropriated it, and obtained food and raiment like the former. it is one of the most extensive systems of counterfeiting that the world has seen. i did not know that mankind were suffering for want of gold. i have seen a little of it. i know that it is very malleable, but not so malleable as wit. a grain of gold will gild a great surface, but not so much as a grain of wisdom. the gold-digger in the ravines of the mountains is as much a gambler as his fellow in the saloons of san francisco, what difference does it make, whether you shake dirt or shake dice p if you win, society is the loser. the gold-digger is the enemy of the honest labourer, whatever checks and compensations there may be. it is not enough to tell me that you worked hard to get your gold. so does the devil work hard. the way of transgressors may be hard in many respects. the humblest observer who goes to the mines sees and says that gold-digging is of the character of a lottery; the gold thus obtained is not the same thing with the wages of honest toil. but, practi. life without principle i5 cally, he forgets what he has seen, for he has seen only the fact, not the principle, and goes into trade there—that is, buys a ticket in what commonly proves another lottery, where the fact is not so obvious. after reading howitt's account of the australian gold-diggings one evening, i had in my mind's eye all night the numerous valleys, with their streams, all cut up with foul pits, from ten to one hundred feet deep, and half-a-dozen feet across, as close as they can be dug, and partly filled with water, the locality to which men furiously rush to probe for their fortunes, uncertain where they shall break ground,-not knowing but the gold is under their camp itself, sometimes digging one hundred and sixty feet before they strike the vein, or then missing it by a foot, turned into demons, and regardless of each other's rights, in their thirst for riches, whole valleys, for thirty miles, suddenly honeycombed by the pits of the miners, so that even hundreds are drowned in them,-standing in water, and covered with mud and clay, they work night and day, dying of exposure and disease. having read this, and partly forgotten it, i was thinking, accidentally, of my own unsatisfactory life, doing as others do ; and with that vision of the diggings still before me, i asked myself why i might not be washing some gold daily, though it were only the finest particles, why i might not sink a shaft down to the gold within me, and work that mine. there is a ballarat, a bendigo, for you, -what though it were a sulky\gully ? at any rate, i might pursue some path, however solitary and narrow and crooked, in which i could walk with love and reverence. i6 life without principle wherever a man separates from the multitude, and goes his own way in this mood, there indeed is a fork in the road, though ordinary travellers may see only a gap in the paling. his solitary path across-lots will turn out the higher way of the two. men rush to california and australia as if the true gold were to be found in that direction ; but that is to go to the very opposite extreme to where it lies. they go prospecting farther and farther away from the true lead, and are most unfortunate when they think themselves most successful. is not our native soil auriferous p does not a stream from the golden mountains flow through our native valley p and has not this for more than geologic ages been bringing down the shining particles and forming the nuggets for us p. yet, strange to tell, if a digger steal away, prospecting for this true gold, into the unexplored solitudes around us, there is no danger that any will dog his steps, and endeavour to supplant him. he may claim and undermine the whole valley even, both the cultivated and the uncultivated portions, his whole life long in peace, for no one will ever dispute his claim. they will not mind his cradles or his toms. he is not confined to a claim twelve feet square, as at ballarat, but may mine anywhere, and wash the whole wide world in his tom. howitt says of the man who found the great nugget which weighed twenty-eight pounds, at the bendigo diggings in australia : “he soon began to drink; got a horse, and rode all about, generally at full gallop, and, when he met with people, called out to inquire if they knew who he was, and then kindly informed them that he was ‘the bloody wretch that had found the nugget,” life without principle i7 at last he rode full speed against a tree, and nearly knocked his brains out. i think, however, there was no danger of that, for he had already knocked his brains out against the nugget. howitt adds, “he is a hopelessly ruined man.” but he is a type of the class. they are all fast men. hear some of the names of the places where they dig : “jackass flat,” “sheep's-head gully,” “murderer's bar,” etc. is there no satire in these names p let them carry their ill-gotten wealth where they will, i am thinking it will still be “jackass flat,” if not “murderer's bar,” where they live. the last resource of our energy has been the robbing of graveyards on the isthmus of darien, an enterprise which appears to be but in its infancy; for, according to late accounts, an act has passed its second reading in the legislature of new granada, regulating this kind of mining ; and a correspondent of the tribune writes: “in the dry season, when the weather will permit of the country being properly prospected, no doubt other rich guacas [that is, graveyards] will be found.” to emigrants he says: “do not come before december ; take the isthmus route in preference to the boca del toro one ; bring no useless baggage, and do not cumber yourself with a tent; but a good pair of blankets will be necessary; a pick, shovel, and axe of good material will be almost all that is required '': advice which might have been taken from the burkey’s guide. and he concludes with this line in italics and small capitals: “if you are doing well at home, stay there,” which may fairly be interpreted to mean, “if you are getting a good living by robbing graveyards at home, stay there.” b i8 life without principle but why go to california for a text? she is the child of new england, bred at her own school and church. it is remarkable that among all the preachers there are so few moral teachers. the prophets are employed in excusing the ways of men. most reverend seniors, the illuminati of the age, tell me, with a gracious, reminiscent smile, betwixt an aspiration and a shudder, not to be too tender about these things, to lump all that, that is, make a lump of gold of it. the highest advice i have heard on these subjects was grovelling. the burden of it was, it is not worth your while to undertake to reform the world in this particular. do not ask how your bread is buttered ; it will make you sick, if you do, and the like. a man had better starve at once than lose his innocence in the process of getting his bread. if within the sophisticated man there is not an unsophisticated one, then he is but one of the devil's angels. as we grow old we live more coarsely, we relax a little in our disciplines, and, to some extent, cease to obey our finest instincts. but we should be fastidious to the extreme of sanity, disregarding the gibes of those who are more fortunate than ourselves. in our science and philosophy, even, there is commonly no true and absolute account of things. the spirit of sect and bigotry has planted its hoof amid the stars. you have only to discuss the problem whether the stars are inhabited or not, in order to discover it. why must we daub the heavens as well as the earth p. it was an unfortunate discovery that dr. kane was a mason, and that sir john franklin was another. but it was a more cruel suggestion that possibly that was the life without principle iq reason why the former went in search of the latter. there is not a popular magazine in this country that would dare to print a child’s thoughton important subjects without comment. it must be submitted to the d.d.’s. i would it were the chickadee-dees. you come from attending the funeral of mankind to attend to a natural phenomenon. a little thought is sexton to all the world. i hardly know an intellectual man, even, who is so broad and truly liberal that you can think aloud in his society. most with whom you endeavour to talk soon come to a stand against some institution in which they appear to hold stock—that is, some particular, not universal way of viewing things. they will continually thrust their own low roof, with its narrow skylight, between you and the sky, when it is the unobstructed heavens you would view. get out of the way with your cobwebs, wash your windows, i say! in some lyceums they tell me that they have voted to exclude the subject of religion. but how do i know what their religion is, and when i am near to or far from it p i have walked into such an arena and done my best to make a clean breast of what religion i have experienced, and the audience never suspected what i was about. the lecture was as harmless as moonshine to them. whereas, if i had read to them the biography of the greatest scamps in history, they might have thought that i had written the lives of the deacons of their church. ordinarily, the inquiry is, where did you come from ? or, where are you going 2 that was a more pertinent question which i overheard one of my auditors put to another once : “what does he lecture for p’’ it made me quake in my shoes. 2o life without principle to speak impartially, the best men that i know are not serene, a world in themselves. for the most part they dwell in forms, and flatter and study effect only more finely than the rest. we select granite for the underpinning of our houses and barns ; we build fences of stone ; but we do not ourselves rest on an underpinning of granitic truth, the lowest primitive rock. our sills are rotten. what stuff is the man made of who is not co-existent in our thought with the purest and subtilest truth p i often accuse my finest acquaintances of an immense frivolity; for, while there are manners and compliments we do not meet, we do not teach one another the lessons of honesty and sincerity that the brutes do, or of steadiness and solidity that the rocks do. the fault is commonly mutual, however; for we do not habitually demand any more of each other. that excitement about kossuth, consider how characteristic, but superficial, it was 1–only another kind of politics or dancing. men were making speeches to him all over the country, but each expressed only the thought, or the want of thought, of the multitude. no man stood on truth. they were merely banded together, as usual, one leaning on another, and all together on nothing ; as the hindoos made the world rest on an elephant, the elephant on a tortoise, and the tortoise on a serpent, and had nothing to put under the serpent. for all fruit of that stir we have the kossuth hat. just so hollow and ineffectual, for the most part, is our ordinary conversation. surface meets surface. when our life ceases to be inward and private, conversation degenerates into mere gossip. we rarely meet a man who can tell us any news life without principle 2 i which he has not read in a newspaper, or been told by his neighbour; and, for the most part, the only difference between us and our fellow is that he has seen the newspaper, or been out to tea, and we have not. in proportion as our inward life fails, we go more constantly and desperately to the post-office. you may depend on it, that the poor fellow who walks away with the greatest number of letters, proud of his extensive correspondence, has not heard from himself this long while. i do not know but it is too much to read one newspaper a week. i have tried it recently, and for so long it seems to me that i have not dwelt in my native region. the sun, the clouds, the snow, the trees, say not so much to me. you cannot serve two masters. it requires more than a day's devotion to know and to possess the wealth of a day. we may well be ashamed to tell what things we have read or heard in our day. i do not know why my news should be so trivial,—considering what one's dreams and expectations are, why the developments should be so paltry. the news we hear, for the most part, is not new to our genius. it is the stalest repetition. you are often tempted to ask why such stress is laid on a particular experience which you have had, that, after twenty-five years, you should meet hobbins, registrar of deeds, again on the side walk. have you not budged an inch, then p such is the daily news. its facts appear to float in the atmosphere, insignificant as the sporules of fungi, and, impinge on some neglected thallus, or surface of our minds, which affords a basis for them, and hence a parasitic growth. we should wash ourselves clean of such news. of what consequence, though our planet 22 life without principle explode, if there is no character involved in the explosion ? in health we have not the least curiosity about such events. we do not live for idle amusement. i would not run round a corner to see the world blow up. all summer, and far into the autumn, perchance, you unconsciously went by the newspapers and the news, and now you find it was because the morning and the evening were full of news to you. your walks were full of incidents. you attended, not to the affairs of europe, but to your own affairs in massachusetts fields. if you chance to live and move and have your being in that thin stratum in which the events that make the news transpire, h thinner than the paper on whichitis printed,—then these things will fill the world for you; but if you soar above or dive below that plane, you cannot remember nor be reminded of them. really to see the sun rise or go down every day, so to relate ourselves to a universal fact, would preserve us sane for ever. nations ! what are nations p tartars, and huns, and chinamen . like insects, they swarm. the historian strives in vain to make them memorable. it is for want of a man that there are so many men. it is individuals that populate the world. any man thinking may say with the spirit of lodin– i look down from my height on nations, and they become ashes before me;— calm is my dwelling in the clouds; pleasant are the great fields of my rest. pray, let us live without being drawn by dogs, esquimaux-fashion, tearing over hill and dale, and biting each other's ears. life without principle 23 not without a slight shudder at the danger, i often perceive how near i have come to admitting into my mind the details of some trivial affair, h the news of the street; and i am astonished to observe how willing men are to lumber their minds with such rubbish, to permit idle rumours and incidents of the most insignificant kind to intrude on ground which should be sacred to thought. shall the mind be a public arena, where the affair of the street and the gossip of the tea table chiefly are discussed ? or shall it be a quarter of heaven itself, an hypaethral temple, consecrated to the service of the gods p i find it so difficult to dispose of the few facts which to me are significant that i hesitate to burden my attention with those which are insignificant, which only a divine mind could illustrate. such is, for the most part, the news in newspapers and conversation. it is important to preserve the mind's chastity in this respect. think of admitting the details of a single case of the criminal court into our thoughts, to stalk profanely through their very sanctum sanctorum for an hour, ay, for many hours to make a very bar-room of the mind's inmost apartment, as if for so long the dust of the street had occupied us, the very street itself with all its travel, its bustle, and filth, had passed through our thoughts’ shrine ! would it not be an intellectual and moral suicide 2 when i have been compelled to sit spectator and auditor in a court room for some hours, and have seen my neighbours, who were not compelled, stealing in from time to time, and tiptoeing about with washed hands and faces, it has appeared to my mind's eye that, when they took off their hats, theirs ears suddenly expanded into vast hoppers for 24 life without principle sound, between which even their narrow heads were crowded. like the vanes of windmills, they caught the broad but shallow stream of sound, which, after a few titillating gyrations in their co brains, passed out the other side. i wondered if, when they got home, they were as careful to wash their ears as before their hands and faces. it has seemed to me, at such a time, that the auditors and the witnesses, the jury and the counsel, the judge and the criminal at the bar, if i may presume him guilty before he is convicted,—were all equally criminal, and a thunderbolt might be expected to descend and consume them all together. by all kinds of traps and signboards, threatening the extreme penalty of the divine law, exclude such trespassers from the only ground which can be sacred to you. it is so hard to forget what it is worse than useless to remember if i am to be a thoroughfare, i prefer that it be of the mountain brooks, the parnassian streams, and not the town sewers. there is inspiration, that gossip which comes to the ear of the attentive mind from the courts of heaven. there is the profane and stale revelation of the bar-room and the police court. the same ear is fitted to receive both communications. only the character of the hearer determines to which it shall be open, and to which closed. i believe that the mind can be permanently profaned by the habit of attending to trivial things, so that all our thoughts shall be tinged with triviality. our very intellect shall be macadamised, as it were, its foundation broken into fragments for the wheels of travel to roll over ; and if you would know what will make the most durable pavement, surpassing rolled stones, spruce blocks, and asphaltum, you have only to look into some life without principle 25 of our minds which have been subjected to this treatment so long." if we have thus desecrated ourselves, as who has not 2–the remedy will be by wariness and devotion to reconsecrate ourselves, and make once more a fane of the mind. we should treat our minds—that is, ourselves—as innocent and ingenuous children, whose guardians we are, and be careful what objects and what subjects we thrust on their attention. read not the times. read the eternities. conventionalities are at length as bad as impurities. even the facts of science may dust the mind by their dryness, unless they are in a sense effaced each morning, or rather rendered fertile by the dews of fresh and living truth. knowledge does not come to us by details, but in flashes of light from heaven. yes, every thought that passes through the mind helps to wear and tear it, and to deepen the ruts, which, as in the streets of pompeii, evince how much it has been used. how many things there are concerning which we might well deliberate whether we had better know them,-had better let their peddling carts be driven, even at the slowest trot or walk, over that bridge of glorious span by which we trust to pass at last from the farthest brink of time to the nearest shore of eternity i have we no culture, no refinement, but skill only to live coarsely and serve the devil p-to acquire a little worldly wealth, or fame, or liberty, and make a false show with it, as if we were all husk and shell, with no tender and living kernel to us p shall our institutions be like those chestnut-burrs which contain abortive nuts, perfect only to prick the fingers ? america is said to be the arena on which the battle of freedom is to be fought; but surely it 26 life without principle cannot be freedom in a merely political sense that is meant. even if we grant that the american has freed himself from a political tyrant, he is still the slave of an economical and moral tyrant. now that the republic—the res-publica—has been settled, it is time to look after the res-privata, the private state,_to see, as the roman senate charged its consuls, “ne quid res privata detrimenti caper et,” that the private state receive no detriment. do we call this the land of the free ? what is it to be free from king george and continue the slaves of king prejudice p what is it to be born free and not to live free ? what is the value of any political freedom but as a means to moral freedom p. is it a freedom to be slaves, or a freedom to be free, of which we boast 2 we are a nation of politicians, concerned about the outmost fences only of freedom. it is our children's children who may perchance be really free. we tax ourselves unjustly. there is a part of us which is not represented. it is taxation without representation. we quarter troops, we quarter fools and cattle of all sorts upon ourselves. we quarter our gross bodies on our poor souls, till the former eat up all the latter's substance. with respect to a true culture and manhood, we are essentially provincial still, not metropolitan,— mere jonathans. we are provincial, because we do not find at home our standards,--because we do not worship truth, but the reflection of truth, because we are warped and narrowed by an exclusive devotion to trade and commerce and manufactures and agriculture, and the like, which are but means, and not the end. so is the english parliament provincial. mere country bumpkins, they betray themselves, when life without principle 27 -any more important question arises for them to settle, the irish question, for instance,—the english question why did i not say ? their natures are subdued to what they work in. their “good breeding ” respects only secondary objects. the finest manners in the world are awkwardness and fatuity, when contrasted with a finer intelligence. they appear but as the fashions of past days, mere courtliness, knee-buckles and small-clothes, out of date. it is the vice, but not the excellence of manners, that they are continually being deserted by the character; they are cast-off clothes or shells, claiming the respect which belonged to the living creature. you are presented with the shells instead of the meat, and it is no excuse generally that, in the case of some fishes, the shells are of more worth than the meat. the man who thrusts his manners upon me does as if he were to insist on introducing me to his cabinet of curiosities when i wished to see himself. it was not in this sense that the poet decker called christ “the first truegentleman that ever breathed.” i repeat, that in this sense the most splendid court in christendom is provincial, having authority to consult about transalpine interests only, and not the affairs of rome. a praetor or proconsul would suffice to settle the questions which absorb the attention of the english parliament and the american congress. government and legislation these i thought were respectable professions. we have heard of heaven-born numas, lycurguses, and solons, in the history of the world, whose names at least may stand for ideal legislators; but think of legislating to regulate the breeding of slaves, or the exportation of tobacco / what have divine legislators 28 life without principle to do with the exportation or the importation of tobacco p what humane ones with the breeding of slaves p suppose you were to submit the question to any son of god, and has he no children in the nineteenth century pisit a family which is extinct 2 —in what condition would you get it again p what shall a state like virginia say for itself at the last day, in which these have been the principal, the staple productions p what ground is there for patriotism in such a state p i derive my facts from statistical tables which the states themselves have published. a commerce that whitens every sea in quest of nuts and raisins, and makes slaves of its sailors for this purpose ! i saw, the other day, a vessel which had been wrecked, and many lives lost, and her cargo of rags, juniper berries, and bitter almonds were strewn along the shore. it seemed hardly worth the while to tempt the dangers of the sea between leghorn and new york for the sake of a cargo of juniper berries and bitter almonds. america sending to the old world for her bitters is not the sea brine, is not shipwreck, bitter enough to make the cup of life go down here 2 yet such, to a great extent, is our boasted commerce; and there are those who style themselves statesmen and philosophers who are so blind as to think that progresss and civilization depend on precisely this kind of interchange and activity,+ the activity of flies about a molasses hogshead. very well, observes one, if men were oysters. and very well, answer i, if men were mosquitoes. lieutenant herndon, whom our government sent to explore the amazon, and, it is said, to extend the area of slavery, observed that there was wanting there “an industrious and active population, who life without principle 29 know what the comforts of life are, and who have artificial wants to draw out the great resources of the country.” but what are the “artificial wants '' to be encouraged 2 not the love of luxuries, like the tobacco and slaves of, i believe, his native virginia, nor the ice and granite and other material wealth of our native new england ; nor are “the great resources of a country’’ that fertility or barrenness of soil which produces these. the chief want, in every state that i have been into, was a high and earnest purpose in its inhabitants. this alone draws out “the great resources '' of nature,and at last taxes her beyond her resources; for man naturally dies out of her. when we want culture more than potatoes, and illumination more than sugar plums, then the great resources of a world are taxed and drawn out, and the result, or staple production, is—not slaves, nor operatives, but men, those rare fruits called heroes, saints, poets, philosophers, and redeemers. in short, as a snowdrift is formed where there is a lull in the wind, so, one would say, where there is a lull of truth, an institution springs up. but the truth blows right on over it, nevertheless, and at length blows it down. what is called politics is comparatively something so superficial and inhuman, that, practically, i have never fairly recognised that it concerns me at all. the newspapers, i perceive, devote some of their columns specially to politics or government without charge ; and this, one would say, is all that saves it ; but, as i love literature, and, to some extent, the truth also, i never read those columns at any rate. i do not wish to blunt my sense of right so much. i have not got to answer for having read a single president's message. a 30 life without principle strange age of the world this, when empires, kingdoms, and republics come a-begging to a private man's door, and utter their complaints at his elbow ! i cannot take up a newspaper but i find that some wretched government or other, hard pushed, and on its last legs, is interceding with me, the reader, to vote for it, more importunate than a italian beggar ; and if i have a mind to look at its certificate, made, perchance, by some benevolent merchant's clerk, or the skipper that brought it over, for it cannot speak a word of english itself, i shall probably read of the eruption of some vesuvius, or the over-flowing of some po, true or forged, which brought it into this condition. i do not hesitate, in such a case, to suggest work, or the almshouse; or why not keep its castle in silence, as i do commonly p. the poor president, what with preserving his popularity and doing his duty, is completely bewildered. the newspapers are the ruling power. any other government is reduced to a few marines at fort independence. if a man neglects to read his daily times, government will go down on its hands and knees to him, for this is the only treason in these days. those things which now most engage the attention of men, as politics and the daily routine, are, it is true, vital functions of human society, but should be unconsciously performed, like the corresponding functions of the physical body. they are infra-human, a kind of vegetation. i sometimes awake to a half consciousness of them going on about me, as a man may become conscious of some of the processes of digestion in a morbid state and so have the dyspepsia, as it is called. it is as if a thinker submitted himself life without principle 3i to be rasped by the great gizzard of creation. politics is, as it were, the gizzard of society, full of grit and gravel, and the two political parties are its two opposite halves—sometimes split into quarters, it may be, which grind on each other. not only individuals, but states, have thus a confirmed dyspepsia, which expresses itself, you can imagine by what sort of eloquence. thus our life is not altogether a forgetting, but also, alas ! to a great extent, a remembering of that which we should never have been conscious of, certainly not in our waking hours. why should we not meet, not always as dyspeptics, to tell our bad dreams, but sometimes as eupeptics, to congratulate each other on the ever-glorious morning. i do not make an exorbitant demand, surely. the higher life from thoreau's private letters do believe that the outward and the inward life correspond ; that if any should succeed to live a higher life, others would know of it; that difference and distance are one. to set about living a true life is to go a journey to a distant country, gradually to find ourselves surrounded by new scenes and men ; and as long as the old are around me, i know that i am not in any true sense living a new or a better life. the outward is only the outside of that which is within. men are not concealed under habits, but are revealed by them ; they are their true clothes. i care not how curious a reason they may give for their abiding by them. circum32 the higher life stances are not rigid and unyielding, but our habits are rigid. we are apt to speak vaguely sometimes, as if a divine life were to be grafted on to or built over this present as a suitable foundation. this might do if we could so build over our old life as to exclude from it all the warmth of our affection, and addle it, as the thrush builds over the cuckoo's egg, and lays her own atop, and hatches that only ; but the fact is, we—so there is the partition—hatch them both, and the cuckoo's always by a day first, and that young bird crowds the young thrushes out of the nest. no. destroy the cuckoo's egg, or build a new nest. change is change. no new life occupies the old bodies;–they decay. it is born, and grows, and flourishes. men very pathetically inform the old, accept and wear it. why put up with the almshouse when you may go to heaven p it is embalming, no more. let alone your ointments and your linen swathes, and go into an infant’s body. you see in the catacombs of egypt the result of that experiment, that is the end of it. i do believe in simplicity. it is astonishing as well as sad, how many trivial affairs even the wisest man thinks he must attend to in a day; how singular an affair he thinks he must omit. when the mathematician would solve a difficult problem, he first frees the equation of all encumbrances, and reduces it to its simplest terms. so simplify the problem of life, distinguish the necessary and the real. probe the earth to see where your main roots run. i would stand upon facts. why not see, use our eyes p do men know nothing 2 i know many men who, in common things, are not to be deceived ; who the higher life 33 trust no moonshine ; who count their money correctly, and know how to invest it; who are said to be prudent and knowing, who yet will stand at a desk the greater part of their lives, as cashiers in banks, and glimmer and rust and finally go out there. if they know anything, what under the sun do they do that for p do they know what bread is p or what it is for p do they know what life is p. if they knew something, the places which know them now would know them no more for ever. this, our respectable daily life, in which the man of common sense, the englishman of the world, stands so squarely, and on which our institutions are founded, is in fact the veriest illusion, and will vanish like the baseless fabric of a vision ; but that faint glimmer of reality which sometimes illuminates the darkness of daylight for all men reveals something more solid and enduring than adamant, which is in fact the corner-stone of the world. men cannot conceive of a state of things so fair that it cannot be realised. can any man honestly consult his experience and say that it is so p have we any facts to appeal to when we say that our dreams are premature p did you ever hear of a man who had striven all his life faithfully and singly toward an object and in no measure obtained it p if a man constantly aspires, is he not elevated p did ever a man try heroism, magnanimity, truth, sincerity, and find that there was no advantage in them 2 that it was a vain endeavour p. of course we do not expect that our paradise will be a garden. we know not what we ask. to look at literature;— how many fine thoughts has every man had c 34 the higher life how few fine thoughts are expressed yet we never have a fantasy so subtile and ethereal, but that talent merely, with more resolution and faithful persistency, after a thousand failures, might fix and engrave it in distinct and enduring words, and we should see that our dreams are the solidest facts that we know. but i speak not of dreams. what can be expressed in words can be expressed in life. my actual life is a fact, in view of which i have no occasion to congratulate myself; but for my faith and aspiration i have respect. it is from these that i speak. every man's position is in fact too simple to be described. i have sworn no oath. i have no designs on society, or nature, or god. i am simply what i am, or i begin to be that. i live in the present. i only remember the past, and anticipate the future. i love to live. i love reform better than its modes. there is no history of how bad became better. i believe something, and there is nothing else but that. i know that i am. i know that another is who knows more than i, who takes interest in me, whose creature, and yet whose kindred, in one sense, am i. i know that the enterprise is worthy. i know that things work well. i have heard no bad news. as for positions, combinations, and details, what are they p in clear weather, when we look into the heavens, what do we see but the sky and the sun ? if you would convince a man that he does wrong, do right. but do not care to convince him. men will believe what they see. let them see. pursue, keep up with, circle round and round your life, as a dog does his master's chaise. do the higher life 35 what you love. know your own bone : gnaw at it, bury it, unearth it, and gnaw it still. do not be too moral. you may cheat yourself out of much life so. aim above morality. be not simply good ; be good for something. all fables, indeed, have their morals ; but the innocent enjoy the story. let nothing come between you and the light. respect men as brothers only. when you travel to the celestial city, carry no letter of introduction. when you knock, ask to see god—none of the servants. in what concerns you much, do not think that you have companions : know that you are alone in the world. thus i write at random. i need to see you, and i trust i shall, to correct my mistakes. perhaps you have some oracles for me. >k -k >k >k >k “we must have our bread.” but what is our bread p is it baker's bread p methinks it should be very home-made bread. what is our meat p is it butcher's meat p what is that which we must have p is that bread which we are now earning sweet p is it not bread which has been suffered to sour, and then been sweetened with an alkali, which has undergone the vinous, acetous, and sometimes the putrid fermentation, and then been whitened with vitriol p. is this the bread which we must have p man must earn his bread by the sweat of his brow, truly, but also by the sweat of his brain within his brow. the body can feed the body only. i have tasted but little bread in my life. it has been mere grub and provender for the most part. of bread that nourished the brain and the heart, scarcely any. there is absolutely none, even on the tables of the rich. there is not one kind of food for all men. you must and you will feed those faculties which you 36 the higher life exercise. the labourer whose body is weary does not require the same food with the scholar whose brain is weary. men should not labour foolishly like brutes, but the brain and the body should always, or as much as possible, work and rest together, and then the work will be of such a kind that when the body is hungry the brain will be hungry also, and the same food will suffice for both ; otherwise the food which repairs the waste energy of the overwrought body will oppress the sedentary brain, and the degenerate scholar will come to esteem all food vulgar, and all getting a living drudgery. how shall we earn our bread is a grave question ; yet it is a sweet and inviting question. let us not shirk it, as is usually done. it is the most important and practical question which is put to man. let us not answer it hastily. let us not be content to get our bread in some gross, careless, and hasty manner. some men go a-hunting, some a-fishing, some a-gaming, some to war; but none have so pleasant a time as they who in earnest seek to earn their bread. it is true actually as it is true really ; it is true materially as it is true spiritually, that they who seek honestly and sincerely, with all their hearts and lives and strength, to earn their bread do earn it, and it is sure to be very sweet to them. a very little bread, a very few crumbs are enough, if it be of the right quality, for it is infinitely nutritious. let each man, then, earn at least a crumb of bread for his body before he dies, and know the taste of it, that it is identical with the bread of life, and that they both go down at one swallow. our bread need not ever be sour or hard to digest. what nature is to the mind she is also to the body. as she feeds my imagination, she will feed my body; for what she says she means, and is ready to do. the higher life 37 she is not simply beautiful to the poet's eye. not only the rainbow and sunset are beautiful, but to be fed and clothed, sheltered and warmed aright, are equally beautiful and inspiring. there is not necessarily any gross and ugly fact which may not be eradicated from the life of man. we should endeavour practically in our lives to correct all the defects which our imagination detects. the heavens are as deep as our aspirations are high. so high as a tree aspires to grow, so high it will find an atmosphere suited to it. every man should stand for a force which is perfectly irresistible. how can any man be weak who dares to be at all p even the tenderest plants force their way up through the hardest earth, and the crevices of rocks; but a man no material power can resist. what a wedge, what a beetle, what a catapult, is an earnest man | what can resist him p it is a momentous fact that a man may be good or he may be bad; his life may be true, or it may be false ; it may be either a shame or a glory to him. the good man builds himself up ; the bad man destroys himself. but whatever we do we must do confidently (if we are timid, let us, then, act timidly), not expecting more light, but having light enough. if we confidently expect more, then let us wait for it. but what is this which we have p. have we not already waited 2 is this the beginning of time 2 is there a man who does not see clearly beyond, though only a hair's-breadth beyond where he at any time stands p if one hesitates in his path, let him not proceed. let him respect his doubts, for doubts, too, may have some divinity in them. that we have but little faith is not sad, but that we have but little faithfulness. by faithfulness faith is earned. 38 the higher life when, in the progress of a life, a man swerves, though only by an angle infinitely small, from his proper and allotted path (and this is never done quite unconsciously, even at first; in fact, that was his broad and scarlet sin, ah, he knew of it more than he can tell), then the drama of his life turns to tragedy, and makes haste to its fifth act. when once we thus fall behind ourselves, there is no accounting for the obstacles which rise up in our path, and no one is so wise as to advise, and no one so powerful as to aid us while we abide on that ground. such are cursed with duties, and the neglect of their duties. for such the decalogue was made, and other far more voluminous and terrible codes. these departures,--who have not made them 2– for they are as faint as the parallax of a fixed star, and at the commencement we say they are nothing, that is, they originate in a kind of sleep and forgetfulness of the soul when it is naught. a man cannot be too circumspect in order to keep in the straight road, and be sure that he sees all that he may at any time see, that so he may distinguish his true path. >k >k :k -k >k as for conforming outwardly, and living your own life inwardly, i do not think much of that: let not your right hand know what your left hand does in that line of business. it will prove a failure. just as successfully can you walk against a sharp steel edge which divides you cleanly right and left. do you wish to try your ability to resist distension ? it is a greater strain than any soul can long endure. when you get god to pulling one way and the devil the other, each having his feet well braced,—to say nothing of the conscience sawing transversely,–almost any timber will giveway. butler & tanner, the selwood printing works, frome, and london. new publications of arthur. c. fifield, 44, fleet street, london, e.c. additions to the simple life series “i have seemed to myself to observe of late years a falling off in, the market for idealism. i am all the more pleased to find volumes such as these issued in the ‘simple life series' appearing in steadily increasing numbers.”—to-day, march 1, 1905. no. 18. life without principle. by h. d. thoreau. 40 pages, 3d. post free, 3%d. cloth, 6d. nett. post free, 7d. “this is one of thoreau's most characteristic and finest essays, ranking with emerson's splendid ‘man, the reformer.’” no. 1g. a siding at a railway station. by james anthony froude. 40 pages, 3d. post free, 3}d. cloth, 6d. nett. post free, 7d. by special permission of messrs. longmans & co., this beautiful allegory from ‘short studies on great subjects’ is now included in the ‘simple life series.” it is hardly too much to say that in its large, kindly, wise humanity this parable recalls the parables of the gospels. no. 20. in praise of walking. four classic gems of the open air, containing “walking and the wild,’ by thoreau; ‘the open road,” by walt whitman; ‘on going a journey,” by w. hazlitt; and “the exhilarations of the road,” by john burroughs. 96 pages, 6d, nett. post free, 7d. cloth, gilt top, 1s. nett. post free, 1s. 2d. the very book for a holiday, especially for a tramping or cycling tour. facts about flogging. by joseph collinson. 2nd edition. a new and revised edition of a little book which made a strong impression on its first appearance. it is a storehouse of facts about this brutalising practice. 6d. nett. by post, 7d. the diary of and translations of other spiritual verse. by george an old soul. macdonald. a new and cheaper edition. cloth, 2s. nett. by post, 2s. 4d. the diary of an old souz is one of dr. macdonald's best known and most beautiful lyrics, and the steadily growing circle of admirers of his profound spiritual insight will welcome this cheaper edition. the edition is limited and will not be reprinted in its present form. cr. 8vo. 3oo pages. the game by bolton hall. new and cheaper edition. large fºcap. 8vo. of life. cloth, 2s. nett. by post, 2s. 3d. a new series of mr. hall's wise and pungent parables of modern life, especially useful to teachers and lecturers on social reforms. a limited number only. london: arthur c. fifield, 44, fleet street, e.c. arthur. c. fifield’s new publications. by ernest grosby. l broad-cast. new chants and songs of labour, life and freedom. crown 8vo. 128 pages. cloth gilt, 1s. 6d. nett. post free, 1s. 9d. just published. edward carpenter: poet and prophet. an illuminative essay, with selections, and portrait of carpenter. 64 pages. 6d. nett. post free 7d. new edition. just published. by henry s. salt. richard 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salome hocking (author of beginnings, some old cornish folk, etc.). belinda the backward i a romance of modern idealism, crown 8vo. 192 pages. cloth gilt. 2s. nett. post free, 2s. 4d. just published. by godfrey blount (author of the gospel of simplicity, etc.). for our count ry's sake : an essay setting forth the true conditions under which a return to the land and the revival of country life and crafts are possible. demy 8vo. 64 pages. 6d. nett. post free, 7d. just published. by george macdonald. fairy tales by george, macdonal-d. . a new edition of eight of these exquisite fancies, with title-page and thirteen illustrations by arthur hughes. crown 8vo. handsome cloth gilt, gilt top. 434 pages. 4s. 6d. nett. just ready. “the children of the present day are indeed to be congratulated on the re-discovery of these delightful stories.”—daily news. “full of naïve enchantments.”— athenæum. by edward carpenter. prisons, police, and punishment. being chapters on the causes and treatment of crime. crown 8vo. 160 pages. cloth gilt. 2s. nett. post free, 2s. 4d. london : arthur c. fifield, 44, fleet street, e.c. | the maude versions of tolstoy. * * * “better translators, ºotº ſor anowledge of the two ſanguages and ſº zenetration into the very meaning of the zeafter trans/area ºf ºzoº &e ºvented.”–leo tolstoy. resurrection, with 33 illustrations by pasternak. crown 8vo. cloth gilt, 4s. 6d. nett. popular edition, cloth, 2s. 6d. nett. paper, 6d. over 3oo, ooo copies solº. “this is genius at its high-water mark. the reader absorbed in the story will scarcely be conscious that he is absorbing a religion and a philosophy.”—vew jºozºº times. sevastopol, and other stories, with portrait and map, cloth, 2s. 6d. nett. paper, 6d. * a series of sketches so apparently simple that the artist's subtle selection of his types is lost sight of by usin the cumulative effect of the staggering whole.”—the academy. plays. with illustrations. crown 8vo. cloth, 2s. 6d. nett, vºrº with the 2s. 6d. edition of ‘a’esurrection" and “sevastopol.” “nobody who cares for real drama can afford to let this volume go unread.”– the academy. what is art 2 paper, is nett. cloth, 1s 6d. nett. “whoever is really conversant with art, recognises in it the voice of the master.”—g. bernard shaw in the daiſy chrozºice. works by aylmer maude. a peculiar people: the doukhobors. crown 8vo, cloth gilt. with 17 illustrations, 6s. nett. “mr. maude traces succintly but really comprehensively the history of this strange sect, its ideals, its failures, its successes, its persecutions, and its final establishment, with the future still to be decided, in canada . . . a most instructive, sane, sympathetic, and distinctly entertaining account of a human oddity.”–ezening standard. tolstoy and his problems. crown swo. cloth, 1s. 6d. nett. paper, is nett. second edition. “we have greatly enjoyed reading this manly book.”–7%e athenazzº. “mr maude's long and intimate acquaintance with tolstoy enables him to speak with a knowledge probably not possessed by any other englishman.”—wozning post. the zºorººg chaffers of this book may be obtained separately ºn gaºlet zorºn iº, each. leo tolstoy: a short biography. right and wrong. war and patriotism. 2d. essays on art. archibald constable & co, lºn. 16 james street, haymarket. crown svo. 92 pages. canvas gilt belinda º a the backward by salome hocking . author of beginnings, “some old cornish folk, etc. a book of especial interest to all who have been attracted by the recent communistic and tolstoyan colonies in england. it is the first authentic record. * all who have ºy deſire for communal and novel attempts at existence will find ºe boºk worth perusal -/9*deº ſº. “an eminently readablºnd straightforward account. it is free from all unkindliness to colonists, but the author has a sense of humour, and saw thingsºnot seen by the too earnest crank. zºº age. * her story does not ºn the blithedale romance, but we have found some charmiºhe way she tells it—her simple style, her unaffected self ºvelatiºn, and her sympathetic presentment . *_ º of the ºpes a hºleºn. zºe zººey. jus㺠fcblished a new book by the aºhor of “plain talk in psalm and parable.” crºwn syo. 128 pages. cloth gilt is 6d, nett. by pºst, is 98. brca d-c as t. new chants and s s of labour, life, and fººedorn by erººst crosºy * mr. crosby is º brave a fighter on the side of human progress, and he poulºut his words with such splendiddar ing, and says so many courageous things that want saying, that we cannot but wish him a wide public in england and america. we can promise our readers that they will find in zºroad caº much that will hearten them, much that will cheer them, and not a little that will set them thinking.”—vew age. * mr. crosby is a true poet of democracy. . . there is nothing in recent verse quite so remarkable as the series of town pictures. -sussex /jºy aſºº’s. | “there is a good deal of thought, force, and descriptive power in the book. zºe zºnes. london: arºus c. fifield, 44, fleet st. e.c. i ps 3042 fv13 > r book . m a gopglit n? copyright deposit. a thoreau calendar a thoreau calendar edited by annie russell marble new york thomas y. crowell & co. publishers p^^ copyright, igog by thomas y. crowell & co. published, september, 1909 the university press, cambridge, u.s.a. ci. a 24 4;; 6 4 aui tt 1909 prefatory note there are few writings in english literature which surpass the pages of thoreau for unique ness and variety of theme and sententious phrasing. as he had a strong, distinctive personality, so his literary expressions were original and forceful. his books contain many nuggets of study and experience on nature, economics, books, ethics, religion, and a score of other topics. sometimes the tone is that of blunt practicality ; in other passages, the spiritual or poetic note prevails. it has always been difficult to classify thoreau's writings because of their variety of subject and lack of coherent plan ; he said frankly, " it is wise to write on many themes, that so you may find the right and inspiring one." thoreau is associated in memory with the transcendentalist movement of his time and community, and three of the lead ing exponents of this philosophy, in america, were his friends and neighbors, — emerson, alcott, and ellery channing. while thoreau was philosophic by nature, he did not invent nor accept any definite theory or program of living for mankind [ v ] in general. he was as pronounced in non conformity as emerson, and almost as mystical in certain moods as alcott, and he preached the " gospel of the simple life " with as much vigorous radicalism as any of its advocates have done. he studied his own body, mind, and soul, and de termined to live so that he might meet his individ ual needs. he urged no one to follow this special method of living, but rather he appealed to every reader to find out his own needs and conditions and utilize them for self-improvement. his con ception of a noble character included the qualities of sincerity, purity, justice, contentment, industry tempered by leisure for spiritual refreshment, and a constant, loving study of nature. to a marked degree he realized these traits in his mature years. although he was sometimes prejudiced and unin formed on certain phases of life, although he seemed to many acquaintances only an egoist of unusual type, yet he practiced his own text, " be resolutely and faithfully what you are ; be humbly what you aspire to be." in selecting these quotations the editor has chosen from the books published during thoreau's life or prepared for publication largely in accord with his suggestions to family and friends. the aim has been to represent the significant aspects of his life and teachings. many longer passages, which might reveal more fully his personality, 2 ? [ vi ] january january first if a man constantly aspires, is he not elevated ? did ever a man try heroism, magnanimity, truth, sincerity, and find that there was no advan tage in them ? that it was a vain endeavor ? letters to various persons. january second who shall describe the inexpressible tenderness and immortal life of the grim forest, where nature, though it be mid-winter, is ever in her spring, where the moss-grown and decaying trees are not old, but seem to enjoy a perpetual youth; and blissful, innocent nature, like a serene infant, is too happy to make a noise, except by a ic^ tinkling, lisping birds and trickling rills ? the maine woods. january third i think that we may safely trust a good deal more than we do. we may waive just so much care of ourselves as we honestly bestow else where. nature is as well adapted to our [ i ] weakness as to our strength. the incessant anxiety and strain of some is a well-nigh incur able form of disease. ivalden. january fourth books of natural history make the most cheerful winter reading. i read in audubon with a thrill of delight, when the snow covers the ground, of the magnolia, and the florida keys, and their warm sea-breezes ; of the fence-rail, and the cotton-tree, and the migrations of the rice-bird ; of the breaking up of winter in labrador, and the melting of the snow on the forks of the missouri ; and owe an accession of health to these reminis cences of luxuriant nature. natural history of massachusetts. january fifth so is each one's world but a clearing in the forest, so much open and inclosed ground. a walk to ivachusett. january sixth what is the pill which will keep us well, serene, contented ? not my or thy great-grandfather's, but our great-grandmother nature's universal, vegetable, botanic medicines, by which she has kept herself young always, outlived so many old parrs in her day, and fed her health with their decaying fatness. ivalden. january seventh think of the importance of friendship in the education of men. it will make a man honest; it will make him a hero ; it will make him a saint. it is the state of the just dealing with the just, the magnanimous with the magnanimous, the sincere with the sincere, man with man. a iveek on the concord ri'uer. january eighth say what you have to say, not what you ought. any truth is better than make-believe. tom hyde, the tinker, standing on the gallows, was asked if he had anything to say. " tell the tailors," said he, " to remember to make a knot in their thread before they take the first stitch." his companion's prayer is forgotten. ivalden. january ninth nature confounds her summer distinctions at this season. the heavens seem to be nearer the earth. the elements are less reserved and distinct. water turns to ice, rain to snow. the day is but a scandinavian night. the winter is an arctic summer. a ivinler walk. [ 3] january tenth there is, indeed, a tide in the affairs of men, as the poet says, and yet as things flow they circu late, and the ebb always balances the flow. all streams are but tributary to the ocean, which itself does not stream, and the shores are un changed but in longer periods than man can measure. a week on the concord ri'ver. january eleventh when winter fringes every bough with his fantastic wreath. and puts the seal of silence now upon the leaves beneath ; when every stream in its pent-house goes gurgling on its way. and in his gallery the mouse nibbleth the meadow hay ; methinks the summer still is nigh. and lurketh underneath. as that same meadow-mouse doth lie snug in that last year's heath. a winter walk. january twelfth it is so hard to forget what it is worse than useless to remember. anti-slavery and reform papers. [4] january thirteenth i say, beware of all enterprises that require new clothes, and not rather a new wearer of clothes. if there is not a new man, how can the new clothes be made to fit? if you have any enter prise before you, try it in your old clothes. ivalden. january fourteenth but cowardice is unscientific ; for there cannot be a science of ignorance. there may be a science of bravery, for that advances ; but a retreat is rarely well conducted ; if it is, then is it an orderly advance in the face of circumstances. massachusetts natural history. january fifteenth simplify, simplify. instead of three meals a day, if it be necessary eat but one ; instead of a hun dred dishes, five; and reduce other things in proportion. our life is like a german con federacy, made up of petty states, with its boundary forever fluctuating, so that even a german cannot tell you how it is bounded at any moment. w aid en. [5] january sixteenth at least let us have healthy books, a stout horse rake or a kitchen range which is not cracked. let not the poet shed tears only for the public weal. he should be as vigorous as a sugar maple, with sap enough to maintain his own verdure, beside what runs into the troughs, and not like a vine, which being cut in the spring bears no fruit, but bleeds to death in the en deavor to heal its wounds. a week on the concord ri'ver. january seventeenth why should we be in such desperate haste to succeed, and in such desperate enterprises ? if a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drum mer. let him step to the music which he hears, however measured or far away. it is not im portant that he should mature as soon as an apple tree or an oak. shall he turn his spring into summer ? walden. january eighteenth the strongest wind cannot stagger a spirit ; it is a spirit's breath. a just man's purpose can not be split on any grampus or material rock, but itself will split rocks till it succeeds. cape cod. [6] january nineteenth if there is nothing new on the earth, still the traveler always has a resource in the skies. they are constantly turning a new page to view. the wind sets the types on this blue ground, and the inquiring may always read a new truth there. a week on the concord rinjer. january twentieth to enjoy a thing exclusively is commonly to ex clude yourself from the true enjoyment of it. let us improve our opportunities, then, before the evil days come. walking. january twenty-first why should we live with such hurry and waste of life ? we are determined to be starved be fore we are hungry. men say that a stitch in time saves nine, and so they take a thousand stitches to-day to save nine to-morrow. as for work., we have n't any of any consequence. we have the saint vitus' dance, and cannot possibly keep our heads still. walden. january twenty-second what avails it though a light be placed on the top of a hill, if you spend all your life directly [ 7 ] under the hill ? it might as well be under a bushel. cape cod. january twenty-third most people with whom i talk, men and women even of some originality and genius, have their scheme of the universe all cut and dried, — very dry\ i assure you, to hear, dry enough to burn, dry-rotted and powder-post, methinks, — which they set up between you and them in the shortest intercourse; an ancient and tottering frame with all its boards blown off. they do not walk without their bed. tf^alden. january twenty-fourth why should not we meet, not always as dys peptics, to tell our bad dreams, but sometimes as ^wpeptics, to congratulate each other on the ever-glorious morning ? anti-slanjery and reform papers. january twenty-fifth now chiefly is my natal hour. and only now my prime of life. i will not doubt the love untold. which not my worth nor want hath bought. which wooed me young and wooes me old. and to this eveninc); hath me brouiiht. a week on the concord river, [8] january twenty-sixth men are in the main alike, but they were made several in order that they might be various. if a low use is to be served, one man will do nearly or quite as well as another; if a high one, indi vidual excellence is to be reo-arded. o walking. january twenty-seventh however mean your life is, meet it and live it ; do not shun it and call it hard names. it is not so bad as you are. it looks poorest when you are richest. the faultfinder will find faults even in paradise. love your life, poor as it is. ivalden. january twenty-eighth behind every man's busy-ness there should be a level of undisturbed serenity and industry, as within the reef encircling a coral isle there is always an expanse of still water, where the depositions are going on which will finally raise it above the surface. a week on the concord ri^ver, january twenty-ninth follow your genius closely enough, and it will not fail to show you a fresh prospect every hour. wauen. [9] january thirtieth no face welcomed us but the fine fantastic sprays of free and happy evergreen trees, waving one above another in their ancient home. the maine woods. january thirty-first art is as long as ever, but life is more inter rupted and less available for a man's proper pursuits. it is not an era of repose. we have used up all our inherited freedom. antislavery and reform papers. [ 10 ] february february first there can be no very black melancholy to him who lives in the midst of nature and has his senses still. there was never yet such a storm but it was ^olian music to a healthy and innocent ear. walden. february second let no one think that i do not love the old ministers. they were, probably, the best men of their generation, and they deserve that their biographies should fill the pages of the town histories. if i could but hear the " glad tidings" of which they tell, and which, perchance, they heard, i might write in a worthier strain than this. cape cod. february third methinks that must be where all my property lies, cast up on the rocks on some distant and un explored stream, and waiting for an unheard-of [■■ ] freshet to fetch it down. o make haste, ye gods, with your winds and rains, and start the jam before it rots ! the maine woods. february fourth yet i rarely failed to find, even in mid-winter, some warm and springy swamp where the grass and the skunk-cabbage still put forth with peren nial verdure, and some hardier bird occasionally awaited the return of spring. walden. february fifth how could the patient pine have known the morning breeze would come, or humble flowers anticipate the insect's noonday hum, — till the new light with morning cheer from far streamed through the aisles, and nimbly told the forest trees for many stretching miles ? a week on the concord rp-ver. february sixth god himself culminates in the present moment, and will never be more divine in the lapse of all the ages. and we are enabled to apprehend at all what is sublime and noble only by the per .' petual instilling and drenching of the reality that [ '^j surrounds us. the universe constantly and obediently answers to our conceptions ; whether we travel fast or slow, the track is laid for us. waljen. february seventh in the coldest and bleakest places, the warmest charities still maintain a foothold. a cold and searching wind drives awav all contagion, and nothing can withstand it but what has a virtue in it ; and accordingly, whatever we meet with in cold and bleak places, as the tops of mountains, we respect for a sort of sturdy innocence, a puritan toughness. a winter walk. february eighth this world is but canvass to our imaginations. i see men with infinite pains endeavoring to realize to their bodies, what i, with at least equal pains, would realize to my imagination, — its capacities ; for certainly there is a life of the mind above the wants of the body and inde pendent of it. a week on the concord river. february ninth when we are unhurried and wise, we perceive that only great and worthy things have any per manent and absolute existence, — that petty fears [ 13 ] and petty pleasures are but the shadow of the reality. walden. february tenth there is no ill which may not be dissipated, like the dark, if you let in a stronger light upon it. a iveek on the concord ri-ver. february eleventh such is oftenest the young man's introduction to the forest, and the most original part of himself. he goes thither at first as a hunter and fisher, until at last, if he has the seeds of a better life in him, he distinguishes his proper objects, as a poet or naturalist it may be, and leaves the gun and fish-pole behind. fvalden. february twelfth it is true actually as it is true really ; it is true materially as it is true spiritually, that they who seek honestly and sincerely, with all their hearts and lives and strength, to earn their bread, do earn it, and it is sure to be very sweet to them. letters to various perrons. february thirteenth in proportion as he simplifies his life, the laws of the universe will appear less complex, and solitude will not be solitude, nor poverty poverty, [ h j nor weakness weakness. if you have built castles in the air, your work need not be lost ; that is where they should be. now put the foundations under them. ifalden, february fourteenth in society, in the best institutions of men, it is easy to detect a certain precocity. when we should still be growing children, we are already little men. walking. february fifteenth nothing can rightly compel a simple and brave man to a vulgar sadness. while i enjoy the friendship of the seasons i trust that nothing can make life a burden to me. walden. february sixteenth behold the difference between the oriental and the occidental. the former has nothing to do in this v/orld ; the latter is full of activity. the one looks in the sun till his eyes are put out; the other follows him prone in his westward course. a week on the concord ri-ver. [ 15 ] february seventeenth in the winter, warmth stands for all virtue, and we resort in thought to a trickling rill, with its bare stones shining in the sun, and to warm springs in the woods, with as much eagerness as rabbits and robins. the steam which rises from swamps and pools, is as dear and domestic as that of our own kettle. a winter walk. february eighteenth if a man has faith he will co-operate with equal faith everywhere ; if he has not faith, he will continue to live like the rest of the world, what ever company he is joined to. to co-operate, in the highest as well as the lowest sense, means to get our living together. walden. february nineteenth but after all, man is the great poet, and not homer or shakspeare •, and our language itself, and the common arts of life are his work. a week on the concord river. february twentieth but there is no such thing as accomplishing a righteous reform by the use of "expediency." there is no such thing as sliding up hill. in morals, the only sliders are back-sliders. anti-sla-uery and reform papers. [ i6 ] february twenty-first when we would rest our bodies we cease to support them; wc recline on the lap of earth. so when we would rest our spirits, we must recline on the great spirit. letters to various persons. february twenty-second in the winter, the botanist needs not confine himself to his books and herbarium, and give over his out-door pursuits, but may study a new department of vegetable physiology, what may be called crystalline botany, then. massachusetts natural history. february twenty-third music is the sound of the universal laws pro mulgated. it is the only assured tone. there are in it such strains as far surpass any man's faith in the loftiness of his destiny. things are to be learned which it will be worth the while to learn. a week on the concord rvuer. february twenty-fourth how far men go for the material of their houses ! the inhabitants of the most civilized cities, in all ages, send into far, primitive forests, beyond the bounds of their civilization, where the moose and bear and savage dwell, for their pine-boards [ 17 ] for ordinary use. and, on the other hand, the savage soon receives from cities, iron arrow points, hatchets, and guns, to point his savageness with. ivauen. february twenty-fifth my spirits infallibly rise in proportion to the out ward dreariness. give me the ocean, the desert, or the wilderness ! walking. february twenty-sixth it must be confessed that the pilgrims possessed but ^tw of the qualities of the modern pioneer. they were not the ancestors of the american backwoodsmen. they did not go at once into the woods with their axes. they were a family and church, and were more anxious to keep to gether, though it were on the sand, than to explore and colonize a new world. cape cod. february twenty-seventh often the body is warmed, but the imagination is torpid ; the body is fat, but the imagination is lean and shrunk. a week on the concord ki-ver. [ '8 ] february twenty-eighth it would be glorious to see mankind at leisure for once. it is nothing but work, work, work. i cannot easily buy a blank-book to write thoughts in ; they are commonly ruled for dollars and cents. anti-sla'-very and reform papers. february twenty-ninth in the winter, i stop short in the path to admire how the trees grow up without forethought, regardless of the time and circumstances. they do not wait as man does, but now is the golden age of the sapling. earth, air, sun, and rain, are occasion enough ; they were no better in primeval centuries. the " winter of their dis content " never comes. massachusetts natural history. [ 19 ] march march first any of the phenomena of winter are sug gestive of an inexpressible tenderness and fragile delicacy. we are accustomed to hear this king described as a rude and boisterous tyrant ; but with the gentleness of a lover he adorns the tresses of summer. ivauen. march second happy the man who observes the heavenly and the terrestrial laws in just proportion ; whose every faculty, from the soles of his feet to the crown of his head, obeys the law of its level ; who neither stoops nor goes on tiptoe, but lives a balanced life, acceptable to nature and to god. letters to various persons. march third if we could listen but for an instant to the chaunt of the indian muse, we should under^;tand why he vv'ill not exchange his sava«;eness for civillza tion. a ifick en the concord river. [ 21 j march fourth but, on more accounts than one, i had had enough of moose-hunting. i had not come to the woods for this purpose, nor had i foreseen it, though i had been willing to learn how the indian manceuvred ; but one moose killed was as good, if not as bad, as a dozen. the after noon's tragedy, and my share in it, as it affected the innocence, destroyed the pleasure of my adventure. the maine ivoods. march fifth it is true, i never assisted the sun materially in his rising, but, doubt not, it was of the last importance only to be present at it. walden. march sixth the mariner who makes the safest port in heaven, perchance, seems to his friends on earth to be shipwrecked, for they deem boston harbor the better place ; though perhaps invisible to them, a skillful pilot comes to meet him, and the fairest and balmiest gales blow off that coast, his good ship makes the land in halcyon days, and he kisses the shore in rapture there, while his old hulk tosses in the surf here. cape cod. [ 22 ] march seventh a sentence should read as if its author, had he held a plow instead of a pen, could have drawn a furrow deep and straight to the end. the scholar requires hard and serious labor to give an impetus to his thought. he will learn to grasp the pen firmly so, and wield it gracefully and effectively, as an axe or a sword. a week o?i the concord rinjer. march eighth we commonly do not remember that it is, after all, always the first person that is speaking. i should not talk so much about myself if there were anybody else whom i knew as well. un fortunately, i am confined to this theme by the narrowness of my experience. ivalden. march ninth i think that i cannot preserve my health and spirits, unless i spend four hours a day at least, — and it is commonly more than that, — sauntering through the woods and over the hills and fields, absolutely free from all worldly en gagements. you may safely say, a penny for your thoughts, or a thousand pounds. walking. [ 23] march tenth the ears were made, not for such trivial uses as men are wont to suppose, but to hear celestial sounds. the eyes were not made for such grovelling uses as they are now put to and worn out by, but to behold beauty now invisible. a fveek on the concord ki^er. march eleventh probably if our lives were more conformed to nature, we should not need to defend ourselves aeainst her heats and colds, but find her oui constant nurse and friend, as do plants and quadrupeds. a winter walk. march twelfth the earth is not a mere fragment of dead history, stratum upon stratum like the leaves of a book, to be studied by geologists and antiquaries chiefly, but living poetry like the leaves of a tree, which precede flowers and fruit, — not a fossil earth, but a living earth; compared with whose great central life all animal and vegetable life is merely parasitic. its throes will heave our exuviae from their graves. walden. [ 24] march thirteenth a man's ignorance sometimes is not only useful, but beautiful, — while his knowledge, so called, is oftentimes worse than useless, besides being ugly. which is the best man to deal with, — he who knows nothing about a subject, and, what is extremely rare, knows that he knows nothing, or he who really knows something about it, but thinks that he knows all ? ifalking. march fourteenth a true politeness does not result from any hasty and artificial polishing, it is true, but grows naturally in characters of the right grain and quality, through a long fronting of men and events, and rubbing on good and bad fortune. a jveek on the concord ri-ver. march fifteenth drive a nail home and clinch it so faithfully that you can wake up in the night and think of your work with satisfaction, — a work at which you would not be ashamed to invoke the muse. so will help you god, and so only. every nail driven should be as another rivet in the machine of the universe, you carrying on the work. walden. [ ^5 ] march sixteenth what is any man's discourse to me, if i am not sensible of something in it as steady and cheery as the creaic of crickets ? in it the woods must be relieved against the sky. massachusetts natural history. march seventeenth yet these men had no need to travel to be as wise as solomon in all his glory, so similar are the lives of men in all countries, and fraught . with the same homely experiences. one half the world knows how the other half lives. a iveek on the concord ri'ver. march eighteenth to be a philosopher is not merely to have subtle thoughts, nor even to found a school, but so to love wisdom as to live, according to its dictates, a life of simplicity, independence, magnanimity, and trust. it is to solve some of the problems of life, not only theoretically, but practically. fvauen. march nineteenth what fire could ever equal the sunshine of a winter's day, when the meadow mice come out by the wallsides, and the chicadee lisps in the defiles of the wood ? the warmth comes directly from the sun, and is not radiated from the earth, [ ^6 ] as in summer ; and when we feel his beams on our backs as we are treading; some snowy dell, we are grateful as for a special kindness, and bless the sun which has followed us into that by-place. • a winter walk. march twentieth it is but thin soil where we stand ; i have felt my roots in a richer ere this. i have seen a bunch of violets in a glass vase, tied loosely with a straw, which reminded me of myself. — i am a parcel of vain strivings tied by a chance bond together, dangling this way and that, their links were made so loose and wide, methinks, for milder weather. a week on the concord ri'ver. march twenty-first our whole life is startlingly moral. there is never an instant's truce between virtue and vice. goodness is the only investment that never fails. wauen. march twenty-second do not hire a man who does your work for money, but him who does it for love of it. anti-sla'-very and reform papers. [ 27 ] march twenty-third but if we would appreciate the flow that is in these books, we must expect to feel it rise from the page like an exhalation, and wash away our critical brains like burr millstones, flowing to higher levels above and behind ourselves. a week on the concord ri'uer. march twenty-fourth we do not realize how far and widely, or how near and narrowly, we are to look. the greater part of the phenomena of nature are for this reason concealed from us all our lives. xhe gardener sees only the gardener's garden. here, too, as in political economy, the supply answers to the demand. nature does not cast pearls before swine. autumnal tints. march twenty-fifth so easy is it, though many housekeepers doubt it, to establish new and better customs in the place of the old. you need not rest your reputation on the dinners you give. ivalden. march twenty-sixth may we not see god ? are we to be put off and amused in this life, as it were with a mere alle [ 28 ] gory ? is not nature, rightly read, that of which she is commonly taken to be the symbol merely ? a li^eek on the concord ri'ver. march twenty-seventh in society you will not find health, but in nature. unless our feet at least stood in the midst of nature, all our faces would be pale and livid. massachusetts natural history. march twenty-eighth let a man take time enough for the most trivial deed, though it be but the paring of his nails. the buds swell imperceptibly, without hurry or confusion, as if the short spring days were an eternity. a week on the concord river. march tweny-ninth perhaps the time will come when every house even will have not only its sleeping-rooms, and dining-room, and talking-room or parlor, but its thinking-room also, and the architects will put it into their plans. a yankee in canada, march thirtieth we do not live by justice but by grace. as the sort of justice which concerns us in our daily intercourse is not that administered by the judge [ ^-9 ] so the historical justice which we prize is not arrived at by nicely balancing the evidence. anti-sla'very and reform papers. march thirty-first near the end of march, 1845, i borrowed an axe and went down to the woods by walden pond, nearest to where i intended to build my house, and began to cut down some tall arrowy white pines, still in their youth, for timber. it is difficult to begin without borrowing, but perhaps it is the most generous course thus to permit your fellow-men to have an interest in your enterprise. the owner of the axe, as he released his hold on it, said that it was the apple of his eye ; but i returned it sharper than i received it. walden. [ 30] april april first in the long run men hit only what they aim at. therefore, though they should fail im mediately, they had better aim at something high. walden. april second the little rill tinkled the louder, and peopled all the wilderness for me ; and the glassy smooth ness of the sleeping lake, laving the shores of a new world, with the dark, fantastic rocks rising here and there from its surface, made a scene not easily described. it has left such an im pression of stern, yet gentle, wildness on my memory as will not soon be effaced. the maine woods. april third the change from storm and winter to serene and mild weather, from dark and sluggish hours to bright and elastic ones, is a memorable crisis which all things proclaim. it is seemingly instantaneous at last. walden. [ 31 ] april fourth the tree of knowledge is a tree of knowledge of good and evil. he is not a true man of science who does not bring some sympathy to his studies, and expect to learn something by behavior as well as by application. a week on the concord river. april fifth all that is told of the sea has a fabulous sound to an inhabitant of the land, and all its products have a certain fabulous quality, as if they be longed to another planet, from sea-weed to a sailor's yarn, or a fish-story. in this element the animal and vegetable kingdoms meet and are strangely mingled. cape cod. april sixth every man is the builder of a temple, called his body, to the god he worships, after a style purely his own, nor can he get off by hammering marble instead. we are all sculptors and painters, and our material is our own flesh and blood and bones. any nobleness begins at once to refine a man's features, any meanness or sensuality to imbrute them. walden. [ 32 ] april seventh the landscape-painter uses the figures of men to mark a road. he would not make that use of my figure. i walk out into a nature such as the old prophets and poets, menu, moses, homer, chaucer, walked in. walking. april eighth how many mornings, summer and winter, be fore yet any neighbor was stirring about his business, have i been about mine ! no doubt, many of my townsmen have met me returning from this enterprise, farmers starting for boston in the twilight, or woodchoppers going to their work. walden. april ninth a book should contain pure discoveries, glimpses of terra firma.^ though by shipwrecked mariners, and not the art of navigation by those who have never been out of sight of land. a week on the concord river. april tenth so simplify the problem of life, distinguish the necessary and the real. probe the earth to see where your main roots run. letters to various persons. [ 33 ] april eleventh but chaucer is fresh and modern still, and no dust settles on his true passages. it lightens along the line, and we are reminded that flowers have bloomed, and birds sung, and hearts beaten, in england. before the earnest gaze of the reader, the rust and moss of time gradually drop off, and the original green life is revealed. he was a homely and domestic man, and did breathe quite as modern men do. a week on the concord rv~uer. april twelfth the first sparrow of spring ! the year begin ning with younger hope than ever ! the faint silvery wafblings heard over the partially bare and moist fields from the bluebird, the song sparrow, and the red-wing, as if the last flakes of winter tinkled as they fell ! what at such a time are histories, chronologies, traditions, and all written revelations ? ivalden. april thirteenth genius is a light which makes the darkness visible, like the lightning's flash, which per chance shatters the temple of knowledge itself, — and not a taper lighted at the hearth-stone of the race, which pales before the light of common day. walking, [ 34] april fourteenth there are some things which a man never speaks of, which are much finer kept silent about. to the highest communications we only lend a silent ear. our finest relations are not simply kept silent about, but buried under a positive depth of silence, never to be revealed. a week on the concord ri'ver. april fifteenth it is true, we are such poor navigators that our thoughts, for the most part, stand off and on upon a harborless coast, are conversant only with the bights of the bays of poesy, or steer for the public ports of entry, and go into the dry docks of science, where they merely refit for this world, and no natural currents concur to individualize them. ivalden. april sixteenth the most interesting thing which i heard of, in this township of hull, was an unfailing spring, whose locality was pointed out to me, on the side of a distant hill, as i was panting along the shore, though i did not visit it. perhaps, if i should go through rome, it would be some spring on the capitoline hill i should remember the longest. cape cud. [ 35 ] april seventeenth one generation abandons the enterprises of another like stranded vessels. walden. april eighteenth tell shakspeare to attend some leisure hour, for now i 've business with this drop of dew. and see you not, the clouds prepare a shower, — i '11 'meet him shortly when the sky is blue. a week on the concord river. april nineteenth i suspect that, if you should go to the end of the world, you would find somebody there going farther, as if just starting for home at sundown, and having a last word before he drove off. the maine woods. april twentieth we do not learn much from learned books, but from true, sincere, human books, from frank and honest biographies. a week on the concord river. april twenty-first as i stand over the insect crawling amid the pine needles on the forest floor, and endca\'or ing to conceal itself from my sight, and ask myself why it will cherish those humble thoughts and hide its head from me who might, perhaps, l 36 ] be its benefactor and impart to its race some cheering information, i am reminded of the greater benefactor and intelligence that stands over me, the human insect. walden. april twenty-second the rarest quality in an epitaph is truth. if any character is given it should be as severely true as the decision of the three judges below, and not the partial testimony of friends. a week on the concord ri^er. april twenty-third methinks i see the thousand shrines erected to hospitality shining afar in all countries, as well mahometan and jewish, as christian, khans, and caravansaries, and inns, whither all pilgrims without distinction resort. the landlord. april twenty-fourth between whom there is hearty truth there is love ; and in proportion to our truthfulness and confidence in one another, our lives are divine and miraculous, and answer to our ideal. a week on the concord ri'uer. [ 37 ] april twenty-fifth a lake is the landscape's most beautiful and expressive feature. it is earth's eye ; looking into which the beholder measures the depth of his own nature. the fluviatile trees next the shore are the slender eyelashes which fringe it, and the wooded hills and cliffs around are its overhanging brows. ivalden. april twenty-sixth humor is not so distinct a quality as, for the purposes of criticism, it is commonly regarded, but allied to every other, even the divine faculty. the familiar and cheerful conversation about every hearthside, if it be analyzed, will be found to be sweetened by this principle. anti-sla'uery and reform papers. april twenty-seventh for a companion, i require one who will make an equal demand on me with my own genius. such a one will always be rightly tolerant. it is suicide and corrupts good manners to welcome any less than this. i value and trust those who love and praise my aspiration rather than my performance. a week on the concord ri-ver, [ 38 ] april twenty-eighth as every season seems best to us in its turn, so the coming in of spring is like the creation of cosmos out of chaos and the realization of the golden age. ivalden. april twenty-ninth only their names and residence make one love '" fishes. i would know even the number of their fin-rays, and how many scales compose the lateral line. i am the wiser in respect to all knowledges, and the better qualified for all for tunes, for knowing that there is a minnow in the brook. methinks i have need even of his sympathy, and to be his fellow in a degree. massachusetts natural history. april thirtieth shadows, referred to the source of light, are pyramids whose bases are never greater than those of the substances which cast them, but light is a spherical congeries of pyramids, whose very apexes are the sun itself, and hence the system shines with uninterrupted light. but if the light we use is but a paltry and narrow taper, most objects will cast a shadow wider than themselves. a iveek on the concord ria/er. [ 39 ] may may first n the midst of this labyrinth let us live a thread of life. we must act with so rapid and resistless a purpose in one direction that our vices will necessarily trail behind. letters to various persons, may second i 've heard within my inmost soul such cheerful morning news, in the horizon of my mind have seen such orient hues, as in the twilight of the dawn, when the first birds awake, are heard within some silent wood. where they the small twigs break. a ifeek on the concord river. may third our life is frittered away by detail. an honest man has hardly need to count more than his ten fingers, or in extreme cases he may add his ten [ 41 ] toes, and lump the rest. simplicity, simplicity, simplicity ! i say, let your affairs be as two or three, and not a hundred or a thousand; instead of a million count half a dozen, and keep your accounts on your thumb nail. wauen. may fourth there is thus about all natural products a certain volatile and ethereal quality which represents their highest value, and which cannot be vulgarized, or bought and sold. mid apples. may fifth the meadow flowers spring and bloom where the waters annually deposit their slime, not where they reach in some freshet only. a man is not his hope, nor his despair, nor yet his past deed. a week on the concord river. may sixth under the one word, house, are included the school-house, the alms-house, the jail, the tavern, the dwelling-house ; and the meanest shed or cave in which men live contains the elements of all these. but nowhere on the earth stands the entire and perfect house. excursions. [ 42 ] may seventh no doubt another may also think for me ; but it is not therefore desirable that he should do so to the exclusion of my thinking for myself. walden. may eighth a friend is one who incessantly pays us the compliment of expecting from us all the virtues, and who can appreciate them in us. it takes two to speak the truth, — one to speak, and another to hear. a week on the concord ri'ver. may ninth it is generally supposed that they who have long been conversant with the ocean can fore tell by certain indications, such as its roar and the notes of sea-fowl, when it will change from calm to storm ; but probably no such ancient mariner as we dream of exists ; they know no more, at least, than the older sailors do about this voyage of life on which we are all embarked. cape cod. may tenth nations are possessed with an insane ambition to perpetuate the memory of themselves by the amount of hammered stone they leave. what [ 43 ] if equal pains were taken to smooth and polish their manners ? one piece of good sense would be more memorable than a monument as high as the moon. ivalden. may eleventh nature has taken more care than the fondest . parent for the education and refinement of her children. consider the silent influence which flowers exert, no less upon the ditcher in the meadow than the lady in the bower. when i walk in the woods, i am reminded that a wise purveyor has been there before me ; my most delicate experience is typified there. excursions. may twelfth can there be any greater reproach than an idle learning ? learn to split wood, at least. the necessity of labor and conversation with many men and things, to the scholar is rarely well remembered; steady labor with the hands, which engrosses the attention also, is unquestionably the best method of removing palaver and senti mentality out of one's style, both of speaking and writing. a jveek on the concord ri-ver. [ 44 ] may thirteenth it was a very inspiriting sound to walk by, filling the whole air, that of the sea dashing against the land, heard several miles inland. instead of having a dog to growl before your door, to have an atlantic ocean to growl for a whole cape ! on the whole, we are glad of the storm, which would show us the ocean in its angriest mood. cape cod. may fourteenth when i think of the benefactors of the race, whom we have apotheosized as messengers from heaven, bearers of divine gifts to man, i do not see in my mind any retinue at their heels, any car-load of fashionable furniture. ivalden. may fifteenth in may and june the woodland quire is in full tune, and given the immense spaces of hollow air, and this curious human ear, one does not see how the void could be better filled. each summer sound is a summer round. excursiuns. [ 45 ] may sixteenth the very timber and boards and shingles of which our houses are made, grew but yesterday in a wilderness where the indian still hunts and the moose runs wild. new york has her wilderness within her own borders; and though the sailors of europe are familiar with the soundings of her hudson, and fulton long since invented the steamboat on its waters, an indian is still necessary to guide her scientific men to its head-waters in the adirondac country. the maine woods. may seventeenth as if you could kill time without injuring eternity. walden. may eighteenth surely the fates are forever kind, though nature's laws are more immutable than any despot's, yet to man's daily life they rarely seem rigid, but permit him to relax with license in summer weather. he is not harshly reminded of the things he may not do. a week on the co)uorj ri-uer. [ 46 ] may nineteenth how prompt we are to satisfy the huno-er and thirst of our bodies, how slow to satisfy the hunger and thirst of our souls. letters to various persons. may twentieth we loiter in winter while it is already spring. in a pleasant spring morning all men's sins are forgiven. such a day is a truce to vice. while such a sun holds out to burn, the vilest sinner may return. through our own recovered innocence we discern the innocence of our neighbors. walden. may twenty-first you can hardly convince a man of an error in a life-time, but must content yourself with the reflection that the progress of science is slow. if he is not convinced, his grand-children may be. a week on the concord rluer. may twenty-second i would say to the society for the diffusion of useful knowledge, sometimes, — go to grass. you have eaten hay long enough. the sprino has come with its green crop. the very cows are driven to their country pastures before the end of may; though 1 have heard of one unnatural farmer who kept his cow in the barn [ 47 ] and fed her on hay all the year round. so, frequently, the society for the diffusion of use ful knowledge treats its cattle. ivalking. may twenty-third still grows the vivacious lilac a generation after the door and lintel and the sill are gone, unfold ing its sweet-scented flowers each spring, to be plucked by the musing traveller; planted and tended once by children's hands, in front-yard plots, — now standing by wall-sides in retired pastures, and giving place to new-rising forests; — the last of that stirp, sole survivor of that family. jvatden. may twenty-fourth 7^he world seemed decked for some holyday or prouder pageantry, with silken streamers flying, and the course of our lives to wind on before us like a green lane into a country maze, at the season when fruit trees are in blossom. a we£k on the concord ri'ver. may twenty-fifth ^ the flowers of the apple are perhaps the most beautiful of any tree's, so copious and so delicious to both sight and scent. the walker is fre quently tempted to turn and linger near some [ 4« j more than usually handsome one, whose blossoms are two thirds expanded. how superior it is in these respects to the pear, whose blossoms are neither colored nor fragrant ! ivild apples. may twenty-sixth i would not subtract anything from the praise that is due to philanthropy, but merely demand justice for all who by their lives and works are a blessing to mankind. i do not value chiefly a man's uprightness and benevolence, which are, as it were, his stem and leaves. ivauen. may twenty-seventh it may be that the forenoon is brighter than the afternoon, not only because of the greater trans parency of its atmosphere, but because we naturally look most into the west, as forward into the day, and so in the forenoon see the sunny side of things, but in the afternoon the shadow of every tree. a week on the concord ri^er. may twenty-eighth c^ it is remarkable what a serious business men ' make of getting their dinners, and how univer sally shiftlessness and a grovelling taste take refuge in a merely ant-like industry. better go [ 49 ] without your dinner, i thought, than be thus everlastingly fishing for it like a cormorant. of course, viewed from the shore.^ our pursuits in the country appear not a whit less frivolous. cape cod. may twenty-ninth in my walks i would fain return to my senses. what business have i in the woods, if i am thinking of something out of the woods ? i suspect myself, and cannot help a shudder, when i find myself so implicated even in what are called good works, — for this may sometimes happen. walking, may thirtieth the indescribable innocence and beneficence of nature, — of sun and wind and rain, of summer and winter, — such health, such cheer, they afford forever ! and such sympathy have they ever with our race, that all nature would be affected, and the sun's brightness fade, and the winds would sigh humanely, and the clouds rain tears, and the woods shed their leaves and put on mourning in midsummer, if any man should ever for a just cause grieve. walden. [ 50 ] may thirty-first and to be admitted to nature's hearth costs nothing. none is excluded ; but excludes him self. you have only to push aside the curtain. letters to various persons. ,~f [ 51 ] june june first 'o run on my bank can drain it, for my wealth is not possession but enjoyment. letters to various persons. june second the morning, which is the most memorable season of the day, is the awakening hour. then there is least somnolence in us ; and for an hour, at least, some part of us awakes which slumbers all the rest of the day and night. ivalden. june third thank god, no hindoo tyranny prevailed at the framing of the world, but we are freemen of the universe, and not sentenced to any caste. a week on the concord river. june fourth nature has from the first expanded the minute blossoms of the forest only toward the heavens, above men's heads and unobserved by them. [ 53 ] we see only the flowers that are under our feet in the meadows. ivalking. v june fifth what is it gilds the trees and clouds. and paints the heavens so gay, but yonder fast abiding light with its unchanging ray ? lo, when the sun streams through the wood, upon a winter's morn, where'er his silent beams intrude the murky night is gone. a week on the concord river. june sixth you will pardon some obscurities, for there are more secrets in my trade than in most men's, and yet not voluntarily kept, but inseparable from its very nature. i would gladly tell all that i know about it, and never paint " no admittance " on my gate. walden. june seventh nature will bear the closest inspection ; she invites us to lay our eye level with the smallest leaf, and take an insect view of its plain. she has no interstices; every part is full of life. i explore, too, with pleasure, the sources of the [ 54 ] v5o myriad sounds which crowd the summer noon, and which seem the very grain and stuff of which eternity is made. excursions. june eighth we do not avoid evil by fleeing before it, but by rising above or diving below its plane ; as the worm escapes drought and frost by boring a few inches deeper. a week on the concord ri'ver. june ninth no people can long continue provincial in /r, character who have the propensity for politics f (y and whittling, and rapid travelling, which the yankees have, and who are leaving the mother country behind in the variety of their notions and inventions. the possession and exercise of practical talent merely are a sure and rapid means of intellectual culture and independence. t/ie maine woods. june tenth the restless ocean may at any moment cast up a whale or a wrecked vessel at your feet. all the reporters in the world, the most rapid stenog raphers, could not report the news it brings. cape cod. [ 55 ] june eleventh a man may esteem himself happy when that which is his food is also his medicine. there is no kind of herb that grows, but somebody or other says that it is good. i am very glad to hear it. it reminds me of the first chapter of genesis. a week on the concord river. june twelfth we are made to exaggerate the importance of what work we do ; and yet how much is not done by us ! or, what if we had been taken sick ? how vigilant we are ! determined not to live by faith if we can avoid it ; all the day long on the alert, at night we unwillingly say our prayers and commit ourselves to uncertainties. ifauen. june thirteenth why should not our whole life and its scenery be actually thus fair and distinct ? all our lives want a suitable background. they should at least, like the life of the anchorite, be as impres sive to behold as objects in the desert, a broken shaft or crumbling mound against a limitless horizon. a ifeek on the concord ri'ver. june fourteenth the pines have developed their delicate blossoms on the highest twigs of the wood every summer [ 56 ] for ages, as well over the heads of nature's red children as of her white ones; yet scarcely a farmer or hunter in the land has ever seen them. excursions. june fifteenth to read well, that is, to read true books in a true spirit, is a noble exercise, and one that will task the reader more than any exercise which the customs of the day esteem. it requires a train ing such as the athletes underwent, the steady intention almost of the whole life to this object. ivalden. june sixteenth homeliness is almost as great a merit in a book as in a house, if the reader would abide there. it is next to beauty, and a very high art. some have this merit only. a week on the concord ri'ver. june seventeenth moreover, you must walk like a camel, which is said to be the only beast which ruminates when walking. when a traveller asked words worth's servant to show him her master's study, she answered, " here is his library, but his study is out of doors." excursions. [ 57 ] june eighteenth the morning wind forever blows, the poem of creation is uninterrupted ; but few are the ears that hear it. olympus is but the outside of the earth everywhere. jvalden. june nineteenth but special i remember thee, wachusett, who like me standest alone without society. thy far blue eye, a remnant of the sky, seen through the clearing or the gorge, or from the windows on the forge, doth leaven all it passes by. nothing is true, but stands 'tween me and you. thou western pioneer who know'st not shame nor fear, by venturous spirit driven. under the eaves of heaven. and can'st expand thee there, and breathe enough of air ? upholding heaven, holding down earth, thy pastime from thy birth. not steadied by the one nor leaning on the other; may i approve myself thy worthy brother ! a walk to wachusett. [ 58 ] june twentieth heaven is under our feet as well as over our heads. if^alden. june twenty-first the present hour is always wealthiest when it is poorer than the future ones, as that is the pleasantest site which affords the pleasantest prospect. letters to various persons. june twenty-second the friend asks no return but that his friend will religiously accept and wear and not disgrace his apotheosis of him. they cherish each other's hopes. they are kind to each other's dreams. a iveek on the concord riuer. june twenty-third what avails it that you are christian, if you are not purer than the heathen, if you deny yourself no more, if you are not more religious ? i know of many systems of religion esteemed heathenish whose precepts fill the reader with shame, and provoke him to new endeavors, though it be to the performance of rites merely. ivalden. [ 59 ] june twenty-fourth in the night" the eyes are partly closed or retire into the head. other senses take the lead. the walker is guided as well by the sense of smell. excursions. june twentyfifth what exercise is to the body, employment is to the mind and morals. letters to various persons. june twenty-sixth but it is fit that the past should be dark ; though the darkness is not so much a quality of the past as of tradition. it is not a distance of time, but a distance of relation, which makes thus dusky its memorials. what is near to the heart of this generation is fair and bright still. a jveek on the concord ri-uer. june twenty-seventh we should impart our courage, and not our despair, our health and ease, and not our disease, and take care that this does not spread by contagion. ivauen. june twenty-eighth other seeds i have which will find other things in that corner of my garden, in like fashion, almost any fruit you wish, every year for ages, [ 60 j until the crop more than fills the whole garden. you have but little more to do, than throw up your cap for entertainment these american days. perfect alchemists i keep, who can transmute substances without end ; and thus the corner of my garden is an inexhaustible treasure-chest. the succession of forest trees. june twenty-ninth i shall be a benefactor if i conquer some realms from the night, if i report to the gazettes any thing transpiring about us at that season worthy of their attention, — if i can show men that there is some beauty awake while they are asleep, — if i add to the domains of poetry. night and moonlight. june thirtieth no man who acts from a sense of duty ever puts the lesser duty above the greater. no man has the desire and ability to work on high things, but he has also the ability to build himself a high staging. letters to various persons. [ 6i ] july july first all the world reposes in beauty to him who preserves equipoise in his life, and moves serenely on his path without secret violence ; as he who sails down a stream, he has only to steer, keeping his bark in the middle, and carry it round the falls. a week on the concord ri^er. july second it is never too late to give up our prejudices. no way of thinking or doing, however ancient, can be trusted without proof. walden. july third live your life, do your work, then take your hat. i have no patience towards such conscientious cowards. give me simple laboring folk, who love their work. whose virtue is a song to cheer god along. a week on the concord ri'ver. [ 63 ] july fourth to-day it was the purple sea, an epithet which i should not before have accepted. there were distinct patches of the color of a purple grape with the bloom rubbed off. but lirst and last the sea is of all colors. cape cod. july fifth many men walk by day; few walk by night. it is a very different season. take a july night, for instance. about ten o'clock, — when man is asleep, and day fairly forgotten, — the beauty of moonlight is seen over lonely pastures where cattle are silently feeding. on all sides novelties present themselves. instead of the sun there are the moon and stars, in stead of the wood-thrush there is the whip-poor will, — instead of butterflies in the meadows, fire-flies, winged sparks of fire ! who would have believed it .'' night and moonlight. july sixth rather than love, than money, than fame, give me truth. i sat at a table where were rich food and wine in abundance, and obsequious attend ance, but sincerity and truth were not ; and i went away hungry from the inhospitable board. the hospitality was as cold as the ices. walden. [ 64 ] july seventh bring a spray from the wood, or a crystal from the brook, and place it on your mantel, and your household ornaments will seem plebeian beside its nobler fashion and bearing. it will wave superior there, as if used to a more refined and polished circle. it has a salute and a response to all your enthusiasm and heroism. massachusetts natural history. july eighth poetry is so universally true and independent of experience, that it does not need any particular biography to illustrate it, but we refer it sooner or later to some orpheus or linus, and after ages to the genius of humanity, and the gods themselves. a week on the concord ri'ver. july ninth i am alarmed when it happens that i have walked a mile into the woods bodily, without getting there in spirit. in my afternoon walk "^^i'/v i would fain forget all my morning occupations and my obligations to society. excursions. july tenth but we had hardly got out of the streets of bangor before i began to be exhilarated bv the sight of the wild fir and spruce-tops, and those [ 65 ] of other primitive evergreens, peering through the mist in the horizon. it was like the sight and odor of cake to a schoolboy. the maine woods. july eleventh the true husbandman will cease from anxiety, as the squirrels manifest no concern whether the woods will bear chestnuts this year or not, and finish his labor with every day, relinquishing all claim to the produce of his fields, and sacrificing in his mind not only his first but his last fruits also. walden. july twelfth some youthful spring, perchance, still empties with tinkling music into the oldest river, even when it is falling into the sea, and we imagine that its music is distinguished by the river gods from the general lapse of the stream, and fulls sweeter on their ears in proportion as it is nearer to the ocean. a week on the concord ri'ver. july thirteenth there is, however, this consolation to the most way-worn traveler, upon the dustiest road, that the path his feet describe is so perfectly symboli cal of human life, — now climbing the hills, now [ 66 ] descending into the vales. from the summits he beholds the heavens and the horizon, from the vales he looks up to the heights again. he is treading his old lessons still, and though he may be very weary and travel-worn, it is yet sincere experience. a walk to wachusett. july fourteenth there is something singularly grand and impres sive in the sound of a tree falling in a perfectly calm night like this, as if the agencies which overthrow it did not need to be excited, but worked with a subtle, deliberate, and conscious force, like a boa-constrictor, and more effectively then than even in a windy day. if there is any such difference, perhaps it is because trees with the dews of the night on them are heavier than by day. the maine woods. july fifteenth i would rather sit on a pumpkin and have it all to myself, than be crowded on a velvet cushion. walden. as we have said, nature is a greater and more perfect art, the art of god ; though, referred to herself, she is genius, and there is a similarity between her operations and man's art even in [ 67 ] the details and trifles. when the overhanging pine drops into the water, by the sun and water, and the wind rubbing it against the shore, its boughs are worn into fantastic shapes, and white and smooth, as if turned in a lathe. a week on the concord ri'ver. july sixteenth my " best " room, however, my withdrawing room, always ready for company, on whose car pet the sun rarely fell, was the pine wood behind my house. thither in summer days, when distinguished guests came, i took them, and a priceless domestic swept the floor and dusted the furniture and kept the things in order. wauen. july seventeenth but there are spirits of a yet more liberal culture, to whom no simplicity is barren. there are not only stately pines, but fragile flowers, like the orchises, commonly described as too delicate for cultivation, which derive their nutriment from the crudest mass of peat. these remind us, that, not only for strength, but for beauty, the poet must, from time to time, travel the logger's path and the indian's trail, to drink at some new and more bracing fountain of the muses, far in the recesses of the wilderness. t/ie maine ll'oods. [ 68 ] july eighteenth be not simply good ; be good for something. letters to various persons. july nineteenth it was a singular experience, that long acquaint ance which i cultivated with beans, what with planting, and hoeing, and harvesting, and thresh ing, and picking over, and selling them, — the last was the hardest of all, — i might add eating, for i did taste. i was determined to know beans. walden. july twentieth when i visit again some haunt of my youth, i am glad to find that nature wears so well. the landscape is indeed something real, and solid, and sincere, and i have not put my foot through it yet. a week on the concord river. july twenty-first 1 went to the woods because i wished to live deliberately, to front only the essential facts of life, and see if i could not learn what it had to teach, and not, when i came to die, discover that i had not lived. walden. [ 69 ] july twenty-second unless our philosophy hears the cock crow in every barn-yard within our horizon, it is belated. that sound commonly reminds us that we are growing rusty and antique in our employments and habits of thought. his philosophy comes down to a more recent time than ours. there is something suggested by it that is a newer testa ment, — the gospel according to this moment. excursions. july twenty-third we had come away up here among the hills to learn the impartial and unbribable beneficence of nature. strawberries and melons grow as well in one man's garden as another's, and the sun lodges as kindly under his hill-side, — when we had imagined that she inclined rather to some few earnest and faithful souls whom we know. a week on the concord river. july twenty-fourth i was struck by this universal spiring upward of the forest evergreens. the tendency is to slender, spiring tops, while they are narrower below. not only the spruce and fir, but even the arbor-vitfe and white-pine, unlike the soft, spreading second-growth, of which i saw none, [ 70] all spire upwards, lifting a dense spear-head of cones to the light and air, at any rate, while their branches straggle after as they may ; as indians lift the ball over the heads of the crowd in their desperate game. in this they resemble grasses, as also palms somewhat. the hemlock is com monly a tent-like pyramid from the ground to its summit. the maine ivoods. july twenty-fifth rescue the drowning and tie your shoe-strings. take your time, and set about some free labor. h^auen. july twenty-sixth we often love to think now of the life of men on beaches, — at least in midsummer, when the weather is serene ; their sunny lives on the sand, amid the beach-grass and the bayberries, their companion a cow, their wealth a jag of drift wood or a few beach-plums, and their music the surf and the peep of the beach-bird. cape cod. july twenty-seventh we are as happy as the birds when our good genius permits us to pursue any outdoor work [ 71 ] without a sense of dissipation. our pen-knife glitters in the sun ; our voice is echoed by yonder wood ; if an oar drops, we are fain to let it drop again. a week on the concord ri'uer. july twenty-eighth who knows but if men constructed their dwell ings with their own hands, and provided food for themselves and families simply and honestly enough, the poetic faculty would be universally developed, as birds universally sing when they / \ /^ are so engaged ? but alas ! we do like cowbirds 1 u 7 and cuckoos, which lay their eggs in nests which w' other birds have built, and cheer no traveler with their chattering and unmusical notes. walden. july twenty-ninth honest traveling is about as dirty work as you can do, and a man needs a pair of overalls for it. a yankee in canada. july thirtieth there is always room and occasion enough for a true book on any subject ; as there is room for more light the brightest day and more rays will not interfere with the first. a week on the concord river. [ 72 ] july thirty-first it is remarkable that men do not sail the sea with more expectation. nothing remarkable was ever accomplished in a prosaic mood. the heroes and discoverers have found true more than was previously believed, only when they were expecting and dreaming of something more than their contemporaries dreamed of, or even themselves discovered, that is, when they were in a frame of mind fitted to behold the truth. cape cod. [ 73 ] augusl august first 'j\ ytorning brings back the heroic ages. -*-^-*i was as much affected by the faint hum of a mosquito making its invisible and unimag inable tour through my apartment at earliest dawn, when i was sitting with door and win dows open, as i could be by any trumpet that ever sang of fame. it was homer's requiem ; itself an iliad and odyssey in the air, singing its own wrath and wanderings. there was something cosmical about it; a standing adver tisement, till forbidden, of the everlasting vigor and fertility of the world. ivalden. august second the only fruit which even much living yields seems to be often only some trivial success, — the ability to do some slight thing better. we make conquest only of husks and shells for the most part, — at least, apparently, — but some times these are cinnamon and spices, you know. letters to various persons. [ is ] august third so near along life's stream are the fountains of innocence and youth making fertile its sandy margin ; and the voyageur will do well to re plenish his vessels often at these uncontaminated sources. a week on the concord river. august fourth it is true, i came as near as is possible to come to being a hunter and miss it, myself; and as it is, i think that i could spend a year in the woods, fishing and hunting, just enough to sus tain myself, with satisfaction. this would be next to living like a philosopher on the fruits of the earth which you had raised, which also attracts me. the maine woods. august fifth most men, even in this comparatively free country, through mere ignorance and mistake, are so occupied with the factitious cares and superfluously coarse labors of life, that its finer fruits cannot be plucked by them. their fin gers, from excessive toil, are too clumsy and tremble too much for that. walden. [ 76 ] august sixth early apples begin to be ripe about the first of august ; but i think that none of them are so good to eat as some to smell. one is worth more to scent your handkerchief with than any perfume which they sell in the shops. the fragrance of some fruits is not to be forgotten, along with that of flowers. mid apples. august seventh the very uprightness of the pines and maples asserts the ancient rectitude and vigor of nature. our lives need the relief of such a back ground, where the pine flourishes and the jay still screams. a fveek on the concord rifer. august eighth it is not every truth that recommends itself to the common sense. nature has a place for the wild clematis as well as for the cabbage. some expressions of truth are reminiscent, — others merely sensible^ as the phrase is, — others prophetic. excursions. august ninth for many years i was self-appointed inspector of snow storms and rain storms, and did my duty faithfully ; surveyor, if not of highways, [ 11 ] then of forest paths and all across-lot routes, keeping them open, and ravines bridged and passable at all seasons, where the public heel had testified to their utility. walden. august tenth if with fancy unfurled you leave your abode, you may go round the world by the old marlborough road. the old marlborough road. august eleventh there are moments when all anxiety and stated toil are becalmed in the infinite leisure and re pose of nature. all laborers must have their nooning, and at this season of the day, we are all, more or less, asiatics, and give over all work and reform. a week on the concord river. august twelfth the amount of it is, if a man is alive, there is always danger that he may die, though the danger must be allowed to be less in proportion as he is dead-and-alive to begin with. a man sits as many risks as he runs. walden. [ 78 ] august thirteenth when i detect a beauty in any of the recesses of nature, i am reminded, by the serene and retired spirit in which it requires to be contem plated, of the inexpressible privacy of a life, — how silent and unambitious it is. the beauty there is in mosses must be considered from the holiest, quietest nook. excursions. august fourteenth in summer we live out of doors, and have only impulses and feelings, which are all for action, and must wait commonly for the stillness and longer nights of autumn and wholly new life, which no man has lived ; that even this earth was made for more mysterious and nobler inhabitants than men and women. a iveek on the concord river. august fifteenth the cart before the horse is neither beautiful nor useful. before we can adorn our houses with beautiful objects the walls must be stripped, and our lives must be stripped, and beautiful housekeeping and beautiful living be laid for a foundation : now, a taste for the beautiful is most cultivated out of doors, where there is no house and no housekeeper. walden. [ 79 ] august sixteenth truly the stars were given for a consolation to man. we should not know but our life were fated to be always grovelling, but it is permitted to behold them, and surely they are deserving of a fair destiny. we see laws which never fail, of whose failure we never conceived ; and their lamps burn all the night, too, as well as all day, — so rich and lavish is that nature which can afford this superfluity of light. a walk to wachusett. august seventeenth the hero then will know how to wait, as well as to make haste. all good abides with him who waiteth wisely ; we shall sooner overtake the dawn by remaining here than by hurrying over the hills of the west. be assured that every man's success is in proportion to his average ability. a week on the concord ri'ver. august eighteenth in autumn, even in august, the thoughtful days begin, and we can walk anywhere with profit. beside, an outward cold and dreariness, which make it necessary to seek shelter at night, lend a spirit of adventure to a walk. cape cod. [ 80 ] august nineteenth the finest qualities of our nature, like the bloom on fruits, can be preserved only by the most delicate handling. yet we do not treat our selves nor one another thus tenderly. walden. august twentieth by the twentieth of august, everywhere in woods and swamps, we are reminded of the fall, both by the richly spotted sarsaparilla-leaves and brake.s, and the withering and blackened skunk cabbage and hellebore, and, by the river-side, the already blackening pontederia. autumnal tints. august twenty-first there have been heroes for whom this world seemed expressly prepared, as if creation had at last succeeded ; whose daily life was the stuff of which our dreams are made, and whose presence enhanced the beauty and ampleness of nature herself. a week on the concord ri the unconsciousness of man is the con sciousness of god. deep are the foundations of sincerity. even stone walls have their foundation below the frost. a week on the concord ri'ver. december second but i would say to my fellows, once for all, as long as possible live free and uncommitted. it makes but little difference whether you are com mitted to a farm or the county jail. ivalden. december third out on the silent pond straightway the restless ice doth crack. and pond sprites merry gambols play amid the deafening rack. eager i hasten to the vale. as if i heard brave news. how nature held high festival, which it were hard to lose. [ 117 ] excursions. december fourth what a coarse and imperfect use indians and hunters make of nature ! no wonder that their race is so soon exterminated. i already, and for weeks afterward, felt my nature the coarser for this part of my woodland experience, and was reminded that our life should be lived as ten derly and daintily as one would pluck a flower. the maine ivoods. december fifth here is no apology for neglecting to do many things from a sense of our incapacity, — for what deed does not fall maimed and imperfect from our hands ? — but only a warning to bungle less. a week on the concord ri-ver. december sixth the bottom of the sea is strewn with anchors, some deeper and some shallower, and alternately covered and uncovered by the sand, perchance with a small length of iron cable still attached, — to which where is the other end ? so many un concluded tales to be continued another time. cape cod. [ ii8 ] december seventh the light which puts out our eyes is darkness to us. only that day dawns to which we are awake. there is more day to dawn. the sun is but a morning star. jvalden. december eighth sometimes our fate grows too homely and famil iarly serious ever to be cruel. consider how for three months the human destiny is wrapped in furs. a week on the concord ri'ver. december ninth talk of burning your smoke after the wood has been consumed ! there is a far more impor tant and warming heat, commonly lost, which precedes the burning of the wood. it is the smoke of industry, which is incense. letters to various persons. december tenth no man ever stood the lower in my estimation for having a patch in his clothes ; yet i am sure that there is greater anxiety, commonly, to have fashionable, or at least clean and unpatched, clothes than to have a sound conscience. il^ walden. [ 119 1 7 december eleventh some minds are as little logical or argumentative as nature; they can offer no reason or ''guess," but they exhibit the solemn and incontrovertible fact. if a historical question arises, they cause the tombs to be opened. a jfeek on the concord river. december twelfth 1 must walk toward oregon, and not toward europe. and that way the nation is moving, and i may say that mankind progress from east to west. excursions. december thirteenth likewise we look in vain, east or west over the earth, to find the perfect man ; but each repre sents only some particular excellence. the landlord. december fourteenth ^ i learned this, at least, by my experiment : that if one advances confidently in the direction or his dreams, and endeavors to live the life which he has imagined, he will meet with a success un expected in common hours. he will put some things behind, will pass an invisible boundary; new, universal, and more liberal laws will begin to establish themselves around and within him; [ 120 ] or the old laws be expanded, and interpreted in his favor in a more liberal sense, and he will live with the license of a higher order of beings. walden. december fifteenth talk of mysteries ! — think of our life in nature, — daily to be shown matter, to come in contact with it, — ^ rocks, trees, wind on our cheeks! the solid earth ! the actual world ! the common sense! contact! contact! who are we? where are we ? ^ ""^ rhe maine woods. december sixteenth some poems are for holidays only. they are polished and sweet, but it is the sweetness of sugar, and not such as toil gives to sour bread. the breath with which the poet utters his verse must be that by which he lives. a week on the concord riuer. december seventeenth to him who contemplates a trait of natural beauty no harm nor disappointment can come. the doctrines of despair, of spiritual or political tyranny or servitude, were never taught by such as shared the serenity of nature. surely good courage will not flag here on the atlantic border, as long as we are flanked by the fur countries. [ 121 ] 1f'^:x there is enough in that sound to cheer one under any circumstances. the spruce, the hemlock, and the pine will not countenance despair. massachusetts natural history. december eighteenth be sure that you give the poor the aid they most need, though it be your example which leaves them far behind. if you give money, spend yourself with it, and do not merely abandon it to them. tvalden, december nineteenth a truly good book is something as natural, and as unexpectedly and unaccountably fair and per fect, as a wild flower discovered on the prairies of the west or in the jungles of the east. excursions. december twentieth who would neglect the least celestial sound, or faintest light that falls on earthly ground, if he could know it one day would be found that star in cygnus whither we are bound. and pale our sun with heavenly radiance round? a iveek on the concord river. [ 122 ] december twenty-first up goes the smoke as silently and naturally as the vapor exhales from the leaves, and as busy disposing itself in wreathes as the housewife on the hearth below. it is a hieroglyphic of man's life, and suggests more intimate and important things than the boiling of a pot. a winter walk. december twenty-second this further experience also i gained. i said to myself, i will not plant beans and corn with so much industry another summer, but such seeds, if the seed is not lost, as sincerity, truth, sim plicity, faith, innocence, and the like, and see if they will not grow in this soil, even with less toil and manurance, and sustain me, for surely it has not been exhausted for these crops. walden. december twenty-third it would really be no small advantage if every college were thus located at the base of a moun tain, as good at least as one well-endowed pro fessorship. it were as well to be educated in the shadow of a mountain as in more classical shades. a week on the concord river. [ 123 ] december twenty-fourth if you would feel the full force of a tempest, take up your residence on the top of mount wash ington, or at the highland light, in truro. cape cod. december twenty-fifth our life without love is like coke and ashes. men may be pure as alabaster and parian marble, elegant as a tuscan villa, sublime as niagara, and yet if there is no milk mingled with the wine at their entertainments, better is the hos pitality of goths and vandals. a week on the concord river. december twenty-sixth in any weather, at any hour of the day or night, i have been anxious to improve the nick of time, and notch it on my stick, too ; to stand on the meeting of two eternities, the past and future, which is precisely the present moment ; to toe that line. iralden. december twenty-seventh but through all this dreariness we seemed to have a pure and unqualified strain of eternal melody, for always the same strain which is a dirge to one household is a morning song of rejoicing to another. cape cod. [ 124 ] december twenty-eighth it is true, we are but faint-hearted crusaders, even the walkers, nowadays, who undertake no per severing, never-ending enterprises. our expe ditions are but tours, and come round again at evening to the old hearth-side from which we set out. half the walk is but retracing our steps. -^__,..-^ y^ v excursions. december twenty-ninth the true harvest of my daily life is somewhat as intangible and indescribable as the tints of morn ing or evening. it is a little star-dust caught, a segrtient of the rainbow which 1 have clutched. ivalden. december thirtieth why should not we, who have renounced the king's authority, have our national preserves, where no villages need be destroyed, in which the bear and panther, and some even of the hunter race, may still exist, and not be "civil ized off the face of the earth," — our forests, not to hold the king's game merely, but to hold and preserve the king himself also, the lord of creation, — not for idle sport or food, but for inspiration and our own true recreation ? or shall we, like villains, grub them all up, poaching on our own national domains ? the maine woods. [ 125 ] december thirty-first so we saunter toward the holy land, till one day the sun shall shine more brightly than ever he has done, shall perchance shine into our minds and hearts, and light up our whole lives with a great awakening light, as warm and serene and golden as on a bank-side in autumn. excursions. [ 126 ] library of congress 016 225 924 6 i library nivkrsity of california davis r. sir walter raleigh sir walter raleigh by henry david thoreau lately discovered among his unpublished journals and manuscripts introduction by franklin benjamin sanborn edited by henry aiken metcalf boston : mdcdv printed exclusively for members of the bibliophile society library university of california r* a i/to copyright, 1905, by the bibliophile society all rights reserved what makes a hero ? an heroic mind expressed in action, in endurance proved : and if there be pre-eminence of right, derived through pain well suffer'd, to the height of rank heroic, 'tis to bear unmoved, not toil, not risk, not rage of sea or wind, not the brute fury of barbarians blind, but worse, ingratitude and poisonous darts launched by the country he had served and loved. sir henry taylor, heroism in the shade. ix preface the discovery of an unpublished essay by thoreau on sir walter ralegh is an event of great interest in the world of letters, as being the earliest contribution to literature, of de cided scholarly value, of its distinguished author. the original manuscript was pur chased by mr. william k.bixby, of st. louis, from mr. edward h. russell, of worcester, massachusetts, to whom nearly all of the mss. and journals of thoreau came by in heritance ; and it is to the generosity of its present owner (mr. bixby) that the members of the bibliophile society are indebted for the privilege of possessing such an exceed ingly rare item of americana. when mere fragments of hitherto unpub lished compositions of our foremost ameri can writers are so eagerly sought, it seems strange that a well-rounded work of perhaps xi the most original of the noteworthy group of concord (massachusetts) thinkers should have remained unknown for nearly sixty years. this is a veritable treasure wherewith still further to enrich the bibliography of the publications of our society. it may be well here to remark that sim ultaneously with this volume the society has issued thoreau's journey west, the entirely unpublished ms. notes of which were dis covered among the author's journals, and purchased by mr. bixby at the same time he acquired the sir walter ralegh. we are therefore permitted to bring out, as com panion pieces, first editions of the first inedited important manuscript written by thoreau, and also this narrative of his western jour ney, which preceded his death by only a few months. these two items will doubtless prove to be one of the most important lit erary "finds" of the season. we are fortunate, moreover, in having a special introduction to each of them pre pared by franklin benjamin sanborn, the greatest living authority on thoreau, of whom he was a life-long friend and neighbor. xii there are three drafts of the manuscript of sir walter ralegh, each one differing in certain respects from the other two, and all of which have been used in the prepa ration of this volume. the third, and final, draft, in its careful elaboration, and the skilful weaving together of its parts, is a dis tinct improvement over the first ; and there are some indications, even in this last draft, that the author may have had a still further revision in contemplation. we are so wont only to associate thoreau with his own immediate world of nature, that a work like this in which he ventures so far afield, and in which he deals with so much jthat is stirring, presents him to us in an entirely new light. perhaps, at first, we may wonder what there was in common between the retiring, home-loving citizen of concord, and this adventurous knight of "the spacious days of great elizabeth," which should make sir walter ralegh his favorite character in english history. but we have only to study the career of this sturdy devonshire worthy to come under the spell of his enduring charm and real manliness; to xiii admire the unswerving loyalty with which he ever served his country ; and to feel, with robert louis stevenson, that " god has made nobler heroes, but he never made a finer gen tleman than walter ralegh." to every patriotic american this heroic figure should appeal with a special enthu siasm, since, as charles kingsley has said, " to this one man, under the providence of almighty god, the whole united states of america owe their existence." henry aiken metcalf xiv introduction by franklin benjamin sanborn the finding of a sketch of sir walter ralegh (as he usually spelt his own name) among the manuscripts of thoreau will be a surprise to most readers. but the sub ject lay along the lines of his earlier read ings after leaving harvard college, and the sketch, though not so early among his writ ings as the service, edited by me in 1902, and those parts of the week that first came out in the dial (1840-44), belongs in that active and militant period of his life. it was probably prepared for publication in the dial, and would have been published there, had not fate and the lack of paying sub scribers abruptly stopped that quarterly in the summer of 1 844. the readings from ralegh's history of the world began about 1842, as we see by the earlier "journals, and the handwriting and some other circumstances about the three drafts of the sketch fix the date as not later than 1844. his poetical scrap book, into which he copied most of those verses of ralegh's and ben jonson s time that appear in the week, along with many others, and which ellery channing had before him in writing his thoreau the poet naturalist, opens with three pages copied from the works of ralegh, and contains in its pages, 130-142, the poetic pieces ascribed to ralegh in this sketch. it was this commonplace book that thoreau used in preparing his week for the press in 1848-49, and nothing appears there of later date. the last extracts therein which can be certainly dated are from the massachusetts quarterly review of septem ber, 1848, on hindoo philosophy. the paging of the book in pencil is later, and so is a list of pages which shows what therein thoreau had used in his papers for print ing. the long passages about alexander and epaminondas are in the scrap-book at pages 236-7; and that fine passage about the starry influences stands in the scrap book on page 235, and in the list of used pages is crossed out. the poem of du bartas quoted afterwards does not seem to be in the scrap-book. of course, since thoreau wrote on ralegh, now more than sixty years, much has been learned and printed concerning his problem atical career, which still remains in some points doubtful, in none more so, per haps, than in the true authorship of the poems ascribed to him by his contempo raries, and long after by bishop percy. thoreau seems to have been guided in his judgment of ralegh as the real author of disputed poems, by his inner conscious ness of what the knightly courtier ought to have written. nor did he live long enough to see the fragments of an undoubted poem by ralegh, the continuation of cynthia, which was found after thoreau's death among the numerous papers of the cecils at hatfield house. in its form it is the poorest of all the verses ascribed to ralegh ; yet it has good lines, and a general air of magnanimous re gret. it is a fragment in the unmistakable [3] handwriting of ralegh, with all his pecul iarities of spelling, such as " soon " for sun, " yearth " for earth, " sythes " for sighs, and " perrellike " for pearl-like. the cynthia of which it is a continuation is irrecover ably lost, but was mentioned by spenser in his colin clout's come home again, as early as 1593, where he calls ralegh "the shep heard of the ocean/' and says, his song was all a lamentable lay of great unkindness and of usage hard, of cynthia, the lady of the sea, which from her presence faultless him debarred. that, of course, must have been written some time after 1592; the continuation is be lieved by archdeacon hannah to have been written soon after the death of elizabeth (his cynthia) and during his own early imprisonment in the tower. thoreau's favorite among ralegh's poems was the lie, or as he preferred to call it, the soul's errand, which was long disputed as ralegh's, but is now certainly known to be his, by the direct testimony of two contemporary manuscripts, "and the still stronger evi dence," says hannah, " of at least two [4] contemporary answers, written during his lifetime, and reproaching him with the poem, by name or implication." thoreau had at first taken it for ralegh's without doubt ; then found, in a newspaper of 1843, a version of it ascribed to joshua sylvester, the translator of du bartas, which led him to doubt its being ralegh's, and to alter his version of the text. this later version he read at the concord funeral of john brown (december 2, 1859), prefacing it with these words : " the well-known verses called the soul's errand, supposed by some to have been written by sir walter raleigh, when he was expecting to be executed on the following day, are at least worthy of such an origin, and are equally applicable to the present case. hear them/' and he pro ceeded to read them in my hearing. but on a blank page in the scrap-book he wrote in pencil," assigned to raleigh by percy, as written the night before his execution. but it appeared in poetical rhapsody in 1608, yet, as davison says, may have been written the night before he expected to have been executed in 1603. it is found among syl vester's poems, and by ritson given to davi son. it also occurs in lord pembroke's poems, and exists in two copies in the harleian mss." to this comment, written in 1843-44, archdeacon hannah added in 1870, "it can be found in mss. more than ten years earlier than 1608, in 1596/1595, or 1593. there are five other claimants, but not one with a case that will bear the slightest exami nation. for the claim of richard edwards we are indebted to a mere mistake of ellis's; for that of f. davison to a freak of ritson's; that of lord essex is only known from the correspondence of percy, who did not be lieve it; and those of sylvester and lord pembroke are sufficiently refuted by the mu tilated character of the copies which were printed among their posthumous writings." thoreau evidently had his faith in ralegh's authorship shaken by the attribu tion to sylvester in 1843, anc ^ tne printing then of the extended (rather than mutilated) copy as found in sylvester, which he pro ceeded to compare with his earlier copy. as a result, the verses read by him at the [6] brown funeral were amended from the syl vester copy. hannah has a theory worth citing: "we find grounds for supposing that ralegh marked each crisis of his his tory by writing some short poem, in which the vanity of life is proclaimed, under an aspect suited to his circumstances and age. his first slight check occurred in 1589, when he went to visit spenser in ireland ; and more seriously a little later, when his secret marriage sent him to the tower. the lie, with its proud, indignant brevity, would then exactly express his angry temper. the pilgrimage belongs more naturally to a time when he was smarting under the rude ness of the king's attorney at his trial in 1603. the few lines, even such is time, mark the calm reality of the now certain doom ; they express the thoughts appropri ate for the night now known to be indeed the last, when no room remained for bitter ness or anger, in the contemplation of im mediate and inevitable death." i may observe that thoreau adds a little to the tale of the occasion of these lines in the scrap-book where he copies them. [7] he writes, " sir walter raleigh the night before his death." (in some copies thus entitled : " verses said to have been found in his bible in the gatehouse at west minster ;." archbishop sancroft, who has transcribed the lines, calls them his " epitaph made by himself, and given to me of him, the night before his suffering.") the silent lover is thought to have been sent to elizabeth ; the walsingham verses, which thoreau thought characteristic of ralegh, do not seem so to me, and hannah says, " i think it very improbable that ralegh wrote this ballad." it sounds more like campion. as in that chapter of the service which he has called the soldier, so in this essay thoreau shows a decided taste for war as against an inglorious state of peace, and sees little harm in the constant ardor of his hero for a fight against irish kernes, spanish war ships, and the armies of austria and spain, against which he had contended from his warlike youth, when he absented himself from the university to learn the art of war. although less inclined, as he grew older, to [8] use the language of campaigns and battle fields, thoreau never quite gave up this belligerent attitude. he was pugnacious, and rather annoyed by those ostentatious preachers of international peace who mixed themselves in with the anti-slavery and temperance reformers of his period. one such, henry c. wright, an aggressive non resistant, was specially satirized by him in his journal for june 17, 1853, ^ e ann i~ versary of bunker hill battle, and perhaps chosen on that account to make a demon stration against war in concord, whose chief reputation had once been that it opened the war of the revolution. it may be mentioned, parenthetically, in passing, that thoreau's grandmother, mary jones of weston, daughter of the tory colonel jones of the provincial militia, on the day of bunker hill in 1775 came over from weston to concord to carry a basket of cherries and other good things to a tory brother immured in concord jail for bring ing in supplies from halifax to the british troops besieged in boston. she was but a girl, but she soon married rev. asa dunbar, [9] who also was inclined to be a tory, and did not join the patriots until he went to reside in keene, n. h., as a lawyer, giving up his clerical profession, since there were few parishes that would tolerate a minister who was not a sincere patriot. of the jones family some were tories and some patriots, the rest, among them mrs. dunbar, were neutral. on the contrary, thoreau's grand father on the other side was in the revolu tionary service as a privateer. for whatever reason, this particular peace advocate was not attractive to thoreau, who thus spoke of him in his "journal, as was first noted by channing in his life of thoreau ; " they addressed each other constantly by their christian names, and rubbed you con tinually with the greasy cheek of their kindness. i was awfully pestered with the benignity of one of them. . . . he wrote a book called a kiss for a b/ow, and he be haved as if i had given him a blow, was bent on giving me the kiss, when there was neither quarrel nor agreement between us. ... he addressed me as ' henry ' within one minute from the time i first laid [10] eyes on him ; and when i spoke he said, with drawling, sultry sympathy, 'henry, i know all you would say, i understand you perfectly, you need not explain anything to me.' he could tell in a dark room, with his eyes blinded, and in perfect stillness, if there was one there whom he loved. . . . what a relief to have heard the ring of one healthy, reserved tone." this satirical tone is seldom found in the essay on ralegh, which, like most of the essays and verses before 1845 are m a sei "i us an d often para doxical spirit, suggesting laughter only by their extravagance, which the young author did not seem to perceive. the tone of the service was probably sug gested by those numerous discourses on peace and non-resistance to which he was obliged to listen from 1840 to 1848, and which he resented then, as he also did in 1859 when writing with some heat on the capture and martyrdom of john brown, which he com pared to that of ralegh. " i speak for the slave," he said, "when i say that i prefer the philanthropy of captain brown to that philanthropy which neither shoots me nor liberates me. for once the sharp rifles and the revolvers were employed in a right eous cause. i do not wish to kill nor to be killed, but i can foresee circumstances in which both these things would be by me unavoidable." he listened with much in terest to brown's account of his fights in kansas, when i had introduced him to brown in his father's house at concord, in feb ruary, 1857, anc ^ noted down many of their particulars ; and when the civil war came on, he was as earnest as any one that it should be fought to its just conclusion, the destruc tion of slavery. in this he was unlike his english friend thomas cholmondeley, who wrote to him from shrewsbury, april 23, 1 86 1 : "these rumors of wars make me wish that we had got done with this brutal stupidity of war altogether ; and i believe, thoreau, that the human race will at last get rid of it, though, perhaps, not in a creditable way ; but such powers will be brought to bear that it will become mon strous even to the french. dundonald de clared to the last that he possessed secrets which, from their tremendous character, would make war impossible. so peace may be begotten from the machinations of evil." lord dundonald, who had fought by sea for the south americans and the greeks, was a good sample of a modern ralegh ; but he would not have aroused in thoreau the interest which he had felt in ralegh. it was the literary as well as the knightly quality in the elizabethan that attracted the concord man of letters ; and the burden of this long-lost essay will be found to be chiefly literary. ralegh, like his friends, sidney and spenser, is one of the romantic figures in english literature more admired than read in these later days ; they are in dispensable to him who would know all the resources of poesy in our native tongue. i was therefore surprised and rather grieved to hear dr. holmes say, as we were re turning together to boston from the break fast given to mrs. stowe at newton, many years since, that he had never read the verses ascribed to ralegh. nobody now reads the history of the world, probably thoreau was its latest american reader, except those whom some historical task required them to [13] go through with it. he was also the last reader of davenant's gondibert, upon which many an adventurous youth has been stranded. but thoreau, like emerson and charles lamb, whose researches in elizabethan fields aided him, and are acknowledged in his com monplace book, from 1839 until 1845 ma de a faithful study of that copious and racy literature that filled the century from surrey and wyatt to crashaw and vaughan, and in this scrap-book before me more than forty authors of that period are quoted, some of them at much length. the edit ors of thoreau's dozen volumes should have had this scrap-book before them when seek ing the source of the quotations in which he so abounds. let us not seek to overvalue this treasure trove of an author to whom each successive year brings a new army of readers, and of whom every reader becomes a warm ad mirer. it is not a finished piece of english like many of his essays ; he had not in 1 844 reached that perfection in his style, nor that ripeness of thought which walden and the later writings display. it belongs, rather, with that collection of literary essays with which the bulk of his narrative of the week is so increased, and its qualities so much enriched. but it shows how early his profound conceptions got a striking expression, and how even earlier his far reaching judgments on men and things en titled him to the name of scholar and sage. few youths of new england ever ex hibited sooner in life, or practised more seriously and effectively, the arts and gifts that produce works of permanent literary value. such is every completed essay of thoreau that i have seen ; and i must now have seen them nearly all. the rev elations of his unprinted journals are now to be tested, upon their publication ; but they will not decrease or check his growing fame. sir walter raleigh perhaps no one in english history better represents the heroic character than sir walter raleigh, for sidney has got to be almost as shadowy as arthur himself. ra leigh's somewhat antique and roman vir tues appear in his numerous military and naval adventures, in his knightly conduct toward the queen, in his poems and his employments in the tower, and not least in his death, but more than all in his con stant soldier-like bearing and promise. he was the bayard of peaceful as well as war like enterprise, and few lives which are the subject of recent and trustworthy history are so agreeable to the imagination. not withstanding his temporary unpopularity, he especially possessed the prevalent and popu lar qualities which command the admira tion of men. if an english plutarch were to be written, raleigh would be the best greek or roman among them all. he was one whose virtues if they were not distinct ively great yet gave to virtues a current stamp and value as it were by the very grace and loftiness with which he carried them ; one of nature's noblemen who possessed those requisites to true nobility without which no heraldry nor blood can avail. among sav ages he would still have been chief. he seems to have had, not a profounder or grander but, so to speak, more nature than other men, a great, irregular, luxuriant na ture, fit to be the darling of a people. the enthusiastic and often extravagant, but always hearty and emphatic, tone in which he is spoken of by his contemporaries is not the least remarkable fact about him, and it does not matter much whether the current stories are true or not, since they at least prove his reputation. it is not his praise to have been a saint or a seer in his generation, but "one of the gallantest worthies that ever england bred." the stories about him testify to a character rather than a virtue. as, for instance, that " he was damnable proud. old sir robert harley of bramp ton-brian castle (who knew him) would [18] say, 'twas a great question, who was the proudest, sir walter or sir thomas over bury, but the difference that was, was judged on sir thomas's side ; " that " in his youth his companions were boisterous blades, but generally those that had wit ; " that on one occasion he beats one of them for mak ing a noise in a tavern, and "seals up his mouth, his upper and nether beard, with hard wax." a young contemporary says, "i have heard his enemies confess that he was one of the weightiest and wisest men that the island ever bred; " and another gives this character of him, " who hath not known or read of this prodigy of wit and fortune, sir walter raleigh, a man unfortu nate in nothing else but in the greatness of his wit and advancement, whose eminent worth was such, both in domestic policy, foreign expeditions, and discoveries, in arts and literature, both practic and contempla tive, that it might seem at once to conquer example and imitation." and what we are told of his personal ap pearance is accordant with the rest, that " he had in the outward man a good presence, in a handsome and well-compacted person;" that "he was a tall, handsome, and bold man ; " and his "was thought a very good face/' though " his countenance was some what spoiled by the unusual height of his forehead." " he was such a person (every way), that (as king charles i says of the lord strafford) a prince would rather be afraid of, than ashamed of," and had an "awfulness and ascendency in his aspect over other mortals;" and we are not disappointed to learn that he indulged in a splendid dress, and " notwith standing his so great mastership in style, and his conversation with the learnedest and polit est persons, yet he spake broad devonshire to his dying day." 1 such a character as this was well suited to the time in which he lived. his age was an unusually stirring one. the discovery of america and the successful progress of the reformation opened a field for both the intel lectual and physical energies of his generation. the fathers of his age were calvin and knox, and cranmer, and pizarro, and garcilaso ; and its immediate forefathers were luther 1 all the notes are in the back of the volume. and raphael, and bayard and angelo, and ariosto, and copernicus, and machiavel, and erasmus, and cabot, and ximenes, and co lumbus. its device might have been an an chor, a sword, and a quill. the pizarro laid by his sword at intervals and took to his let ters. the columbus set sail for newer worlds still, by voyages which needed not the pat ronage of princes. the bayard alighted from his steed to seek adventures no less arduous than heretofore upon the ocean and in the western world ; and the luther who had re formed religion began now to reform politics and science. in raleigh's youth, however it may have concerned him, camoens was writing a heroic poem in portugal, and the arts still had their representative in paul veronese of italy. he may have been one to welcome the works of tasso and montaigne to eng land, and when he looked about him he might have found such men as cervantes and sidney, men of like pursuits and not altogether dissimilar genius from himself, for his contemporaries, a drake to rival him on the sea, and a hudson in western [21] adventure ; a halley, a galileo, and a kep ler, for his astronomers; a bacon, a beh men, and a burton, for his philosophers; and a jonson, a spenser, and a shakespeare, his poets for refreshment and inspiration. but that we may know how worthy he himself was to make one of this illustrious company, and may appreciate the great activ ity and versatility of his genius, we will glance hastily at the various aspects of his life. he was a proper knight, a born cavalier, who in the intervals of war betook himself still to the most vigorous arts of peace, though as if diverted from his proper aim. he makes us doubt if there is not some worthier apology for war than has been dis covered, for its modes and manners were an instinct with him ; and though in his writ ings he takes frequent occasion sincerely to condemn its folly, and show the better policy and advantage of peace, yet he speaks with the uncertain authority of a warrior still, to whom those juster wars are not simply the dire necessity he would imply. in whatever he is engaged we seem to see a plume waving over his head, and a sword dangling at his side. born in 1552, the last year of the reign of edward vi, we find that not long after, by such instinct as makes the young crab seek the seashore, he has already marched into france, as one of " a troop of a hundred gentlemen volunteers," who are described as " a gallant company, nobly mounted and accoutred, having on their colors the motto, finem det mlhi virtus ' let valor be my aim/ ' and so in fact he marched on through life with this motto in his heart always. all the peace of those days seems to have been but a truce, or casual interruption of the order of war. war with spain, especially, was so much the rule rather than the exception that the navi gators and commanders of these two nations, when abroad, acted on the presumption that their countries were at war at home, though they had left them at peace; and their re spective colonies in america carried on war at their convenience, with no infraction of the treaties between the mother countries. raleigh seems to have regarded the span iards as his natural enemies, and he was not backward to develop this part of his [23] nature. when england was threatened with foreign invasion, the queen looked to him especially for advice and assistance; and none was better able to give them than he. we cannot but admire the tone in which he speaks of his island, and how it is to be best defended, and the navy, its chief strength, maintained and improved. he speaks from england as his castle, and his (as no other man's) is the voice of the state ; for he does not assert the interests of an individual but of a commonwealth, and we see in him re vived a roman patriotism. his actions, as they were public and for the public, were fit to be publicly rewarded ; and we accordingly read with equanimity of gold chains and monopolies and other emoluments conferred on him from time to time for his various services, his military successes in ireland, " that commonweal of common woe," as he even then described it ; his enterprise in the harbor of cadiz ; his capture of fayal from the spaniards ; and other exploits which perhaps, more than anything else, got him fame and a name during his lifetime. if war was his earnest work, it was his pastime too; for in the peaceful intervals we hear of him participating heartily and bear ing off the palm in the birthday tourna ments and tilting matches of the queen, where the combatants vied with each other mainly who should come on to the ground in the most splendid dress and equipments. in those tilts it is said that his political rival, essex, whose wealth enabled him to lead the costliest train, but who ran very ill and was thought the poorest knight of all, was wont to change his suit from orange to green, that it might be said that " there was one in green who ran worse than one in orange." none of the worthies of that age can be duly appreciated if we neglect to consider them in their relation to the new world. the stirring spirits stood with but one foot on the land. there were drake, hawkins, hudson, frobisher, and many others, and their worthy companion was raleigh. as a navigator and naval commander he had few equals, and if the reader who has at tended to his other actions inquires how he filled up the odd years, he will find that they were spent in numerous voyages to america for the purposes of discovery and coloniza tion. he would be more famous for these enterprises if they were not overshadowed by the number and variety of his pursuits. his persevering care and oversight as the patron of virginia, discovered and planted under his auspices in 1584, present him in an interesting light to the american reader. the work of colonization was well suited to his genius ; and if the necessity of england herself had not required his attention and presence at this time, he would possibly have realized some of his dreams in planta tions and cities on our coast. england has since felt the benefit of his experience in naval affairs ; for he was one of the first to assert their importance to her, and he exerted himself especially for the improvement of naval architecture, on which he has left a treatise. he also composed a discourse on the art of war at sea, a sub ject which at that time had never been treated. we can least bear to consider raleigh as a courtier ; though the court of england at that time was a field not altogether un worthy of such a courtier. his competitors for fame and favor there were burleigh, leicester, sussex, buckingham, and, be it remembered, sir philip sidney, whose ar cadia was just finished when raleigh came to court. sidney was his natural com panion and other self, as it were, as if nature, in her anxiety to confer one speci men of a true knight and courtier on that age, had cast two in the same mould, lest one should miscarry. these two kindred spirits are said to have been mutually at tracted toward each other. and there, too, was queen elizabeth herself, the centre of the court and of the kingdom ; to whose service he consecrates himself, not so much as a subject to his sovereign, but as a knight to the service of his mistress. his inter course with the queen may well have begun with the incident of the cloak, for such continued to be its character afterward. it has in the description an air of romance, and might fitly have made a part of his friend sidney's arcadia. the tale runs that [a?] the queen, walking one day in the midst of her courtiers, came to a miry place, when raleigh, who was then unknown to her, taking off his rich plush cloak, spread it upon the ground for a foot-cloth. we are inclined to consider him as some knight, and a knight errant, too, who had strayed into the precincts of the court, and practised there the arts which he had learned in bower and hall and in the lists. not but that he knew how to govern states as well as queens, but he brought to the task the gallantry and graces of chivalry, as well as the judgment and experience of a practical modern englishman. " the queen," says one, " began to be taken with his elocution, and loved to hear his reasons to his demands ; and the truth is she took him for a kind of oracle, which nettled them all." he rose rapidly in her favor, and became her indis pensable counsellor in all matters which concerned the state, for he was minutely acquainted with the affairs of england, and none better understood her commercial in terests. but notwithstanding the advantage of his wisdom to england, we had rather [28] think of him taking counsel with the winds and breakers of the american coast and the roar of the spanish artillery, than with the queen. but though he made a good use of his influence (for the most part) when obtained, he could descend to the grossest flattery to obtain this, and we could wish him forever banished from the court, whose favors he so earnestly sought. yet that he who was one while " the queen of england's poor captive," could sometimes assume a manly and independent tone with her, appears from his answer when she once exclaimed, on his asking a favor for a friend, " when, sir walter, will you cease to be a beggar?" "when your gracious majesty ceases to be a benefactor." his court life exhibits him in mean and frivolous relations, which make him lose that respect in our eyes which he had acquired elsewhere. the base use he made of his recovered influence (after having been banished from the court, and even suffered imprisonment in consequence of the queen's displeasure) to procure the disgrace and finally the execution of his rival essex (who had been charged with treason) is the foulest stain upon his escutcheon, the one which it is hardest to reconcile with the nobleness and generosity which we are inclined to attribute to such a character. revenge is most un heroic. his acceptance of bribes afterwards for using his influence in behalf of the earl's adherents is not to be excused by the usage of the times. the times may change, but the laws of integrity and magnanimity are immutable. nor are the terms on which he was the friend of cecil, from motives of policy merely, more tolerable to con sider. yet we cannot but think that he fre quently travelled a higher, though a parallel, course with the mob, and though he had their suffrages, to some extent deserves the praise which jonson applies to another, that to the vulgar canst thyself apply, treading a better path not contrary. we gladly make haste to consider him in what the world calls his misfortune, after the death of elizabeth and the accession of james i, when his essentially nobler [30] nature was separated from the base com pany of the court and the contaminations which his loyalty could not resist, though tested by imprisonment and the scaffold. his enemies had already prejudiced the king against him before james's accession to the throne, and when at length the english nobility were presented to his majesty (who, it will be remembered, was a scotchman), and raleigh's name was told, " raleigh ! " exclaimed the king, " o my soule, mon, i have heard rawly of thee." his efforts to limit the king's power of introducing scots into england contributed to increase his jealousy and dislike, and he was shortly after accused by lord cobham of participating in a conspiracy to place the lady arabella stuart 2 on the throne. owing mainly, it is thought, to the king's resentment, he was tried and falsely con victed of high treason ; though his accuser retracted in writing his whole accusation before the conclusion of the trial. in connection with his earlier behavior to essex, it should be remembered that by his conduct on his own trial he in a great measure removed the ill-will which existed against him on that account. at his trial, which is said to have been most unjustly and insolently conducted by sir edward coke on the part of the crown, "he an swered," says one, "with that temper, wit, learning, courage, and judgment that, save that it went with the hazard of his life, it was the happiest day that ever he spent." the first two that brought the news of his condemnation to the king were roger ash ton and a scotsman, " whereof one affirmed that never any man spake so well in times past, nor would in the world to come ; and the other said, that whereas when he saw him first, he was so led with the common hatred that he would have gone a hundred miles to have seen him hanged, he would, ere he parted, have gone a thousand to have saved his life." another says, " he behaved himself so worthily, so wisely, and so tem perately, that in half a day the mind of all the company was changed from the extrem est hate to the extremest pity." and an other said, " to the lords he was humble, but not prostrate; to the jury affable, but not [3*] ' fawning ; to the king's counsel patient, but not yielding to the imputations laid upon him, or neglecting to repel them with the spirit which became an injured and hon orable man." and finally he followed the sheriff out of court in the expressive words of sir thomas overbury, " with admirable erection, but yet in such sort as became a man condemned." raleigh prepared himself for immediate execution, but after his pretended accom plices had gone through the ceremony of a mock execution and been pardoned by the king, it satisfied the policy of his enemies to retain him a prisoner in the tower for thirteen years, with the sentence of death still unrevoked. in the meanwhile he solaced himself in his imprisonment with writ ing a history of the world and cultivating poetry and philosophy as the noblest deeds compatible with his confinement. it is satisfactory to contrast with his mean personal relations while at court his con nection in the tower with the young prince henry (whose tastes and aspirations were of a stirring kind), as his friend and instructor. [33] he addresses some of his shorter pieces to the prince, and in some instances they seem to have been written expressly for his use. he preaches to him as he was well able, from experience, a wiser philosophy than he had himself practised, and was particularly anxious to correct in him a love of popular ity which he had discovered, and to give him useful maxims for his conduct when he should take his father's place. he lost neither health nor spirits by thir teen years of captivity, but after having spent this, the literary era of his life, as in the retirement of his study, and having written the history of the old world, he began to dream of actions which would supply mate rials to the future historian of the new. it is interesting to consider him, a close pris oner as he was, preparing for voyages and adventures which would require him to roam more broadly than was consistent with the comfort or ambition of his freest contemporaries. already in 1595, eight years before his imprisonment, it will be remembered he had undertaken his first voyage to guiana in [34] person ; mainly, it is said, to recover favor with the queen, but doubtless it was much more to recover favor with himself, and ex ercise his powers in fields more worthy of him than a corrupt court. he continued to cherish this his favorite project though a prisoner; and at length in the thirteenth year of his imprisonment, through the in fluence of his friends and his confident assertions respecting the utility of the expe dition to the country, he obtained his release, and set sail for guiana with twelve ships. but unfortunately he neglected to procure a formal pardon from the king, trusting to the opinion of lord bacon that this was unnecessary, since the sentence of death against him was virtually annulled, by the lives of others being committed to his hands. acting on this presumption, and with the best intentions toward his country, and only his usual jealousy of spain, he un dertook to make good his engagements to himself and the world. it is not easy for us at this day to realize what extravagant expectations europe had formed respecting the wealth of the new [35] world. we might suppose two whole con tinents, with their adjacent seas and oceans, equal to the known globe, stretching from pole to pole, and possessing every variety of soil, climate, and productions, lying un explored to-day, what would now be the speculations of broadway and state street ? the few travellers who had penetrated into the country of guiana, whither raleigh was bound, brought back accounts of noble streams flowing through majestic forests, and a depth and luxuriance of soil which made england seem a barren waste in comparison. its mineral wealth was reported to be as in exhaustible as the cupidity of its discoverers was unbounded. the very surface of the ground was said to be resplendent with gold, and the men went covered with gold-dust, as hottentots with grease. raleigh was in formed while at trinidad, by the spanish governor, who was his prisoner, that one juan martinez had at length penetrated into this country ; and the stories told by him of the wealth and extent of its cities surpass the narratives of marco polo himself. he is said in particular to have reached the city [36] of manoa, to which he first gave the name of el dorado, or the gilded," the in dians conducting him blindfolded, not re moving the veil from his eyes till he was ready to enter the city. it was at noon that he passed the gates, and it took him all that day and the next, walking from sunrise to sunset, before he arrived at the palace of inga, where he resided for seven months, till he had made himself master of the lan guage of the country. these and even more fanciful accounts had raleigh heard and pondered, both before and after his first visit to the country. no one was more familiar with the stories, both true and fabulous, respecting the discovery and resources of the new world, and none had a better right than he to know what great commanders and navigators had done there, or anywhere. such information would naturally flow to him of its own accord. that his ardor and faith were hardly cooled by actual observa tion may be gathered from the tone of his own description. he was the first englishman who ascended the orinoco, and he thus describes the adja [37] cent country : " on the banks were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, besides flowers and trees of that variety as were sufficient to make ten volumes of herbals. we relieved ourselves many times with the fruits of the country, and sometimes with fowl and fish : we saw birds of all colors, some carnation, some crimson, orange tawny, purple, green, watched [watchet], and of all other sorts, both simple and mixt ; as it was unto us a great good passing of the time to behold them, besides the relief we found by killing some store of them with our fowling pieces, without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but only the thick and troubled water of the river, we had been in a very hard case." the following is his description of the waterfalls and the province of canuri, through which last the river runs. " when we run to the tops of the first hills of the plains adjoining to the river, we beheld that wonderful breach of waters which ran down caroli : and might from that mountain see the river how it ran in three parts above twenty miles off; there appeared some ten [38] or twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church tower, which fell with that fury, that the rebound of waters made it seem as if it had been all covered over with a great shower of rain : and in some places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen over some great town. for mine own part, i was well persuaded from thence to have returned, being a very ill footman ; but the rest were all so desirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters, as they drew me on by little and little, into the next valley, where we might better discern the same. i never saw a more beau tiful country, nor more lively prospects, hills so raised here and there over the valleys, the river winding into divers branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the ground of hard sand, easy to march on either for horse or foot, the deer crossing in every path, the birds towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, cranes and herons of white, crimson, and carnation perching on the river's side, the air fresh, with a gentle easterly wind ; and every stone [39] that we stopped to take up promised either gold or silver by his complexion." in another place he says : " to conclude, guiana is a country never sacked, turned, nor wrought ; the face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance." to the fabulous accounts of preceding ad venturers raleigh added many others equally absurd and poetical, as, for instance, of a tribe " with eyes in their shoulders and their mouths in the middle of their breasts," but, it seems to us, with entire good faith, and no such flagrant intent to deceive as he has been accused of. " weak policy it would be in me," says he, " to betray my self or my country with imaginations ; neither am i so far in love with that lodg ing, watching, care, peril, diseases, ill savors, bad fare, and many other mischiefs that ac company these voyages, as to woo myself again into any of them, were i not assured that the sun covereth not so much riches in any part of the earth." some portion of this so prevalent delusion respecting the pre cious metals is no doubt to be referred to the [40] actual presence of an abundance of mica, slate, and talc and other shining substances in the soil. "we may judge," says macaulay, " of the brilliancy of these deceptious appear ances, from learning that the natives ascribed the lustre of the magellanic clouds or nebulae of the southern hemisphere to the bright reflections produced by them." so he was himself most fatally deceived, and that too by the strength and candor no less than the weakness of his nature, for, generally speak ing, such things are not to be disbelieved as task our imaginations to conceive of, but such rather as are too easily embraced by the understanding. it is easy to see that he was tempted, not so much by the lustre of the gold, as by the splendor of the enterprise itself. it was the best move that peace allowed. the expe ditions to guiana and the ensuing golden dreams were not wholly unworthy of him, though he accomplished little more in the first voyage than to take formal possession of the country in the name of the queen, and in the second, of the spanish town of san thome, as his enemies would say, in the name of himself. perceiving that the spaniards, who had been secretly informed of his designs through their ambassador in england, were prepared to thwart his endeavors, and resist his progress in the country, he procured the capture of this their principal town, which was also burnt, against his orders. but it seems that no particular exception is to be taken against these high-handed measures, though his enemies have made the greatest handle of them. his behavior on this occasion was part and parcel of his constant character. it would not be easy to say when he ceased to be an honorable soldier and became a freebooter ; nor indeed is it of so much importance to inquire of a man what actions he performed at one and what at another period, as what manner of man he was at all periods. it was after all the same raleigh who had won so much re nown by land and sea, at home and abroad. it was his forte to deal vigorously with men, whether as a statesman, a courtier, a navigator, a planter of colonies, an accused person, a prisoner, an explorer of continents, or a military or naval commander. [42] and it was a right hero's maxim of his, that " good success admits of no examina tion ; " which, in a liberal sense, is true conduct. that there was no cant in him on the subject of war appears from his say ing (which indeed is very true), that "the necessity of war, which among human ac tions is most lawless, hath some kind of affinity and near resemblance with the ne cessity of law." it is to be remembered, too, that if the spaniards found him a rest less and uncompromising enemy, the in dians experienced in him a humane and gentle defender, and on his second visit to guiana remembered his name and wel comed him with enthusiasm. we are told that the spanish ambassador, on receiving intelligence of his doings in that country, rushed into the presence of king james, exclaiming " piratas, piratas! " " pirates, pirates ! " and the king, to gratify his resentment, without bringing him to trial for this alleged new offence, with characteristic meanness and pusillanim ity caused him to be executed upon the old sentence soon after his return to england. [43] the circumstances of his execution and how he bore himself on that memorable oc casion, when the sentence of death passed fifteen years before was revived against him, after as an historian in his confinement he had visited the old world in his free im agination, and as an unrestrained adventurer the new, with his fleets and in person, are perhaps too well known to be repeated. the reader will excuse our hasty rehearsal of the final scene. we can pardon, though not without limi tations, his supposed attempt at suicide in the prospect of defeat and disgrace ; and no one can read his letter to his wife, written while he was contemplating this act, with out being reminded of the roman cato, and admiring while he condemns him. " i know," says he, " that it is forbidden to destroy ourselves ; but i trust it is for bidden in this sort, that we destroy not our selves despairing of god's mercy." though his greatness seems to have forsaken him in his feigning himself sick, and the base methods he took to avoid being brought to trial, yet he recovered himself at last, and [44] happily withstood the trials which awaited him. the night before his execution, be sides writing letters of farewell to his wife, containing the most practical advice for the conduct of her life, he appears to have spent the time in writing verses on his con dition, and among others this couplet, on the snuff of a candle. cowards may fear to die ; but courage stout, rather than live in snuff, will be put out. and the following verses, perhaps, for an epitaph on himself: even such is time, that takes on trust our youth, our joys, our all we have, and pays us but with earth and dust; who in the dark and silent grave, when we have wandered all our ways, shuts up the story of our days ! but from this earth, this grave, this dust, the lord shall raise me up, i trust ! his execution was appointed on lord mayor's day, that the pageants and shows might divert the attention of the people ; but those pageants have long since been for gotten, while this tragedy is still remem [45] bered. he took a pipe of tobacco before he went to the scaffold, and appeared there with a serene countenance, so that a stranger could not have told which was the con demned person. after exculpating him self in a speech to the people, and without ostentation having felt the edge of the axe, and disposed himself once as he wished to lie, he made a solemn prayer, and being directed to place himself so that his face should look to the east, his characteristic answer was, " it mattered little how the head lay, pro vided the heart was right/' the execu tioner being overawed was unable at first to perform his office, when raleigh, slowly raising his head, exclaimed, " strike away, man, don't be afraid." " he was the most fearless of death," says the bishop 3 who at tended him, " that ever was known, and the most resolute and confident, yet with reverence and conscience." but we would not exaggerate the importance of these things. the death scenes of great men are agreeable to consider only when they make another and harmonious chapter of their lives, and we have accompanied our [46] hero thus far because he lived, so to speak, unto the end. in his history of the world occurs this sentence : " o eloquent, just, and mighty death ! whom none could advise, thou hast persuaded ; what none hath dared, thou hast done ; and whom all the world hath flattered, thou only hast cast out of the world and despised : thou hast drawn to gether all the far-stretched greatness, all the pride, cruelty, and ambition of man, and covered it all over with those two narrow words hie iacet!" perhaps raleigh was the man of the most general information and universal accom plishment of any in england. though he excelled greatly in but few departments, yet he reached a more valuable mediocrity in many. " he seemed," said fuller, " to be like cato uticensis, born to that only which he was about/' he said he had been " a soldier, a sea-captain, and a courtier," but he had been much more than this. he embraced in his studies music, ornamental gardening, painting, history, antiquities, chemistry, and many arts beside. espe [47] cially he is said to have been a great chemist, and studied most in his sea voyages, " when he carried always a trunk of books along with him, and had nothing to divert him/' and when also he carried his favorite pictures. in the tower, too, says one, "he doth spend all the day in distillations ; " and that this was more than a temporary recreation ap pears from the testimony of one who says he was operator to him for twelve years. here also "he conversed on poetry, phi losophy, and literature with hoskins, his fellow-prisoner," whom ben jonson men tions as " the person who had polished him." he was a political economist far in advance of his age, and a sagacious and in fluential speaker in the house of commons. science is indebted to him in more ways than one. in the midst of pressing public cares he interested himself to establish some means of universal communication between men of science for their mutual benefit, and actually set up what he termed " an office of address " for this purpose. as a mathe matician, he was the friend of harriot, dee, and the earl of northumberland. as an [48] antiquarian, he was a member of the first antiquarian society established in england, along with spelman, selden, cotton, cam den, savile, and stow. he is said to have been the founder of the mermaid club, which met in fleet street, to which shake speare, ben jonson, fletcher, beaumont, carew, donne, etc., belonged. he has the fame of having first introduced the potato from virginia and the cherry from the ca naries into ireland, where his garden was ; and his manor of sherborne 4 " he beautified with gardens, and orchards, and groves of much variety and delight." and this fact, evincing his attention to horticulture, is re lated, that once, on occasion of the queen's visiting him, he artificially retarded the ripening of some cherries by stretching a wet canvas over the tree, and removed it on a sunny day, so as to present the fruit ripe to the queen a month later than usual. not to omit a more doubtful but not less celebrated benefit, it is said that on the re turn of his first colonists from virginia in 1586 tobacco was first effectually intro duced into england, and its use encouraged [49] by his influence and example. and finally, not to be outdone by the quacks, he invented a cordial which became very celebrated, bore his name, and was even administered to the queen, and to the prince henry in his last illness. one febure writes that " sir walter, being a worthy successor of mithri dates, matheolus, basil valentine, paracel sus, and others, has, he affirms, selected all that is choicest in the animal, vegetable, and mineral world, and moreover manifested so much art and experience in the preparation of this great and admirable cordial as will of itself render him immortal." we come at last to consider him as a literary man and a writer, concerning which aspect of his life we are least indebted to the historian for our facts. as he was heroic with the sword, so was he with the pen. the history of the world, the task which he selected for his prison hours, was heroic in the undertaking and heroic in the achievement. the easy and cheerful heart with which he endured his confinement, turning his prison into a study, a parlor, and a laboratory, and his prison [50] yard into a garden, so that men did not so much pity as admire him; the steady pur pose with which he set about fighting his battles, prosecuting his discoveries, and gathering his laurels, with the pen, if he might no longer with regiments and fleets, is itself an exploit. in writing the his tory of the world he was indeed at liberty ; for he who contemplates truth and universal laws is free, whatever walls immure his body, though to our brave prisoner thus employed, mankind may have seemed but his poor fellow-prisoners still. though this remarkable work interests us more, on the whole, as a part of the history of raleigh than as the history of the world, yet it was done like himself, and with no small success. the historian of greece and rome is usually unmanned by his subject, as a peasant crouches before lords ; but raleigh, though he succumbs to the imposing fame of tradition and antedi luvian story, and exhibits unnecessary rever ence for a prophet or patriarch, from his habit of innate religious courtesy, has done better than this whenever a hero was to be dealt with. he stalks down through the aisles of the past, as through the avenues of a camp, with poets and historians for his heralds and guides ; and from whatever side the faintest trump reaches his ear, that way does he promptly turn, though to the neglect of many a gaudy pavilion. from a work so little read in these days we will venture to quote as specimens the following criticisms on alexander and the character of epaminondas. they will, at any rate, teach our lips no bad habits. there is a natural emphasis in his style, like a man's tread, and a breathing space between the sentences, which the best of more modern writing does not furnish. his chapters are like english parks, or rather like a western forest, where the larger growth keeps down the underwood, and one may ride on horse back through the openings. 6 " certainly the things that this king did were marvellous, and would hardly have been undertaken by any man else : and though his father had determined to have invaded the lesser asia, it is like enough that he would have contented himself with some part thereof, and not have discovered the river of indus, as this man did. the swift course of victory, wherewith he ran over so large a portion of the world, in so short a space, may justly be imputed unto this, that he was never encountered by an equal spirit, concurring with equal power against him. hereby it came to pass, that his actions, being limited by no greater op position than desert places, and the mere length of tedious journeys could make, were like the colossus of rhodes, not so much to be admired for the workmanship, though therein also praiseworthy, as for the huge bulk. for certainly the things performed by xenophon, discover as brave a spirit as alexander's, and working no less exquisitely, though the effects were less material, as were also the forces and power of command, by which it wrought. but he that would find the exact pattern of a noble commander, must look upon such as epaminondas, that encountering worthy captains, and those bet ter followed than themselves, have by their singular virtue over-topped their valiant ene mies, and still prevailed over those that [53] would not have yielded one foot to any other. such as these are do seldom live to obtain great empires; for it is a work of more labor and longer time to master the equal forces of one hardy and well-ordered state, than to tread down and utterly sub due a multitude of servile nations, com pounding the body of a gross unwieldy empire. wherefore these parvopof en fes, men that with little have done much upon ene mies of like ability, are to be regarded as choice examples of worth ; but great con querors, to be rather admired for the sub stance of their actions, than the exquisite managing : exactness and greatness concur ring so seldom, that i can find no instance of both in one, save only that brave roman, caesar." of epaminondas he says, "so died epaminondas, the worthiest man that ever was bred in that nation of greece, and hardly to be matched in any age or country; for he equalled all others in the several virtues, which in each of them were singu lar. his justice, and sincerity, his temper ance, wisdom, and high magnanimity, were [54] no way inferior to his military virtue ; in every part whereof he so excelled, that he could not properly be called a wary, a val iant, a politic, a bountiful, or an industrious, and a provident captain ; all these titles, and many others being due unto him, which with his notable discipline, and good conduct, made a perfect composition of an heroic gen eral. neither was his private conversation unanswerable to those high parts, which gave him praise abroad. for he was grave, and yet very affable and courteous; resolute in public business, but in his own particular easy, and of much mildness ; a lover of his people, bearing with men's infirmities, witty and pleasant in speech, far from insolence, master of his own affections, and furnished with all qualities that might win and keep love. to these graces were added great ability of body, much eloquence and very deep knowledge of philosophy and learn ing, wherewith his mind being enlightened, rested not in the sweetness of contempla tion, but broke forth into such effects as gave unto thebes which had ever been an underling, a dreadful reputation among all [553 people adjoining, and the highest command in greece." for the most part an author only writes history, treating it as a dead subject ; but raleigh tells it like a fresh story. a man of action himself, he knew when there was an action coming worthy to be related, and does not disappoint the reader, as is too com monly the case, by recording merely the traditionary admiration or wonder. in com menting upon the military actions of the ancients, he easily and naturally digresses to some perhaps equal action of his own, or within his experience; and he tells how they should have drawn up their fleets or men, with the authority of an admiral or general. the alacrity with which he ad verts to some action within his experience, and slides down from the dignified imper sonality of the historian into the familiarity and interest of a party and eye-witness, is as attractive as rare. he is often without re proach the caesar of his own story. he treats scipio, pompey, hannibal, and the rest quite like equals, and he speaks like an eye-witness, and gives life and reality to the [56] narrative by his very lively understanding and relating of it ; especially in those parts in which the mere scholar is most likely to fail. every reader has observed what a dust the historian commonly raises about the field of battle, to serve as an apology for not mak ing clear the disposition and manoeuvring of the parties, so that the clearest idea one gets is of a very vague counteraction or standing over against one another of two forces. in this history we, at least, have faith that these things are right. our author describes an ancient battle with the vivacity and truth of an eye-witness, and perhaps, in criticising the disposition of the forces, say ing they should have stood thus or so, some times enforces his assertions in some such style as "i remember being in the harbor of cadiz," etc., so that, as in herodotus and thucydides, we associate the historian with the exploits he describes. but this comes not on account of his fame as a writer, but from the conspicuous part he acted on the world's stage, and his name is of equal mark to us with those of his heroes. so in the present instance, not only his valor as a [57] writer, but the part he acted in his genera tion, the life of the author, seems fit to make the last chapter in the history he is writing. we expect that when his history is brought to a close it will include his own exploits. however, it is hardly a work to be consulted as authority nowadays, except on the subject of its author's character. the natural breadth and grasp of the man is seen in the preface itself, which is a ser mon with human life for its text. in the first books he discusses with childlike ear nestness, and an ingenuity which they little deserved, the absurd and frivolous questions which engaged the theology and philosophy of his day. but even these are recommended by his sincerity and fine imagination, while the subsequent parts, or story itself, have the merit of being far more credible and lifelike than is common. he shows occasionally a poet's imagination, and the innocence and purity of a child (as it were) under a knight's dress, such as were worthy of the friend of spenser. the nobleness of his nature is everywhere apparent. the gentleness and steady heart with which he cultivates phi [58] losophy and poetry in his prison, dissolving in the reader's imagination the very walls and bars by his childlike confidence in truth and his own destiny, are affecting. even astrology, or, as he has elsewhere called it, " star-learning," comes recommended from his pen, and science will not refuse it. "and certainly it cannot be doubted," says he, " but the stars are instruments of far greater use, than to give an obscure light, and for men to gaze on after sunset : it being manifest, that the diversity of seasons, the winters and summers, more hot and cold, are not so uncertained by the sun and moon alone, who alway keep one and the same course; but that the stars have also their working therein. "and if we cannot deny, but that god hath given virtues to springs and fountains, to cold earth, to plants and stones, minerals, and to the excremental parts of the basest living creatures, why should we rob the beautiful stars of their working powers ? for seeing they are many in number, and of eminent beauty and magnitude, we may not think, that in the treasury of his wisdom, who is [j9] infinite, there can be wanting (even for every star) a peculiar virtue and operation ; as every herb, plant, fruit, and flower adorning the face of the earth, hath the like. for as these were not created to beautify the earth alone, and to cover and shadow her dusty face, but otherwise for the use of man and beast, to feed them and cure them ; so were not those uncountable glorious bodies set in the firmament, to no other end, than to adorn it ; but for instruments and organs of his divine providence, so far as it hath pleased his just will to determine. "origen upon this place of genesis, let there be light in the firmament, &c. 9 affirmeth, that the stars are not causes (meaning per chance binding causes ; ) but are as open books, wherein are contained and set down all things whatsoever to come ; but not to be read by the eyes of human wisdom : which latter part i believe well, and the saying of syracides withal ; that there are hid yet greater things than these be, and we have seen but a few of his works. and though, for the capacity of men, we know somewhat, yet in the true and uttermost virtues of herbs and plants, [60] which our selves sow and set, and which grow under our feet, we are in effect igno rant; much more in the powers and working of celestial bodies. . . . but in this question of fate, the middle course is to be followed, that as with the heathen we do not bind god to his creatures, in this supposed necessity of destiny ; and so on the contrary we do not rob those beautiful creatures of their powers and offices. . . . and that they wholly di rect the reasonless mind, i am resolved : for all those which were created mortal, as birds, beasts, and the like, are left to their natural appetites ; over all which, celestial bodies (as instruments and executioners of god's provi dence) have absolute dominion. . . . and saint augustine says, deus regit inferiora corpora per superiora ; ' god ruleth the bodies below by those above/ ... it was there fore truly affirmed, sapiens adiuvabit opus astrorum, quemadmodum agrlcola terrae na turam; ' a wise man assist eth the work of the stars, as the husbandman helpeth the nature of the soil/ . . . lastly, we ought all to know, that god created the stars as he did the rest of the universal ; whose in [61] fluences may be called his reserved and un written laws. . . . but it was well said of plotinus, that the stars were significant, but not efficient, giving them yet something less than their due: and therefore as i do not consent with them, who would make those glorious creatures of god virtueless: so i think that we derogate from his eternal and absolute power and providence, to ascribe to them the same dominion over our immortal souls, which they have over all bodily sub stances, and perishable natures : for the souls of men loving and fearing god, receive in fluence from that divine light it self, whereof the sun's clarity, and that of the stars, is by plato called but a shadow, lumen est umbra dei, et deus est lumen luminis; < light is the shadow of god's brightness, who is the light of light/" we are reminded by this of du bartas's poem on the probability of the celestial orbs being inhabited^ translated by sylvester : 8 i '11 ne'er believe that the archarchitect with all these fires the heavenly arches deck'd only for shew, and with their glistering shields t* amaze poor shepherds, watching in the fields; [62] i'll ne'er believe that the least flow'r that pranks our garden borders, or the common banks, and the least stone, that in her warming lap our kind nurse earth doth covetously wrap, hath some peculiar virtue of its own, and that the glorious stars of heav'n have none. nor is the following brief review and exal tation of the subject of all history unworthy of a place in this history of the world: " man, thus compounded and formed by god, was an abstract, or model, or brief story in the universal : . . . for out of the earth and dust was formed the flesh of man, and therefore heavy and lumpish ; the bones of his body we may compare to the hard rocks and stones, and therefore strong and durable ; of which ovid : inde genus durum sumus experiensque laborum, et documenta damus, qua simus origine nati: from thence our kind hard-hearted is, enduring pain and care, approving, that our bodies of a stony nature are. his blood, which disperseth it self by the branches of veins through all the body, may be resembled to those waters, which are carried by brooks and rivers over all the [63] earth ; his breath to the air, his natural heat to the inclosed warmth which the earth hath in it self, which, stirred up by the heat of the sun, assisteth nature in the speedier procreation of those varieties, which the earth bringeth forth ; our radical moisture, oil or balsamum (whereon the natural heat feedeth and is maintained) is resembled to the fat and fertility of the earth ; the hairs of man's body, which adorns, or overshadows it, to the grass, which covereth the upper face and skin of the earth ; our generative power, to nature, which produceth all things; our determinations, to the light, wandering, and unstable clouds, carried everywhere with uncertain winds ; our eyes to the light of the sun and moon ; and the beauty of our youth, to the flowers of the spring, which, either in a very short time, or with the sun's heat, dry up and wither away, or the fierce puffs of wind blow them from the stalks ; the thoughts of our mind, to the motion of angels ; and our pure understanding (for merly called mens, and that which always looketh upwards) to those intellectual natures, which are always present with god; and lastly, our immortal souls (while they are righteous) are by god himself beautified with the title of his own image and similitude." but man is not in all things like nature : " for this tide of man's life, after it once turneth and declineth, ever runneth with a perpetual ebb and falling stream, but never floweth again, our leaf once fallen, springeth no more ; neither doth the sun or the sum mer adorn us again with the garments of new leaves and flowers." there is a flowing rhythm in some of these sentences like the rippling of rivers, hardly to be matched in any prose or verse. the following is his poem on the decay of oracles and pantheism : "the fire which the chaldeans wor shipped for a god, is crept into every man's chimney, which the lack of fuel starveth, water quencheth, and want of air suffocateth: jupiter is no more vexed with juno's jeal ousies ; death hath persuaded him to chas tity, and her to patience ; and that time which hath devoured it self, hath also eaten up both the bodies and images of him and his; yea, their stately temples of stone and [65] dureful marble. the houses and sumptuous buildings erected to baal, can no where be found upon the earth ; nor any monument of that glorious temple consecrated to diana. there are none now in phoenicia, that la ment the death of adonis; nor any in libya, creta, thessalia, or elsewhere, that can ask counsel or help from jupiter. the great god pan hath broken his pipes ; apollo's priests are become speechless ; and the trade of riddles in oracles, with the devil's telling men's fortunes therein, is taken up by coun terfeit egyptians, and cozening astrologers." in his discourse of war in general y (com mencing with almost a heroic verse, " the ordinary theme and argument of history is war/') are many things well thought, and many more well said. he thus expands the maxim that corporations have no soul : " but no senate nor civil assembly can be under such natural impulses to honor and justice as single persons. . . . for a ma jority is nobody when that majority is sepa rated, and a collective body can have no synteresis, or divine ray, which is in the mind of every man, never assenting to evil, 66] but upbraiding and tormenting him when he does it: but the honor and conscience that lies in the majority is too thin and diffu sive to be efficacious ; for a number can do a great wrong, and call it right, and not one of that majority blush for it. hence it is, that though a public assembly may lie under great censures, yet each member looks upon himself as little concerned: this must be the reason why a roman senate should act with less spirit and less honor than any single roman would do." he then in the same treatise leaps with easy and almost merry elasticity from the level of his discourse to the heights of his philosophy : " and it is more plain there is not in nature a point of stability to be found; every thing either ascends or declines: when wars are ended abroad, sedition begins at home, and when men are freed from fight ing for necessity, they quarrel through am bition." and he thus concludes this discourse: "we must look a long way back to find the romans giving laws to nations, and their consuls bringing kings and princes bound in chains to rome in triumph ; to see men go to greece for wisdom, or ophir for gold ; when now nothing remains but a poor paper remembrance of their former condition. it would be an unspeakable advantage, both to the public and private, if men would consider that great truth, that no man is wise or safe, but he that is honest. all i have designed is peace to my country ; and may england enjoy that blessing when i shall have no more proportion in it than what my ashes make ! " if his philosophy is for the most part poor, yet the conception and expression are rich and generous. his maxims are not true or impartial, but are conceived with a certain magnanimity which was natural to him, as if a selfish policy could easily afford to give place in him to a more universal and true. as a fact evincing raleigh's poetic cul ture and taste, it is said that, in a visit to the poet spenser on the banks of the mulla, which is described in colin clout's come home again, he anticipated the judgment of posterity with respect to the faerie [68] g>ueene, and by his sympathy and advice encouraged the poet to go on with his work, which by the advice of other friends, among whom was sidney, he had laid aside. his own poems, though insignificant in re spect to number and length, and not yet collected into a separate volume, or rarely accredited to raleigh, deserve the distinct attention of the lover of english poetry, and leave such an impression on the mind that this leaf of his laurels, for the time, well nigh overshadows all the rest. 7 in these few rhymes, as in that country he describes, his life naturally culminates and his secret as pirations appear. they are in some respects more trustworthy testimonials to his char acter than state papers or tradition ; for poetry is a piece of very private history, which unostentatiously lets us into the secret of a man's life, and is to the reader what the eye is to the beholder, the charac teristic feature which cannot be distorted or made to deceive. poetry is always im partial and unbiassed evidence. the whole life of a man may safely be referred to a few deep experiences. when he only sings a more musical line than usual, all his actions have to be retried by a newer and higher standard than before. the pleasing poem entitled a 'descrip tion of the country's recreations* also printed among the poems of sir henry wotton, is well known. the following, which bears evident marks of his pen, we will quote, from its secure and continent rhythm : false love and true love as you came from the holy land of walsingham, met you not with my true love by the way as you came ? how shall i know your true love, that have met many one, as i went to the holy land, that have come, that have gone. she is neither white nor brown, but as the heavens fair ; there is none hath a form so divine, in the earth or the air. such a one did i meet, good sir, such an angelic face ; who like a queen, like a nymph did appear, by her gait, by her grace : [70] she hath left me here all alone, all alone as unknown, who sometimes did me lead with herself, and me loved as her own : what 's the cause that she leaves you alone, and a new way doth take : who loved you once as her own and her joy did you make ? i have loved her all my youth, but now, old as you see, love likes not the falling fruit from the withered tree : know that love is a careless child and forgets promise past, he is blind, he is deaf, when he list, and in faith never fast : his desire is a dureless content, and a trustless joy ; he is won with a world of despair, and is lost with a toy. of women-kind such indeed is the love, or the word love abused ; under which, many childish desires and conceits are excused : but true love is a durable fire in the mind ever burning ; never sick, never old, never dead, from itself never turning. [71] the following will be new to many of our readers : the shepherd's praise of his sacred diana prais'd be diana's fair and harmless light ; prais'd be the dews, wherewith she moists the ground ; prais'd be her beams, the glory of the night ; prais'd be her power, by which all powers abound ! prais'd be her nymphs, with whom she decks the woods ; prais'd be her knights, in whom true honor lives ; prais'd be that force by which she moves the floods ! let that diana shine, which all these gives ! in heaven, queen she is among the spheres; she mistress-like, makes all things to be pure ; eternity in her oft-change she bears ; she, beauty is ; by her, the fair endure. time wears her not ; she doth his chariot guide ; mortality below her orb is plac'd ; by her the virtues of the stars down slide ; in her is virtue's perfect image cast ! a knowledge pure it is her worth to know : with circes let them dwell that think not so ! though we discover in his verses the vices of the courtier, and they are not equally sus tained, as if his genius were warped by the frivolous society of the court, he was capa [72] ble of rising to unusual heights. his genius seems to have been fitted for short flights of unmatched sweetness and vigor, but by no means for the sustained loftiness of the epic poet. one who read his verses would say that he had not grown to be the man he promised. they have occasionally a strength of character and heroic tone rarely expressed or appreciated; and powers and excellences so peculiar, as to be almost unique specimens of their kind in the lan guage. those which have reference to his death have been oftenest quoted, and are the best. the soul's errand* deserves to be remembered till her mission is accomplished in the world. we quote the following, not so well known, with some omissions, from the commencement of his pilgrimage give me my scallop-shell of quiet, my staff of faith to walk upon ; my scrip of joy, immortal diet ; my bottle of salvation ; my gown of glory, (hope's true gage) and thus i '11 take my pilgrimage. [73] blood must be my body's balmer, no other balm will here be given, whilst my soul, like quiet palmer, travels to the land of heaven, over all the silver mountains, where do spring those nectar fountains : and i there will sweetly kiss the happy bowl of peaceful bliss, drinking mine eternal fill flowing on each milky hill. my soul will be adry before, but after, it will thirst no more. in that happy, blissful day, more peaceful pilgrims i shall see, that have cast off their rags of clay, and walk apparell'd fresh like me. but he wrote his poems, after all, rather with ships and fleets, and regiments of men and horse. at his bidding, navies took their place in the channel, and even from prison he fitted out fleets with which to realize his golden dreams, and invited his companions to fresh adventures. raleigh might well be studied if only for the excellence of his style, for he is remark able even in the midst of so many masters. all the distinguished writers of that period [74] possess a greater vigor and naturalness than the more modern, and when we read a quo tation from one of them in the midst of a modern authority, we seem to have come suddenly upon a greener ground and greater depth and strength of soil. it is as if a green bough were laid across the page, and we are refreshed as if by the sight of fresh grass in midwinter or early spring. you have constantly the warrant of life and ex perience in all you read. the little that is said is supplied by implication of the much that was done. the sentences are verdu rous and blooming as evergreen and flowers, because they are rooted in fact and expe rience; but our false and florid sentences have only the tints of flowers without their sap or roots. where shall we look for standard english but to the words of a stand ard man? the word which is best said came very near not being spoken at all ; for it is cousin to a deed which would have been better done. it must have taken the place of a deed by some urgent necessity, even by some misfortune, so that the truest writer will be some captive knight after all. [75] and perhaps the fates had such a design, when, having stored raleigh so richly with the substance of life and experience, they made him a fast prisoner, and compelled him to make his words his deeds, and trans fer to his expression the emphasis and sin cerity of his action. the necessity of labor, and conversation with many men and things, to the scholar, is rarely well remembered. steady labor with the hands, which engrosses the attention also, is the best method of removing palaver out of one's style both of talking and writing. if he has worked hard from morning till night, though he may have grieved that he could not be watching the train of his thoughts during that time, yet the few hasty lines which at evening record his day's experi ence will be more musical and true, than his freest but idle fancy could have furnished. he will not lightly dance at his work who has wood to cut and cord before nightfall in the short days of winter, but every stroke will be husbanded and ring soberly through the wood ; 10 and so will the stroke of that scholar's pen, when at evening this records [76] the story of the day, ring soberly on the ear of the reader long after the echoes of his axe have died away. the scholar may be sure he writes the tougher truths for the calluses on his palms. they give firmness to the sen tence. we are often astonished at the force and precision of style to which hard-work ing men unpractised in writing easily attain, when required to make the effort ; as if sincerity and plainness, those ornaments of style, were better taught on the farm or in the workshop than in the schools. the sen tences written by such rude hands are ner vous and tough, like hardened thongs, the sinews of the deer, or the roots of the pine. the scholar might frequently emulate the propriety and emphasis of the farmer's call to his team, and confess, if that were written, it would surpass his labored sentences. from the weak and flimsy periods of the politician and literary man we are glad to turn even to the description of work, the simple record of the month's labor in the farmer's almanac, to restore our tone and spirits. we like that a sentence should read as if its author, had he held a plough instead of a pen, could [77] have drawn a furrow deep and straight to the end. the scholar requires hard labor to give an impetus to his thought ; he will learn to grasp the pen firmly so, and wield it grace fully and effectually as an axe or sword. when we consider the weak and nerveless periods of some literary men, who perchance in feet and inches come up to the standard of their race, and are not deficient in girth also, we are amazed at the immense sacrifice of thews and sinews. what ! these proportions, these bones, and this their work ! hands which could have felled an ox have hewed this fragile matter which would not have tasked a lady's fingers. can this be a stalwart man's work, who has a marrow in his back and a tendon achilles in his heel? they who set up stonehenge did somewhat, if they only laid out their strength for once, and stretched themselves. yet after all the truly efficient laborer will be found not to crowd his day with work, but will saunter to his task, surrounded by a wide halo of ease and leisure, and then do but what he likes best. he is anxious only about the kernels of time. though the hen [78] should set all day she could lay only one egg, and besides, she would not have picked up the materials for another. a perfectly healthy sentence is extremely rare. but for the most part we miss the hue and fragrance of the thought. as if we could be satisfied with the dews of the morning or evening without their colors, or the heavens without their azure. the most attractive sentences are perhaps not the wisest, but the surest and soundest. they are spoken firmly and conclusively, as if the author had a right to know what he says ; and if not wise, they have at least been well learned. at least he does not stand on a rolling stone, but is well assured of his footing ; and if you dispute their doctrine, you will yet allow that there is truth in their assurance. raleigh's are of this sort, spoken with entire satisfaction and heartiness. they are not so much philosophy as poetry. with him it was always well done and nobly said. his learning was in his hand, and he carried it by him and used it as adroitly as his sword. aubrey says, " he was no slug; without doubt had a wonderful waking spirit, and great judgment to guide it." he wields [793 his pen as one who sits at ease in his chair, and has a healthy and able body to back his wits, and not a torpid and diseased one to fet ter them. in whichever hand is the pen we are sure there is a sword in the other. he sits with his armor on, and with one ear open to hear if the trumpet sound, as one who has stolen a little leisure from the duties of a camp; and we are confident that the whole man, as real and palpable as an englishman can be, sat down to the writing of his books, and not some curious brain only. such a man's mere daily exercise in literature might well attract us, and cecil has said, " he can toil terribly." raleigh seems to have been too genial and loyal a soul to resist the temptations of a court; but if to his genius and culture could have been added the temperament of george fox or oliver cromwell, perhaps the world would have had reason longer to remember him. he was, however, the most generous nature that could be drawn into the precincts of a court, and carried the courtier's life almost to the highest pitch of magnanimity and grace of which it was capable. he was liberal and [80] generous as a prince, that is, within bounds ; brave, chivalrous, heroic, as a knight in armor but not as a defenceless man. his was not the heroism of a luther, but of a bayard, and had more of grace than of honest truth in it. he had more taste than appetite. there may be something petty in a refined taste, it easily degenerates into effeminacy. it does not consider the broadest use, and is not con tent with simple good and bad, but is often fastidious, and curious, or nice only. his faults, as we have hinted before, were those of a courtier and a soldier. in his coun sels and aphorisms we see not unfrequently the haste and rashness of the soldier, strangely mingled with the wisdom of the philosopher. though his philosophy was not wide nor pro found, it was continually giving way to the generosity of his nature, and he was not hard to be won to the right. what he touches he adorns by a greater humanity and native nobleness, but he touches not the truest nor deepest. he does not in any sense unfold the new, but embellishes the old, and with all his promise of origi nality he never was quite original, or steered [81] his own course. he was of so fair and sus ceptible a nature, rather than broad or deep, that he delayed to slake his thirst at the near est and most turbid wells of truth and beauty; and his homage to the least fair and noble left no room for homage to the all-fair. the misfortune and incongruity of the man appear in the fact that he was at once the author of the maxims of state and the soul's errand. when we reconsider what we have said in the foregoing pages, we hesitate to apply any of their eulogy to the actual and historical raleigh, or any of their condemnation to that ideal raleigh which he suggests. for we must know the man of history as we know our contemporaries, not so much by his deeds, which often belie his real charac ter, as by the expectation he begets in us and there is a bloom and halo about the char acter of raleigh which defies a close and literal scrutiny, and robs us of our critical acumen. with all his heroism, he was not heroic enough ; with all his manliness, he was servile and dependent; with all his as pirations, he was ambitious. he was not [82] upright nor constant, yet we would have trusted him ; he could flatter and cringe, yet we should have respected him ; and he could accept a bribe, yet we should confi dently have appealed to his generosity. such a life is useful for us to contemplate as suggesting that a man is not to be meas ured by the virtue of his described actions, or the wisdom of his expressed thoughts merely, but by that free character he is, and is felt to be, under all circumstances. even talent is respectable only when it indicates a depth of character unfathomed. surely it is better that our wisdom appear in the con stant success of our spirits than in our busi ness, or the maxims which fall from our lips merely. we want not only a revelation, but a nature behind to sustain it. many silent, as well as famous, lives have been the result of no mean thought, though it was never adequately expressed nor conceived ; and per haps the most illiterate and unphilosophical mind may yet be accustomed to think to the extent of the noblest action. we all know those in our own circle who do injustice to their entire character in their conversation [83] and in writing, but who, if actually set over against us, would not fail to make a wiser impression than many a wise thinker and speaker. we are not a little profited by any life which teaches us not to despair of the race; and such effect has the steady and cheer ful bravery of raleigh. to march sturdily through life, patiently and resolutely looking grim defiance at one's foes, that is one way; but we cannot help being more attracted by that kind of heroism which relaxes its brows in the presence of danger, and does not need to maintain itself strictly, but, by a kind of sympathy with the universe, generously adorns the scene and the occasion, and loves valor so well that itself would be the defeated party only to behold it; which is as serene and as well pleased with the issue as the heavens which look down upon the field of battle. it is but a lower height of heroism when the hero wears a sour face. we fear that much of the heroism which we praise nowadays is dyspeptic. when we consider the vast xerxean army of reformers in these days, we cannot doubt that many a grim soul goes silent, the hero of some small intestine war ; and it is somewhat to begin to live on corn bread solely, for one who has before lived on bolted wheat; but of this sort surely are not the deeds to be sung. these are not the arthurs that inflame the imaginations of men. all fair action is the product of enthusiasm, and nature herself does nothing in the prose mood, though sometimes grimly with poetic fury, and at others humorously. there is enthusiasm in the sunrise and the summer, and we imagine that the shells on the shore take new layers from year to year with such rapture as the bard writes his poems. we would fain witness a heroism which is literally illustrious, whose daily life is the stuff of which our dreams are made ; so that the world shall regard less what it does than how it does it ; and its actions unsettle the common standards, and have a right to be done, however wrong they may be to the moralist. mere gross health and cheerfulness are no slight attraction, and some biographies have this charm mainly. for the most part the best man's spirit makes a fearful sprite to [85] haunt his grave, and it adds not a little there fore to the credit of little john, the cele brated follower of robin hood, reflecting favorably on the character of his life, that his grave was " long celebrous for the yield ing of excellent whetstones." a great cheerfulness indeed have all great wits and heroes possessed, almost a profane levity to such as understood them not, but their religion had the broader basis of health and permanence. for the hero, too, has his religion, though it is the very opposite to that of the ascetic. it demands not a nar rower cell but a wider world. he is per haps the very best man of the world ; the poet active, the saint wilful ; not the most godlike, but the most manlike. there have been souls of a heroic stamp for whom this world seemed expressly made ; as if this fair creation had at last succeeded, for it seems to be thrown away on the saint. such seem to be an essential part of their age if we con sider them in time, and of the scenery if we consider them in nature. they lie out be fore us ill-defined and uncertain, like some scraggy hillside or pasture, which varies from [86] day to day and from hour to hour, with the revolutions of nature, so that the eye of the forester never rests twice upon the same scene ; one knows not what may occur, he may hear a fox bark or a partridge drum. they are planted deep in nature and have more root than others. they are earth-born (yrjytveis), as was said of the titans. they are brothers of the sun and moon, they be long, so to speak, to the natural family of man. their breath is a kind of wind, their step like that of a quadruped, their moods the seasons, and they are as serene as nature. their eyes are deep-set like moles or glow worms, they move free and unconstrained through nature as her guests, their motions easy and natural as if their course were al ready determined for them ; as of rivers flowing through valleys, not as somewhat finding a place in nature, but for whom a place is already found. we love to hear them speak though we do not hear what they say. the very air seems forward to modulate itself into speech for them, and their words are of its own substance, and fall naturally on the ear, like the rustling of leaves and the crackling of the fire. they have the heavens for their abettors, for they never stood from under them, and they look at the stars with an answering ray. the distinc tions of better and best, sense and nonsense, seem trivial and petty, when such great healthy indifferences come along. we lay aside the trick of thinking well to attend to their thoughtless and happy natures, and are inclined to show a divine politeness and heavenly good-breeding, for they compel it. they are great natures. it takes a good deal to support them. theirs is no thin diet. the very air they breathe seems rich, and, as it were, perfumed. they are so remarkable as to be least re marked at first, since they are most in har mony with the time and place, and if we wonder at all it will be at ourselves and not at them. mountains do not rise perpen dicularly, but the lower eminences hide the higher, and we at last reach their top by a gentle acclivity. we must abide a long time in their midst and at their base, as we spend many days at the notch of the white mountains in order to be impressed by the [88] scenery. let us not think that alexander will conquer asia the first time we are in troduced to him, though smaller men may be in haste to re-enact their exploits then. " would you have such an herculean actor in the scene, and not his hydra ? " u they must sweat no less to fit their properties than to express their parts." the presence of heroic souls enhances the beauty and ampleness of nature herself. where they walk, as vergil says of the abodes of the blessed, largtor hie campos aether et lumlne vestit purpureo: solemque suum^ sua sidera norunt. here a more copious air invests the fields, and clothes with purple light ; and they know their own sun and their own stars. 11 but, alas ! what is truth ? that which we know not. what is beauty ? that which we see not. what is heroism ? that which we are not. it is in vain to hang out flags on a day of rejoicing, fresh bunting, bright and whole ; better the soiled and torn remnant which has been borne in the wars. we have considered a fair specimen of an englishman in the sixteenth century ; but it behoves us to be fairer specimens of ameri can men in the nineteenth. the gods have given man no constant gift, but the power and liberty to act greatly. how many wait for health and warm weather to be heroic and noble ! we are apt to think there is a kind of virtue which need not be heroic and brave, but in fact virtue is the deed of the bravest ; and only the hardy souls venture upon it, for it deals in what we have no ex perience, and alone does the rude pioneer work of the world. in winter is its cam paign, and it never goes into quarters. " sit not down," said sir thomas browne, "in the popular seats and common level of virtues, but endeavor to make them heroical. offer not only peace-offerings, but holocausts, unto god." in our lonely chambers at night we are thrilled by some far-off serenade within the mind, and seem to hear the clarion sound and clang of corselet and buckler from many a silent hamlet of the soul, though actu ally it may be but the rattling of some farm er's waggon rolling to market against the morrow. 12 [90] notes from the first tentative draft of the ms. of thoreau's sir walter raleigh i. another and kindred spirit contemporary with raleigh, who survives yet more exclusively in his reputation, rather than in his works, and has been the subject perhaps of even more and more indiscriminate praise, is sir philip sidney ; a man who was no less a presence to his contem poraries, though we now look in vain in his works for satisfactory traces of his greatness. who, dying at the age of thirtytwo, having left no great work behind him, or the fame of a single illustrious exploit, has yet left the rumor of a character for heroic impulses and gentle behavior which bids fair to survive the longer lives and more illustrious deeds of many a worthy else, the splendor of whose reputation seems to have blinded his critics to the faults of his writings. so that we find his arcadia spoken of with vague and dubious praise as " a book most famous for rich conceits and splendor of courtly expressions." with regard to whom also this reason is assigned why no monument should be erected to him, that " he is his own monument whose memory is eternized in his writings, and who was born into the world to show unto our age a sample of ancient virtue," and of whom another says, "it was he whom queen elizabeth called her philip ; the prince of orange, his master ; and whose friendship my lord brook was so proud of, that he would have no other epitaph on his grave than this: ' here lieth sir philip sidney's friend.' " from raleigh y by edmund gosse 2. arabella stuart (born about 1575) was james i's first cousin, the daughter of charles stuart, fifth earl of lennox, lord darnley's elder brother. about 1588 she had come up to london to be presented to elizabeth, and on that occasion had amused raleigh with her gay accomplishments. the legal quibble on which her claim was founded was the fact that she was born in england, whereas james as a scotchman was supposed to be ex cluded. arabella was no pretender ; her descent from margaret, the sister of henry viii, was com plete, and if james had died childless, and she had survived him, it is difficult to see how her claim could have been avoided in favor of the suffolk line. 3. dr. robert tounson, then dean of westminster, who became bishop of salisbury. [gosse.] 4. there is a pleasant legend that raleigh and one of his half-brothers were riding up to town from plymouth, when raleigh's horse stumbled and threw him within the precincts of a beautiful dorsetshire estate, then in possession of the dean and chapter of salisbury, and that raleigh, choos ing to consider that he had thus taken seisin of the soil, asked the queen for sherborne l castle when he arrived at court. it may have been on this occasion that elizabeth asked him when he would cease to be a beggar, and received the reply, " when your majesty ceases to be a benefactor." [gosse.] 5. this passage about alexander and epami nondas is preceded in ralegh, as copied by thoreau in the scrap-book, by some general remarks on that remarkable quality in a few men which ralegh seems to have felt in himself, which, as he wrote, " guided handfuls of men against multitudes of equal bodily strength, contrived victories beyond all hope and discourse of reason, converted the fearful passions of his own followers into magna nimity, and the valor of his enemies into coward ice. such spirits have been stirred up in sundry ages of the world, and in divers parts thereof, to erect and cast down again, to establish and to de stroy, and to bring all things, persons and states to the same certain ends which the infinite spirit 1 sherborne came into ralegh's possession in 1592. ed. [93] of the universal, piercing, moving and governing all things, hath ordained." it was passages like this, in his speech and writings, that laid ralegh open to the charge of atheism, which seems to have been first brought against him at the same time that his friend the poet marlowe was similarly accused, in 1592-3, and may have been one of the reasons why queen elizabeth withdrew her favor from ralegh about that time. the definite accusations against marlowe, which were sent to queen elizabeth in june, 1592, apparently, were from the mouth of one richard baine, who was hanged for felony two years after, and contained these words, perhaps pointing towards ralegh : " that one richard cholmelei hath confessed that he was persuaded by marlowe's reason to become an atheist. these things shall by good and honest men be proved to be his opinions and common speeches, and that this marlowe doth not only hold them himself, but almost in every company he cometh, persuadeth men to atheism, willing them not to be afraid of bugbears and hobgoblins, and utterly scorning both god and his ministers. . . . he saith, moreover, that he hath quoted a number of contrarieties out of the scriptures, which he hath given to some great men, who in convenient time shall be named." that ralegh was one of these " great men " is highly probable ; at any rate, the accusation of atheism was then secretly brought against him, and was likely to have weighed with [94] elizabeth. ralegh, with sidney, is believed to have. been one of the english circle who associated with giordano bruno, during his short residence in england, a few years before sidney's death ; and bruno also made himself liable to a like charge of atheism. [f. b. sanborn.] 6. these lines appear in the fourth day of the first week of sylvester's version of guillaume salluste du bartas's divine weeks and works, pp. 102-3 of the edition of 1613. sylvester adds, at the end of those quoted, continuing the sentence, but shine in vain, and have no charge precise but to be walking in heaven's galleries, and through that palace up and down to clamber as golden gulls about a prince's chamber. this conceit of the influence of the stars was gen eral in ralegh's day. his friend sidney, in his sonnet xxvi, has the same thought as ralegh, but turns it to a compliment to stella, though dusty wits dare scorn astrology, and (fools) can think those lamps of purest light whose numbers, way, greatness, eternity, promising wonders, wonder do invite, to have for no cause birthright in the sky, but for to spangle the black weeds of night ; or for some brawl, which in that chamber high they should still dance, to please a gazer's sight. [95] for me, i do nature unidle know, and know great causes great effects procure, and know, those bodies high rule o'er the low ; and if these rules did fail, proof makes me sure, who oft forejudge my after-following race by only those two stars in stella's face. in what follows, concerning the powers and bod ily nature of man, ralegh uses what was a com monplace of his period, but expresses this quaint conceit with more grace than was customary, and closes it with that touch of regret so familiar in him, though in expression he may borrow from the sicilian lament of moschus for bion. and so poetical is his prose at times, that thoreau very properly calls the passage on the decay of oracles a " poem/' [f. b. san born.] from thoreau's second draft of the ms. 7. aubrey says, cc i well remember his study [at durham-house] which was on a little turret that looked into and over the thames, and had the prospect, which is as pleasant, perhaps, as any in the world, and which not only refreshes the"eie-sight, but cheers the spirits, and (to speake my mind) i believe enlarges an ingeniose man's thoughts." perhaps it was here that he composed some of his poems. [96] 3. a description of the country's recreations quivering fears, heart-tearing cares, anxious sighs, untimely tears, fly, fly to courts ; fly to fond worldlings' sports, where strain'd sardonic smiles are glosing still, and grief is forc'd to laugh against her will ; where mirth's but mummery ; and sorrows only real be ! fly from our country pastimes ! fly, sad troop of human misery ; come, serene looks, clear as the crystal brooks, or the pure azur'd heaven, that smiles to see the rich attendance of our poverty. peace, and a secure mind, which all men seek, we only find. abused mortals ! did you know where joy, heart's-ease, and comforts grow, you'd scorn proud towers, and seek them in these bowers, where winds sometimes our woods perhaps may shake, but blustering care could never tempest make ; nor murmurs e'er come nigh us, saving of fountains that glide by us. here's no fantastic masque, nor dance, but of our kids, that frisk and prance : nor wars are seen, unless upon the green [97] two harmless lambs are butting one the other, which done, both bleating run, each to his mother ; and wounds are never found, save what the plough-share gives the ground. here are no false entrapping baits, to hasten too too hasty fates ; unless it be the fond credulity of silly fish, which, worldling-like, still look upon the bait, but never on the hook : nor envy, unless among the birds, for prize of their sweet song. go ! let the diving negro seek for gems hid in some forlorn creek ; we all pearls scorn, save what the dewy morn congeals upon each little spire of grass, which careless shepherds beat down as they pass ; and gold ne'er here appears, save what the yellow ceres bears. blest, silent groves ! o may ye be for ever mirth's best nursery ! may pure contents for ever pitch their tents upon these downs, these meads, these rocks, these moun tains, and peace still slumber by these purling fountains ! which we may every year find when we come a fishing here ! [98] the soul's err and i go, soul, the body's guest, upon a thankless errand ; fear not to touch the best the truth shall be thy warrant go, since i needs must die, and give them all the lie. go, tell the court it glows, and shines like painted wood ; go, tell the church it shews what's good, but does no good. if court and church reply, give court and church the lie. tell potentates, they live acting, but o their actions ! not lov'd, unless they give; nor strong, but by their factions. if potentates reply, give potentates the lie. 1 this poem (also called the lie and the farewell) has been given as written by sir walter ralegh, the night before bis execution , which was october 29, 1618 ; but it had already appeared in davison's rhapsody, in 1608; and it is also to be found in a ms. collection of poems in the british museum, which has the date of 1596. with the title, the lie, it is printed by davison with many variations, e. g., say to the court it glows, and shines like rotten wood, &c. , &c. ed. [99] tell men of high condition, that rule affairs of state, their purpose is ambition ; their practice only hate. and if they do reply, then give them all the lie. tell those that brave it most, they beg for more by spending ; who in their greatest cost seek nothing but commending. and if they make reply, spare not to give the lie. tell zeal it lacks devotion ; tell love it is but lust ; tell time it is but motion ; tell flesh it is but dust : and wish them not reply, for thou must give the lie. tell age it daily wasteth ; tell honor how it alters ; tell beauty that it blasteth ; tell favor that she falters : and as they do reply, give every one the lie. tell wit how much it wrangles in fickle points of niceness ; tell wisdom she entangles herself in over-wiseness : and if they do reply, then give them both the lie. [ 100 ] tell physic of her boldness ; tell skill it is pretension; a tell charity of coldness ; tell law it is contention : and if they yield reply, then give them still the lie. tell fortune of her blindness ; tell nature of decay ; tell friendship of unkindness ; tell justice of delay : and if they do reply, then give them all the lie. tell arts they have no soundness, but vary by esteeming ; tell schools they lack profoundness, and stand too much on seeming. if arts and schools reply, give arts and schools the lie. tell faith it's fled the city ; tell how the country erreth ; tell manhood, shakes off pity ; tell virtue, least preferreth. and if they do reply, spare not to give the lie. so, when thou hast, as i commanded thee, done blabbing; although to give the lie deserves no less than stabbing yet stab at thee who will, no stab the soul can kill. [10!] 10. the allusion here is doubtless to thoreau's intimate companion of forty years from early in 1843, ell er y channing, who in the winter of 1843-44 was chopping cordwood on the road from concord to lincoln, near where thoreau and his friend, stearns wheeler of lincoln, had a cabin in the woods for study and amusement. channing's experiences that winter gave occa sion to the making of a poem, the woodman^ which gave title to his third book of verses, pub lished in 1849 (the year when the week came out) and was reprinted in 1902, with omissions and additions, from the channing mss. in poems of sixty-five tears. thoreau himself had some times been a wood-cutter ; indeed, his range of manual employments, as he wrote his harvard class secretary in 1847, ma de him " a surveyor, a gardener, a farmer, a painter (i mean a house painter), a carpenter, a mason, a day-laborer, a pencil-maker, a etc." in a letter to horace greeley, of may, 1848, thoreau said that he had supported himself by manual labor at a dollar a day for the past five years, and yet had seen more leisure than most scholars found. he added, "there is no rea son why the scholar, who professes to be a little wiser than the mass of men, should not do his work in the dirt occasionally, and by means of his superior wisdom make much less suffice for him. a wise man will not be un [102] fortunate, how then would you know but he was a fool ? " his friend emerson, however, did not find that the laborer's strokes that he used himself in his "pleached garden" helped him to better strokes of the pen ; and so employed alcott, chan ning, and thoreau now and then to make the laborer's strokes for him, while he meditated in his study or walked the woods and fields. [f. b. sanborn.] ii. this trait of cheerfulness was thoreau's own, and should be named in all mention of him, especially in the long endurance of his last illness. it is well known that the son and namesake of horace mann was the companion of thoreau on that long journey to the unsettled parts of min nesota in 1 86 1, from which he returned only to linger and die in may, 1862. mrs. mann, the mother of young horace (who himself did not long survive), thus wrote in may of that year to her sister, mrs. hawthorne : " i was made very happy to-day by seeing miss thoreau, whose brother died such a happy, peaceful death, leav ing them all so fully possessed of his faith in the immortal life that they seem almost to have entered it with him. they said [meaning mrs. thoreau, her sister, louisa dunbar, and his other aunts, as well as sophia, his sister], they never could be sad in his presence for a moment; he had been the happiest person they had ever known, [103] all through his life, and was just as happy in the presence of death. this is the more remarkable, as he was still in the prime of life, with a vivid sense of its enjoyments. but he was nearer to the heart of nature than most men. sophia said to-day that he once told her when looking at a pressed flower that he had walked 10,000 miles to verify the day on which that flower bloomed. it grew four miles from his home, and he walked there every day in the season of it for many years. . . . he seemed to walk straight into heaven. it is animating and inspiring to see a great or a good man take that last step with his thoughts about him, and intent upon the two worlds whose connection he sees with the clairvoyance that death gives. i know it well, and i could fully sympa thize in her sense of her brother's continued pres ence. death is not the word to use for such a transit, but more life, for which we as yet have no word." in a letter to thoreau's good friend at new bedford, daniel ricketson (printed in anna and walton ricketson's memoir of their father, p. 142), sophia, under date of may 20, 1862, said : " during henry's long illness i never heard a murmur escape him, or the slightest wish ex pressed to remain with us ; his perfect content ment was truly wonderful. none of his friends seemed to realize how very ill he was, so full of life and good cheer did he seem. one friend, [ 104] as if by way of consolation, said to him, c well, mr. thoreau, we must all go/ henry re plied, c when i was a very little boy i learned that i must die, and i set that down, so of course i am not disappointed now. death is as near to you as it is to me/ . . . the de votion of his friends was most rare and touch ing. he would sometimes say c i should be ashamed to stay in this world after so much had been done for me ; i could never repay my friends/ ' in this last sally of his wit, which was as marked in its expression during his illness as in his vig orous days of rambling and writing, we see not alone the humor, but likewise that strict sense of obligation which he had from boyhood. he wished to receive nothing gratis except from na ture herself; his debts, unlike those of many poets, must always be punctually paid. [f. b. sanborn.] 12. in this description of virtue, thoreau made some use of the ms. afterward printed in mr. sanborn's edition, in which he quoted the same passage from sir thomas browne, but without giving the author's name. a portion of the illus tration of the clarion and corselet is also found in the service. that this whole ralegh sketch was given as a winter lecture in the concord ly ceum is rendered probable by his speaking here of " waiting for warm weather," and of a winter campaign. if the records of that lyceum were complete we might find the very evening on which he read it there, not later, i am sure, than 1845. [f. b. sanborn.] [106] this book is due on the last date stamped below renewed books are subject to immediate recall library, university of california, davis book slip-35m-7,'62(d296s4)458 273352 thoreau, h.d. sir walter raleigh. call number: da86.22 r2 tii6 273852 ps 3053 a3 ait library of r> * vtc one hundred and fifty copies printed, no. henry d. thoreau, age 44. from an ambrotype by dunshee, of new bedford, mass., taken in august, 1861. thoreau died the following spring. . some unpublished letters of henry d. and sophia e. thoreau a chapter in the history of a still-born book ' ' he noblest lives and noblest dies who makes and keeps his self-made laws." the kasldah of haji abdu el-yezdl edited with a prefatory note by samuel arthur jones printed on the marion press m jamaica, queensborough, new-york 1899 libra university of califo2idj copyright, 1898, by samuel arthur jones. illustrations. opp. page henry d. thoreau, age 44 . title home of the thoreau family . 22 henry d. thoreau, age 39 . . 37 henry d. thoreau, age 37 . . 53 sophia e. thoreau 72 burial-plot of the thoreau family 80 from negatives by alfred w. hosmer, concord, mass. prefatory note. learning that thoreau had once a western correspondent, and knowing that these of his letters had not been published, it occurred to the slightly irascible and some what eccentric ex-professor that it were worth while to make search therefor: possibly that correspondence might be recovered. thoreau's cor respondent was found without diffi culty, an aged and venerable man, and to the great surprise of the ex-professor the holographs were transferred to his keeping, and are used by the present editor in prepar ing the text of this book. vii thoreau's letters are in themselves but a trifle, yet they give character istic glimpses of him; those of his sister reveal a phase of his character that is not so widely known as it de serves, and in justice to a dead man should be. the story of these simple letters is briefly as follows: george bipley's review of walden; or, life in the woods, led a distant reader to write to ticknor and company for a copy, the chief incitement being the liberal citations from the book itself. upon receiving the volume it was almost literally devoured; a somewhat pe culiar spiritual experience had pre pared the way for it with that remote reader; he then found it sweet in the mouth, and after forty years it has not proven bitter in the belly. viii of course the book had "found" its reader, as coleridge would say of such a divine conjunction, and like the famishing charity boy, that par ticular reader wanted "some more." that earnest man, reading walden, and one of the few of that day able to read it ' between the lines/ reading and pondering under the burr-oaks in the silence of the forest solitude, " felt like some watcher of the skies when a new planet swims into his ken." from the title-page of walden he learned that thoreau was also the author of another book, a week on the concord and merrimack rivers. failing to obtain a copy of this from the publishers of walden or any other rource then known to him, ix the seeker managed to get thoreau's address and made application directly to him ; and there the correspondence begins. thoreau and his western corre spondent never met, though at one point of the hopeless journey to min nesota in search of health one hour's ride would have brought them to gether; but the doomed pilgrim knew that he must speedily return to put his house in order, for he was not deceived in regard to his bodily con dition. "i think," he wrote to mr. ricketson, "that, on the whole, my health is better than when you were here ; but my faith in the doctors has not increased." the correspondence with sophia e. thoreau arose from a letter of condolence, on the death of her brother, written more than a month after that event. a subsequent visit to concord brought the distant mend and the thoreau survivors face to face : it was the res angustce domi alone that had prevented such a meeting with thoreau himself. the visitor from afar was tenderly re ceived by both the mourning mother and sister and thoreau's friends al cott and channing. before returning, the pilgrim was requested by both mrs. thoreau and sophia to select from the library of his departed friend some books for keepsakes. thus it came that both the ex-professor and the present editor saw and touched the very copy of lempriere's clas sical dictionary that had been tho reau's when he was an undergraduate in harvard college, the first fly leaf bearing the autograph: "d. h. thoreau." this is written in ink, xi while on the succeeding leaf is the pencilled inscription, "mr. . . . from s. e. thoreau." the book selected as a memento for the visitor's wife is an american edition of the specta tor, two volumes in one, philadel phia, 1832. on the title-page is an autograph, in a fine clerkly hand: " j. thoreau." it is the signature of thoreau's father, a man, according to one biographer, "who led a plodding, unambitious and respectable life in concord village." it is not men tioned whether he 'kept a gig'; but commend us always to the 'plodder' who, from his scanty means, provides his family book-shelf with a substan tially bound and well printed copy of the spectator. one can readily be lieve that such a man was respected, gigless though he be ; but few would have the hardihood to declare that a xii father who furnishes the spectator for his children's reading is 'unambi tious.' perhaps the highest ambition lies in a wise forecast that is not for one's self; "but brutus says he was (un) am bitious ; and brutus is an honorable man." the sterling native worth of tho reau's western correspondent was quickly discerned by not only tho reau's mother and sister: thoreau's friends recognized and honored it. the transparent-souled alcott was moved to the highest issues of friend ship, as sundry inscribed presentation copies of the writings of that belated platonist amply testify; and william ellery channing, the "man of genius, and of the moods that sometimes make 3 xiii genius an unhappy boon," was thawed into human warmth, as specially in scribed copies of his books perhaps the most elusive " first (and only that) editions" that ever mocked the book hunter's desire amply show, on those precious shelves, where the ex professor and the present editor saw them for the first and only time. one who has been allowed access to those richly laden shelves may be allowed, without violating the sanctity of hos pitality, to bear witness to the sim plicity, sincerity, and serenity invest ing the eventide of a true life with that ineffable splendor which has in it the soul's strongest assurance of a dayspring beyond the mists of life's mirage. the froude letter and that which authenticates it are not considered irrelevant. the english historian's xiv letter to the concord " loafer" is in troduced to show that although his first book was 'despised and rejected' of men, thoreau had the assurances that are always vouchsafed to the sol itary thinker, and these from sources so diverse as oxford university, just ly proud of the achievements of its scholars, and the primeval oak forest of a remote young state, a raw set tlement, as it had been called only fifty years before.* it is not whence the apprehension, the agreement, the assent; it is who agrees, assents, and by the cordial handgrasp conveys * "at ypsilanti i picked up an ann arbor newspaper. it was badly printed, but its con tents were good; and it could happen nowhere out of america that so raw a settlement as that at ann arbor, where there is difficulty in procuring decent accommodations, should have a newspaper." harriet martineau. society in america, xv to the solitary scholar, whose medi tations have disturbed mammon's market-place, the calm, unfaltering courage that is ever a marvel to the multitude, which quietly 'bears the fardels' of unthinking servitude. the difference between the fibre of a froude and a thoreau will be quickly distinguished by those who have read the exculpatory preface especially w r ritten for the second edi tion of froude's nemesis of faith. froude faced the angry storm of in censed detraction with the courage of a well-equipped scholar and the dig nity of a true gentleman; neverthe less he had made an ' explanation': not the whole world could have moved thoreau's lips to anything other than a smile of infinite commis eration; he would not have foregone a single furlong of his accustomed xvi 'walk'; he might indeed have whis pered to his own heart, " time cannot bend the line which truth hath writ." the present editor has assured himself that froude's presentation copy of his self-sacrificing nemesis of faith is to this day in emerson's library at the old home, but he has not been able to learn that froude also sent a copy to thoreau; so it is a safe inference that thoreau read emerson's. a phrase in froude's letter to thoreau shows conclusively that thoreau had learned of froude from emerson and that thoreau had read froude's ill-starred nemesis the "wild protest against all au thority, divine and human," as that gentlest of quakeresses, caroline fox, xvii terms it. froude writes this phrase within inverted commas: "not on ac count of his [emerson's] word, but because i myself have read and know you." this can refer only to a complimentary copy of a week on the concord and merrimack riv ers that had been previously sent to froude either by thoreau or their mutual friend emerson. thoreau himself has recorded that of his still-born book some ' seventy-five copies were given away.' froude's nemesis of faith could transmit no seismic tremors to the man who would have nothing be tween him and heaven not even a rafter. the blue dome with its in scrutable mystery: nothing must ob struct the soul's view of that! the chapter in thoreau's week en titled "sunday" could readily cany xviii to froude the assurance that possibly he, too, had "builded better than he knew," that very possibly the angry angli can hierarchy had merely mistaken a church colic for a universal cata clysm. these two recalcitrants never touched hands, albeit the ' steam bridges' were both commodious and convenient their perigeum occurred during froude's much later visit to emerson, and it was in sleepy hol low burying-ground ; but that peri helion was sadly incomplete : six feet of graveyard mould and death, the mystery of mysteries, intervened. for both of them now, no more of that mystery. oh, the boon of 'cross ing the bar'! xix a word in regard to the unusual manner in which the letters are pre sented to the reader. one with whom, of all men living, the present editor is best acquainted (an effete ex-professor, gouty, grouty, and gray headed) made these letters the sub ject of a lecture delivered in aid of a women's gymnasium ("more pow er to their elbows ! " said the ex-pro fessor) located it is not necessary to specify where. the text as written for that occasion has been followed : a convenience which all editors will fully appreciate. at the risk of marring the symmetry of the printed page the labor-saving editor will take the liberty of superposing such patches of his own plain homespun upon the ex-professor's tapestry as occasion seems to demand (though he may be tempted of the devil to xx take undue advantage of so rare an opportunity ) . being himself ' ' as mild a mannered man as ever cut a throat," he owes it to himself to gently but plainly deprecate the ex-professor's lapses into the sarcastic. both the editor and herr teufelsdrockh be lieve that sarcasm is the devil's patois. as that is perilous stuff, he '11 have none of it; the ex-professor must stand for his own petard: a proposition which he will be the last man to reject. the typewritten text of the ex professor's lecture is disfigured with pen-and-ink interlineations, and this is something so unusual that one who knows him so well as doth the editor could not resist the very natural curi osity which led to the asking for an explanation. this, as it fell from the ex-professor's lips, is too characteristic 4 xxi of him to be withheld; so it shall be shared with the reader though this complaisance involves the editor in not a little personal peril. be it known then, first of all, that the ex-professor himself takes tho reau very seriously ; does not by any possible interpretation consider him a " glittering generality," but rather a "blazing ubiquity" wherever and whenever the blunt, plain truth is needful which time and place he also believes is always and every where. perhaps an excerpt from the ex-professor's lecture on "thoreau" will best serve to show his attitude. (this lecture, it may be as well to add, was written for and delivered in a nameless territory where 'suc cess' is a matter of the bank-book rather than of that old-fashioned he brew book.) xxii "i am chiefly desirous of enforcing one consideration regarding this man thoreau, namely: that the brief epi sode in his life by which he is com monly known the shanty life at walden pond was not the vagary of an enthusiast. reared in a family to every member of which 'life was something more than a parade of pre tensions, a conflict of ambition or an incessant scramble for the common objects of desire/ thoreau never lost sight of the high ideal which inspired that humble household. "while yet an undergraduate he believed that the mere beauty of this world transcended far all the con venience to which luxury would de base it. he then thought 'the order of things should be somewhat re versed; the seventh should be man's day of toil,, wherein to earn his living xxiii by the sweat of his brow, and the other six his sabbath of the affections and the soul, in which to range this widespread garden, and drink in the soft influences and sublime revelations of nature.' "with darkened eyes milton dreamed of paradise lost; with an unfaltering trust in the beneficence of god thoreau went forth in the broad daylight to find it. who shall say of him that he failed of his quest; who shall declare to the struggling millions of earth's toilers that paradise is, in deed, irretrievably lost! "once before there came to the race a man wearing a garment of camel's hair, eating locusts and wild honey, and bearing a message: per haps this, too, is the veiled purpose of him who abode in that much-de rided shanty at walden pond. xxiv "do we not hear the sounds as of satanic revelry coming from high places in the land; is not every hreeze burdened with the muttered curses of ill-requited labor toiling for the task-masters until the sweat of the brow is that of a gethsemane which is only the devil's? "the message-bringer to the nine teenth century said: simplify your lives! it is indeed a simple message, but it is fraught with terrible mean ing for us all. if the foundations of this republic are to remain unshaken in the stress of the struggle that is even now looming darkly before us, it is the application, by all, of tho reau's teachings that will avert or mitigate the disaster; if the end is to be only ravined ruin, then will his memory live in literature as our everlasting reproach." xxv verily our ex-professor doth take thoreau seriously; but there are other matters that he takes as seri ously, namely, the misconceptions of thoreau by all and sundry inepti tudes; and on such occasions the ex professor certainly forgets the ameni ties but righteous wrath hath also its own peculiar amen! having said this much, it is due the reader that he should be allowed to get a glimpse of the ex-professor in a ' spate/ here is an instance from the same lecture : "now let us return to the shanty at walden pond wherein thoreau dwelt alone for some two and a half years, supporting himself solely by his own labor and living so 'close to the bone.' lowell has written that thoreau went there in the self-asser tive mood of a hermit whose seclusion is a declaration of his non-dependence xx vi upon civilization. 'his shanty life was a mere impossibility, so far as his own conception of it goes, as an entire independency of mankind. the tub of diogenes has a sounder bot tom. thoreau's experiment actually presupposed all that complicated civil ization which it theoretically abjured. he squatted upon another man's land; he borrows an axe; his boards, his nails, his bricks, his mortar, his books, his lamp, his fish-hooks, his plough, his hoe, all turn state's evidence against him as an accomplice in the sin of that artificial civilization which rendered it possible that such a per son as henry d. thoreau should ex ist at all.' i question whether in all the history of criticism a blinder mis conception can be found." [just here the ex-professor was xxvll evidently heated. he took the cus tomary sip of water with which the professional lecturer prepares his learned larynx for its next innings. having returned the handkerchief to the left hand coat-tail pocket, the ex-professor resumed.] "in the two royal-octavo volumes edited by professor norton, letters of james russell lowell, there is a photogravure showing the poet sit ting on the ground, by the bole of an ancient elm. his hat is off, his hair is parted in the middle (and this was fifty years ago!), his head is thrown forward so as to put his face in the most favorable position for pictorial effect; his whole attitude is of studied ease, and the hand nearest the spec tator is kid-gloved! oh, the signi ficance of that picture! posing under xxviii an elm in whose branches the robins had built their nests long before the norsemen's prow had grated upon the sands of the new england coast; the small birds singing around the petted poet, the fragrance of summer filling the air, the scented breeze toy ing with his curled locks, and he car rying into that sanctuary the kid glove of 'society 7 ! is this the man to comprehend the aim and purpose of thoreau, this leather and pru nella combination of 'civilization' and 6 culture ' ! "yes; i am aware that i am speaking of a dead man, of a man whose pig weighed more than he thought it would, if one may judge from the tone of his own early let ters; of one whose living tongue tasted the seducing sweetness of earthly fame; but there is another 5 xxix dead man, one who was called away 'in the midst of his broken task, which none else can finish,' and him the kid-gloved favorite of fame and fashion has flouted. there is a time for all things; a time for the sweet charity of silence, a time also for as serting the grandeur of simple and sincere manhood : brown-handed man hood that never saluted nature with a kid glove. de mortuis nil nisi bonum? yes; i'll stand by that sentiment; but it can also be read, de mortuis nil nisi verum : it is well also to stand by that! "it was thoreau's purpose at wai den pond to find out just how much of lowell's confessedly ' complicated civilization' was absolutely necessary in order that man's sojourn in nature might be as sane and serene as be came an immortal soul. did he not plainly write, 'i went to the woods because i wished to live deliberately, to front only the essential facts of life [kid gloves not being found in that inventory], and see if i could not learn what it had to teach, and not, when i came to die, discover that i had not lived. i did not wish to live what was not life, living is so dear; nor did i wish to practice resigna tion, unless it was quite necessary. i wanted to live deep and suck all the marrow out of life, to live so sturdily and spartan-like as to put to rout all that was not life, to cut a broad swath and shave close, to drive life into a corner, and reduce it to its lowest terms, and, if it proved to be mean, why then to get the whole and genuine meanness of it, and publish its meanness to the world; or if it were sublime, to know it by experi xxxi ence, and be able to give a true ac count of it in my next excursion/ "in my next excursion that jour ney made with closed eyes and folded hands; hands not kid-gloved; bare hands to lay hold on the realities be yond this vanity fair that we in our ignorance call 'life.' "of a truth, lowell, a clergyman's son, could not read the simple chart by which the son of the concord pencil-maker shaped his course amidst the sunken rocks of conventionality." but the ex-professor's foibles are making us forget the pen-and-ink in terlineations that are yet awaiting their explanations. "i did not imagine," said the ex professor on the morning after his lecture on the letters, "that any but xxxn sensible people would sit an hour to hear an old fellow talk about tho reau; but, sir, on going to the ap pointed place, i found myself, and most unexpectedly, facing a parlour full of frills and fine linen. an ex ceedingly well-dressed young man sat down at the piano, and he was im mediately joined by another even more extraordinarily arrayed. one played and the other warbled some thing in a tongue unknown to the builders of babel, 1 11 warrant. i have never in all my life felt so much out of place since the only woman to whom i ever proposed laughed outright in my face. but there was no escape ; i was fairly in for it, and i did some curious think ing whilst that nice young man was warbling. the music ceased, and there was a small storm of kid-gloved hand xxxiii clapping. that disconcerted me still more; for there was my audience applauding some artistic noise which i felt in my very bones they did not understand. i had to make peace with myself before i could begin with my exposition of the thoreau letters ; so i just told them right out what i had been thinking of whilst they were listening to that incompre hensible singing. i told them i had been thinking of the rude homeliness of that shanty at walden pond, and that my peculiar environment just then nearly paralyzed me, and only that i had the courage of my convic tions, i could not read the thoreau letters then and there. just then a distinguished-looking gentleman, with the greatest expanse of shirt-front i had ever seen during all my earthly career, adjusted an english monocle xxxiv to his right eye and politely stared at me. worse than all, it had not en tered my mind that i should have bought a pair of kid gloves for the occasion. "it is astonishing how much 'pun ishment 7 well-bred people will take fully as smilingly as do all the 'fancy'; but i held them down, sir, for a full hour of torment; and cer tainly some things got into the talk that were not in the text. the next day a friend, whose wife was present, told me that when she was putting on her cloak, behind a screen in the robing room, she heard one ultra fashionable lady say to another of the same species: "well, i never was bored so in all my life!" then i knew that i had scored a success. suppose i had talked down to the level of hei: comprehension!" xxxv the ex-professor thereupon filled his pipe; the present editor found himself filled with reflections of which there is no need to make farther mention. xxxvi some unpublished let ters of henry d. and sophia e. thoreau. some unpublished let ters op henry d. and sophia e. thoreau. the fboude episode. how strangely human lives are interlinked: the chain of in fluences beginning and ending how little we know where and when. at the first reading of emerson's each and all, who is not startled by the lines nor knowest thou what argument thy life to thy neighbor's creed hath lent. is not that enquiry a 'flash-light' for the soul? 3 into these mysterious relations and influences time and space enter not. far remote is the little monastery at zwolle, and five centuries have passed since the meekest of pietists put aside his pen, but if there is in this world to-day a spiritual influence of potent puissance it is thomas of kempen's imitatio christi. the serene monk has vanished, and only omniscience knoweth what argument his secluded life hath lent to the variant creeds of millions, who are now his 'neighbors' in that civitas dei the son of monica has made known to us. say you, all that was so long ago! well, would it lose anything of its mysteriousness if it were of this downright to-day? that which we call " to-day" also hath its mysteries, and not the least of them is this interlinking of our 4 lives through and by these occult influences. here we are gathered to-night, some five hundred and twenty years after the birth of thomas a kempis, avowing his influence upon our lives. he that was thomas a kempis had lain in his grave twenty-one years before the prow of the pinta was pointed towards the new world, yet here are we upon a beautiful pe ninsula "peninsulam amoenam " therein, and actually indebted to a lady now in italy, and whom it is little likely that any one of us hath ever met, indebted, i say, to this remote stranger for the privilege of reading a letter written fifty years ago, never yet published, and having an interesting bearing upon the mat ter that you have come together to hear about. " 145 via rasella, rome, dec'r 17, 1897. " really, there is not much to tell about the froude letter. miss sophia thoreau sent for me, a few weeks before her death, to give me some last instructions and to ask my assis tance in distributing personal things; and at the same time she gave me several letters for myself, among them this, knowing that i would value them as autographs. "my impression is that she feared people would think it too flattering, and for that or some other reason she did not at that time care to have it published. "she gave me other letters and manuscripts, requesting me to place them with my own hands in one of the trunks deposited in the concord 6 town library, which were to be passed on to mr. blake (i think that was his name); i mean thoreau's literary executor. had she wished this letter to be published she would undoubtedly have placed it with the manuscripts which i was to put in one of the boxes from which mr. blake was to select material for pub lication. "i once showed it to mr. emer son, who thought mr. blake should see it at once; but as it was given to me and not to him, and as i felt certain miss thoreau did not wish it published at that time, i did not act upon this advice. "i have often wondered why she did not put it with the papers which were to be placed in the box of man uscripts. her action was no doubt intentional, as we read the letter over 7 together about three weeks before her death : at the same time, i think there can be no harm in publishing it now." so far as pertains to our purpose to-night i might go on at once to the froude letter, but in so doing i should shirk a duty to the dead, for the discharging of which i am sure you will allow me a few moments. if you should open a certain life of thoreau you could read therein, "mrs. thoreau, with her sister lou isa, and her sisters-in-law, sarah, maria, and jane thoreau, took their share in the village bickerings"; and also that mrs. thoreau indulged in " sharp and sudden flashes of gossip and malice " : this and much else that is derogatory. now mrs. thoreau died in 1873, and yet, in 1897, and 8 so casually, the lady whose letter i am reading thus testifies to the high quality of the women of the thoreau family: "the women of the thoreau fam ily seem to me quite as remarkable as the men; and people who knew john thoreau considered him even cleverer and more promising than henry and greatly lamented his un timely death. certainly both helen, whom i never knew, and sophia, whom i knew well, were exception ally clever women. sophia was ex tremely witty, a brilliant conversa tionalist, and her love of nature made her the most delightful of companions for a ramble through the woods and meadows. " 'aunt maria' was, at the time i knew her, -a sweet, gentle old lady 6 9 who occasionally wrote me charm ing letters. mrs. thoreau, henry's mother, was full of kind feeling for everybody, and had a generous, help ful spirit. she was most kind to all the children of her acquaintance, often devising entertainments for them; and i still have a vivid re collection of the boxes of home-made sweets she used to send to me when i was away at school." are you quite ready to believe that "gossip and malice" could find an abiding place in such a heart as this? now have we reached the letter written when froude had burned his ships and was submitted to the slings and arrows of the " black dragoons" on whom john sterling had also turned his back. 10 manchester, september 3, 1849. dear mr. thoreau: i have long intended to write to you, to thank you for that noble ex pression of yourself you were good enough to send me. i know not why i have not done so; except from a foolish sense that i should not write until i had thought of something to say that it would be worth your while to read. what can i say to you except ex press the honour and the love i feel for you. an honour and a love which emerson taught me long ago to feel, but which i feel now l not on account of his word, but because i myself have read and know you.' when i think of what you are of what you have done as well as what you have written, i have the 11 right to tell you that there is no man living upon this earth at pres ent, whose friendship or whose notice i value more than yours. what are these words! yet i wish ed to say something and i must use words, though they serve but seldom in these days for much but lies. in your book and in one other from your side of the atlantic, "margaret" i see hope for the com ing world; all else which i have found true in any of our thinkers (or even yours] is their flat denial of what is false in the modern popular jargon but for their positive af firming side, they do but fling us back upon our own human nature to hold on by that with our own strength. a few men here and there do this as the later romans did but mankind cannot, and i have gone 12 , near to despair. i am growing not to despair, and i thank you for a helping hand. well, i must see you some time or other. it is not such a great mat ter with these steam bridges. i wish to shake hands with you and look a brave man in the face. in the mean time i will but congratulate you on the age in which your work is cast: the world has never seen one more pregnant. god bless you ! your friend (if you will let him call you so), j. a. froude. there is so much between the lines here that one must go back to the middle of the present century for a clue. in 1849 froude, then a fel low of exeter college, oxford, pub 13 lished a book the nemesis of faith which, immediately following in the wake of the "oxford movement," gave a disagreeable shock to angli can churchmen, lay and cleric. the scholarly fellow of exeter college had been coquetting with catholicism. he had managed to lose the faith of his fathers, but had utterly failed to find any surrogate ; before him surged a weltering waste, pitiless storm, and blinding darkness, and no place where on to plant his way-worn feet. the obnoxious book was burned in the quadrangle by the senior fel low of oriel college; u the old, fa miliar faces" either looked askance at the audacious doubter or were wholly averted; the quarterlies were flooded with condemnatory reviews, in which even lay journalism participated, and this in america as well as great 14 britain, and the author's every hope of place and preferment in the estab lished church perished beyond all expectation of resurrection: for him there was no "benefit of the clergy." it was a pitiful immolation, because a self-immolation. as carlyle grimly told froude he should have " burned his own smoke." the nemesis of faith is not a wholesome book to read, because it is not the doubt that is born of men tal and therefore spiritual health. one need only read froude's previ ous publication, the shadows of the clouds, to discover the morbid mind. the nemesis of faith is wholly de structive and in such high matters it is so fatally easy to destroy it has not the shadow of an endeavor to provide a shelter for the soul: that is left naked, houseless, and homeless to 15 the pitiless peltings of the storm of doubt and unbelief. it was a moral suicide in a moment of desperate aberration, a soul's tragedy. emerson knew some time before that something of this nature was im minent. he wrote in his journal for april, 1848: "i had an old invita tion from mr. clough, a fellow of oriel, and last week i had a new one from dr. daubeny, the botanical pro fessor. i went on thursday. i was housed close upon oriel, though not within it, but i lived altogether upon college hospitalities, dining at exeter college with palgrave, froude, and other fellows, and breakfasting next morning at oriel with clough, dr. daubeny, etc. they all showed me the kindest attentions, .... but, much more, they showed me them selves; who are so many of them 16 very earnest, faithful, affectionate, some of them highly gifted men; some of them, too, prepared to make great sacrifices for conscience's sake. froude is a noble youth to whom my heart warms; i shall soon see him again. truly i became fond of these monks of oxford." evidently there was one man in america to whom the devastating nemesis of faith did not come as a surprise. of course thoreau learned of froude from emerson's lips, and read emerson's copy of that " incen diary" book. that thoreau should send froude a copy of his own first book then falling still-born from munroe's press was only natural, considering the downrightness of that chapter in the work fancifully termed "sunday." froude's letter to thoreau c 17 is the acknowledgment of the gift, and what an acknowledgment: "i have a right to tell you that there is no man living upon this earth at present, whose friendship or whose notice i value more than yours." these men had so much in com mon. thoreau also had forsaken the faith of his fathers; but a serener 'pagan' never shattered the shrines of the saints. he could say, as an other of our latter-day renunciants has said, "i need no assurances, i am a man who is preoccupied of his own soul." thoreau was too solidly self-centred to need assurances; yet he had be come an author, and, being flesh and blood, his heart went out to his book as doth a mother's to her first-born. but howsoever interpenetrated by a conviction, howsoever possessed by 18 % it, howsoever driven by it, even to the forsaking of all that makes life dear, howsoever swerveless and in domitable in service thereto, never theless the solitary thinker becomes as an armed host so soon as his con viction is shared by another. "i have gone near to despair. i am growing not to despair, and i thank you for a helping hand." such is the assurance that this long-hidden letter earned to thoreau. his still-born book had found one fellow-man who believed it. one can readily imagine thoreau reading that old letter in the leafy solitude of walden woods, and the thought of his heart is written upon his sunburnt face: "my book may be a sealed volume to the multitude, ' caviare to the general/ but here is one to whom it is intelligible, speak ing audibly to the soul of him. it is 19 enough if the book were written for him alone: is not every true book written for only him who can under stand its message?" froude had written, " i congratulate you on the age in which your work is cast." never did any compliment go farther astray. thoreau had been obliged to publish at his own risk, and he had gone deeply into debt for the edition of one thousand volumes. little heed did the 'age' take of his 'cast.' four years after the date of froude's assuring letter, thoreau wrote in his journal: "for a year or two past my publisher, falsely so called, has been writing from time to time to ask what disposition should be made of the copies of a week on the concord and merrimack rivers still on hand, and at last suggesting 20 '* that he had use for the room they oc cupied in his cellar. so i had them all sent to me here, and they have arrived to-day hy express, filling the man's wagon, 706 copies out of an edition of 1000, which i bought of munroe four years ago, and have been ever since paying for and have not quite paid for yet. the wares are sent to me at last, and i have an opportunity to examine my purchase. they are something more substantial than fame, as my back knows, which has borne them up two flights of stairs to a place similar to that to which they trace their origin. of the remaining 290 and odd, 75 were given away, the rest sold. i now have a library of nearly 900 volumes, over 700 of which i wrote myself. is it not well that the author should behold the fruits of his labor? my 21 works are piled up on one side of my chamber as high as my head, my opera omnia. this is authorship, these are the works of my brain. there was just one piece of good luck in the venture. the unbound copies were tied up by the printer four years ago in stout paper wrap pers, and inscribed: h. d. thoreau, concord river, 50 cops. so munroe had only to cross out "river" and write "mass.," and de liver them to the express-man at once. i can now see what i write for, the result of my labors. never theless in spite of this result, sitting beside the inert mass of my works, i take up my pen to-night to record 22 g w a 2 p^ cd ct5* =" 5 s' o & ^ cd w cd 5 r 3 p g g ^ cd hi. ir^ 1139 mrs ? ^ cd o % what thought or experience i may have had, with as much satisfaction as ever. indeed i believe that the result is more inspiring and better for me than if a thousand had bought my wares. it affects my privacy less and leaves me freer." from all that i can learn of tho reau, i find no reason to doubt the sincerity of this imperturbability. i believed it to be sincere before i knew of the froude letter; i am as sured of it now that i have read it. such are the secret sustainments of the thinker, and such sustainments should be and ever will be vouch safed; for is not he who brings a message to men an ambassador from the most high, and do not even the ravens feed such ministers plenipo tentiary? 23 the assurance of the fellow of exeter college was grateful to the graduate of harvard; but belief is not the accident of a diploma or the prerogative of the aristocracy of let ters. thoreau was to have another assurance, dearer no doubt to him be cause its source was so much nearer the soil. 24 ii. the beothee and sistee. in one of the quietest of american villages there dwelt an earnest reader of the weekly tribune in the days when horace greeley was at his best. in one issue thereof he found george ripley's review of thoreau's second book, walden, or, life in the woods. the reviewer had made many lengthy citations from this most awakening work, and the reading of these set aflame the heart of the distant reader. he wrote to the publishers for and ob tained a copy. from the title-page of walden he learned that thoreau was also the author of another book, the still-born week on the concord d 25 and merrimack rivers. this parti cular work the michigan man soon found that he could not get from the publishers of walden, nor could they inform him where it might be had, so utterly had munroe's publication dis appeared from the market. but the tang of walden had " touched the spot" and the hungry man was ra venous for a taste of the week. he had to write to thoreau himself ask ing where that book could be bought; and thus began the correspondence, which i shall read with whatever of explanation i may be able to give. please bear in mind the situation: piled up in that garret-chamber, 'as high as my head,' are the seven hun dred rejected books cast into the "age" and by it most unmistakably cast out. four years had they lain in munroe's cellar, more than once 26 had he tried to get rid of them, and at last had 'suggested 7 that while there appeared to be no earthly use for them, he, james munroe, 'had use for the room they occupied in his cel lar.' for two years and two months had they found friendly shelter in the garret of john thoreau. behold ! an enthusiastic letter from a distant stran ger; one man who will not rest until he has read the ignored week. ob serve, if you please, the quiet calm of thoreau's reply. concord, jan. isth, 1856. dear sir: i am glad to hear that my " wai den" has interested you that per chance it holds some truth still as far off as michigan. i thank you for your note. the " week" had so poor a pub 27 usher that it is quite uncertain whe ther you will find it in any shop. i am not sure but authors must turn booksellers themselves. the price is $ 1.25. if you care enough for it to send me that sum by mail (stamps will do for change), i will forward you a copy by the same conveyance. as for the "more" that is to come, i cannot speak definitely at present, but i trust that the mine be it silver or lead is not yet exhausted. at any rate, i shall be encouraged by the fact that you are interested in its yield. yours respectfully, henry d. thoreau. ["so poor a publisher," indeed. it was this same james munroe that published emerson's nature; and it took him twelve years to sell an edi tion of five hundred copies. verily, 28 " authors must turn booksellers them selves." "the price is $1.25." a copy of the first edition of thoreau's week for one dollar and twenty-five cents! go to, thou author-bookseller, thou art not up to the trade values of books! every one of the very vol umes that james munroe had no 'room' for, now finds warm welcome to the selectest of private libraries at eighteen dollars a copy! if the reader wishes to recognize those cop ies which were bought from thoreau himself he will turn to page 396. on the bottom margin he will find six lines written in pencil and by tho reau himself: the addition being so much of the original text as was overlooked by the compositor. ed.] it is hardly fair that i should go any fartheruntil i have told you 29 some little about thoreau's michi gan correspondent. he was born in 1817, the same year as thoreau, and was once a student at oberlin, ohio. "they wanted to make a ' preacher' of me," said he quickly adding in the manner of one who has just missed a peril, "gracious! i had a narrow escape." in fact, my aged friend has all the qualifications for thoreau's 'sunday school.' pity it is, but his 'doxy is not orthodoxy be cause it is n't your 'doxy. his is the doubt that is born of the supremest humility. pew indeed are they that understand it ; but it matters not. whosoever has read walden will readily understand what that book had in it for the "wandering sheep" that had escaped from the oberlin fold; they will as readily imagine with what haste he forwarded the 30 one dollar and a quarter for a copy of the week. concord, feb. 10, '56. dear sir: i forwarded to you by mail on the 31st of january a copy of my " week" post paid, which i trust that you have received. i thank you heartily for the expression of your interest in " walden" and hope that you will not be disappointed by the " week" you ask how the former has been received. it has found an audience of excellent character, and quite numerous, some 2000 copies having been dispersed. i should con sider it a greater success to interest one wise and earnest soul, than a million unwise and frivolous. you may rely on it that you have the best of me in my books, and that 31 / am not worth seeing personally, the stuttering, blundering clod-hopper that i am. even poetry, you know, is in one sense an infinite brag and exaggeration. not that i do not stand on all that i have written but what am i to the truth i feebly utter! i like the name of your county may it grow men as sturdy as its trees. methinks i hear your flute echo amid the oaks. is not yours, too, a good place to study theology? i hope that you will erelong recover your turtle-dove, and that it may bring you glad tidings out of that heaven in which it disappeared. yours sincerely, henry d. thoreau. ["i am not sure but authors must turn booksellers themselves." indeed! 32 "i should consider it a greater success to interest one wise and earnest soul than a million unwise and frivolous!" no wonder that james munroe had not cellar-room for the books of such a "stuttering, blundering clod-hop per." ed.] after reading the week the michi gan man wished to share the good tid ings of great joy with others. there was a distant relation, an upright member of an orthodox sect; he must have a copy of the week: it may show him how fast asleep he is! the book was mailed to the somnolent saint from thoreau direct; but it had been as well to have sent a copy of eliots indian bible. my aged friend chuckles when he tells you that this very copy of the week was subsequently borrowed by 6 33 a presbyterian preacher and never returned! on the same occasion a copy of both walden and the week were ordered for a brother in california. these arrived safely; and they were read and pondered under the shade of the great sequoias, in the silence of the forest primeval. both author and reader are long since where no shadows cloud the page. in the lu men siccum of eternity the thinker has learned "what argument his life to his brother's creed had lent." concord, may 31st, '56. dear sir: i forwarded by mail a copy of my " week" post paid to . . . . , accord ing to your order, about ten days ago, or on the receit [sic] of your note. i will obtain and forward a copy 34 ' of " walden " and also of the " week" to california, to your order, post paid, for $2.60. the postage will be between 60 and 70 cents. i thank you heartily for your kind intentions respecting me. the west has many attractions for me, parti cularly the lake country and the in dians, yet i do foresee what my en gagements may be in the fall. i have once or twice came near going west a-lecturing, and perhaps some winter may bring me into your neigh borhood : in which case i should probably see you. yet lecturing has commonly proved so foreign and irk some to me, that i think i could only use it to acquire the means with which to make an independent tour another time. as for my pen, i can say that it is not altogether idle, though i have 35 finished nothing new in the book form. i am drawing a rather long bow, though it may be a feeble one, but i pray that the archer may re ceive new strength before the arrow is shot. with many thanks, yours truly, henry d. thoreau. when forwarding the money for the last books ordered, a likeness of thoreau was solicited, and having learned in some way that thoreau was "poor," a five-dollar bill was enclosed in payment for the books and the desired picture, and it was requested that thoreau should keep the balance "for his trouble." the reply to this kindly device is charac teristic. 36 henry d. thoreau, age 39. from a daguerreotype by b. d. maxham, of "worcester, mass., taken in 1856. concord, saturday, june 2lst, '56. dear sir: on the 12 ult. i forwarded the two books to california, observing your directions in every particular, and i trust that uncle sam will dis charge his duty faithfully. while in worcester this week i obtained the accompanying daguerreotype which my friends think is pretty good though better looking than i. books and postage . . $2.64 daguerreotype ... .50 postage .... .16 3.30 500 3 30 you will accordingly find 1 70 enclosed with my shadow. yrs henry d. thoreau. 37 thoreau had a poor throat for charity soup, no matter how taste fully it had been flavored. " books and postage, $2.64; daguerreotype and its postage, .66; total, $3.30. balance due you $1.70, and you will accordingly find $1.70 enclosed with my shadow." this holograph pre sents the poorest chirography of them all, the signature differing markedly from all the others. yes, there was a shadow on his face when he wrote, for this is the only letter signed, curtly enough, "yrs." instead of the accustomed "yours truly" or "sin cerely." a little matter, do you say? pre cisely ; but did it never occur to you that the significances of life are in just its "little matters"? it is what we do and how, when not the great world is the spectator, but when the 38 self is alone with the selfhood; then the undertone of character is heard, the 'still small voice' speaking audi bly to the soul above all the roaring din of the mighty babylon of which so many of us are in such cowardly dread. that now aged man with whom thoreau was then corresponding is indeed a most remarkable man. but i question if he is at all adapted for the latitude and longitude of [the editor takes the liberty of sup pressing the name.] no; we are like the baltimore oysters labelled "extra selects." we should only mortify in a can of common oysters; so we have an uncommon can of our own. the name, it is true, isn't 'blown in the bottle'; but it is stamped on our "tin." i do not believe we would allow such an one as thoreau's corre 39 spondent in our select can ; nor do i believe thoreau would have written a line to an "extra select." how ever, this sterling man, who owes little to the school and less to the college, had vouchsafed unto him the divine gift of insight. he is one of that rare few who are endowed with prescient foresight; most of us have only a purblind hindsight. we see the landscapes of life only after they have been passed, we discern the great ones of life only after they are dead we are the "extra selects"! [the editor is utterly unable to ac count for this rude and wholly un warrantable outburst. not a city of its size contains more people that are 'nice to know'; not any the largest city outdoes it in culture and elegant refinement the ex-professor was 40 recently asked if he did not mean that we are the " extra elects." his reply is not adapted for polite ears. though it may cost him the friend ship of the ex-professor, the editor trusts that he, at least, has done his duty to society.] thoreau's meaning in this universe is no more a secret to this untutored man dwelling in remote michigan than it was to the learned fellow of exeter college or to that graduate of harvard who pitched his tent in con cord and taught america to think. can you imagine what it implies to have "discovered" thoreau in those early days; or do you imagine that nature's "extra selects" are marked with a stencil-plate? try and im agine what a consuming fervor is enkindled when a true book is speak / 41 ing to the soul of a man his heart with hero-worship all aflame. if you have been capable of doing this, then you can conceive what fervid letters were sent, in those earlier days, from one earnest man in the distant west to that imperturbable and self-pos sessed man in "old concord," and that conception will invest the next of thoreau's letters with something deeper than the mere surface-reading shows. concord, july 8th, '57. dear sir: you are right in supposing that i have not been westward. i am very little of a traveller. i am gratified to hear of the interest you take in my books; it is additional encourage ment to write more of them. though 42 my pen is not idle, i have not pub lished anything for a couple of years at least. i like a private life, and cannot bear to have the public in my mind. you will excuse me for not re sponding more heartily to your notes, since i realize what an interval there always is between the actual and im agined author and feel that it would not be just for me to appropriate the sympathy and good will of my un seen readers. nevertheless, i should like to meet you, and if i ever come into your neighborhood shall endeavor to do so. can't you tell the world of your life also? then i shall know you, at least as well as you me. yours truly, henry d. thoreau. 43 they never met in the flesh ; but there is an old man in the west pa tiently waiting for a meeting where heart answers unto heart as face unto face in the refiner's silver. an unbroken silence of more than two years followed this last letter. in the interval america was preparing to make history; chapters that should be written with her best blood and the first page with that of a hero a man in whom was incarnated the high purpose of the lord god om nipotent. there, in virginia, captain john brown lay captive, " wounded and in prison." even an abolition paper called him a ' madman' for that which he had tried to do. the doughfaces of the north sweat clam mily; the " friends of the union" trembled for the safety of that fabric ; 44 universal consternation petrified the people. in that supreme moment a single voice was lifted up in the vestry-room of the little church in concord wherein the first american congress had held solemn delibera tions. it was a voice that spake un der a protest in which joined alike whig, democrat, and abolitionist. "that speech should not be uttered; it is unwise, injudicious; it will do more harm than good," etc., etc. "i did not send to you for advice, but to announce that i am to speak" and speak he did. it was sunday even ing, the thirtieth of october. the very next evening that intrepid voice was heard again, in tremont temple, and yet again in worcester on the wednesday following. it was the voice of one man; one man in fifty millions having the courage of his 45 convictions; one man god-appointed to show a nation its way as the dark ness was gathering around it and not a politician had the courage to strike a match to light the flickering tallow-dip of policy. the western man read accounts of this one fearless voice, and wrote to thoreau asking for the words he alone had dared to speak. concord, nov. 24th, '59. dear sir: the lectures which you refer to were reported in the newspapers, after a fashion. the last one in some half dozen of them, and if i possessed one, or all, i would send them to you, bad as they are. the best, or at least longest one of the boston lecture was in the boston "atlas and bee" of nov. 2nd. may be 46 half the whole [speech]. there were others in the " traveller," the " jour nal," (fee., of the same date. i am glad to know that you are interested to see my things, and i wish i had them in printed form to send to you. i exerted myself con siderably to get the last discourse printed and sold for the benefit of browrfs family but the publishers are afraid of pamphlets, and it is now too late. i return the stamps which i have not used. i shall be glad to see you if i ever come your way. yours truly, henry d. thoreau. this holograph is very striking in its mute significance. the words seemed to leap from thoreau's pen. 47 in fifteen different instances two words are written without taking the pen from the paper, in eight others three are thus continuously written, and in one line there are four impe tuously chained together. there is nothing of this in the other five holographs. but, curiously, the sig nature to this last is the largest, bold est, clearest, and by far the best of them all. it reminds one of john hancock's sign-manual on the de claration of independence. surely, massachusetts writes a fine hand on occasion ! there remained for thoreau only two years and a half of his lehrjahre: then he was " translated." trans lated? do they not say that of a bishop when he is exalted? even so; but is not thoreau also a " bishop of souls"? there is now no obscur 48 ing rafter between him and the un speakable one who clothed him in clay that he might do his appointed work in the universe this little world his seed-field. yes, it is the right word; it is his sorrowing sis ter's word. he was "translated" one beautiful spring morning. it was on the sixth of may, 1862. and now that sister is the concord correspondent of him who long had waited and hoped for thoreau to "come this way." concord, june 24th, 1862. dear sir: it gives me pleasure to acknow ledge your note of the 18th itistant, and i desire to thank you for the very friendly sympathy which you have manifested for us in this season of sorrow and affliction, g 49 my mother and myself are the only surviving members of a fam ily once numbering six. my elder brother, for whom you enquire, died twenty years ago, next a precious sister was called, and three years since my dear father left us. my brother henry's illness com menced a year ago last december. during seventeen months never a murmur escaped him. i wish that i could describe the wonderful sim plicity and child-like trust with which he accepted every experience. as he said, "he never met with a disappointment in his life, because he always arranged so as to avoid it." "he learned when he was a very little boy that he must die, and of course he was not disappointed when his time came." indeed we cannot 50 fed that lie has died, but rather [has] been translated. on one occasion he remarked to me that he considered perfect disease as agreeable as perfect health, since the mind always conformed to the condition of the body. i never knew any one who set so great a value on time as did my brother; he continued to busy him self all through his sickness, and dur ing the last few months of his life he edited many papers for the press, and he did not cease to call for his manuscripts till the last day of his life.* while we suffer an irreparable loss in the departure of my most * " no man ever lived who paid more ardent and unselfish attention to his business." john weiss. 51 gifted brother, still we are comforted and cheered by the memory of his pure and virtuous soul; and it is a great consolation to know that he possessed a spirit so attuned to the beauties and harmonies of nature that the color of the sky, the fra grance of the flowers and the music of the birds ministered unceasingly to his pleasure. he was the hap piest of mortals. this world a par adise. " where there is knowledge, where there is virtue, where there is beauty, where there is progress, there is now his home" you ask the name of my brother's traveling companion. mr. . . . , a near neighbor and intimate friend, most frequently accompanied him in his walks. in the lines on page twenty-second of "the week" you 52 henry d. thoreau, age 37. from a crayon portrait drawn in 1854 by samuel w. rowse. the original is in the concord free library. will find a reference to this same friend. mr. . . . wrote the lines sung at my brother's funeral. so sincere is his friendship for henry, that, i doubt not, any token of esteem you may bestow for his sake, upon him, will be acceptable. within a few weeks we have had some photographs taken from a crayon portrait of my brother. the crayon drawing was made two years before henry sent you his dauguer reotype. will you accept the inclosed picture? his friends all consider it an excellent likeness. my mother unites with me in very kind regards to yourself. it would afford us plea sure to see you at any time. concord is the home of many worthies, em erson, alcott, hawthorne, channing, &c., all valued friends of my brother. 53 / trust that you may be attracted to this neighborhood. yours very truly, s. e. thoreau. p. s. i received, by to-day's mail, a very appreciative notice of my brother from the pen of storrow higginson, formerly a pupil in mr. sanborn's school. i think the article would interest you. it is contained in the may number of the u harvard magazine." in the "atlantic month ly" for august you may look for a memorial by mr. emerson. "he considered perfect disease as agreeable as perfect health, since the mind always conformed to the condi tion of the body." where is there a more memorable observation? one month before, sophia had written to mr. ricketson: "you ask me for 54 some particulars regarding henry's illness. i feel like saying that henry was never affected, never reached by it. i never saw such a manifestation of the power of spirit over matter. very often i have heard him tell his visitors that he enjoyed existence as much as ever. he remarked to me that there was as much comfort in perfect disease as in perfect health, the mind always conforming to the condition of the body." there is the difference of a single word in these two statements: " com fort" in one letter, " agreeable" in the other. if the sentiment had been "cooked" for dramatic effect, there would not have been the shadow of a variation. of all writers, thoreau is he whom we must read believingly. indeed, he had long before left evidence of 55 the unimpeachable truthfulness of this remarkable death-bed declaration. "i am confined to the house by bronchitis, and so seek to content myself with that quiet and serene life there is in a warm corner by the fireside, and see the sky through the chimney-top. sickness should not be allowed to extend farther than the body. we need only retreat far ther within us, to preserve uninter rupted the continuity of serene hours to the end of our lives. as soon as i find my chest is not of tempered steel and my heart of adamant, i bid goodby to them and look out for a new nature. i will be liable to no acci dents." journal, feuy 14th, 1841. twenty-two years later, brought to the supreme test, he proved the 56 genuineness of his philosophy. he takes his place beside socrates, epic tetus, marcus aurelius: "a soul supreme, in each hard instance tried." the crayon portrait now in the concord free library was drawn by samuel worcester rowse, and may safely be accepted as 'an excel lent likeness' of thoreau without a beard. writing from england to professor norton, the poet clough bears this testimony to the fidelity of eowse's crayons: "child brought me your present of emerson's picture, which is really, i think, the best por trait of any living and known-to-me man that i have ever seen. it is a great pleasure to possess it." one year later, he had not changed his h 57 mind: "when is rowse coming over? will you give him a letter to me? i continue to think his picture of emerson the best portrait i know of anyone i know." sophia thoreau's letter was writ ten seven weeks after her brother's death, the fresh wound still bleed ing. poor, stricken, lonely sister! bereaved of such a brother, mourn ing for the 'irreparable loss/ yet prouder of her brother dead than of the countless carcases strutting in the sunlight and kept from stinking on ly by the cheap salt of civilization. poor sophia! she was quoting from her recollections of that beautiful spring day when emerson spoke the eulogy over her brother's coffin. but, pardonably enough, she had mis quoted. emerson had said : " his soul was made for the noblest society; he 58 had in a short time exhausted the capabilities of this world; wherever there is knowledge, wherever there is virtue, wherever there is beauty, he will find a home." he also said: "the scale on which his studies pro ceeded was so large as to require longevity, and we were the less pre pared for his sudden disappearance. the country knows not yet, or in the least part, how great a son it has lost. it seems an injury that he should leave in the midst of his broken task, which none else can finish, a kind of indignity to so noble a soul that it should depart out of nature before yet he has been shown to his peers for what he is. but he, at least, is content." my friends, having the clear testimony of his sister's letter and also emerson's confirmation of tho 59 reau's deep * content/ can we not say with that sister, "of course he was not disappointed when his time came." but, can such a life be in any sense a failure, in any sense be incomplete ; is an early home-call an * injury'; is it indeed an ' indignity' to be summoned from this pitiful vanity fair by the master of the vineyard? concord, oct. 20, 1862. dear friend: absence from home together with illness must be my apology for not before acknowledging your last kind letter. certainly it will give me much pleasure to present the walking-cane which you propose to send to mr. . . . . , who feels keenly the depar 60 ture of my precious brother, and who will value any token of friendship shown to his memory. i am very glad that you have seen higginson's article. it was an out burst of affection from his young heart which gratified me much. i was fortunate lately in receiving from mr. emerson a specimen of the " edelweisse" gnaphalium leonto podium, which was sent to him by a friend who brought the plant from tyrol. how i wish dear henry could have seen it. i can never tell you how much i enjoyed copying and reading aloud my brother's manuscripts last winter when he was preparing them for the press. the paragraph which you quote from the essay on " walking" impressed and charmed me particu larly, i remember; and i am glad 61 to hear you express your satisfaction in regard to the whole article. i doubt not that ere this you have enjoyed the paper on "autumnal tints." i am sure that my dear brother went to his grave as grace fully as the leaves in autumn. [ the poor sister means, as undisturbedly as the leaf flashes into all the gleaming glory of the rainbow and silently obeys the divine behest that ordains its death when autumn winds grow chill.] oh! that you could have known him personally: he was wonderfully gifted in conversation. [aye; and now there is only silence and the patient waiting for the gra cious manumission of death!] thank you for the hints relating to yourself and family. what you say about enjoying the days as if they were made expressly for your 62 self denotes a spirit of rare content ment, which i am happy to know you possess. my mother joins with me in kind regards to yourself and family. trusting to see you at some future time, i remain, very truly yours, s. e. thoreau. there has been no abatement in that 'spirit of rare contentment.' that quiet home in the west is radiant therewith, as i can testify. cheerful and serene, the old-time friend of thoreau and " mother" are meekly waiting, " their faces shining with the light of duties beautifully done." 63 concord, march 4th, 1863. dear friend: i am happy to inform you of the safe arrival of the cane. the pack age reached me last evening. it was with mingled feelings of pleasure and pain that i looked on this gift a rare instance of friend ship, most worthily bestowed. i handed the cane at once to mr. . . . . , who expressed great satis faction. the article is very chaste and beautiful. i should like to know the name of the wood. allow me to thank you for this token; it would have been fully ap preciated by my departed brother. mr will communicate with you. [which he certainly did and after the manner of his species.] 64 it may interest you to know that our afflictions have been heightened by an accident which happened to my dear mother, early in the season: she fell down a long staircase, breaking her right arm and other wise seriously injuring herself. now, however, she is slowly recovering, and joins with me in very kind re membrances to yourself and family. yours truly, 8. e. thoreau. "allow me to thank you." the italics are in the original. "mr. . . . will communicate with you" though in what manner this deponent saith not. this is the meaning of the itali cised "me." well, here is the t com munication' from the recipient of a most unique cane, originally designed i 65 for thoreau himself, but arriving from distant california too late. concord, march 4, 1863. dear sir: the cane arrived at this place last evening and was delivered to me, in perfect order. x. y. z. i have in my keeping the very express-receipt that was issued to the donor of the cane, and it contains just as much pathos as the recipient's " communication" and not an iota less! this cold-storage 'communica tion' of mr. x. y. z. is sui generis and yet we are told that only the amphibia have oval blood-corpuscles. the cane was of manzanita wood, the handle was made from a buffalo horn, and the silver mountings were 66 engraved with appropriate quotations from thoreau's writings. it was a pious thank-offering from the two brothers one in the far west and the other in california; but death was swifter than friendship, and the belated tribute was given to the dead man's dearest friend. x. y. z.'s note let contains just sixteen words, not one of which will spell "thanks"; but there are two and one-half pages of " complementary mottoes," nine teen in all: as if this grateful friend of thoreau had said, "two can play at that game!" verily, we are "fear fully and wonderfully made." i hold in my hand sophia tho reau's last letter to the western man. her mother had died, the broken home had become to the solitary mourner as a grave ; its every room was haunted by the "old familiar 67 faces," but the dear lips are silent and that is the silence that kills. concord, may 24th, 1873. dear mr : after several weeks 9 absence, i re turned yesterday to concord, to find the volume of poems you had so kindly forwarded, and without stop ping to cut the leaves i hasten to thank you most heartily for this friendly remembrance. just now i am about to leave concord, and shall make my home in bangor, maine. mr. f. b. san born' s family will occupy my house. perhaps you are aware that my precious mother departed a year since. you will be interested to know that mr. channing has written a memoir of my brother, which will soon appear. 68 mr. x. y. z. is as whimsical as ever not calling at my house or recognizing me on the street for the past six years. we are looking for mr. emer son's return [from europe] and the town will give him a cordial recep tion. i hope you may see our village again: its charms increase from year to year. i promise myself much pleasure in the poems when a little leisure is af forded me. please excuse this hasty note and believe me, yours truly, 8. e. thoreau. twelve days after the burial of her brother henry, sophia thoreau wrote to mr. daniel ricketson: "profound joy mingles with my grief. i feel as 69 if something beautiful had happened not death." and something beautiful had in deed happened another of the countless miracles that surround us here: a soul leveling this lift that it may go on to a higher; a soul that also had for its last countersign the " j5quanimitas" of the dying roman emperor; a soul that found 'per fect disease as agreeable as perfect health'; a soul to which this world was a paradise a " paradise re gained" by the clear sanity of su preme submission to the maker; a soul that at the home-call left the only paradise it had ever seen and the purest delights that mere man can ever know, left all as serenely and grandly as the setting sun sinks through the purple glory whose last refulgence gives the promise of another day. 70 sophia thoreau bade farewell to the " charming village" wherein she had known the unspeakable delight of companionship with such a brother and also the unutterable pang of part ing which that i something beautiful' we call 'death' entails. think of her loneliness, of her last visit to that quiet hilltop in sleepy hollow: fa ther, mother, sister, and brothers there; she the last lone lingerer here. she was in bangor two short years, and then " something beauti ful" happened again: a family re union where the amaranth forever blooms, where there is no night, where never a tear is known save those of that divine compassion which is "touched with the feeling of our infirmities." 71 sophia e. thoreau. from a daguerreotype found among her effects after her death. heretofore unpublished. appendix. two visits to concord, mass. from an old diary. sept. 1st, 1863. arrived at concord about 5 p. m. stopped at the middlesex house. soon after, went across the way to a book store and bought a copy of the " boston com monwealth." on the first page found tho reau's poem "the departure," in this roadstead i have ridden. this is the first publication of it. i accepted it as a sort of introduction meant for me. this [place] appears like a quite orderly, staid new england town and somewhat re minds me of oberlin, ohio, twenty years ago. somehow, i feel a singular contentedness and as if my good genius had, for the time, got the upper hand of all obstacles and alone presided. in the morning, if my health will permit, intend viewing some scenes and places more dear to me than i can well tell. 73 sept. 2nd. after breakfast went into the "old" and also the "new" burying ground; then to the new cemetery "sleepy hollow." the ground is rolling and finely shaded with pines and oaks. did not find what i was in pursuit of. enquired of a man at work there where the thoreaus' burying place was. he said, "at the new grounds." i also asked if i pronounced the name thoreau right. went to the place specified and found one grave with headstone marked, "john thoreau, jr.," and another near by newer and unmarked. then left for the walden woods by the old lincoln road. found the pond, beanfield and site of thoreau's house. the beanfield is now growing trees, pine, birch, etc., in rows, quin cunx order a fine sight! p. m. to the old battle-ground back of the old manse. found two other men there, visitors like myself. one of them read off the inscriptions on the monument in a clear, loud tone of voice, bordering somewhat on the pompous. after supper at the hotel, called upon the thoreaus, mother and sister. found them rather expecting me. was made quite wel come and urgently requested to get my things from the hotel and stop with them did so. they are decidedly bright-appearing women 74 the mother, i should say, about sixty-five, the daughter [sophia] forty. the conversa tion drifted readily to [the subject of] the son and brother. mr. x. called and planned a walk for both of us to-morrow. found him sociable and attentive. during the evening more talk about thoreau's last illness. his mother said: "why, this room [their parlor] did not seem like a sick-room. my son wanted flowers and pictures and books all around here 5 and he was always so cheerful and wished others to be so while about him. and during the nights he wanted the lamp set on the floor and some chairs put around it so that in his sleepless hours he could amuse himself with watching the shadows." sept. 4. fitful sleeping last night: too full of thinking. this a. m. called upon alcott with miss thoreau. had a fine interview with him. he talked about carlyle, tho reau, books, his own experience, etc. i did not see his daughter louise. she had just come back from the army hospital at wash ington j had lost part of her hair and so was unpresentable. this p. m., x. y. z. and i took our walk. went off to the s. w. of the village (on 'the old marlborough road/ i think) and finally struck concord river in a curve where x. said 75 he and thoreau used to go in bathing. x. wanted me to repeat that performance with him; i let him go in, while i took notes. the opposite and sunward bank is lined with a thick growth of evergreens which cast their dark shadow into the water below. the faint ripple on its surface gave the view the appear ance of an inverted forest seen through a huge sheet of frosted glass. from here we went up on to the concord cliffs. x. showed me the hollowell place, baker farm, and the house where john field the irishman once lived. thence to walden pond through a growth of young timber, where x. showed me a patch, a rod or so square, of "american yew" [taxus canadensis] which, he said, thoreau was very partial to, not showing it to everybody. from the pond and house-plot (the building itself has been moved away some three miles north) through the deserted beanfield, to the lincoln road where, following north, through a hollow, x. pointed out to me, a few rods away, "blister's spring," whither i went, lay down and took a good, cold drink to the memory of the writer who has given it its consequence. sept. 4th. at home with the thoreau fam ily. p. m. went with miss thoreau up, n. w., on to the hill ( "nashawtuck"? ). a fine view ! ponkawtasset off to the n. e. a mile or so. 76 the assabet, at the north of us, winding its way to the concord river below. the old north bridge, the monument near by and the village spread out in its beauty. sept. 5th. a. m. took a ride with the two misses thoreau, maiden aunts of thoreau, and sophia. called on mr. [edmund] hosmer not at home. then on mr. platt; a pleasant time with him. afterwards drove to mr. bull's home. he is the originator of the con cord grape that i had already sent for. found mr. b. a splendid talker and an enthusiastic garden man. p. m. went alone to walden pond. took a swim in it. called at the patch of american yew and at the cliffs. evening with the thoreaus at their home. sept. 6th. before breakfast, visited the "new" burying ground. found thoreau's grave. after breakfast, took quite a walk, n. e. of the town and mostly in the woods. (i have doubtless crossed and recrossed the dear, absent man's path so many times in this morning's trip!) found, on my return, that mr. hosmer had been at the thoreaus' to re turn my call of yesterday. went soon after dinner to see him and stayed there until x. came, by agreement, to visit the "estabrook country" (they call it) to take a look at the thoreau hut. it had been moved there some 77 years before. took a memento, a broken shingle, as a fitting emblem. here is the field of boulders, some from eight to ten feet high, and such clumps of barberry bushes ! evening at mrs. horace mann's with miss thoreau. met there miss elizabeth peabody, mrs. mann's sister, and her eldest son [mrs. horace mann's], who accompanied thoreau on his trip west seeking health. found the young man greatly interested in botany. miss pea body spoke very feelingly and freely of mar garet fuller of blessed memory. sept. itli. arose rather early this morning and took a walk westward some mile and a half to a mill on the assabet. on returning, found a branch from a young maple already turned of a fire-red, a part of which i broke oft 2 and took back with me and threw up into the branches of an evergreen that faced one side of the thoreau house. after breakfast, it caught mrs. thoreau's eye and she began wondering what it meant. when i showed her, she exclaimed: "there! that was just like my son, henry." i couldn't help but feel a little flattered. afternoon. took a ride up the assabet with mr. s. that was a very pleasant inter view : mr. s. seemed so easily to make it such he talked so kindly and well of thoreau. 78 after this, called upon mr. alcott, in com pany with x., also upon mr. emerson. a pleasant fifteen or twenty minutes' interview. mr. emerson enquired if i knew much about the michigan university; spoke in high terms of president tappan ; asked if the young men of the west were not, some of them at least, seeking for more light and truth. after dinner, when i bade the thoreaus good bye, mrs. thoreau's sister, having come down from her room, stood at the foot of the stairs weeping. it was a tender leave-taking. second visit to concord. eleven years later. august 27th, 1874. at the middlesex house once more, arriving a little after noon. dined and then started for walden pond. on my way out, on the lincoln road, i stopped at blister's spring, and as it had become a sacred fountain, i lay down and deliberately drank seven swallows of its cool, clear water to the memory of its absent poet. and now upon the site -of that house in which henry 79 thoreau lived nearly thirty years ago, i sit writing up this diary of to-day. it is a beautiful place! the book "walden," telling of his life here, first notified me of its author and his writings: that formed an epoch in my life. the cabin is gone, long since moved away, but, thank god ! they cannot move this foun dation nor the pleasant memories. passed along the pond side toward the s. w. to find the concord cliffs. found a man in charge of the picnic grounds on the railroad side of the pond, of whom i enquired the way. he had never heard of such a place, but i got there all the same. the vale, lake, river run ning through it, looked much as they did eleven years ago. the [irishman's] house on the baker farm has disappeared. went around west and north to the village, and then to sleepy hollow cemetery. i found all the tho reau graves (the remains having been removed thither since my visit, eleven years ago) up back on a little, shaded hill, and having neat, plain brown headstones. a little farther on i found a short, thick slab of marble, at the head of a grave and on it was marked "hawthorne." a silent farewell to the graves of the thoreaus and then i went to the hotel. after supper went to visit once more the old 80 3 a w cd 8 * o a ^ " ^ t e ch p & h3 02 3 iii cd h. 8 ^ i battle-ground and the monument. on my re turn, took a look at the new monument (erect ed to the memory of the fallen friends in the late war) standing on the public square. when here before in '63, it was war time and soldiers were being mustered into service, and they were encamped on the same open square. now only some of their names are on record there. such is life! aug. 29th. arose at 5 o'clock and took an early walk on north side of r. e. this is a grand old town! how quiet and restful the people seem! after breakfast went to call upon x. his housekeeper went up stairs and notified him, and he came down with quite a visible scowl on his countenance, but when i told him who i was, he soon called me to mind, brightened up, was quite cordial and made me welcome to his room below, for read ing, writing, and so forth. i accepted this offer with pleasure, in the meantime making an arrangement for a walk together in the afternoon. 2 o'clock, p. m. started out with mr. x. for a trip of over one and a half or two miles s. e., on what they call the old virginia road, to see the house where thoreau was born. i found my companion a little captious and uneasy i did not keep to the foot-path k 81 beside the road! in our conversing, i forgot to do it, which seemed to annoy him. (his whims showed themselves otherwise during that walk.) we found the house; x. was good-natured and communicative; he pointed out to me the corner room wherein channing's "poet-na turalist" first saw daylight. we returned by the way of mr. alcott's, took tea with the fam ily and stayed there until nearly nine o'clock. the older daughter, louise, was away from home, but i met her sister may. she is quite an artist; bright, active, a good talker, some what forward, and she reminded me of some shrewd, sprightly young man that had tra velled. she is quite busy, painting and selling her work her father said to raise money for taking a third trip to europe. for a few moments i thought of patronising her a little ; so, pricing a piece of her painting on a black panel about the size of a chair slat, i found it to be $25.00. i " threw up the sponge." mr. a. read to me from the manuscript of a forthcoming book. i liked it much, but x. became visibly restive (a. noticed it) and fi nally left the room to go and talk with the wo men. afterwards, x. evidently felt that he had misdone, so on leaving he protested that he was interested in hearing a.'s writings read by 82 him, and he made an appointment thereupon to go with me there tomorrow afternoon for that very purpose. returned to the hotel at 9.30 p. m. (the idea of repeating that call at alcotfs to gratify a whim!) aug. 30th. up at six o'clock for a walk past the old monument and up ponkawtasset hill, on the side of which william ellery channing once lived and got the credit for going farther to visit thoreau in his hut in midwinter than any other living man "that was not a poet!" it was pleasant to stand there and see the placid concord running through the meadows, where thirty-five years ago, near this time of the year, henry thoreau and his brother rowed down this stream upon that trip on the account whereof were strung the beads that glitter and gleam in thoreau's first book. in the afternoon, called upon x. to go to mr. alcott's to hear him read. a. did " read " ; and x. and i sat and [x.] very civilly listened to him. during the reading mrs. alcott came in, and i had the pleasure of making farther ac quaintance with her. she seemed a kind, sweet, motherly woman. after the reading broke up, a pleasant general chat ensued.* * "a general chat" and alcott, the great converger, present! we trust that our diarist is truthful. ed. 83 tea was announced, and contrary to my in tention, i ate there again. after that alcott gave me some of his books. mr. s. had learned that i was in town. so he found x. and myself and invited us to his house this evening. i found that he was liv ing in the thoreau home of eleven years ago. in the meantime mrs. thoreau has died, and her daughter, sophia, gone to live with rela tives in maine. he gave me some interesting information about william b. wright, author of "the brook and other poems," shelley's later publishers, walt whitman, john bur roughs, wilson flagg, etc. after which cake and ale were served, and x. and i left. aug. 31st. arose this morning about four o'clock and started for a last visit to walden pond. i shall probably not see it again. here i sit with my back against a little pine sap ling, now growing on the site where once stood the hut. a few feet in front of me is a small but gradually increasing pile of stones to which every friend of thoreau is expected to add his unit. i brought one up from the pond as my contribution and pencilled on it the word " bethel." i also set out near by a plant of "life-everlasting" that i had found while on the way here. as i sit here facing the pond, i observe on 84 my left, about fourteen or fifteen rods distant, a grove of those tall "arrowy" pines, such as thoreau used for his house-building twenty nine years ago. there is apparently not a breath of air stirring. birds are singing about me and even the hum of an occasional mos quito is still heard. i left the pond, passing out by the beanfield. the grove of trees that thoreau planted thereon in payment for his occupancy, looked quite sorry from the effects of a fire that had run through there some time previously. a very genial last visit to x. he gave me a number of books, just as he had done at my first visit. as i bade him good bye, saying this would be my last visit to concord that i should not see it again, he answered: "oh, yes, you will." 85 our last glimpse of thoreau's western cor respondent shall be a fragment from one of his letters to thoreau's sister, sophia. " i often meet your brother in my dreams and with this peculiarity about these meet ings: while, as you know, our nightvisions are often abnormal, grotesque, and disap pointing, in this case i uniformly find my high ideal of him while [i am] awake, fully sustained. occasionally he has become as it were transfigured to me, beyond my power to describe. so i have for some time been in the habit of associating him with the north pole star, as through every hour of the twenty-four it keeps its one position in the heavens." it is much to have inspired such a friend ship, and it passeth riches to have been capa ble of such an inspiration. it fitly marks an epoch in a man's life. 86 this book is due on the last date stamped below renewed books are subject to immediate recall limited circulation library, university of california, davis book shp-50m-8,'63(d9954s4)458 jones, s. a. some unpublished cau number: ps3053 a3 1899 308452 3051 e9 1887 main fttoerstoe literature series of forest ees and wild apples by henry d. thoreau 7 ith a biographical sketch by ralph waldo emerson houghton, mifflin and company 4 park street ; new york : 11 east seventeenth street chicago : 28 lakeside building (3tlje ritoers ibe 2dt)e htoeretoe literature series the succession of forest trees and wild apples by henry d. thoreau with a biographical sketch by ralph waldo emerson houghton, mifflin and company boiton : 4 park street ; new york : 11 east seventeenth street chicago : 28 lakeside building (cfc lltocrsifce threes, copyright, 1863, bv ticknor & fields. copyright, 1887, by houghton, mifflin & co. ail rights reserved. pllt .*&lt;\ the riverside press, cambridge, mass., u. s. a. electrotyped and printed by ii. 0. houghton & company. preface. the biographical sketch by emerson which pre cedes the two papers by thoreau, here printed, has this advantage over most biographies, that it helps one to understand the real man, and does not shut up the reader s interest in a knowledge of the mere circumstances of thoreau s life. it is like a portrait which carries the eye straight to the character of the man portrayed, and does not arrest it at the dress or decorations. indeed, emerson was so impressed by the life and character of thoreau that he forgot to mention the fact of his death. thoreau died may 6, 1862. the only full narrative of his life is to be found in the volume henry d. thoreau, contributed jy his friend and fellow-townsman, f. b. sanborn, to lfte series of american men of letters. thoreau s own writings, however, furnish a still fuller account of his observations and thoughts. the first to appear was a week on the concord and merrimac rivers, published in 1849. it was a nar rative of the adventure which he and his brother enjoyed ten years before, shortly after he graduated from college, when in a boat of their own making iv preface. they followed the concord river to where it ente the merrimac, then went up that river to its sourc , and finally back to the starting-place at concor&lt; lii 1845 he built a hut in the woods by walde.i pond, where he lived for two years, watching th life in woods and pond and air. walden 9 published in 1854, is his most famous book, and contains the record of his experience as a hermit. these two books were the only ones by thoreau published in his lifetime, but he contributed occasionally to periodi cals, and he kept full journals. after his death his printed papers were gathered, and his journals drawn from to make excursions in field and forest, the maine woods, cape god, letters to various per sons, a yankee in canada, early spring in mas sachusetts, and summer. the two papers which fol low, as well as emerson s sketch, are from the volume of excursions. &gt; v* /&lt; v-^rifs r ; , ?s. t ^ -* v &lt; v * i * *{ \ contents. biographical sketch of thoreau by ralph waldo em erson . ...... ,.; the succession of forest trees ..... 33 wild apples. the history of the apple tree . . . -53 the wild apple ........ 62 the, crab .......... 64 how the wild apple grows ..... 65 the fruit, and its flavor ...... ^ their beauty ........ ^ 6 the naming of them ....... ^ kq the last gleaning ....... the "frozen-thawed" apple ..... 81 &lt;&lt;: biographical sketch of thoreau by ralph waldo emerson. henry david thoreau was the last male de scendant of a french ancestor who came to this coun try from the isle of guernsey. his character exhibited occasional traits drawn from this blood, in singular combination with a very strong saxon genius. he was born in concord, massachusetts, on thejl2th ofjjuly, 1817. he was graduated at harvard college in 1837, but without any literary distinction. an icon oclast in literature, he seldom thanked colleges for their service to him, holding them in small esteem, whilst yet his debt to them was important. after leaving the university, he joined his brother in teach ing a private school, which he soon renounced. his father was a manufacturer of lead-pencils, and henry applied himself for a time to this craft, believing he could make a better pencil than was then in use.; after completing his experiments, he exhibited his work to chemists and artists in boston, and having obtained their certificates to its excellence and to its equality with the best london manufacture, he re turned home contented. his friends congratulated him that he had now opened his way to fortune, but he replied, that he should never make another pencil. " why should i ? i would not do again 8 biographical sketch of thoreau. what i have done once." he resumed his endless walks and miscellaneous studies, making every day some new acquaintance with nature, though as yet never speaking of zoology or botany, since, though very studious of natural facts, he was incurious of technical and textual science. at this time, a strong, healthy youth, fresh from college, whilst all his companions were choosing their profession, or eager to begin some lucrative employ ment, it was inevitable that his thoughts should be exercised on the same question, and it required rare decision to refuse all the accustomed paths, and keep his solitary freedom at the cost of disappointing the natural expectations of his family and friends : all the more difficult that he had a perfect probity, was exact in securing his own independence,*and in hold ing every man to the like duty. but thoreau never faltered. he was a born protestant. he declined to give up his large ambition of knowledge and action for any narrow craft or profession, aiming at a much more comprehensive calling, the art of living well. if he slighted and defined the opinions of others, it was only that he was more intent to reconcile his practice with his own belief. never idle or self indulgent, he preferred, when he wanted money, earn ing it by some piece of manual labor agreeable to him, as building a boat or a fence, planting, grafting, sur veying, or other short work, to any long engagements. with his hardy habits and few wants, his skill in wood-craft, and his powerful arithmetic, he was very competent to live in any part of the world. it would cost him less time to supply his wants than another. he was therefore secure of his leisure. a natural skill for mensuration, growing out of his biographical sketch of thoreau. 9 mathematical knowledge, and his habit of ascertaining the measures and distances of objects which interested him, the size of trees, the depth and extent of ponds and rivers, the height of mountains, and the air-line distance of his favorite summits, this, and his inti mate knowledge of the territoiy about concord, made him drift into the profession of land-surveyor. it had the advantage for him that it led him continually into new and secluded grounds, and helped his studies of nature. his accuracy and skill in this work were readily appreciated, and he found all the employment he wanted. he could easily solve the problems of the surveyor, but he was daily beset with graver questions, which he manfully confronted. he interrogated every cus tom, and wished to settle all his practice on an ideal foundation. he was a protestant a voutranw, and few lives contain so many renunciations. he was tsred to no profession ; he never married ; he lived alone ; he never went to church ; he never voted ; he refused to pay a tax to the state ; he ate no flesh, he drank no wine, he never knew the use of tobacco ; and, though a naturalist, he used neither trap nor gun. he chose wisely, no doubt, for himself to be the bachelor of thought and nature. he had no talent for wealth, and knew how to be poor without the least hint of squalor or inelegance. perhaps he fell into his way of living without forecasting it much, but ap proved it with later wisdom. " i am often reminded," he wrote in his journal, " that, if i had bestowed on me the wealth of croesus, my aims must be still the same and my means essentially the same." he had no temptations to fight against, no appetites, no passions, no taste for elegant trifles. a fine house, 10 biographical sketch of thoreau. dress, the manners and talk of highly cultivated people were all thrown away on him. he much preferred a good indian, and considered these refinements as impediments to conversation, wishing to meet his companion on the simplest terms. he declined invi tations to dinner-parties, because there each was in every one s way, and he could not meet the individ uals to any purpose. " they make their pride," he said, " in making their dinner cost much ; i make my pride in making my dinner cost little." when asked at table what dish he preferred, he answered, " the nearest." he did not like the taste of wine, and never had a vice in his life. he said, " i have a faint recollection of pleasure derived from smoking dried lily-stems before i was a man. i had com monly a supply of these. i have never smoked any thing more noxious." he chose to be rich by making his wants few, and supplying them himself. in his travels, he used the railroad only to get over so much country as was un important to the present purpose, walking hundreds of miles, avoiding taverns, buying a lodging in farmers and fishermen s houses, as cheaper and more agree able to him, and because there he could better find the men and the information he wanted. there was somewhat military in his nature, not to be subdued, always manly and able, but rarely tender, as if he did not feel himself except in opposition. he wanted a fallacy to expose, a blunder to pillory, i may say required a little sense of victory, a roll of the drum, to call his powers into full exercise. it cost him nothing to say no ; indeed, he found it much easier than to say yes. it seemed as if his first in stinct on hearing a proposition was to controvert it, biographical sketch of thoreau. 11 so impatient was he of the limitations of our daily / thought. this habit, of course, is a little chilling to the social affections ; and though the companion would in the end acquit him of any malice or untruth, yet it mars conversation. hence, no equal com panion stood in affectionate relations with one so pure and guileless. " i love henry," said one of his friends, 4 hbut i cannot like him ; and as for taking his arm, i should as soon think of taking the arm of an elm-tree." yet, hermit and stoic as he was, he was really fond of sympathy, and threw himself heartily and childlike into the company of young people whom he loved, and whom he delighted to entertain, as he only could, with the varied and endless anecdotes of his experiences by field and river ; and he was always ready to lead a huckleberry party or a search for chestnuts or grapes. talking, one day, of a public discourse, henry re marked, that whatever succeeded with the audience was bad. i said, "who would not like to write something which all can read, like robinson cru soe ? and who does not see with regret that his page is not solid with a right materialistic treatment, which delights everybody ? " henry objected, of course, and vaunted the better lectures which reached only a few persons. but, at supper, a young girl, understanding that he was to lecture at the lyceum, sharply asked him, " whether his lecture would be a nice, interest ing story, such as she wished to hear, or whether it was one of those old philosophical things that she did not care about." henry turned to her, and bethought himself, and, i saw, was trying to believe that he had matter that might fit her and her brother, who were to sit up and go to the lecture, if it was a good one for them. 12 biographical sketch of thoreau. he was a speaker and actor of the truth, born such, and was ever running into dramatic situations from this cause. in any circumstance, it interested all by standers to know what part henry would take, and what he would say ; and he did not disappoint expec tation, but used an original judgment on each emer gency. in ,1845 he built himself a small framed house on the shores of walden pond, and lived there two years alone, a life of labor and study. this ac tion was quite native and fit for him. no one who knew him would tax him with affectation. he was jmore unlike his neighbors in his thought than in his action. as soon as he had exhausted the advantages of that solitude, he abandoned it. in 1847, not ap proving some uses to which the public expenditure was applied, he refused to pay his town tax, and was put in jail. a friend paid the tax for him, and he was released. the like annoyance was threatened the next year. but, as his friends paid the tax, not withstanding his protest, i believe he ceased to resist. no opposition or ridicule had any weight with him. he coldly and fully stated his opinion without affect ing to believe that it was the opinion of the company. it was of no consequence if every one present held the opposite opinion. on one occasion he went to the university library to procure some books. the librarian refused to lend them. mr. thoreau re paired to the president, who stated to him the rules and usages which permitted the loan of books to resi dent graduates, to clergymen who were alumni, and to some others resident within a circle of ten miles radius from the college. mr. thoreau explained to the president that the railroad had destroyed the old scale of distances, that the library was useless, yes, biographical sketch of thoreau. 13 and president and college useless, on the terras of his rules, that the one benefit he owed to the col lege was its library, that, at this moment, not only his want of books was imperative, but he wanted a larq-e number of books, and assured him that he, o thoreau, and not the librarian, was the proper custo dian of these. in short, the president found the peti tioner so formidable, and the rules getting to look so ridiculous, that he ended by giving him a privilege which in his hands proved unlimited thereafter. no truer american existed than thoreau. his preference of his country and condition was genuine and his aversation from english and european man ners and tastes almost reached contempt. he listened impatiently to news or bon mots gleaned from london circles ; and though he tried to be civil, these anec dotes fatigued him. the men were all imitating each other, and on a small mould. why can they not live as far apart as possible, and each be a man by him self? what he sought was the most energetic na ture ; and he wished to go to oregon, not to london. " in every part of great britain," he wrote in his diary, " are discovered traces of the romans, their funereal urns, their camps, their roads, their dwellings. but new england, at least, is not based on any ro man ruins. we have not to lay the foundations of our houses on the ashes of a former civilization." but, idealist as he was, standing for abolition of slavery, abolition of tariffs, almost for abolition of government, it is needless to say he found himself not only unrepresented in actual politics, but almost equally opposed to every class of reformers. yet he paid the tribute of his uniform respect to the anti slavery party. one man, whose personal acquaint* i / " a i/ v 14 biographical sketch of thoreau. ance he had formed, he honored with exceptional re gard. before the first friendly word had been spoken for captain john brown, after the arrest, he sent no tices to most houses in concord, that he would speak in a public hall on the condition and character of john brown, on sunday evening, and invited all to come. the republican committee, the abolitionist committee, sent him word that it was premature and not advisable. he replied, " i did not send to you for advice, but to announce that i am to speak." the hall was filled at an early hour by people of all par ties, and his earnest eulogy of the hero was heard by all respectfully, by many with a sympathy that sur prised themselves. it was said of plotinus that he was ashamed of his body, and t is ver} r likely he had good reason for it, that his body was a bad servant, and he had not skill in dealing with the material world, as happens often to men of abstract intellect. but mr. thoreau was equipped with a most adapted and serviceable body. he was of short stature, firmly built, of light complexion, with strong, serious blue eyes, and a grave aspect, his face covered in the late years with a becoming beard. his senses were acute, his frame well-knit and hardy, his hands strong and skilful in the use of tools. and there was a wonderful fitness of body and mind. he could pace sixteen rods more accurately than another man could measure them with rod and chain. he could find his path in the woods at night, he said, better by his feet than his eyes. he could estimate the measure of a tree very well by his eye ; he could estimate the weight of a calf or a pig, like a dealer. from a box containing a bushel or more of loose pencils, he could take up with his biographical sketch of thoreau. 15 hands fast enough just a dozen pencils at every grasp. he was a good swimmer, runner, skater, boatman, and would probably outwalk most countrymen in a day s journey. and the relation of body to mind was still finer than we have indicated. he said he \ wanted every stride his legs made. the length of his walk uniformly made the length of his writing. if shut up in the house, he did not write at all. he had a strong common sense, like that which rose flammock, the weaver s daughter, in scott s romance, commends in her father, as resembling a yardstick, which, whilst it measures dowlas and dia per, can equally well measure tapestry and cloth of gold. he had always a new resource. when i was planting forest-trees, and had procured half a peck of acorns, he said that only a small portion of them would be sound, and proceeded to examine them, and select the sound ones. but finding this took time, he said, " i think, if you put them all into water, the good ones will sink ; " which experiment we tried with success. he could plan a garden, or a house, or a barn ; would have been competent to lead a " pacific exploring expedition " ; could give judicious counsel in the gravest private or public affairs. he lived for the day, not cumbered and mortified by his memory. if he brought you yesterday a new proposition, he would bring you to-day another not less revolutionary. a very industrious man, and set ting, like all highly organized men, a high value on his time, he seemed the only man of leisure in town, always ready for any excursion that promised well, or for conversation prolonged into late hours. his trenchant sense was never stopped by his rules of daily prudence, but was always up to the new occasion. 16 biographical sketch of thoreau. he liked and used the simplest food, yet, when some one urged a vegetable diet, thoreau thought all diets a very small matter, saying that "the man who shoots the buffalo lives better than the man who boards at the graham house." he said, " you can sleep near the railroad, and never be disturbed : nature knows very well what sounds are worth at tending to, and has made up her mind not to hear the railroad-whistle. but things respect the devout mind, and a mental ecstasy was never interrupted." he noted what repeatedly befell him, that, after receiving from a distance a rare plant, he would presently find the same in his own haunts. and those pieces of luck which happen only to good play ers happened to him. one day, walking with a stranger, who inquired where indian arrow-heads could be found, he replied, " everywhere," and, stooping forward, picked one on the instant from the ground. at mount washington, in tuckerman s ravine, thoreau had a bad fall, and sprained his foot. as he was in the act of getting up from his fall, he saw for the first time the leaves of the arnica mollis. 1 his robust common sense, armed with stout hands, keen perceptions, and strong will, cannot yet account for the superiority which shone in his simple and hid den life. i must add the cardinal fact, that there was an excellent wisdom in him, proper to a rare class of men, which showed him the material world as a means and symbol. this discovery, which sometimes yields to poets a certain casual and interrupted light, serving for the ornament of their writing, was in him 1 a plant with healing virtue, found in the mountains hampshire and new york, and also about lake superior. biographical sketch of thoread. 17 an unsleeping insight; and whatever faults or ob structions of temperament might cloud it, he was not disobedient to the heavenly vision. in his youth, he said, one day, " the other world is all my art : my pencils will draw no other ; my jack-knife will cut nothing else ; i do not use it as a means." this was the muse and genius that ruled his opinions, conver sation, studies, work, and course of life. this made him a searching judge of men. at first glance he measured his companion, and, though insensible to some fine traits of culture, could very well report his weight and calibre. and this made the impression of genius which his conversation sometimes gave. he understood the matter in hand at a glance, and saw the limitations and poverty of those he talked with, so that nothing seemed concealed from such ter rible eyes. i have repeatedly known young men of sensibility converted in a moment to the belief that this was the man they were in search of, the man of men, who could tell them all they should do. his own dealing with them was never affectionate, but superior, didactic, scorning their petty ways, very slowly conceding, or not conceding at all, the prom ise of his society at their houses, or even at his own. " would he not walk with them ? " " he did not know. there was nothing so important to him as his walk; he had no walks to throw away on company." visits were offered him from respect ful parties, but he declined them. admiring friends offered to carry him at their own cost to the yel lowstone eiver, to the west indies, to south america. but though nothing could be more grave or considered than his refusals, they remind one in quite new relations of that fop brummel s reply to j 18 biographical sketch of thoreau. the gentleman who offered him his carriage in a shower, " but where will you ride, then ? " and what accusing silences, and what searching and ir resistible speeches, battering down all defences, his companions can remember. mr. thoreau dedicated his genius with such entire love to the fields, hills, and waters of his native town, that he made them known and interesting to all read ing americans, and to people over the sea. the river on whose banks he was born and died he knew from its springs to its confluence with the merrimack. he had made summer and winter observations on it for many years, and at every hour of the day and night. the result of the recent survey of the water com missioners appointed by the state of massachusetts he had reached by his private experiments, several years earlier. every fact which occurs in the bed, on the banks, or in the air over it; the fishes, and their spawning and nests, their manners, their food; the shad-flies which fill the air on a certain evening once a year, and which are snapped at by the fishes so ravenously that many of these die of repletion ; the conical heaps of small stones on the river-shallows, one of which heaps will sometimes overfill a cart, these heaps the huge nests of small fishes ; the birds which frequent the stream, heron, duck, sheldrake, loon, osprey ; the snake, musk-rat, otter, woodchuck, and fox, on the banks ; the turtle, frog, hyla, and cricket, which make the banks vocal, were well known to him, and, as it were, townsmen and fellow creatures ; so that he felt an absurdity or violence in any narrative of one of these by itself apart, and still more of its dimensions on an inch-rule, or in the exhi bition of its skeleton, or the specimen of a squirrel or biographical sketch of thoreau. 19 a bird in brandy. he liked to speak of the manners of the river, as itself a lawful creature, yet with exact ness, and always to an observed fact. as he knew the river, so the ponds in this region. one of the weapons he used, more important than microscope or alcohol-receiver to other investigators, was a whim which grew on him by indulgence, yet appeared in gravest statement, namely, of extolling his own town and neighborhood as the most favored centre for natural observation. he remarked that the flora of massachusetts embraced almost all the impor tant plants of america, most of the oaks, most of the willows, the best pines, the ash, the maple, the beech, the nuts. he returned kane s " arctic voy age " to a friend of whom he had borrowed it, with the remark that " most of the phenomena noted might be observed in concord." he seemed a little envious of the pole, for the coincident sunrise and sunset, or five minutes day after six months : a splendid fact, which annursnuc l had never afforded him. he found red snow in one of his walks, and told me that he expected to find yet the victoria regia in concord. he was the attorney of the indigenous plants, and owned to a preference of the weeds to the imported plants, as of the indian to the civilized man; and noticed with pleasure that the willow bean-poles of his neighbor had grown more than his beans. " see these weeds," he said, " which have been hoed at by a million farmers all spring and summer, and yet have prevailed, and just now come out triumphant over all lanes, pastures, fields, and gardens, such is their vigor. we have insulted them with low names, too, as pig weed, wormwood, chickweed, shad-blossom." he 1 a hill in concord on the border of acton. 20 biographical sketch of thoreau. says, " they have brave names, too, ambrosia, stel laria, amelanchier, amaranth, etc." i think his fancy for referring everything to the meridian of concord did not grow out of any igno rance or depreciation of other longitudes or latitudes, but was rather a playful expression of his conviction of the indiiferency of all places, and that the best place for each is where he stands. he expressed it once in this wise : " i think nothing is to be hoped from you, if this bit of mould under your feet is not sweeter to you to eat than any other in this world, or in any world." the other weapon with which he conquered all ob stacles in science was patience. he knew how to sit immovable a part of the rock he rested on until the bird, the reptile, the fish, which had retired from him, should come back and resume its habits, nay, moved by curiosity, should come to him and watch him. it was a pleasure and a privilege to walk with him. he knew the country like a fox or a bird, and passed through it as freely by paths of his own. he knew every track in the snow or on the ground, and what creature had taken this path before him. one must submit abjectly to such a guide, and the reward was great. under his arm he carried an old music-book to press plants ; in his pocket, his diary and pencil, a spy-glass for birds, microscope, jack-knife, and twine. he wore straw hat, stout shoes, strong gray trousers to brave shrub-oaks and smilax, and to climb a tree for a hawk s or a squirrel s nest. he waded into the pool for the water-plants, and his strong legs were no insignificant part of his armor. on the day i speak of he looked for the menyanthes, detected it across biographical sketch of thoreau. 21 the wide pool, and, on examination of the florets, de cided that it had been in flower five days. he drew out of his breast-pocket his diary, and read the names of all the plants that should bloom on this day, whereof he kept account as a banker when his notes fall due. the cypripedium not due till to-morrow. he thought that, if he waked up from a trance in this swamp, he could tell by the plants what time of the year it was within two days. the redstart was flying about, and presently the fine grosbeaks, whose bril liant scarlet makes " the rash gazer wipe his eye," 1 and whose fine clear note thoreau compared to that of a tauager which has got rid of its hoarseness. presently he heard a note which he called that of the night-warbler, a bird he had never identified, had been in search of twelve years, which always, when he saw it, was in the act of diving down into a tree or bush, and which it was vain to seek ; the only bird which sings indifferently by night and by day. i told him he must beware of finding and booking it, lest life should have nothing more to show him. he said, u what you seek in vain for, half your life, one day you come full upon, all the family at dinner. you seek it like a dream, and as soon as you find it you become its prey." his interest in the flower or the bird lay very deep in his mind, was connected with nature, and the meaning of nature was never attempted to be defined by him. he would not offer a memoir of his observa 1 sweet rose ! whose hue, angry and brave, bids the rash gazer wipe his eye : thy root is ever in its grave, and thou must die. virtue : george herbert. 22 biographical sketch of thoreau. tions to the natural history society. " why should i? to detach the description from its connections in my mind would make it no longer true or valuable to me; and they do not wish what belongs to it." his power of observation seemed to indicate addi tional senses. he saw as with microscope, heard as with ear-trumpet, and his memory was a photographic register of all he saw and heard. and yet none knew better than he that it is not the fact that imports, but the impression or effect of the fact on your mind. every fact lay in glory in his mind, a type of the order and beauty of the whole. his determination on natural history was organic. he confessed that he sometimes felt like a hound or a panther, and, if born among indians, would have been a fell hunter. but, restrained by his massachusetts culture, he played out the game in this mild form of botany and ichthyology. his intimacy with animals suggested what thomas fuller records of butler the apiologist, that " either he had told the bees things or the bees had told him." snakes coiled round his leg ; the fishes swam into his hand, and he took them out of the water ; he pulled the woodchuck out of its hole by the tail, and took the foxes under his protecr tion from the hunters. our naturalist had perfect magnanimity ; he had no secrets : he would carry you to the heron s haunt, or even to his most prized bo tanical swamp, possibly knowing that you could never find it again, yet willing to take his risks. no college ever offered him a diploma, or a profes sor s chair ; no academy made him its corresponding secretary, its discoverer, or even its member. per haps these learned bodies feared the satire of his presence. yet so much knowledge of nature s secret biographical sketch of thorea u. 23 and genius few others possessed, none in a more large and religious synthesis. for not a particle of respect had he to the opinions of any man or body of men, but homage solely to the truth itself ; and as he dis covered everywhere among doctors some leaning of courtesy, it discredited them. he grew to be revered and admired by his townsmen, who had at first known him only as an oddity. the farmers who employed him as a surveyor soon discovered his rare accuracy and skill, his knowledge of their lands, of trees, of birds, of indian remains and the like, which enabled him to tell every farmer more than he knew before of his own farm ; so that he began to feel a little as if mr. thoreau had better rights in his land than he. they felt, too, the superiority of character which ad dressed all men with a native authority. indian relics abound in concord, arrow-heads, stone chisels, pestles, and fragments of pottery ; and on the river-bank, large heaps of clam-shells and ashes mark spots which the savages frequented. these, and every circumstance touching the indian, were im portant in his eyes. his visits to maine were chiefly for love of the indian. he had the satisfaction of seeing the manufacture of the bark-canoe, as well as of trying his hand in its management on the rapids. he was inquisitive about the making of the stone arrow-head, and in his last days charged a youth set ting out for the eocky mountains to find an indian who could tell him that : " it was well worth a visit to california to learn it." occasionally, a small party of penobscot indians would visit concord, and pitch their tents for a few weeks in summer on the river bank. he failed not to make acquaintance with the best of them ; though he well knew that asking ques 24 biographical sketch of thoreav. tions of indians is like catechizing beavers and rab bits. in his last visit to maine he had great satis faction from joseph polis, an intelligent indian of oldtown, who was his guide for some weeks. he was equally interested in every natural fact. the depth of his perception found likeness of law throughout nature, and i know not any genius who so swiftly inferred universal law from the single fact. he was no pedant of a department. his eye was open to beauty, and his ear to music. he found these, not in rare conditions, but wheresoever he went. he thought the best of music was in single strains ; and he found poetic suggestion in the humming of the telegraph wire. his poetry might be bad or good; he no doubt wanted a lyric facility and technical skill ; but he had the source of poetry in his spiritual perception. he was a good reader and critic, and his judgment on poetry was to the ground of it. he could not be de ceived as to the presence or absence of the poetic element in any composition, and his thirst for this made him negligent and perhaps scornful of superfi cial graces. he would pass by many delicate rhythms, but he would have detected every live stanza or line in a volume, and knew very well where to find an equal poetic charm in prose. he was so enamored of the spiritual beauty that he held all actual written poems in very light esteem in the comparison. he admired ^eschylus and pindar; but, when some one was co*mmending them, he said that ^eschylus and the greeks, in describing apollo and orpheus, had given no song, or no good one. " they ought not to have moved trees, but to have chanted to the gods such a hymn as would have sung all their old ideas out of biographical sketch of thoreau. 25 their heads, and new ones in." his own verses are often rude and defective. the gold does not yet run pure, is drossy and crude. the thyme and mar joram are not yet honey. but if he want lyric fine ness and technical merits, if he have not the poetic temperament, he never lacks the causal thought, show ing that his genius was better than his talent. he knew the worth of the imagination for the uplifting and consolation of human life, and liked to throw every thought into a symbol. the fact you tell is of no value, but only the impression. for this reason his presence was poetic, always piqued the curiosity to know more deeply the secrets of his mind. he had many reserves, an unwillingness to exhibit to pro fane eyes what was still sacred in his own, and knew well how to throw a poetic veil over his experience. all readers of " walden " will remember his myth ical record of his disappointments : " i long ago lost a hound, a bay horse, and a turtle dove, and am still on their trail. many are the trav ellers i have spoken concerning them, describing their tracks, and what calls they answered to. i have met one or two who had heard the hound, and the tramp of the horse, and even seen the dove disappear behind a cloud ; and they seemed as anxious to recover them as if they had lost them themselves." l his riddles were worth the reading, and i confide, that, if at any time i do not understand the expression, it is yet just. such was the wealth of his truth that it was not worth his while to use words in vain. his poem entitled " sympathy " reveals the tenderness under that triple steel of stoicism, and the intellec tual subtilty it could animate. his classic poem on 1 walden, p. 20. 26 biographical sketch of thoreau. " smoke " suggests simonides, but is better than any poem of simonides. his biography is in his verses. his habitual thought makes all his poetry a hymn to the cause of causes, the spirit which vivifies and con trols his own. " i hearing get, who had but ears, and sight, who had but eyes before ; i moments live, who lived but years, and truth discern, who knew but learning s lore." and still more in these religious lines : "now chiefly is my natal hour, and only now my prime of life ; i will not doubt the love untold, which not my worth or want have bought, which wooed me young, and wooes me old, and to this evening hath me brought." whilst he used in his writings a certain petulance of remark in reference to churches or churchmen, he was a person of a rare, tender, and absolute religion, a person incapable of any profanation, by act or by thought. of course, the same isolation which be longed to his original thinking and living detached him from the social religious forms. this is neither to be censured nor regretted. aristotle long ago explained it, when he said, " one who surpasses his fellow-citizens in virtue is no longer a part of the city. their law is not for him, since he is a law to himself." thoreau was sincerity itself, and might fortify the convictions of prophets in the ethical laws by his holy living. it was an affirmative experience which refused to be set aside. a truth-speaker he, capable of the most deep and strict conversation ; a physician to the wounds of any soul ; a friend, knowing not only biographical sketch of thoreau. 27 the secret of friendship, but almost worshipped by those few persons who resorted to him as their con fessor and prophet, and knew the deep value of his mind and great heart. he thought that without re ligion or devotion of some kind nothing great was ever accomplished : and he thought that the bigoted sectarian had better bear this in mind. his virtues, of course, sometimes ran into extremes. it was easy to trace to the inexorable demand on all for exact truth that austerity which made this willing hermit more solitary even than he wished. himself of a perfect probity, he required not less of others. he had a disgust at crime, and no worldly success could cover it. he detected paltering as readily in dignified and prosperous persons as in beggars, and with equal scorn. such dangerous frankness was in his dealing that his admirers called him "that ter rible thoivau," as it inspoke when silent, and was still present \shen lie had departed. i think the severity of his ideal interfered to deprive him of a healthy sufficiency of human society. the habit of a realist to find things the reverse of their appearance inclined him to put every statement in a paradox. a certain habit of antagonism defaced his earlier writings, a trick of rhetoric not quite outgrown in his later, of substituting for the obvious word and thought its diametrical opposite. he praised wild mountains and winter forests for their domestic air, in snow and ice he would find sultriness, and com mended the wilderness for resembling rome and paris. " it was so dry, that you might call it wet." the tendency to magnify the moment, to read all the laws of nature in the one object or one combina tion under your eye, is of course comic to those who 28 biographical sketch of thoreau. do not share the philosopher s perception of identity. to him there was no such thing as size. the pond was a small ocean ; the atlantic, a large walden pond. he referred every minute fact to cosinical laws. though he meant to be just, he seemed haunted by a certain chronic assumption that the sci ence of the day pretended completeness, and he had just found out that the savans had neglected to dis criminate a particular botanical variety, had failed to describe the seeds or count the sepals. " that is to say," he replied, " the blockheads were not born in concord ; but who said they were ? it was their un speakable misfortune to be born in london, or paris, or rome ; but, poor fellows, they did what they could, considering that they never saw bateman s pond, or nine-acre corner, or becky-stow s swamp. besides, what were you sent into the world for, but to add this observation ? " had his genius been only contemplative, he had been fitted to his life, but with his energy and practi cal ability he seemed born for great enterprise and for command ; and i so much regret the loss of his rare powers of action, that i cannot help counting it a fault in him that he had no ambition. wanting this, instead of engineering for all america, he was the captain of a huckleberry party. pounding beans is good to the end of pounding empires one of these days ; but if, at the end of years, it is still only beans ! but these foibles, real or apparent, were fast van ishing in the incessant growth of a spirit so robust and wise, and which effaced its defeats with new triumphs. his study of nature was a perpetual or nament to him, and inspired his friends with curi biographical sketch of thoreau. 29 osity to see the world through his eyes, and to hear his adventures. they possessed every kind of in terest. he had many elegancies of his own, whilst he scoffed at conventional elegance. thus, he could not bear to hear the sound of his own steps, the grit of gravel ; and therefore never willingly walked in the road, but in the grass, on mountains and in woods. his senses were acute, and he remarked that by night every dwelling-house gives out bad air, like a slaughter house. he liked the pure fragrance of melilot. 1 he honored certain plants with special regard, and, over all, the pond-lily, then, the gentian, and the mikania scandens? and " life-everlasting," and a bass tree which he visited every year when it bloomed, in the middle of july. he thought the scent a more orac ular inquisition than the sight, more oracular and trustworthy. the scent, of course, reveals what is concealed from the other senses. by it he detected earthiness. he delighted in echoes, and said they were almost the only kind of kindred voices that he heard. he loved nature so well, was so happy in her solitude, that he became very jealous of cities, and the sad work which their refinements and artifices made with man and his dwelling. the axe was always de stroying his forest. " thank god," he said, " they cannot cut down the clouds ! " " all kinds of figures are drawn on the blue ground with this fibrous white paint." i subjoin a few sentences taken from his unpub lished manuscripts, not only as records of his thought and feeling, but for their power of description and literary excellence. 1 sweet clover. 2 climbing hemp-weed. 30 biographical sketch of thoreau. " some circumstantial evidence is very strong, as when you find a trout in the milk/ " the chub is a soft fish, and tastes like boiled brown paper salted." " the youth gets together his materials to build a bridge to the moon, or, perchance, a palace or temple on the earth, and at length the middle-aged man con cludes to build a wood-shed with them." " the locust z-ing." " devil s-needles zigzagging along the nut-meadow brook." " sugar is not so sweet to the palate as sound to the healthy ear." " i put on some hemlock-boughs, and the rich salt crackling of their leaves was like mustard to the ear, the crackling of uncountable regiments. dead trees love the fire." " the bluebird carries the sky on his back." " the tanager flies through the green foliage as if it would ignite the leaves." " if i wish for a horse-hair for my compass-sight, i must go to the stable; but the hair-bird, with her sharp eyes, goes to the road." " immortal water, alive even to the superficies." " fire is the most tolerable third party." " nature made ferns for pure leaves, to show what she could do in that line." " no tree has so fair a bole and so handsome an in step as the beech." " how did these beautiful rainbow-tints get into the shell of the fresh-water clam, buried in the mud at the bottom of our dark river ? " " hard are the times when the infant s shoes are second-foot." biographical sketch of thoreau. 31 " we are strictly confined to our men to whom we give liberty." " of what significance the things you can forget ? a little thought is sexton to all the world." " how can we expect a harvest of thought who have not had a seed-time of character ? " " only he can be trusted with gifts who can present a face of bronze to expectations." " i ask to be melted. you can only ask of the metals that they be tender to the fire that melts them, to naught else can they be tender." there is a flower known to botanists, one of the same genus with our summer plant called " life everlasting," a gnaphalium like that, which grows on the most inaccessible cliffs of the tyrolese moun tains, where the chamois dare hardly venture, and which the hunter, tempted by its beauty, and by his love, (for it is immensely valued by the swiss maid ens,) climbs the cliffs to gather, and is sometimes found dead at the foot, with the flower in his hand. it is called by botanists the gnaphalium leontopo* dium, but by the swiss edelweiss? which signifies noble purity. thoreau seemed to me living in the hope to gather this plant, which belonged to him of right. the scale on which his studies proceeded was so large as to require longevity, and we were the less prepared for his sudden disappearance. the country knows not yet, or in the least part, how great a son it has lost. it seems an injury that he should leave in the midst his broken task, which none else can finish, a kind of indignity to so noble a soul, that he should depart out of nature before yet he has been 1 pronounced a del-vice. 32 biographical sketch of thoreau. really shown to his peers for what he is. but he, at least, is content. his soul was made for the noblest society ; he had in a short life exhausted the capa bilities of this world ; wherever there is knowledge, wherever there is virtue, wherever there is beauty, he will find a home. the succession of forest trees. every man is entitled to come to cattle-show, even a transcendentalist ; l and for my part i am more interested in the men than in the cattle. i wish to see once more those old familiar faces, whose names i do not know, which for me represent the middle sex 2 country, and come as near being indigenous to the soil as a white man can ; the men who are not above their business, whose coats are not too black, whose shoes do not shine very much, who never wear gloves to conceal their hands. it is true, there are some queer specimens of humanity attracted to our festival, but all are welcome. i am pretty sure to meet once more that weak-minded and whimsical fel low, generally weak-bodied too, who prefers a crooked stick for a cane ; perfectly useless, you would say, only bizarre, fit for a cabinet, like a petrified snake. a ram s horn would be as convenient, and is yet more curiously twisted. he brings that much indulged bit of the country with him, from some town s end or other, and introduces it to concord groves, as if he had promised it so much sometime. so some, it seems 1 the name transcendentalist was given to emerson, thoreau, and others of similar ways of thinking. 2 concord is in middlesex county, massachusetts, and this paper was an address read to the middlesex agricultural so ciety at the fair commonly called a cattle-show. 34 thorea u. to me, elect their rulers for their crookedness. but i think that a straight stick makes the beat cane t and an upright man the best" ruler. or why ~clibose a man to"3b"^ialn work~^who~ is distinguished for his oddity ? however, i do not know but you will think that they have committed this mistake who invited me to speak to you to-day. in my capacity of surveyor i have often talked with some of you, my employers, at your dinner-tables, after having gone round and round and behind your farming, and ascertained exactly what its limits were. moreover, taking a surveyor s and a naturalist s lib erty, i have been in the habit of going across your lots much oftener than is usual, as many of you, per haps to your sorrow, are aware. yet many of you, to my relief, have seemed not to be aware of it ; and when i came across you in some out-of-the-way nook of your farms, have inquired, with an air of surprise, if i were not lost, since you had never seen me in that part of the town or county before ; when, if the truth were known, and it had not been for betraying my secret, i might with more propriety have inquired if you were not lost, since i had never seen you there before. i have several times shown the proprietor the shortest way out of his wood-lot. therefore, it would seem that i have some title to speak to you to-day ; and considering what that title is, and the occasion that has called us together, i need offer no apology if i invite your attention, for the few moments that are allotted me, to a purely scien tific subject. at those dinner-tables referred to, i have often been asked, as many of you have been, if i could tell how it happened, that when a pine wood was cut the succession of forest trees. 35 down an oak one commonly sprang up, and vice versa. to which i have answered, and now answer, that i can tell, that it is no mystery to me. as i am not aware that this has been clearly shown by any one, i shall lay the more stress on this point. let me lead you back into your wood-lots again. when, hereabouts, a single forest tree or a forest springs up naturally where none of its kind grew be fore, i do not hesitate to say, though in some quarters still it may sound paradoxical, that it came from a seed. of the various ways by which trees are known to be propagated, by transplanting, cuttings, and the like, this is the only supposable one under these circumstances. no such tree has ever been known to spring from anything else. if any one as serts that it sprang from something else, or from noth ing, the burden of proof lies with him. it remains, then, only to show how the seed is transported from where it grows to where it is planted. this is done chiefly by the agency of the wind, water, and animals. the lighter seeds, as those of pines and maples, are transported chiefly by wind and water ; the heavier, as acorns and nuts, by animals. in all the pines, a very thin membrane, in appear ance much like an insect s wing, grows over and around the seed, and independent of it, while the latter is being developed within its base. indeed, this is often perfectly developed, though the seed is abortive ; nature being, you would say, more sure to provide the means of transporting the seed than to provide the seed to be transported. in other words, a beautiful thin sack is woven around the seed, with a handle to it such as the wind can take hold of, and it 36 thorea u. is then committed to the wind, expressly that it may transport the seed and extend the range of the spe cies ; and this it does as effectually as when seeds are sent by mail in a different kind of sack from the patent-office. there is a patent-office at the seat of government of the universe, whose managers are as much interested in the dispersion of seeds as anybody at washington can be, and their operations are infi nitely more extensive and regular. there is then no necessity for supposing that the pines have sprung up from nothing, and i am aware that i am not at all peculiar in asserting that they come from seeds, though the mode of their propaga tion by nature has been but little attended to. they are very extensively raised from the seed in europe, and are beginning to be here. when you cut down an oak wood, a pine wood will not at once spring up there unless there are, or have been, quite recently, seed-bearing pines near enough for the seeds to be blown from them. but, adjacent to a forest of pines, if you prevent other crops from growing there, you will surely have an extension of your pine forest, provided the soil is suitable. as for the heavy seeds and nuts which are not furr nished with wings, the notion is still a very common one that, when the trees which bear these spring up where none of their kind were noticed before, they have come from seeds or other principles sponta neously generated there in an unusual manner, or which have lain dormant in the soil for centuries, or perhaps been called into activity by the heat of a burning. i do not believe these assertions, and i will state some of the ways in which, according to my observation, such forests are planted and raised. the succession of forest trees. 37 every one of these seeds, too, will be found to be winged or legged in another fashion. surely it is not wonderful that cherry-trees of all kinds are widely dispersed, since their fruit is well known to be the favorite food of various birds. many kinds are called bird-cherries, and they appropriate many more kinds, which are not so called. eating cherries is a bird like employment, and unless we disperse the seeds occasionally, as they do, i shall think that the birds have the best right to them. see how artfully the seed of a cherry is placed in order that a bird may be compelled to transport it in the very midst of a tempting pericarp, so that the creature that would de vour this must commonly take the stone also into its mouth or bill. if you ever ate a cherry and did not make two bites of it, you must have perceived it right in the centre of the luscious morsel, a large earthy residuum left on the tongue. we thus take into our mouths cherry-stones as big as peas, a dozen at once, for nature can persuade us to do almost anything when she would compass her ends. some wild men and children instinctively swallow these, as the birds do when in a hurry, it being the shortest way to get rid of them. thus, though these seeds are not provided with vegetable wings, nature has impelled the thrush tribe to take them into their bills and fly away with them ; and they are winged in another sense, and more effectually than the seeds of pines, for these are carried even against the wind. the consequence is, that cherry-trees grow not only here but there. the same is true of a great many other seeds. but to come to the observation which suggested these remarks. as i have said, i suspect that i can 38 thorea u. throw some light on the fact, that when hereabouts a dense pine wood is cut down, oaks and other hard woods may at once take its place. i have got only to show that the acorns and nuts, provided they are grown in the neighborhood, are regularly planted in such woods ; for i assert that if an oak-tree has not grown within ten miles, and man has not carried acorns thither, then an oak wood will not spring up at once, when a pine wood is cut down. apparently, there were only pines there before. they are cut off, and after a year or two you see oaks and other hard woods springing up there, with scarcely a pine amid them, and the wonder commonly is, how the seed could have lain in the ground so long with out decaying. but the truth is, that it has not lain in the ground so long, but is regularly planted each year by various quadrupeds and birds. in this neighborhood, where oaks and pines are about equally dispersed, if you look through the thick est pine wood, even the seemingly unmixed pitch-pine ones, you will commonly detect many little .oaks, birches, and other hard woods, sprung from seeds car ried into the thicket by squirrels and other animals, and also blown thither, but which are overshadowed and choked by the pines. the denser the evergreen wood, the more likely it is to be well planted with these seeds, because the planters incline to resort with their forage to the closest covert. they also carry it into birch and other woods. this planting is carried on annually, and the oldest seedlings an nually die ; but when the pines are cleared off, the oaks, having got just the start they want, and now secured favorable conditions, immediately spring up to trees. the succession of forest trees. 39 the shade of a dense pine wood is more unfavor able to the springing up of pines of the same species than of oaks within it, though the former may come up abundantly when the pines are cut, if there chance to be sound seed in the ground. but when you cut off a lot of hard wood, very often the little pines mixed with it have a similar start, for the squirrels have carried off the nuts to the pines, and not to the more open wood, and they commonly make pretty clean work of it ; and moreover, if the wood was old, the sprouts will be feeble or entirely fail ; to say nothing about the soil being, in a measure, exhausted for this kind of crop. if a pine wood is surrounded by a white-oak one chiefly, white-oaks may be expected to succeed when the pines are cut. if it is surrounded instead by an edging of shrub-oaks, then you will probably have a dense shrub-oak thicket. i have no time to go into details, but will say, in a word, that while the wind is conveying the seeds of pines into hard woods and open lands, the squirrels and other animals are conveying the seeds of oaks and walnuts into the pine woods, and thus a rotation of crops is kept up. i affirmed this confidently many years ago, and an occasional examination of dense pine woods con firmed me in my opinion. it has long been known to observers that squirrels bury nuts in the ground, but i am not aware that any one has thus accounted for the regular succession of forests. on the 24th of september, in 1857, as 1 was pad dling down the assabet, in this town, i saw a red squirrel run along the bank under some herbage, with something large in its mouth. it stopped near the 40 thoreau. foot of a hemlock, within a couple of rods of me, and, hastily pawing a hole with its forefeet, dropped its booty into it, covered it up, and retreated part way up the trunk of the tree. as i approached the shore to examine the deposit, the squirrel, descending part way, betrayed no little anxiety about its treasure, and made two or three motions to recover it before it finally retreated. digging there, i found two green pig-nuts joined together, with the thick husks on, buried about an inch and a half under the reddish soil of decayed hemlock leaves, just the right depth to plant it. in short, this squirrel was then engaged in accomplishing two objects, to wit, laying up a store of winter food for itself, and planting a hickory wood for all creation. if the squirrel was killed, or neg lected its deposit, a hickory would spring up. the nearest hickory tree was twenty rods distant. these nuts were there still just fourteen days later, but were gone when i looked again, november 21, or six weeks later still. i have since examined more carefully several dense woods, which are said to be, and are apparently ex clusively pine, and always with the same result. for instance, i walked the same day to a small but very dense and handsome white-pine grove, about fifteen rods square, in the east part of this town. the trees are large for concord, being from ten to twenty inches in diameter, and as exclusively pine as any wood that i know. indeed, i selected this wood be cause i thought it the least likely to contain anything else. it stands on an open plain or pasture, except that it adjoins another small pine wood, which has a few little oaks in it, on the southeast side. on every other side it was at least thirty rods from the nearest the succession of forest trees. 41 woods. standing on the edge of this grove and look ing through it, for it is quite level and free from un derwood, for the most part bare, red-carpeted ground, you would have said that there was not a hard-wood tree in it, young or old. but on looking carefully along over its floor i discovered, though it was not till my eye had got used to the search, that, alternating with thin ferns and small blueberry bushes, there was, not merely here and there, but as often as every five feet and with a degree of regularity, a little oak, from three to twelve inches high, and in one place i found a green acorn dropped by the base of a pine. i confess, i was surprised to find my theory so perfectly proved in this case. one of the principal agents in this planting, the red squirrels, were all the while curiously inspecting me, while i was inspecting their plantation. some of the little oaks had been browsed by cows, which resorted to this wood for shade. after seven or eight years, the hard woods evi dently find such a locality unfavorable to their growth, the pines being allowed to stand. as an evidence of this, i observed a diseased red-maple twenty-five feet long, which had been recently prostrated, though it was still covered with green leaves, the only maple in any position in the wood. but although these oaks almost invariably die if the pines are not cut down, it is probable that they do better for a few years under their shelter than they would anywhere else. the very extensive and thorough experiments of the english have at length led them to adopt a method of raising oaks almost precisely like this, which some what earlier had been adopted by nature and her 42 thoreau. squirrels here; they have simply rediscovered the value of pines as nurses for oaks. the english ex perimenters seem early and generally to have found out the importance of using trees of some kind as nurse-plants for the young oaks. i quote from lou don what he describes as " the ultimatum on the sub ject of planting and sheltering oaks," " an abstract of the practice adopted by the government officers in the national forests " of england, prepared by alex ander milne. at first some oaks had been planted by themselves, and others mixed with scotch pines ; " but in all cases," says mr. milne, "where oaks were planted actually among the pines, and surrounded by them, [though the soil might be inferior,] the oaks were found to be much the best." "for several years past, the plan pursued has been to plant the inclosures with scotch pines only, [a tree very similar to our pitch pine,] and when the pines have got to the height of five or six feet, then to put in good strong oak plants of about four or five years growth among the pines, not cutting away any pines at first, unless they happen to be so strong and thick as to overshadow the oaks. in about two .years, it becomes necessary to shred the branches of the pines, to give light and air to the oaks, and in about two or three more years to begin gradually to remove the pines altogether, taking out a certain number each year, so that, at the end of twenty or twenty-five years, not a single scotch pine shall be left; although, for the first ten or twelve years, the plantation may have appeared to contain nothing else but pine. the advantage of this mode of planting has been found to be that the pines dry and ameliorate the soil, destroying the coarse grass the succession of forest trees. 43 and brambles which frequently choke and injure oaks ; and that no mending over is necessary, as scarcely an oak so planted is found to fail." thus much the english planters have discovered by patient experiment, and, for aught i know, they have taken out a patent for it ; but they appear not to have discovered that it was discovered before, and that they are merely adopting the method of nature, which she long ago made patent to all. she is all the while planting the oaks amid the pines without our knowledge, and at last, instead of government officers, we send a party of wood-choppers to cut down the pines, and so rescue an oak forest, at which we wonder as if it had dropped from the skies. as i walk amid hickories, even in august, i hear the sound of green pig-nuts falling from time to time, cut off by the chickaree over my head. in the fall, i notice on the ground, either within or in the neigh borhood of oak woods, on all sides of the town, stout oak twigs three or four inches long, bearing half-a dozen empty acorn-cups, which twigs have been gnawed off by squirrels, on both sides of the nuts, in order to make them more portable. the jays scream and the red squirrels scold while you are clubbing and shak ing the chestnut-trees, for they are there on the same errand, and two of a trade never agree. i frequently see a red or gray squirrel cast down a green chestnut bur, as i am going through the woods, and i used to think, sometimes, that they were cast at me. in fact, they are so busy about it, in the midst of the chest nut season, that you cannot stand long in the woods without hearing one fall. a sportsman told me that he had, the day before, that was in the middle of october, seen a green chestnut bur dropt on our 44 thorea u. great river meadow, fifty rods from the nearest wood, and much farther from the nearest chestnut-tree, and he could not tell how it came there. occasionally, when chestnutting in midwinter, i find thirty or forty nuts in a pile, left in its gallery, just under the leaves, by the common wood-mouse. but especially, in the winter, the extent to which this transportation and planting of nuts is carried on is made apparent by the snow. in almost every wood you will see where the red or gray squirrels have pawed down through the snow in a hundred places, sometimes two feet deep, and almost always directly to a nut or a pine-cone, as directly as if they had started from it and bored upward, which you and i could not have done. it would be difficult for us to find one before the snow falls. commonly, no doubt, they had de posited them there in the fall. you wonder if they remember the localities, or discover them by the scent. the red squirrel commonly has its winter abode in the earth under a thicket of evergreens, frequently under a small clump of evergreens in the midst of a decidu ous wood. if there are any nut-trees which still re tain their nuts, standing at a distance without the wood, their paths often lead directly to and from them. we, therefore, need not suppose an oak stand ing here and there in the wood in order to seed it, but if a few stand within twenty or thirty rods of it, it is sufficient. i think that i may venture to say that every white pine cone that falls to the earth naturally in this town, before opening and losing its seeds, and almost every pitch-pine cone that falls at all, is cut off by a squirrel, and they begin to pluck them long before they are ripe, so that when the crop of white-pine cones is a the succession of forest trees. 45 small one, as it commonly is, they cut off thus almost every one of these before it fairly ripens. i think, moreover, that their design, if i may so speak, in cut ting them off green, is, partly, to prevent their open ing and losing their seeds, for these are the ones for which they dig through the snow, and the only white pine cones which contain anything then. i have counted in one heap, within a diameter of four feet, the cores of 239 pitch-pine cones which had been cut off and stripped by the red squirrel the previous winter. the nuts thus left on the surface, or buried just beneath it, are placed in the most favorable circum stances for germinating. i have sometimes wondered how those which merely fell on the surface of the earth got planted ; but, by the end of december, i find the chestnut of the same year partially mixed with the mould, as it were, under the decaying and mouldy leaves, where there is all the moisture and manure they want, for the nuts fall first. in a plen tiful year, a large proportion of the nuts are thus covered loosely an inch deep, and are, of course, somewhat concealed from squirrels. one winter, when the crop had been abundant, i got, with the aid of a rake, many quarts of these nuts as late as the tenth of january, and though some bought at the store the same day were more than half of them mouldy, i did not find a single mouldy one among these which i picked from under the wet and mouldy leaves, where they had been snowed on once or twice. nature knows how to pack them best. they were still plump and tender. apparently, they do not heat there, though wet. in the spring they were all sprouting. 46 thorea u. loudon says that " when the nut [of the common walnut of europe] is to be preserved through the winter for the purpose of planting in the following spring, it should be laid in a rot-heap, as soon as gathered, with the husk on, and the heap should be turned over frequently in the course of the winter." here, again, he is stealing nature s " thunder." how can a poor mortal do otherwise ? for it is she that finds fingers to steal with, and the treasure to be stolen. in the planting of the seeds of most trees, the best gardeners do no more than follow nature, though they may not know it. generally, both large and small ones are most sure to germinate, and suc ceed best, when only beaten into the earth with the back of a spade, and then covered with leaves or straw. these results to which planters have arrived remind us of the experience of kane and his com panions at the north, who, when learning to live in that climate, were surprised to find themselves steadily adopting the customs of the natives, simply becoming esquimaux. so, when we experiment in planting forests, we find ourselves at last doing as nature does. would it not be well to consult with nature in the outset ? for she is the most extensive and ex perienced planter of us all, not excepting the dukes of athol. 1 in short, they who have not attended particularly to this subject are but little aware to what an extent quadrupeds and birds are employed, especially in the fall, in collecting, and so disseminating and planting the seeds of trees. it is the almost constant employ ment of the squirrels at that season, and you rarely 1 the dukes of athol, in scotland, were famous for their plantations of trees. the succession of forest trees. 47 meet with one that has not a nut in its mouth, or is not just going to get one. one squirrel-hunter of this town told me that he knew of a walnut-tree which bore particularly good nuts, but that on going to gather them one fall, he found that he had been an ticipated by a family of a dozen red squirrels. he took out of the tree, which was hollow, one bushel and three pecks by measurement, without the husks, and they supplied him and his family for the winter. it would be easy to multiply instances of this kind. how commonly in the fall you see the cheek-pouches of the striped squirrel distended by a quantity of nuts ! this species gets its scientific name tamias, or the steward, from its habit of storing up nuts and other seeds. look under a nut-tree a month after the nuts have fallen, and see what proportion of sound nuts to the abortive ones and shells you will find ordinarily. they have been already eaten, or dis persed far and wide. the ground looks like the plat form before a grocery, where the gossips of the village sit to crack nuts and less savory jokes. you have come, you would say, after the feast was over, and are presented with the shells only. occasionally, when threading the woods in the fall, you will hear a sound as if some one had broken a twig, and, looking up, see a jay pecking at an acorn, or you will see a flock of them at once about it, in the top of an oak, and hear them break them off. they then fly to a suitable limb, and placing the acorn under one foot, hammer away at it busily, mak ing a sound like a woodpecker s tapping, looking round from time to time to see if any foe is approach ing, and soon reach the meat, and nibble at it, hold ing up their heads to swallow, while they hold the 48 thorea u. remainder very firmly with their claws. neverthe less, it often drops to the ground before the bird has done with it. i can confirm what william bartrarn wrote to wilson, the ornithologist, that " the jay is one of the most useful agents in the economy of na ture, for disseminating forest trees and other nucifer ous and hard-seeded vegetables on which they feed. their chief employment during the autumnal season is foraging to supply their winter stores. in perform ing this necessary duty they drop abundance of seed in their flight over fields, hedges, and by fences, where they alight to deposit them in the post-holes, etc. it is remarkable what numbers of young trees rise up in fields and pastures after a wet winter and spring. these birds alone are capable, in a few years time, to replant all the cleared lands." i have noticed that squirrels also frequently drop their nuts in the open land, which will still further account for the oaks and walnuts which spring up in pastures, for, depend on it, every new tree comes from a seed. when i examine the little oaks, one or two years old, in such places, i invariably find the empty acorn from which they sprung. so far from the seed having lain dormant in the soil since oaks grew there before, as many believe, it is well known that it is difficult to preserve the vi tality of acorns long enough to transport them to eu rope ; and it is recommended in london s arboretum^ as the safest course, to sprout them in pots on the voyage. the same authority states that " very few acorns of any species will germinate after having been kept a year," that beechmast " only retains its vital properties one year," and the black-walnut "seldom more than six months after it has ripened." i have the succession of forest trees. 49 frequently found that in november, almost every acorn left on the ground had sprouted or decayed. what with frost, drought, moisture, and worms, the greater part are soon destroyed. yet it is stated by one botanical writer that " acorns that have lain for centuries, on being ploughed up, have soon vege tated." mr. george b. emerson, in his valuable report on the trees and shrubs of this state, says of the pines : " the tenacity of life of the seeds is remarkable. they will remain for many years unchanged in the ground, protected by the coolness and deep shade of the forest above them. but when the forest is re moved, and the warmth of the sun admitted, they immediately vegetate." since he does not tell us on what observation his remark is founded, i must doubt its truth. besides, the experience of nurserymen makes it the more questionable. the stories of wheat raised from seed buried with an ancient egyptian, and of raspberries raised from seed found in the stomach of a man in england, who is supposed to have died sixteen or seventeen hun dred years ago, are generally discredited, simply be cause the evidence is not conclusive. several men of science, dr. carpenter among them, have used the statement that beach-plums sprang up in sand which was dug up forty miles inland in maine, to prove that the seed had lain there a very long time, and some have inferred that the coast has receded so far. but it seems to me necessary to their argument to show, first, that beach-plums grow only on a beach. they are not uncommon here, which is about half that distance from the shore ; and i remember a dense patch a few miles north of us, twenty-five miles in 50 thorea u. land, from which the fruit was annually carried to market. how much further inland they grow, i know not. dr. charles t. jackson speaks of finding " beach-plums " (perhaps they were this kind) more than one hundred miles inland in maine. it chances that similar objections lie against all the more notorious instances of the kind on record. yet i am prepared to believe that some seeds, espe cially small ones, may retain their vitality for centu ries under favorable circumstances. in the spring of 1859, the old hunt house, so called, in this town, whose chimney bore the date 1703, was taken down. this stood on land which belonged to john winthrop, the first governor of massachusetts, and a part of the house was evidently much older than the above date, and belonged to the winthrop family. for many years i have ransacked this neighborhood for plants, and i consider myself familiar with its productions. thinking of the seeds which are said to be sometimes dug up at an unusual depth in the earth, and thus to reproduce long extinct plants, it occurred to me last fall that some new or rare plants might have sprung up in the cellar of this house, which had been covered from the light so long. searching there on the 22d of september, i found, among other rank weeds, a species of nettle (urtica urens), which i had not found before; dill, which i had not seen growing spontaneously ; the jerusalem oak, which i had seen wild in but one place; black nightshade, which is quite rare hereabouts ; and common tobacco, which, though it was often cultivated here in the last century, has for fifty years been an unknown plant in this town, and a few months before this not even i had heard that one man in the north part of the town the succession of forest trees. 51 was cultivating a few plants for his own use. i have no doubt that some or all of these plants sprang from seeds which had long been buried under or about that house, and that that tobacco is an additional evidence that the plant was formerly cultivated here. the cellar has been filled up this year, and four of those plants, including the tobacco, are now again extinct in that locality. it is true, i have shown that the animals consume a great part of the seeds of trees, and so, at least, effectually prevent their becoming trees ; but in all these cases, as i have said, the consumer is compelled to be at the same time the disperser and planter, and this is the tax which he pays to nature. i think it is linnaeus who says, that while the swine is rooting for acorns, he is planting acorns. though i do not believe that a plant will spring up where no seed has been, i have great faith in a seed a, to me, equally mysterious origin for it. con vince me that you have a seed there, and i am pre pared to expect wonders. i shall even believe that the millennium is at hand, and that the reign of jus tice is about to commence, when the patent office, or government, begins to distribute, and the people to plant the seeds of these things. in the spring of 1857 i planted six seeds sent to me from the patent office, and labelled, i think, " poitrine jaune grosse" l large yellow squash. two came up, and one bore a squash which weighed pounds, the other bore four, weighing together pounds. who would have believed that there was 310 pounds of poitrine jaune grosse in that corner of my garden? these seeds were the bait i used to 1 pronounced pwah-treen zhone yroce. 52 thoreau. catch it, my ferrets which i sent into its burrow, my brace of terriers which unearthed it. a little myste rious hoeing and manuring was all the abracadabra 1 presto-change that i used, and, lo ! true to the label, they found for me 310 pounds of poitrine jaune grosse there, where it never was known to be, nor was before. these talismen had perchance sprung from america at first, and returned to it with una bated force. the big squash took a premium at your fair that fall, and i understood that the man who bought it intended to sell the seeds for ten cents a piece. (were they not cheap at that ?) but i have more hounds of the same breed. i learn that one which i dispatched to a distant town, true to its in stincts, points to the large yellow squash there, too, where no hound ever found it before, as its ancestors did here and in france. other seeds i have which will find other things in that corner of my garden, in like fashion, almost any fruit you wish, every year for ages, until the crop more than fills the whole garden. you have but lit tle more to do than throw up your cap for entertain ment these american days. perfect alchemists i keep who can transmute substances without end, and thus the corner of my garden is an inexhaustible treasure chest. here you can dig, not gold, but the value which gold merely represents ; and there is no sign or blitz 2 about it. yet farmers sons will stare by the hour to see a juggler draw ribbons from his throat, though he tells them it is all deception. surely, men love darkness rather than light. 1 a charm once used by the superstitious. 2 a swiss juggler who was a favorite performer in new eng. land between 1850 and 1860. his trained canaries were one of the wonders of the day. wild apples. the history of the apple-tree. it is remarkable how closely the history of the apple-tree is connected with that of man. the geologist tells us that the order of the rosacece, which includes the apple, also the true grasses, and the lubiatce, or mints, were introduced only a short time previous to the appearance of man on the globe. it appears that apples made a part of the food of that unknown primitive people whose traces have lately been found at the bottom of the swiss lakes, supposed to be older than the foundation of rome, so old that they had no metallic implements. an entire black and shrivelled crab-apple has been re covered from their stores. tacitus says of the ancient germans, that they satisfied their hunger with wild apples, among other things. niebuhr * observes that " the words for a house, a field, a plough, ploughing, wine, oil, milk, sheep, apples, and ethers relating to agriculture and the gen tler ways of life, agree in latin and greek, while the latin words for all objects pertaining to war or the chase are utterly alien from the greek." thus 1 a german historical critic of ancient life. 54 thoreau. the apple-tree may be considered a symbol of peace no less than the olive. the apple was early so important, and so generally distributed, that its name traced to its root in many languages signifies fruit in general. m^xoj/ [melon], in greek, means an apple, also the fruit of other trees, also a sheep and any cattle, and finally riches in general. the apple-tree has been celebrated by the hebrews, greeks, romans, and scandinavians. some have thought that the first human pair were tempted by its fruit. goddesses are fabled to have contended for it, dragons were set to watch it, and heroes were employed to pluck it. 1 the tree is mentioned in at least three places in the old testament, and its fruit in two or three more. solomon sings, " as the apple-tree among the trees of the wood, so is my beloved among the sons." and again, "stay me with flagons, comfort me with ap ples." the noblest part of man s noblest feature is named from this fruit, " the apple of the eye." the apple-tree is also mentioned by homer and herodotus. ulysses saw in the glorious garden of alcinoiis "pears and pomegranates and apple-trees bearing beautiful fruit." and according to homer, apples were among the fruits which tantalus could not pluck, the wind ever blowing their boughs away from him. theophrastus knew and described the apple-tree as a botanist. according to the prose edda, 2 " iduna keeps in a box the apples which the gods, when they feel old 1 the greek myths especially referred to are the choice of paris and the apples of the hesperides. 2 the stories of the early scandinavians. the history of the apple-tree. 55 ag^ approaching, have only to taste of to become young again. it is in this manner that they will be kept in renovated youth until ragnarok " (or the de struction of the gods). i learn from loudon 1 that " the ancient welsh bards were rewarded for excelling in song by the token of the apple-spray ; " and " in the highlands of scotland the apple-tree is the badge of the clan lamont." the apple-tree belongs chiefly to the northern tem perate zone. loudon says, that " it grows spontane ously in every part of europe except the frigid zone, and throughout western asia, china, and japan." we have also two or three varieties of the apple in digenous in north america. the cultivated apple tree was first introduced into this country by the earliest settlers, and is thought to do as well or bet ter here than anywhere else. probably some of the varieties which are now cultivated were first intro duced into britain by the romans. pliny, adopting the distinction of theophiastus, says, " of trees there are some which are altogether wild, some more civilized." theophrastus includes the apple among the last; and, indeed, it is in this sense the most civilized of all trees. it is as harm less as a dove, as beautiful as a rose, and as valua ble as flocks and herds. it has been longer culti vated than any other, and so is more humanized ; and who knows but, like the dog, it will at length be no longer traceable to its wild original ? it migrates with man, like the dog and horse and cow: first, perchance, from greece to italy, thence to england, 1 an english authority on ( : ne culture of orchards and gar dens. 56 thorea u. thence to america; and our western emigrant is still marching steadily toward the setting sun with the seeds of the apple in his pocket, or perhaps a few young trees strapped to his load. at least a million apple-trees are thus set farther westward this year than any cultivated ones grew last year. consider how the blossomweek, like the sabbath, is thus annually spreading over the prairies ; for when man migrates he carries with him not only his birds, quadrupeds, insects, vegetables, and his very sward, but his orchard also. the leaves and tender twigs are an agreeable food to many domestic animals, as the cow, horse, sheep, and goat ; and the fruit is sought after by the first, as well as by the hog. thus there appears to have existed a natural alliance between these animals and this tree from the first. " the fruit of the crab in the forests of france " is said to be " a great resource for the wild-boar." not only the indian, but many indigenous insects, birds, and quadrupeds, welcomed the apple-tree to these shores. the tent-caterpillar saddled her eggs on the very first twig that was formed, and it has since shared her affections with the wild cherry ; and the canker-worm also in a measure abandoned the elm to feed on it. as it grew apace, the bluebird, robin, cherry-bird, king-bird, and many more, came with haste and built their nests and warbled in its boughs, and so became orchard-birds, and multiplied more than ever. it was an era in the history of their race. the downy woodpecker found such a savory morsel under its bark, that he perforated it in a ring quite round the tree before he left it, a thing which he had never done before, to my knowledge. the history of the apple-tree. 57 it did not take the partridge long to find out how sweet its buds were, and every winter eve she flew, and still flies, from the wood, to pluck them, much to the farmer s sorrow. the rabbit, too, was not slow to learn the taste of its twigs and bark ; and when the fruit was ripe, the squirrel half-rolled, half-carried it to his hole ; and even the musquash crept up the bank from the brook at evening, and greedily de voured it, until he had worn a path in the grass there ; and when it was frozen and thawed, the crow and the jay were glad to taste it occasionally. the owl crept into the first apple-tree that became hollow, and fairly hooted with delight, finding it just the place for him ; so, settling down into it, he has re mained there ever since. my theme being the wild apple, i will merely glance at some of the seasons in the annual growth of the cultivated apple, and pass on to my special province. the flowers of the apple are perhaps the most beau tiful of any tree, so copious and so delicious to both sight and scent. the walker is frequently tempted to turn and linger near some more than usually hand some one, whose blossoms are two thirds expanded. how superior it is in these respects to the pear, whose blossoms are neither colored nor fragrant ! by the middle of july, green apples are so large as to remind us of coddling, and of the autumn. the sward is commonly strewed with little ones which fall still-born, as it were, nature thus thinning them for us. the roman writer palladius said : " if apples are inclined to fall before their time, a stone placed in a split root will retain them." some such notion, still surviving, may account for some of the stones which 58 thorea u. we see placed to be overgrown in the forks of trees, they have a saying in suffolk, england, " at michaelmas time, or a little before, half an apple goes to the core." early apples begin to be ripe about the first of august ; but i think that none of them are so good to eat as some to smell. one is worth more to scent your handkerchief with than any perfume which they sell in the shops. the fragrance of some fruits is not to be forgotten, along with that of flowers. some gnarly apple which i pick up in the road reminds me by its fragrance of all the wealth of pomona, 1 car rying me forward to those days when they will be collected in golden and ruddy heaps in the orchards and about the cider-mills. a week or two later, as you are going by orchards or gardens, especially in the evenings, you pass through a little region possessed by the fragrance of ripe ap ples, and thus enjoy them without price, and without robbing anybody. there is thus about all natural products a certain ^/" volatile and ethereal quality which represents their highest value, and which cannot be vulgarized, or bought and sold. no mortal has ever enjoyed the perfect flavor of any fruit, and only the godlike among men begin to taste its ambrosial qualities. for nectar and ambrosia are only those fine flavors of every earthly fruit which our coarse palates fail to perceive, just as we occupy the heaven of the gods without knowing it. when i see a particularly mean man car rying a load of fair and fragrant early apples to market, i seem to see a contest going on between him and his horse, on the one side, and the apples on the other, 1 the roman goddess of fruit and fruit-trees. the history of the apple-tree. 59 and, to my mind, the apples always gain it. pliny says that apples are the heaviest of all things, and that the oxen begin to sweat at the mere sight of a load of them. our driver begins to lose his load the moment he tries to transport them to where they do not belong, that is, to any but the most beautiful though he gets out from time to time, and feels of them, and thinks they are all there, i see the stream of their evanescent and celestial qualities going to heaven from his cart, while the pulp and skin and core only are going to market. they are not apples, but pomace. are not these still iduna s apples, the ; taste of which keeps the gods forever young? and think you that they will let loki or thjassi carry them off to jotunheim, 1 while they grow wrinkled and gray ? no, for ragnarok, or the destruction of the gods, is not yet. there is another thinning of the fruit, commonly near the end of august or in september, when the ground is strewn with windfalls ; and this happens especially when high winds occur after rain. in some orchards you may see fully three quarters of the whole crop on the ground, lying in a circular form beneath the trees, yet hard and green, or, if it is a hillside, rolled far down the hill. however, it is an ill wind that blows nobody any good. all the country over, people are busy picking up the windfalls, and this will make them cheap for early apple-pies. in october, the leaves falling, the apples are more distinct on the trees. i saw one year in a neighboring town some trees fuller of fruit than i remember to 1 jotunheim ( ye(r}f-un-hime) in scandinavian mythology was the home of the jb tun or giants. loki was a descendant of the gods, and a companion of the giants. thjassi (tee-assy} was a giant. 60 thorea u&gt; have ever seen before, small yellow apples hanging over the road. the branches were gracefully droop ing with their weight, like a barberry-bush, so that the whole tree acquired a new character. even the topmost branches, instead of standing erect, spread and drooped in all directions ; and there were so many poles supporting the lower ones, that they looked like pictures of banian-trees. as an old english manu script says, "the mo appelen the tree bereth the more sche boweth to the folk." surely the apple is the noblest of fruits. let the most beautiful or the swiftest have it. that should ^be the " going " price of apples. between the fifth and twentieth of october i see the barrels lie under the trees. and perhaps i talk with one who is selecting some choice barrels to fulfil an order. he turns a specked one over many times before he leaves it out. if i were to tell what is passing in my mind, i should say that every one was specked which he had handled; for he rubs off all the bloom, and those fugacious ethereal qualities leave it. cool evenings prompt the farmers to make haste, and at length i see only the ladders here and there left leaning against the trees. it would be well if we accepted these gifts with more joy and gratitude, and did not think it enough simply to put a fresh load of compost about the tree. some old english customs are suggestive at least. i find them described chiefly in brand s " popular an tiquities." it appears that "on christmas eve the farmers and their men in devonshire take a large bowl of cider, with a toast in it, and carrying it in state to the orchard, they salute the apple-trees with much ceremony, in order to make them bear well the the history of the apple-tree. 61 next season." this salutation consists in " throwing some of the cider about the roots of the tree, placing bits of the toast on the branches," and then, " encir cling one of the best bearing trees in the orchard, they drink the following toast three several times : here s to thee, old apple-tree, whence tliou mayst bud, aud whence thou mayst blow, and whence thou mayst bear apples enow ! hats-full ! caps-full ! bushel, bushel, sacks-full ! and my pockets full, too ! hurra ! also what was called " apple-howling " used to be practised in various counties of england on new year s eve. a troop of boys visited the different orchards, and, encircling the apple-trees, repeated the following words : " stand fast, root ! bear well, top ! pray god send us a good howling crop : every twig, apples big ; every bow, apples enow ! " " they then shout in chorus, one of the boys accom panying them on a cow s horn. during this cere mony they rap the trees with their sticks." this is called " wassailing " the trees, and is thought by some to be " a relic of the heathen sacrifice to pomona." herrick sings, " wassaile the trees that they may beare you many a plum and many a peare ; for more or less fruits they will bring as you so give them wassailing." our poets have as yet a better right to sing of cider than of wine ; but it behooves them to sing betier than english phillips did, else they will do no credit to their muse. 62 thoreau. the wild apple. so much for the more civilized apple-trees (urba niores, as pliny calls them). i love better to go through the old orchards of ungrafted apple-trees, at whatever season of the year, so irregularly planted : sometimes two trees standing close together ; and the rows so devious that you would think that they not only had grown while the owner was sleeping, but had been set out by him in a somnambulic state. the rows of grafted fruit will never tempt me to wander amid them like these. but i now, alas, speak rather from memory than from any recent experience, such ravages have been made ! some soils, like a rocky tract called the easter brooks country in my neighborhood, are so suited to the apple, that it will grow faster in them without any care, or if only the ground is broken up once a year, than it will in many places with any amount of care. the owners of this tract allow that the soil is excel lent for fruit, but they say that it is so rocky that they have not patience to plough it, and that, to gether with the distance, is the reason why it is not cultivated. there are, or were recently, extensive or chards there standing without order. nay, they spring up wild and bear well there in the midst of pines, birches, maples, and oaks. i am often surprised to see rising amid these trees the rounded tops of apple trees glowing with red or yellow fruit, in harmony with the autumnal tints of the forest. going up the side of a cliff about the first of no vember, i saw a vigorous young apple-tree, which, planted by birds or cows, had shot up amid the rocks and open woods there, and had now much fruit on it, the wild apple. 63 uninjured by the frosts, when all cultivated apples were gathered. it was a rank wild growth, with many green leaves on it still, and made an impression of thorni ness. the fruit was hard and green, but looked as if it would be palatable in the winter. some was dang ling on the twigs, but more half-buried in the wet leaves under the tree, or rolled far down the hill amid the rocks. the owner knows nothing of it. the day was not observed when it first blossomed, nor when it first bore fruit, unless by the chickadee. there was no dancing on the green beneath it in its honor, and now there is no hand to pluck its fruit, which is only gnawed by squirrels, as i perceive. it has done double duty, not only borne this crop, but each twig has grown a foot into the air. and this is such fruit ! bigger than many berries, we must admit, and carried home will be sound and palatable next spring. what care i for iduna s apples so long as i can get these ? when i go by this shrub thus late and hardy, and see its dangling fruit, i respect the tree, and i am grateful for nature s bounty, even though i cannot eat it. here on this rugged and woody hillside has grown an apple-tree, not planted by man, no relic of a former orchard, but a natural growth, like the pines and oaks. most fruits which we prize and use de pend entirely on our care. corn and grain, potatoes, peaches, melons, etc., depend altogether on our plant ing ; but the apple emulates man s independence and enterprise. it is not simply carried, as i have said, but, like him, to some extent, it has migrated to this new world, and is even, here and there, making its way amid the aboriginal trees ; just as the ox and dog and horse sometimes run wild and maintain them selves. 64 thorea u. even the sourest and crabbedest apple, growing in the most unfavorable position, suggests such thoughts as these, it is so noble a fruit. the ckab. nevertheless, our wild apple is wild only like myself, perchance, who belong not to the aboriginal race here, but have strayed into the woods from the cultivated stock. wilder still, as i have said, there grows else where in this country a native and aboriginal crab apple, " whose nature has not yet been modified by cultivation." it is found from western new york to minnesota and southward. michaux 1 says that its ordinary height " is fifteen or eighteen feet, but it is sometimes found twenty-five or thirty feet high," and that the large ones " exactly resemble the common apple-tree." " the flowers are white mingled with rose-color, and are collected in corymbs." they are remarkable for their delicious odor. the fruit, ac cording to him, is about an inch and a half in diame ter, and is intensely acid. yet they make fine sweet meats, and also cider of them. he concludes, that " if, on being cultivated, it does not yield new and palatable varieties, it will at least be celebrated for the beauty of its flowers, and for the sweetness of its perfume." i never saw the crab-apple till may, 1861. i had heard of it through michaux, but more modern bot anists, so far as i know, have not treated it as of any peculiar importance. thus it was a half-fabu lous tree to me. i contemplated a pilgrimage to the " glades," a portion of pennsylvania, where it was said to grow to perfection. i thought of sending to 1 pronounced mee-sho , a french botanist and traveller. how the wild apple grows. 65 a nursery for it, but doubted if they had it, or would distinguish it from european varieties. at last i had occasion to go to minnesota, and on entering michi gan i began to notice from the cars a tree with hand some rose-colored flowers. at first i thought it some variety of thorn ; but it was not long before the truth flashed on me, that this was my long-sought crab apple. it was the prevailing flowering shrub or tree to be seen from the cars at that season of the year, about the middle of may. but the cars never stopped before one, and so i was launched on the bosom of the mississippi without having touched one, experienc ing the fate of tantalus. on arriving at st. an thony s falls, i was sorry to be told that i was too far north for the crab-apple. nevertheless i suc ceeded in finding it about eight miles west of the falls ; touched it and smelled it, and secured a linger ing corymb of flowers for my herbarium. this must have been near its northern limit. how the wild apple grows. but though the.se are indigenous, like the indians, i doubt whether they are any hardier than those back woodsmen among the apple-trees, which, though de scended from cultivated stocks, plant themselves in distant fields and forests, where the soil is favorable to them. i know of no trees which have more dif ficulties to contend with, and which more sturdily resist their foes. these are the ones whose story we have to tell. it oftentimes reads thus : near the beginning of may. we notice little thickets of apple-trees just springing up in the pastures where cattle have been, as the rocky ones of our easter brooks country, or the top of nobscot hill in sud 66 thoreau. bury. one or two of these perhaps survive the drought and other accidents, their very birthplace defending them against the encroaching grass and some other dangers, at first. in two years time t had thus reached the level of the rocks, admired the stretching world, nor feared the wandering flocks. but at this tender age its sufferings began : there came a browsing ox and cut it down a span. this time, perhaps, the ox does not notice it amid the grass ; but the next year, when it has grown more stout, he recognizes it for a fellow-emigrant from the old country, the flavor of whose leaves and twigs he well knows ; and though at first he pauses to welcome it, and express his surprise, and gets for answer, " the same cause that brought you here brought me," he nevertheless browses it again, reflecting, it may be, that he has some title to it. thus cut down annually, it does not despair ; but, putting forth two short twigs for every one cut off, it spreads out low along the ground in the hollows or between the rocks, growing more stout and scrubby, until it forms, not a tree as yet, but a little pyramidal, stiff, twiggy mass, almost as solid and impenetrable as a rock. some of the densest and most impene trable clumps of bushes that i have ever seen, as well on account of the closeness and stubbornness of their branches as of their thorns, have been these wild-apple scrubs. they are more like the scrubby fir and black spruce on which you stand, and sometimes walk, on the tops of mountains, where cold is the demon they how the wild apple grows. g7 contend with, than anything else. no wonder they are prompted to grow thorns at last, to defend them selves against such foes. in their thorniness, how ever, there is no malice, only some malic acid. the rocky pastures of the tract i have referred to for they maintain their ground best in a rocky field are thickly sprinkled with these little tufts, reminding you often of some rigid gray mosses or lichens, and you see thousands of little trees just springing up between them, with the seed still at tached to them. being regularly clipped all around each year by the cows, as a hedge with shears, they are often of a per fect conical or pyramidal form, from one to four feet high, and more or less sharp, as if trimmed by the gardener s art. in the pastures on nobscot hill and its spurs they make fine dark shadows when the sun is low. they are also an excellent covert from hawks for many small birds that roost and build in them. whole flocks perch in them at night, and i have seen three robins nests in one which was six feet in di ameter. no doubt many of these are already old trees, if you reckon from the day they were planted, but in fants still when you consider their development and the long life before them. i counted the annual rings of some which were just one foot high, and as wide as high, and found that they were about twelve years old, but quite sound and thrifty ! they were so low that they were unnoticed by the walker, while many of their contemporaries from the nurseries were al ready bearing considerable crops. but what you gain in time is perhaps in this case, too, lost in power, that is, in the vigor of the tree. this is their pyram idal state. 68 thorea u. the cows continue to browse them thus for twenty years or more, keeping them down and compelling them to spread, until at last they are so broad that they become their own fence, when some interior shoot, which their foes cannot reach, darts upward with joy : for it has not forgotten its high calling, and bears its own peculiar fruit in triumph. such are the tactics by which it finally defeats its bovine foes. now, if you have watched the progress of a particular shrub, you will see that it is no longer a simple pyramid or cone, but out of its apex there rises a sprig or two, growing more lustily perchance than an orchard-tree, since the plant now devotes the whole of its repressed energy to these upright parts. in a short time these become a small tree, an inverted pyramid resting on the apex of the other, so that the whole has now the form of a vast hour-glass. the spreading bottom, having served its purpose, finally disappears, and the generous tree permits the now harmless cows to come in and stand in its shade, and rub against and redden its trunk, which has grown in spite of them, and even to taste a part of its fruit, and so disperse the seed. thus the cows create their own shade and food ; and the tree, its hour-glass being inverted, lives a second life, as it were. it is an important question with some nowadays, whether you should trim young apple-trees as high as your nose or as high as your eyes. the ox trims them up as high as he can reach, and that is about the right height, i think. in spite of wandering kine and other adverse cir. cumstances, that despised shrub, valued only by small birds as a covert and shelter from hawks, has its blos how the wild apple grows. 69 som-week at last, and in course of time its harvest, sincere, though small. by the end of some october, when its leaves have fallen, i frequently see such a central sprig, whose progress i have watched, when i thought it had for gotten its destiny, as i had, bearing its first crop of small green or yellow or rosy fruit, which the cows cannot get at over the bushy and thorny hedge which surrounds it, and i make haste to taste the new and undescribed variety. we have all heard of the nu merous varieties of fruit invented by van mons 1 and knight. 2 this is the system of van cow, and she has invented far more and more memorable varieties than both of them. through what hardships it may attain to bear a sweet fruit ! though somewhat small, it may prove equal, if not superior, in flavor to that which has grown in a garden, will perchance be all the sweeter and more palatable for the very difficulties it has had to contend with. who knows but this chance wild fruit, planted by a cow or a bird on some remote and rocky hillside, where it is as yet unobserved by man, may be the choicest of all its kind, and foreign poten tates shall hear of it, and royal societies seek to propa gate it, though the virtues of the perhaps truly crabbed owner of the soil may never be heard of, at least, beyond the limits of his village ? it was thus the porter and the baldwin grew. every wild -apple shrub excites our expectation thus, somewhat as every wild child. it is, perhaps, a prince in disguise. what a lesson to man ! so are human beings, referred to the highest standard, the \ 1 a belgian chemist and horticulturist. 2 an english vegetable physiologist. 70 thorea u. celestial fruit which they suggest and aspire to bear, browsed on by fate ; and only the most persistent and strongest genius defends itself and prevails, sends a tender scion upward at last, and drops its perfect fruit on the ungrateful earth. poets and philosophers and statesmen thus spring up in the country pastures, and outlast the hosts of unoriginal men. such is always the pursuit of knowledge. the celestial fruits, the golden apples of the hesperides, are ever guarded by a hundred-headed dragon which never sleeps, so that it is an herculean labor to pluck them. this is one and the most remarkable way in which the wild apple is propagated ; but commonly it springs up at wide intervals in woods and swamps, and by the sides of roads, as the soil may suit it, and grows with comparative rapidity. those which grow in dense woods are very tall and slender. i frequently pluck from these trees a perfectly mild and tamed fruit. as palladius says, " and the ground is strewn with the fruit of an unbidden apple-tree." it is an old notion, that, if these wild trees do not bear a valuable fruit of their own, they are the best stock by which to transmit to posterity the most highly prized qualities of others. however, i am not in search of stocks, but the wild fruit itself, whose fierce gust has suffered no " inteneration." it is not my " highest plot to plant the bergamot." the fruit, and its flavor. the time for wild apples is the last of october and the first of november. they then get to be palatable, for they ripen late, and they are still, perhaps, as the fruit, and its flavor. 71 beautiful as ever. i make a great account of these fruits, which the farmers do not think it worth the while to gather, wild flavors of the muse, vivacious and inspiriting. the farmer thinks that he has better in his barrels; but he is mistaken, unless he has a walker s appetite and imagination, neither of which can he have. such as grow quite wild, and are left out till the first of november, i presume that the owner does not mean to gather. they belong to children as wild as themselves, to certain active boys that i know, to the wild-eyed woman of the fields, to whom nothing comes amiss, who gleans after all the world, and, moreover, to us walkers. we have met with them, and they are ours. these rights, long enough insisted upon, have come to be an institution in some old countries, where they have learned how to live. i hear that "the custom of grippling, which may be called apple-gleaning, is, or was formerly, practised in herefordshire. it consists in leaving a few apples, which are called the gripples, on every tree, after the general gathering, for the boys, who go with climbing poles and bags to collect them." as for those i speak of, i pluck them as a wild fruit, native to this quarter of the earth, fruit of old trees that have been dying ever since i was a boy and are not yet dead, frequented only by the wood pecker and the squirrel, deserted now by the owner, who has not faith enough to look under their boughs. from the appearance of the tree-top, at a little dis tance, you would expect nothing but lichens to drop from it, but your faith is rewarded by finding the ground strewn with spirited fruit, some of it, per haps, collected at squirrel-holes, with the marks of 72 thoreau. their teeth by which they carried them, some con taining a cricket or two silently feeding within, and some, especially in damp days, a shell-less snail. the very sticks and stones lodged in the tree-top might have convinced you of the savoriness of the fruit which has been so eagerly sought after in past years. i have seen no account of these among the " fruits and fruit-trees of america," though they are more memorable to my taste than the grafted kinds ; more racy and wild american flavors do they possess, when october and november, when december and january, and perhaps february and march even, have assuaged them somewhat. an old farmer in my neighborhood, who always selects the right word, says that " they have a kind of bow-arrow tang." apples for grafting appear to have been selected commonly, not so much for their spirited flavor, as for their mildness, their size, and bearing qualities, not so much for their beauty, as for their fairness and soundness. indeed, i have no faith in the selected lists of pomological gentlemen. their " favorites " and " non-suches " and " seek-no-farthers," when i have fruited them, commonly turn out very tame and forgetable. they are eaten with comparatively little zest, and have no real tang nor smack to them. what if some of these wildings are acrid and puck ery, genuine vei juice, do they not still belong to the pomacece, which are uniformly innocent and kind to our race? i still begrudge them to the cider-mill. perhaps they are not fairly ripe yet. no wonder that these small and high-colored apples are thought to make the best cider. loudon quotes from the " herefordshire report." that " apples of a small size are always, if equal in quality, to be pre the fruit, and its flavor. 73 f erred to those of a larger size, in order that the rind and kernel may bear the greatest proportion to the pulp, which affords the weakest and most watery juice." and he says, that, " to prove this, dr. sy monds, of hereford, about the year 1800, made one hogshead of cider entirely from the rinds and cores of apples, and another from the pulp only, when the first was found of extraordinary strength and flavor while the latter was sweet and insipid." evelyn l says that the " red-strake " was the favor ite cider-apple in his day ; and he quotes one dr. newburg as saying, " in jersey t is a general obser vation, as i hear, that the more of red any apple has in its rind, the more proper it is for this use. pale faced apples they exclude as much as may be from their cider-vat." this opinion still prevails. all apples are good in november. those which * the farmer leaves out as unsalable, and unpalatable to those who frequent the markets, are choicest fruit to the walker. but it is remarkable that the wild apple, which i praise as so spirited and racy when eaten in the fields or woods, being brought into the house, has frequently a harsh and crabbed taste. the saunterer s apple not even the saunterer can eat in the house. the palate rejects it there, as it does haws and acorns, and demands a tamed one ; for there you miss the november air, which is the sauce it is to be eaten with. accordingly, when tityrus, seeing the lengthening shadows, invites meliboeus to go home and pass the night with him, he promises him mild apples and soft chestnuts. i frequently pluck wild apples of so rich and spicy a flavor that i wonder all orchardists do not get a scion from that tree, and i 1 an english writer of the seventeenth century. 74 thoreau. fail not to bring home my pockets full. but per chance, when i take one out of my desk and taste it in my chamber i find it unexpectedly crude, sour enough to set a squirrel s teeth on edge and make a jay scream. these apples have hung in the wind and frost and rain till they have absorbed the qualities of the weather or season, and thus are highly seasoned, and they pierce and sting and permeate us with their spirit. they must be eaten in season, accordingly, that is, out-of-doors. to appreciate the wild and sharp flavors of these october fruits, it is necessary that you be breathing the sharp october or november air. the out-door air and exercise which the walker gets give a differ ent tone to his palate, and he craves a fruit which the sedentary would call harsh and crabbed. they must be eaten in the fields, when your system is all aglow with exercise, when the frosty weather nips your fin gers, the wind rattles the bare boughs or rustles the few remaining leaves, and the jay is heard screaming around. what is sour in the house a bracing walk makes sweet. some of these apples might be labelled, " to be eaten in the wind." of course no flavors are thrown away ; they are in tended for the taste that is up to them. some apples have two distinct flavors, and perhaps one-half of them must be eaten in the house, the other out doors. one peter whitney wrote from northborough in 1782, for the proceedings of the boston acad emy, describing an apple-tree in that town " produc ing fruit of opposite qualities, part of the same apple being frequently sour and the other sweet ; " also some all sour, and others all sweet, and this diversity on all parts of the tree. the fruit, and its flavor. 75 there is a wild apple on nawshawtuck hill in my town which has to me a peculiarly pleasant bitter tang, not perceived till it is three-quarters tasted. it remains on the tongue. as you eat it, it smells ex actly like a squash-bug. it is a sort of triumph to eat and relish it. i hear that the fruit of a kind of plum-tree in provence is " called prunes sibarelles, because it is impossible to whistle after having eaten them, from their sourness." but perhaps they were only eaten in the house and in summer, and if tried out-of-doors in a stinging atmosphere, who knows but you could whistle an octave higher and clearer ? in the fields only are the sours and bitters of na ture appreciated; just as the wood-chopper eats his meal in a sunny glade, in the middle of a winter day, with content, basks in a sunny ray there, and dreams of summer in a degree of cold which, experienced in a chamber, would make a student miserable. they who are at work abroad are not cold, but rather it is they who sit shivering in houses. as with temperatures, so with flavors ; as with cold and heat, so with sour and sweet. this natural raciness, the sours and bit ters which the diseased palate refuses, are the true condiments. let your condiments be in the condition of your senses. to appreciate the flavor of these wild apples requires vigorous and healthy senses, papillae 1 firm and erect on the tongue and palate, not easily flattened and tamed. from my experience with wild apples, i can under stand that there may be reason for a savage s prefer 1 a latin word, accent on the second syllable, meaning here the rough surface of the tongue and palate. 76 thoreau. ring many kinds of food which the civilized man rejects. the former has the palate of an out-door man. it takes a savage or wild taste to appreciate a wild fruit. what a healthy out-of-door appetite it takes to relish the apple of life, the apple of the world, then ! " nor is it every apple i desire, nor that which pleases every palate best ; tis not the lasting deuxan i require, nor yet the red-cheeked greening i request, nor that which first beshrewed the name of wife, nor that whose beauty caused the golden strife : no, no ! bring me an apple from the tree of life." so there is one thought for the field, another for the house. i would have my thoughts, like wild ap ples, to be food for walkers, and will not warrant them to be palatable, iftasted in the house. their beauty. almost all wild apples are handsome. they can not be too gnarly and crabbed and rusty to look at. the gnarliest will have some redeeming traits even to the eye. you will discover some evening redness dashed or sprinkled on some protuberance or in some cavity. it is rare that the summer lets an apple go without streaking or spotting it on some part of its sphere. it will have some red stains, commemorating the mornings and evenings it has witnessed ; some dark and rusty blotches, in memory of the clouds and foggy, mildewy days that have passed over it ; and a spacious field of green reflecting the general face of nature, green even as the fields ; or a yellow ground, which implies a milder flavor, yellow as the harvest, or russet as the hills. their beauty. 77 apples, these i mean, unspeakably fair, apples not of discord, but of concord ! yet not so rare but that the homeliest may have a share. painted by the frosts ?&gt; some a uniform clear bright yellow, or red, or crimson, as if their spheres had regularly revolved, and enjoyed the influence of the sun on all sides alike, some with the faintest pink blush imagin able, some brindled with deep red streaks like a cow, or with hundreds of fine blood-red rays running regularly from the stem-dimple to the blossom-end, like meridional lines, on a straw-colored ground, some touched with a greenish rust, like a fine lichen, here and there, with crimson blotches or eyes more or less confluent and fiery when wet, and others gnarly, and freckled or peppered all over on the stem side with fine crimson spots on a white ground, as if accidentally sprinkled from the brush of him who paints the autumn leaves. others, again, are some times red inside, perfused with a beautiful blush, fairy food, too beautiful to eat, apple of the hes perides, apple of the evening sky! but like shells and pebbles on the sea-shore, they must be seen as they sparkle amid the withering leaves in some dell in the woods, in the autumnal air, or as they lie in the wet grass, and not when they have wilted and faded in the house. the naming of them. it would be a pleasant pastime to find suitable names for the hundred varieties which go to a single heap at the eider-mill. would it not tax a man s in vention, no one to be named after a man, and all in the lingua vernocula ? l who shall stand godfather 1 lingua verna cula, common speech. 78 thoreau. at the christening of the wild apples? it would ex haust the latin and greek languages, if they were used, and make the lingua vernacula flag. we should have to call in the sunrise and the sunset, the rainbow and the autumn woods and the wild flowers, and the woodpecker and the purple finch, and the squirrel and the jay and the butterfly, the november traveller and the truant boy, to our aid. in 1836 there were in the garden of the london horticultural society more than fourteen hundred distinct sorts. but here are species which they have not in their catalogue, not to mention the varieties which our crab might yield to cultivation. let us enumerate a few of these. i find myself compelled, after all, to give the latin names of some for the benefit of those who live where english is not spoken, for they are likely to have a world wide reputation. there is, first of all, the woodapple (mains syl vatica) ; the blue-jay apple ; the apple which grows in dells in the woods (sylvestrivallis), also in hol lows in pastures (campestrivallis) ; the apple that grows in an old cellar-holo (jmalus cellaris) ; the meadowapple ; the partridgeapple ; the truant s apple (cessatoris), which no boy will ever go by without knocking off some, however late it may be ; the saunterer s apple, you must lose yourself be fore you can find the way to that ; the beauty of the air (decus a eris) ; december-eating ; the frozen thawed (gelato-solutd), good only in that state ; the concord apple, possibly the same with the musketa quidensis ; the assabet apple ; the brindled apple ; wine of new england ; the chickaree apple ; the green apple (mains viridis) ; this has many the last gleaning. 79 synonyms ; in an imperfect state, it is the cholera morbifera aut dysenterifera, puerulis ddectisslma ; 1 the apple which atalanta stopped to pick up ; the hedge apple {malus sepium) ; the slug apple (limacea) ; the eailroadapple, which perhaps came from a core thrown out of the cars ; the apple whose fruit we tasted in our youth ; our particular apple, not to be found in any catalogue, pedestrium so latium ; 2 also the apple where hangs the forgotten scythe ; iduna s apples, and the apples which loki found in the wood ; and a great many more i have on my list, too numerous to mention, all of them good. as bodseus exclaims, referring to the culti vated kinds, and adapting virgil to his case, so i, adapting bodseus, " not if i had a hundred tongues, a hundred mouths, an iron voice, could i describe all the forms and reckon up all the names of these wild apples" the last gleaning. by the middle of november the wild apples have lost some of their brilliancy, and have chiefly fallen. a great part are decayed on the ground, and the sound ones are more palatable than before. the note of the chickadee sounds now more distinct, as you wander amid the old trees, and the autumnal dandelion is half-closed and tearful. but still, if you are a skilful gleaner, you may get many a pocket-full even of grafted fruit, long after apples are supposed to be gone out-of-doors. i know a blue-pearmain tree, growing within the edge of a swamp, almost as 1 the apple that brings the disease of cholera and of dysen tery, the fruit that small boys like best. 2 the tramp s comfort. 80 thoreau. good as wild, you would not suppose that there was any fruit left there, on the first survey, but you must look according to system. those which lie exposed are quite brown and rotten now, or perchance a few still show one blooming cheek here and there amid the wet leaves. nevertheless, with experienced eyes, i explore amid the bare alders and the huckleberry bushes and the withered sedge, and in the crevices of the rocks, which are full of leaves, and pry under the fallen and decaying ferns, which, with apple and alder leaves, thickly strew the ground. for i know that they lie concealed, fallen into hollows long since and covered up by the leaves of the tree itself, a proper kind of packing. from these lurking-places, anywhere within the circumference of the tree, i draw forth the fruit, all wet and glossy, maybe nib bled by rabbits and hollowed out by crickets and perhaps with a leaf or two cemented to it (as curzon l an old manuscript from a monastery s mouldy cellar), but still with a rich bloom on it, and at least as ripe and well kept, if not better than those in barrels, more crisp and lively than they. if these resources fail to yield anything, i have learned to look between the bases of the suckers which spring thickly from some horizontal limb, for now and then one lodges there, or in the very midst of an alder-clump, where they are covered by leaves, safe from cows which may have smelled them out. if i am sharp-set, for i do not refuse the blue-pearmain, i fill my pockets on each side ; and as i retrace my steps in the frosty eve, being perhaps four or five miles from home, i 1 robert curzor was a traveller who searched for old manu scripts in the monasteries of the levant. see his book, an* dent monasteries of the east. the "frozen-thawed" apple. 81 eat one first from this side, and then from that, to keep my balance. i learn from topsell s gesner, whose authority ap pears to be albertus, that the following is the way in which the hedgehog collects and carries home his apples. he says : " his meat is apples, worms, or grapes : when he findeth apples or grapes on the earth, he rolleth himself upon them, until he have filled all his prickles, and then carrieth them home to his den, never bearing above one in his mouth ; and if it fortune that one of them fall off by the way, he likewise shaketh off all the residue, and walloweth upon them afresh, until they be all settled upon his back again. so, forth he goeth, making a noise like a cart-wheel ; and if he have any young ones in his nest, they pull off his load wherewithal he is loaded, eating thereof what they please, and laying up the residue for the time to come." the "frozen-thawed" apple. toward the end of november, though some of the sound ones are yet more mellow and perhaps more edible, they have generally, like the leaves, lost their beauty, and are beginning to freeze. it is fingercold, and prudent farmers get in their barrelled apples, and bring you the apples and cider which they have engaged ; for it is time to put them into the cellar. perhaps a few on the ground show their red cheeks above the early snow, and occasionally some even preserve their color and soundness under the snow throughout the winter. but generally at the begin ning of the winter they freeze hard, and soon, though undecayed, acquire the color of a baked apple. before the end of december, generally, they ex 82 thoreau. perience their first thawing. those which a month ago were sour, crabbed, and quite unpalatable to the civilized taste, such at least as were frozen while sound, let a warmer sun come to thaw them, for they are extremely sensitive to its rays, are found to be filled with a rich, sweet cider, better than any bottled cider that i know of, and with which i am better acquainted than with wine. all apples are good in this state, and your jaws are the cider-press. others, which have more substance, are a sweet and luscious food, in my opinion of more worth than the pine apples which are imported from the west indies. those which lately even i tasted only to repent of it, for i am semi-civilized, which the farmer will ingly left on the tree, i am now glad to find have the property of hanging on like the leaves of the young oaks. it is a way to keep cider sweet without boiling. let the frost come to freeze them first, solid as stones, and then the rain or a warm winter day to thaw them, and they will seem to have bor rowed a flavor from heaven through the medium of the air in which they hang. or perchance you find, when you get home, that those which rattled in your pocket have thawed, and the ice is turned to cider. but after the third or fourth freezing and thawing they will not be found so good. what are the imported half -ripe fruits of the torrid south to this fruit matured by the cold of the frigid north ? these are those crabbed apples with which i cheated my companion, and kept a smooth face that i might tempt him to eat. now we both greedily fill our pockets with them, bending to drink the cup and save our lappets from the overflowing juice, and grow more social with their wine. was there the "frozen-thawed" apple. 83 one that hung so high and sheltered by the tangled branches that our sticks could not dislodge it ? it is a fruit never carried to market, that i am aware of, quite distinct from the apple of the markets, as from dried apple and cider, and it is not every winter that produces it in perfection. the era of the wild apple will soon be past. it is a fruit which will probably become extinct in new england. you may still wander through old orchards of native fruit of great extent, which for the most part went to the cider-mill, now all gone to decay. i have heard of an orchard in a distant town, on the side of a hill, where the apples rolled down and lay four feet deep against a wall on the lower side, and this the owner cut down for fear they should be made into cider. since the temperance reform and the general introduction of grafted fruit, no native apple trees, such as i see everywhere in deserted pastures, and where the woods have grown up around them, are set out. i fear that he who walks over these fields a century hence will not know the pleasure of knocking off wild apples. ah, poor man, there are many pleasures which he will not know ! notwith standing the prevalence of the baldwin and the porter, i doubt if so extensive orchards are set out to-day in my town as there were a century ago, when those vast straggling cider-orchards were planted, when men both ate and drank apples, when the pomace-heap was the only nursery, and trees cost nothing but the trouble of setting them out. men could afford then to stick a tree by every wall-side and let it take its chance. i see nobody planting trees to-day in such out-of-the-way places, along the 84 thorea u. lonely roads and lanes, and at the bottom of dells in the wood. now that they have grafted trees, and pay a price for them, they collect them into a plat by their houses, and fence them in, and the end of it all will be that we shall be compelled to look for our apples in a barrel. this is " the word of the lord that came to joel the son of pethuel. " hear this, ye old men, and give ear, all ye inhab itants of the land ! hath this been in your days, or even in the days of your fathers ? . . . " that which the palmer-worm hath left hath the locust eaten ; and that which the locust hath left hath the canker-worm eaten ; and that which the canker worm hath left hath the caterpillar eaten. " awake, ye drunkards, and weep ! and howl, all ye drinkers of wine, because of the new wine ! for it is cut off from your mouth. " for a nation is come up upon my land, strong, and without number, whose teeth are the teeth of a lion, and he hath the cheek-teeth of a great lion. " he hath laid my vine waste, and barked my fig tree ; he hath made it clean bare, and cast it away ; the branches thereof are made white. . . . " be ye ashamed, o ye husbandmen ! howl, o ye vine-dressers ! . . . " the vine is dried up, and the fig-tree languisheth ; the pomegranate-tree, the palm-tree also, and the ap ple-tree, even all the trees of the field, are withered : because joy is withered away from the sons of men." 1 1 joel, chapter i., verses 1-12. books of especial interest to observers of nature. louis agassiz. life and correspondence. edited by his wife, elizabeth gary agassiz. with portraits, illustrations, ami index. new edi tion. crown 8vo, gilt top, $2.50 ; half calf, $4.50. l. h. bailey, jr. talks afield, about plants and the science of plants. with one hundred illustrations. 16mo, $1.00. "talks afield, by professor l. h. bailey, adds another to the short list which this country as yet affords of readable scientific books on plants. american naturalist. frank bolles. land of the lingering snow. chronicles of a stroller in new england from january to june. 16mo, $1.25. an outdoor book containing an account of walks to arlington heights, and other points in old cambridge and boston, the ipswich dunes, mt. wachusett, the concord and sudbury rivers, mt. chocorua, and highland light. they de scribe the scenery of these pleasant tours ; mention the trees and flowers ob served ; speak of the birds noticed on the way, their habits and songs ; and record the impressions and thoughts which such leisurely tramps in scenes and circumstances so delightful would naturally inspire. at the north of bearcamp water. chronicles of a stroller in new england from july to december. 16mo, $1.25. mr. bolles gives us another book, comprising a chronicle of summer, au tumn, and early winter life in the white mountains. the bearcamp valley and the sandwich range form a singularly beautiful country for a naturalist s rambles, and these are the theatre in which storm, moonlight, and sunshine, birds, beasts, insects, and flowers play parts in a charming drama of nature. john burroughs. wake robin. new edition, revised. illustrated. winter sunshine. new edition, revised. birds and poets, with other papers. locusts and wild honey. pepacton, and other sketches. fresh fields. signs and seasons. indoor studies. 16mo, each $1.25. the minuteness of his observation, the keenness of his perception, give him a real originality, and his sketches have a delightful oddity, vivacity, and freshness. the nation (new york). ralph waldo emerson. nature, and seven other essays. 32mo, 40 cents. forest scenes. by william cullen bryant, henry wadsworth long fellow, fitz-greene halleck, and alfred b. street, fully illustrated. 4to, full gilt, $2.50. little classics. vol. 16. nature. 18mo, red edges, $1.00. contents : a-hunting of the deer, charles d. warner ; dogs, philip g. hamerton ; in the hemlocks, john burroughs ; a winter walk, henry d. thoreau; buds and bird voices, nathaniel hawthorne; the fens, charles kingsley; ascent of the matterhorn, edward whymper; ascent of mount tyndall, clarence king ; the firmament, john ruskin. olive thorne miller. birdways. 16mo, $1.25. a very dainty and enjoyable volume. ... it is written by a genuine bird lover, and one who has with the most patient care watched the ways and the peculiarities of her feathered friends, while the book is so prettily and un affectedly written that it would be charming to read it for its english alone. boston courier. in nesting time. 16mo, $1.25. h. a. page. life and aims of h. d. thoreau. a study. " little classic n style. 18mo, $1.00. edward sprague rand, jr. bulbs. eleventh edition. beautifully illustrated, and with ap pendices. 12mo, $2.50. this volume is the only work on the subject, and is an exhaustive treatise upon the culture of bulbs. ... a practical and valuable work like this de serves a large sale. boston daily adveitiser. flowers for the parlor and garden. twenty-sixth edition. illus trated. 12mo, $2.50. a complete manual for the cultivation of all plants commonly grown in the parlor, garden, and greenhouse, with notes on wardian cases, hardy shrubs, and wild flowera garden flowers : how to cultivate them. new edition, revised, with additions. illustrated. 12mo, $2.50. a treatise on the culture of hardy ornamental trees, shrubs, annuals, herbaceous and bedding plants ; describing many thousand plants alphabet ically arranged ; constituting, in fact, a botanical dictionary and manual of culture. orchids. a description of the species and varieties grown at glen ridge, near boston, with lists and descriptions of other desirable kinds. prefaced by chapters on the culture, propaga tion, collection, and hybridization of orchids ; the construction and management of orchid houses ; and a glossary of botan ical terms and significance of their names. 12mo, $3.00. popular flowers, and how to cultivate them. tenth edition, with appendix. revised, enlarged, and illustrated. crown 8vo, $2.00. rhododendrons. fourth edition. newly revised. 12mo, $1.50. he enumerates every plant which belongs or groups with the rhododendron and kalmia, and tells us where to get them and how they are best cultivated. . . . every one who reads such a book becomes imbued with horticultural en thusiasm. the nation (new york), the window gardener. fifth edition, greatly enlarged. 12mo, $1.25. frank b. sanborn. life of h. d. thoreau. in " american men of letters " series. with portrait. 16mo, gilt top, $1.25; half morocco, $3.00. mrs. harriet beecher stowe. queer little people. illustrated. small 4to, $1.25. w. c. strong. fruit culture and the laying out and management of a country home. 16mo, $1.00. it has the weight of authority. it is a compact work, sensible and perfectly intelligible ; scientific, yet not too technical ; and adapted well to meet the practical wants of the public. there are helpful illustrations, and we have no hesitation in commending the book. the congregationalist (boston). bradford torrey. birds in the bush. 16mo, $1.25. a rambler s lease. 16mo, $1.25. the foot-path way. 16mo, $1.25. mr. torrey is at once a lover of birds and a scientific student of ornithology, two characters that are not always combined, and his studies here presented appeal about equally to those who have a genuine love for birds in the bush, and to those who are merely curious as tg the structure and habits of feathered creatures. new york commercial advertiser. charles dudley warner. in the wilderness. adirondack essays. new edition, enlarged. " little classic " style. 18mo, 75 cents. my summer in a garden. new edition, enlarged. 16mo, $1.00. this is a set of humorous papers describing the experiences of an amateur who busies himself for the first time with the cultivation of a garden, humor ous with that quiet humor in which, as well as in its very antipodes, the wildljr extravagant, the americans seem to excel. the spectator (london). houghton, mifflin and company, 4 park street, boston, mass. fob reading and literature classes in grammar schools. high schools, and academies. $tejsterpiecejs of american literature* 12mo, 470 pages, $1.00, net, postpaid. with a portrait of each author. contents. irving : biographical sketch ; rip van winkle. bryant : biographical sketch ; thanatopsis ; to a waterfowl. franklin : biographical sketch ; poor richard s al manac ; letter to samuel mather ; letter to the rev. dr. lathrop, boston ; letter to benjamin webb. holmes : biographical sketch ; grandmother s story of bunker hill battle; the ploughman; the chambered nautilus ; the iron gate. hawthorne : biographical sketch ; the great stone face ; my visit to niagara. whittier : biographical sketch ; snow-bound ; the ship-builders ; the worship of nature. thoreau : biographical sketch ; wild apples. o reilly: biographical sketch; the pilgrim fa thers. lowell : biographical sketch ; books and libraries ; essay on lincoln [with lincoln s gettysburg speech] ; the vision of sir launfal. emerson : biographical sketch ; behavior ; boston hymn. webster : biographical sketch ; address delivered at the laying of the corner-stone of bunker hill monument, june 17, 1825. everett : biographical sketch ; from " the char acter of washington." longfellow : biographical sketch ; evangeline. houghton, mifflin and company, 4 park street, boston ; 11 east hth street, new york; 29 lakeside building, chicaqq. john burroughs s books. fresh fields. contents: nature in england; english woods; a contrast; in carlyle s country ; a hunt for the nightingale ; english and american song birds; impressions of some english birds; in wordsworth s country; a glimpse of english wild flowers; british fertility ; a sunday in cheyne row ; at sea. birds and poets, with other papers. contents : birds and poets ; touches of nature ; a bird med~ ley; april; spring poems; our rural divinity; before genius ; before beauty ; emerson; the flight of the eagle. locusts and wild honey. contents : the pastoral bees ; sharp eyes ; is it going to rain ? speckled trout ; birds and birds ; a bed of boughs ; birds nesting ; the halcyon in canada. pepacton, and other sketches. contents : pepacton, a summer voyage ; springs ; an idyl of the honey-bee ; nature and the poets; notes by the way; foot-paths ; a bunch of herbs; winter pictures. wake robin. illustrated. revised and enlarged edition. also in riverside aldine series. $1.00. contents : the return of the birds ; in the hemlocks ; adi rondac; birds -nests ; spring at the capital; birch browsings; the bluebird ; the invitation. winter sunshine. new edition, revised and enlarged, with frontispiece illustration. contents : winter sunshine ; exhilarations of the road ; the snow walkers ; the fox ; a march chronicle ; autumn tides ; the apple ; an october abroad. signs and seasons. contents : a sharp lookout ; a spray of pine ; hard fare ; tragedies of the nests; a snow storm ; a ta&lt;te of maine birch; winter neighbors ; a salt breeze; spring relish; a river view; bird enemies; phases of farm life ; roof-tree. indoor studies. contents : henry d. thoreau ; science and literature ; science and the poets; matthew arnold s criticism; arnold s views of emerson and carlyle ; gilbert white s book ; a malformed giant ; brief essays ; an egotistical chapter. ear.h volume, 16mo, f/ilt top, $1.25. houghton, mifflin and company, 4 park street, boston, mass. little classics. edited by rossiter johnson. eighteen handy volumes, con taining many of the choicest complete stories, sketches, and short poems in english literature. 18 vols., 18mo, tastefully bound. $1.00 each ; the set in box, 18 vols. cloth, $18.00 ; half calf, or half morocco, $35.00. this series of books is remarkably well adapted for suppl* mentary readers and for school libraries. i. exile. x. childhood. ii. intellect. xi. heroism. iii. tragedy. xii. fortune. iv. life. xiii. narrative poems. v. laughter. xiv. lyrical poems. vi. love. xv. minor poems. vii. romance. xvi. nature. viii. mystery. xvii. humanity. ix. comedy, xviii. authors. other volumes in preparation. too much praise cannot be accorded the projectors of this series it lays, for a very small sum, the cream of the best writers before tae reader of ordinary means. n. y. commercial advertiser. the whole form a bijou library of literary delights such as ha* never before been gathered. altogether we can cordially com mend the " little cosies " to all lovers of the best things in books. buffalo courier. we advise all who intend to jonrnay by land or sea to rmei ber the "little classics," which are books of all others for the ocket or the satchel. congregationalist. houghton, mifflin and company, * park street, boston, mhm. arithmetic in two books. *iarren colbnrn s first lessons, 35 cents, *h. n, wheeler s second lessons, 60 cents. *answers to the second lessons, paper, 20 cents. first lessons. second lessons. a revised and enlarged edition of warren colburn s first lessons (intellectual arithmetic upon the inductive method of instruc tion), was published in 1884. wheeler s second lessons, although complete in itself, has been prepared to follow colburn s first lessons. its brevity, the em phasis that it places on fundamental principles and their applications, and the omission of useless subjects, will make it acceptable, it is hoped, to those teachers and business men throughout the united states who demand that the essen tials of arithmetic shall be better taught than now, and in less time, and that the non-essentials shall be omitted. these two books form a complete course in arithmetic, which is charac terized throughout by a careful application of the inductive method of in struction, by the aid of which the pupil is led to regard a new? word as a labor-saving device for the expression of an idea, a definition as a brief state ment of the net result of personal observation and thought, and a rule as a brief statement of how ke has done something. descriptive circulars of colburn s first lessons and wheeler s second lessons, including sample pages, will be sent to any ad dress on application. *a new and revised edition of andrews and stoddard s latin grammar. by henry preble, $1.12. we take pleasure in announcing that we have just published a new and carefully revised edition of this widely famous book. while the new edition retains so far as possible the valuable features of the old edition, it embodies the results of modern scholarship, and is designed to be the best possible combination of practicability and scientific accuracy. the favor with which the new edition has already been received by teachers in preparatory schools and by professors in colleges warrants us in assuring all teachers of latin that they will find it well worthy of their care ful examination. houghton, mifflin and company, 4 park street, boston, mass. american statesmen. *a series of biographies of men conspicuous in the political history of the united states. edited by john t. morse, jr. the object of this series is to furnish volumes which shall embody the compact result of extensive study of the many influences which have combined to shape the politi cal history of our country. the volumes now ready are as follows : john quincy adams. by john t. morse, jr. alexander hamilton. by henry cabot lodge. john c. calhoun. by dr. h. .von holst. andrew jackson. by prof. w. g. sumner. john randolph. by henry adams. james monroe. by pres. daniel c. gilman. thomas jefferson. by john t. morse, jr. daniel webster. by henry cabot lodge. albert gallatin. by john austin stevens. james madison. by sydney howard gay. john adams. by john t. morse, jr. john marshall. by a. b. magruder. samuel adams. by james k. hosmer. thomas h. benton. by theodore roosevelt. henry clay. by hon. carl schurz. 2 vols. patrick henry. by moses coit tyler. gouverneur morris. by theodore roosevelt. martin van bur en. by edward m. shepard. george washington. by henry cabot lodge. 2 vols. benjamin franklin. by john t. morse, jr. john jay. by george pellew. lewis cass. by andrew c. mclaughlin. abraham lincoln. by john t. morse, jr. 2 voi* others to be announced hereafter. each volume, gilt top, $1.25 ; half morocco, $2.50. modern classics. a library of thirty-four beautiful volumes, containing many of the best complete stories, essays, sketches, and poems in modern literature, including selections from the most celebrated authors of england and america, and translations of masterpieces by continental writers. in several instances the selections from an author are accom panied by a biographical essay by another eminent author, an arrangement which cannot fail to lend greater interest to both portions of the book and add materially to its value for use in schools. dr. william t. harris, who says "it is an unrivalled list of ex cellent works/ has designated volumes 4, 6, 8, 15, 16, 18, and 26 as suitable for intermediate schools; volumes 1, 15, 16, 17, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, for grammar schools ; and volumes 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 23, and 29 for high schools. the list of volumes is as follows : i.longfellow. evangeline. 1 he courtship of miles stand ish. favorite poems. 2. emerson. culture, behavior, beauty. books, art, elo quence. power, wealth, illusions. 3. emerson. nature. love, friendship, domestic life. suc cess, greatness, immortality. 4. whittier. snow-bound. the tent on the beach. fa vorite poems. 5. lowell. the vision of sir launfal. the cathedral. fa vorite poems. 6. fields. in and out of doors with charles dickens. dickens. a christmas carol. fields. barry cornwall and some of his friends. 7. coleridge. the ancient mariner. favorite poems. wordsworth. favorite poems. 8. fouqub. undine. sintram. st. pierre. paul and virginia. 9. dr. john brown. rab and his friends. marjorie flem ing. thackeray. john leech. 10. tennyson. enoch arden. in memoriam. favorite poemst 11. tennyson. the princess. maud. locksley hall. 12. e. c. stedman. elizabeth barrett browning, an essay. mrs. browning. lady geraldine s courtship. robert browning. favorite poems. 33. carlyle. goethe, an essay. goethe. the tale. favorite poems. 14. carlyle. schiller, an essay. schiller. the lay of the bell, and fridolin. favorite poems. 15. carlyle. burns, an essay. burns. favorite poems. scott. favorite poems. 16. macaulay. byron, an essay. byron. favorite poems. hood. favorite poems. 17. macaulay. milton, an essay. milton. l allegro, ii penseroso. gray. elegy in a country churchyard, etc. 18. goldsmith. * the deserted village, etc. cowper. favorite poems. mrs. hemans. favorite poems. 19. carlyle. characteristics. shelley. favorite poems. keats. the eve of st. agnes, etc. 30. pope. an essay on man. favorite poems. moore. favorite poems. 21. carlyle. the choice of books. lamb. essays from elia. southey. favorite poems. 22. thomson. spring, summer, autumn, winter. 23. campbell. the pleasures of hope. favorite poems. rogers. pleasures of memory. 24. shakespeare. sonnets. songs. leigh hunt. favorite poems. 25. herbert. favorite poems. collins, dryden, marvell. favorite poems. herrick. favorite poems. 26. macaulay. lays of ancient rome, and other poems. aytoun. i ys of the scottish cavaliers. 27. charles kingsley. favorite poems. owen meredith. favorite poems. stedman. favorite poems. 28. fields. nathaniel hawthorne, an essay. hawthorne. tales of the white hills. legends of new england. 29. carlyle. oliver cromwell. hawthorne. a virtuoso s collection. legends of the province house. 30. holmes. favorite poems. my hunt after " the captain." si. lowell. my garden acquaintance. a moosehead journal bloomfield. the farmer s boy. 32. howells. a day s pleasure. buying a horse. flitting. the mouse. a year in a venetian palace. 33. holmes. selections from the breakfast-table series and from pages from an old volume of life. 34. thackeray. lighter hours, including dr. birch and his youn&lt;r friends, selections from the book of snobs and from the roundabout papers, the curate s walk. tastefully bound and stamped, 75 cents each. * school edition neatly and substantially bound in cloth, 40 cents, net. a pamphlet containing the table of contents of each vo!ubnb will be sent free on application. houghton, mifflin and company, 4 park street, boston, mass. cjit librae for poung people. a series of volumes devoted to history, biography, mechan ics, travel, natural history, and adventure. with maps, por traits, etc. designed especially for boys and girls who are laying the foundation of private libraries. each volume, uniform, 16mo, 75 cents. 1. the war of independence. by john fiske. 2. george washington: an historical biography. by hor ace e. scudder. 3. birds through an opera-glass. by florence a. mer riam. 4. up and down the brooks. by mary e. bamford. 5. coal and the coal mines. by homer greene. 6. a new england girlhood. by lucy larcom. 7. java : the pearl of the east. by mrs. s. j. higginson. 8. girls and women. by e. chester. 9. a book of famous verse. selected by agnes repplier. 10. japan: in history, folk-lore, and art. by william elliot griffis, d. d. other books in preparation. rolfe s students 9 series of standard english poems for schools and colleges. a carefully revised text ; copious explanatory and critical notes ; numerous elegant illustrations. 1. scott s lady of the lake. 2. scott s marmion. 3. tennyson s princess. 4. tennyson s selected poems. 5. the young people s tennyson. 6. byron s childe harold. 7. scott s lay of the last minstrel. 8. tennyson s enoch arden, and other poems. 9. morris s atalanta s race, and other tales. price, per volume, 75 cents ; to teachers, for examination, 47 cents. houghton, mifflin & co., 4 park street, boston, mass. j. c. berkeley libraries tuan period t home use departmen1 2lmoinstcks precreereeree pits eee ca eer rtd nt : bi sae psa rics eyeeey cfs cornell university library bought with the income of the sage endowment fund given in i89i by henry williams sage ‘ornell university library thani through the year with thoreau a bi feed hallaae ate 2s td — ees pond n at walde hous 8 thoreaw: site of through the year with thoreau by herbert w. gleason ‘ sketches of nature from the writings of henry d. thoreau a v with corresponding photographic illustrations boston and new york houghton mifflin company the riverside press cambridge 1917 1 be 509305 copyright, 1906, by houghton, mifflin « co. copyright, 1917, by herbert w. gleason all rights reserved published july 1917 “there is no flower so sweet as the four-petalled flower which science much neglects ; one grey petal it has, one green, one red, and one white.” emerson. preface thoreau writes in his journal, under date of december 10, 1856: “it is remarkable how suggestive the slightest drawing as a memento of things seen. for a few years past i have been accustomed to make a rude sketch in my journal of plants, ice, and various natural phenomena, and though the fullest accompanying description may fail to recall my experience, these rude outline drawings do not fail to carry me back to that time and scene. it is as if i saw the same thing again, and i may again attempt to describe it in words if i choose.” the present volume is an endeavor to go a step beyond thoreau’s sketches and to reproduce, with the aid of photographs, some of the outdoor scenes and natural phenomena in which he delighted and which he has so graphically described. the series of views is limited, of necessity, but a sufficient number are given to illustrate thoreau’s method of nature-study as well as to emphasize anew the accuracy and felicity of his nature-descriptions. it is hoped, also, that this combination of verbal and pictorial representation will stimulate to a wider apprehension and a more vivid realization of the beautiful in nature, — thus continuing, in a measure, thoreau’s self-appointed mission. [ vii j variety has been sought, first of all, in the selection of subjects, though obviously many of thoreau’s favorite themes could not be included, — being beyond the scope of the camera, — such as the music of the telegraph harp, the crowing of chanticleer, the fragrance of sweet-fern, the chirping of crickets, the flavor of wild apples, the “‘z-ing”’ of locusts, ete. in the arrangement of subjects the course of the seasons has been followed, although it has not been possible always to keep an exact succession of dates. the quotations are chiefly from the journal, the page numbers referring to the walden edition of 1906. it has not been deemed necessary to indicate in every case where an ellipsis occurs. the journal being largely a commonplace-book, thoreau would occasionally interject comments quite remote from the subject in hand; and therefore, in order to secure greater simplicity and conciseness, sometimes a brief portion of the original journal entry is here omitted. in two or three instances, also, a very slight verbal alteration has been made. in reading these journal extracts it should be remembered that they were never considered by thoreau as finished literature. they were frequently writ‘ten hurriedly, with his own convenience solely in view, and left for final polishing and arrangement at some later date. yet this very fact adds a flavor of sincerity and piquancy to the journal which would perhaps have been lost in a studied preparation, with c ik j more attention given to proportion and correlation. thoreau himself says, “i do not know but thoughts written down thus in a journal might be printed in the same form with greater advantage than if the related ones were brought together into separate essays.” with respect to the photographs, it may be said that they were taken by the author with the sole purpose of securing, in every case, as close a correspondence as possible with thoreau’s description. artistic considerations were wholly secondary. boston, april, 1917. contents and illustrations site of thoreau’s house at walden pond introduction thoreau’s journals at the leaning hemlocks frontispiece from crest of fair haven hill across river to conantum up river and down river from hubbard’s bridge thoreau’s cove, walden pond walden pond in may and in december spaulding’s farm and cranberry meadow spring: sand foliage . willow catkins . skunk-cabbage winkle-like fungi the old marlborough road cn. crossbills at the leaning hemlocks . cowslips houstonias mayflowers wood anemones rabbits and partridges (rabbit in gots a partridge nest bird-foot violets fringed polygala may foliage . barn swallow vesper sparrow (bay-wing) ddd sf w 10 12 14 16 16 1¢ 20 20 22 24 24 [ xi j apple blossoms beauty of wild apples . loring’s pond : a lilac bush — the last nanad a a home rhodora wild pink ferns in the woods flowering dogwood summer: pincushion galls a nighthawk’s nest , red-winged blackbirds and nest clintonia early morning fog ee ncwaliew uiak hill | buttercups by the roadside . lupines lady’s-slippers wild calla lily great fringed orchis white pond mountain laurel trees reflected in the river wild roses water-lilies orientation of young pine shoots a june landscape from fair haven hill white clover tarbell’s spring a waving rye-field yellow and red lilies an old unfrequented road 26 26 28 30 30 32 32 36 36 38 40 42 44 44 46 46 48 50 50 52 54 56 58 60 60 62 64 66 68 ~ xiii j blueberries and huckleberries . : : : ‘ 70 yew berry. : : : : ‘ : : . 72 rattlesnake-plantain ‘ 5 ; 3 ‘ ‘ 12 rose mallow . : ; ; ‘ ‘ ‘ 5 . a cinnamon ferns in clintonia swamp ‘ , ‘ 76 autumn: beautiful fungi ‘ : : ‘ ; ‘ : 80 lane in front of tarbell’s ‘ ‘ : . f . 82 sunset on the river . : ; ‘ é : ‘ 84 goldenrod. 2 3 ; 3 : é ‘ . 86 fall asters ‘ : . : ‘ 5 i 88 witch-hazel . ‘ ‘ ‘ : : . 90 october reflections on the resdhiet : ‘ 3 92 sun-lighted tufts of andropogon . ‘ é j » 992 cobweb drapery in barrett’s mill. : ‘ , 94 fringed gentian. : : 3 : 2 ‘ . 96 fallen leaves. ; i : ‘ zs ‘ ‘ 98 late green ferns . : ; . ‘ i ‘ . 100 polypody . : : : . 100 nature’s decoration of an old sa i ‘ : . 102 november woods. : : i 104 fair haven bay through ine woods ‘ 3 2 . 106 shrub oak leaves. : ‘ i ‘ ‘ . 108 winter: a winter scene from lee’s cliff. é ‘ : . 112 frost crystals. : ‘ a , ji . . 114 architecture of the snow ‘ 3 . a : . 116 tracks in the snow . j ‘ : “ . 118 after the ice storm ; i ‘ ‘ : . 120 heavy snow on pitch pines. ‘ : ‘ . 122 [ xiv j the swamp in winter . 124 a lodging snow ‘ z 126 the brook in winter. i ‘ ‘ ‘ ; 128 the river as a winter highway ‘ ‘ ; . 128 the tracks of a fox. ; i ; . : . 130 icicle “‘organ-pipes”’ 132 north branch near harrington’s . 132 134 winter (poem) . ‘ “ ‘ i é : introduction ‘‘above man’s aims his nature rose. the wisdom ofa just content made one small spot a continent, and tuned to poetry life’s prose.” henry davin tuoreav was born in concord, massachusetts, july 12, 1817, and died there, may 6, 1862. with the exception of brief periods of absence during childhood and youth, a few excursions in adult years to the maine woods, the white mountains, cape cod, quebec, and other easily reached localities, and one longer trip to minnesota in 1861 in the effort to recover his health, his whole life was spent within the limits of his native town. this was a distinction in which he rejoiced. ‘i cannot but regard it,” he says, “‘as a kindness in those who have the steering of me that, by the want of pecuniary wealth, i have been nailed down to this my native region so long and steadily, and made to study and love this spot of earth more and more. what would signify in comparison a thin and diffused love and knowledge of the whole earth instead, got by wandering?” and yet there are intimations here and there in his journal that he would have delighted in extensive travel abroad. few men have ever lived who possessed so keen an appreciation of the attractiveness of the out[ xvi j ward world, and few have been so thoroughly alive to the advantages of world-wide travel. but this experience was denied him, and all he could say was, “t have travelled a great deal — in concord.” and thoreau’s travels were to some purpose. they did not. terminate with his own enjoyment. for the greater part of his life he kept a careful and extended record of his daily excursions and observations, accompanied with a multitude of first-hand — often elaborate — moral and philosophical meditations and generalizations, all written in a chaste and picturesque style, and all intended to serve a literary purpose. thoreau’s vocation was that of a writer, — he had as many trades, he declared, as he had fingers, but literature was his chosen field, — and all his activity, whether bodily or mental, was devoted to this one end. thirty-seven good-sized closely written volumes! contain the story of his “travels,” while other volumes, previously written, were used in the makingup-of the two books which were published during his lifetime, a week on the concord and merrimack rivers, 1 with regard to these manuscript volumes, thoreau’s complaint will be recalled: ‘‘i cannot easily buy a blank book to write thoughts in; they are all ruled for dollars and cents!’? channing tells us that, in consequence of this difficulty, thoreau was accustomed to purchase blank paper and bind up his journals to suit himself. he was extremely economical in the use of his material, oftentimes writing on the backs of old letters and crowding his journal pages with notes. in one case, however (as shown in the photograph reproduced herewith), there was a conspicuous departure from this rule, for he devotes an entire page to the single entry: “ feb. 3d. five minutes before 3 p.m. father died.” [ xvi j and walden. it was from this storehouse, also, that the books entitled excursions, the maine woods, and cape cod, were prepared, partly by thoreau himself and partly by his literary executors; and when thoreau’s complete works were published for the first time, in 1906, the journal filled fourteen of the twenty volumes.! “for a long time,”’ he once wrote, ‘“‘i was reporter to a journal, of no very wide circulation, whose editor has never yet seen fit to print the bulk of my contributions, and, as is too common with writers, i got only my labor for my pains. however, in this case my pains were their own reward.” “pains” for thoreau, doubtless, but great satisfaction, delight, and inspiration for thousands of readers in after years. in his studies afield thoreau sought to cover a wide range of subjects, — botany, zodlogy, geology, archeology, etc., — while in writing up his notes he combined the ethical, the esthetic, and the scientific with the literary. naturally, such a voluminous produc1 as indicating the lack of appreciation on the part of his fellow townsmen toward thoreau, the following incident was told the writer by the late colonel thomas wentworth higginson. travelling one day on the railway with judge e. rockwood hoar, an eminent citizen of concord, colonel higginson happened to remark that there was some likelihood of henry thoreau’s journals being published. ‘‘henry thoreau’s journals?” exclaimed judge hoar. “pray tell me, who on earth would care to read henry thoreau’s journals?” the answer to judge hoar’s query was found in the fact that when these journals in their complete form were first announced for publication (with some misgivings, it is said, on the part of the publishers), the entire edition was subscribed for before half the volumes were printed. [ xvi j tion, made up of contributions from such a variety of sources, often written hastily and without revision, is not free from defects; but they are defects which are easily passed over by the discriminating reader in the face of so much that bears the hall-mark of genius. thoreau’s journal may be compared to a choice turkish rug, of original, intricate, and yet admittedly beautiful pattern. the lines of the pattern do not all run geometrically true, and occasionally, here and there, a strand appears which is not quite in tune with its surroundings. notwithstanding, the pattern is singularly consistent, harmonious, and satisfying, every feature contributing faithfully to the unity of the design. the colors are fast, even when subjected to the most rigorous tests; there is no needless fringe or superficial lustre; while in point of durability, it promises to outlast a thousand rugs of the ordinary sort. thoreau’s interest, in all his outdoor studies, was centred chiefly upon life. the rocks and ledges held his attention only as they revealed a story of change. thawing sand overflowing the snow was to him a welcome token of nature’s vitality. he delighted in running brooks, but stagnant pools were of value only as mirrors for the living landscape. november, with its bareness and desolateness, was the hardest month of the year for him to get through. as for museums, with their stuffed specimens, he positively hated them — “catacombs of nature.’ he felt compelled to visit davngilul ouaymausi [ xix ] them at rare intervals to get confirmation for some of his scientific observations, but he queries, ‘‘ what right have mortals to parade these things on their legs again, with their wires, and, when heaven has decreed that they shall return to dust again, to return them to sawdust?” and he affirms, ‘“‘i have had my right-perceiving senses so disturbed in these haunts as to mistake a veritable living man for a stuffed specimen, and surveyed him with dumb wonder as the strangest of the whole collection.” thoreau was a naturalist of the best type, but he was no “‘collector.”” in emerson’s phrase, he “named all the birds without a gun, loved the wood-rose and left it on its stalk.”” once when a farmer came to him and offered to him as a naturalist a two-headed calf which his cow had brought forth, thoreau was utterly disgusted and began to catechize himself, asking what enormity he had committed that such an offer should be made to him! and not merely life, but human life was the thing of greatest concern in his estimation, around which everything else must revolve. ‘‘nature must be viewed humanly to be viewed at all,” he declares; “that is, her scenes must be associated with humane affections, such as are associated with one’s native place, for instance. a lover of nature is preéminently a lover of man.” “i am not interested in mere phenomena, though it were the explosion of a planet, only as it may have lain in the experience of a human being.”’ and once-more: “nature is beautiful only as [ xx j a place where a life is to be lived. it is not beautiful to him who has not resolved on a beautiful life.” never was greater mistake made than to charge thoreau with being a misanthrope. his aloofness from men and his contempt for the conventionalities of society were due to the fact that his ideals were so much higher than those which he found generally prevailing. one of his most pregnant utterances is quoted by dr. edward emerson, himself a boy-friend of thoreau’s: “if i do not keep step with others it is because i hear a different drummer. let a man step to the music which he hears, however measured and however far away.” thoreau’s glorification of concord — not historical or literary or social or agricultural concord, but outdoor concord — is the supreme compelling feature of his journal writing. no writer in all literature has so exalted the place of his birth and recorded so fully and so entertainingly its manifold attractions. gilbert white of selborne is a remote second. and thoreau was absolutely sincere. “i have never got over my surprise,” he writes, “‘that i should be born into the most estimable place in the world, and in the very nick of time too.”” winter and summer, day and night, through cold and heat, he explored the fields and woods and water-courses of concord, rejoicing in the recurrence of the seasons, and invariably returning with new treasures of beauty or interest for his journal record. “i take all these walks to every point of [ xxi the compass, and it is always harvest-time with me. i am always gathering my crop from these woods and fields and waters, and no man is in my way or interferes with me.’ so intimate was his relation with these outdoor surroundings and the fleeting phenomena of the year that he could say, “these regular phenomena of the seasons get at last to be simply and plainly phenomena or phases of my life. almost i believe the concord river would not rise and overflow its banks again, were i not here.”’ he illustrated absolutely his own dictum: “to insure health, a man’s relation to nature must come very near to a personal one; he must be conscious of a friendliness in her; when human friends fail or die, she must stand in the gap to him. i cannot conceive of any life which deserves the name, unless there is a certain tender relation to nature. this it is which makes winter warm, and supplies society in the desert and wilderness.” he was ever “looking into nature with such easy sympathy as the blue-eyed grass in the meadow looks in the face of the sky.” one cannot escape the impression, in reading thoreau’s journal, that he considered concord’s resources in the realm of nature-study practically boundless. he was continually noting correspondences between the phenomena of his limited environment and those of foreign climes. emerson records that on returning a borrowed volume of kane’s arctic explorations, he remarked that “‘most of the phenomena noted might [ xxi j be observed in concord.” sometimes this extolling of his native region was too much for the patience of his listeners. one lady — the mother of senator hoar — complained, ‘‘ henry talks about nature just as if she had been born and brought up in concord.” (this remark, of course, was intended as a mild criticism, but concord people to-day are inclined to view it as really involving a threefold compliment: a compliment to the speaker for her unconscious discernment of thoreau’s genius, a compliment to thoreau for his lofty appreciation of nature, and a compliment to nature herself as indicating her good sense in being willing to be born and brought up in concord!) it is not necessary, however, to assume that nature wears a special halo in concord. doubtless mr. emerson was correct in saying: “‘i think his fancy for referring everything to the meridian of concord did not grow out of any ignorance or depreciation of other longitudes or latitudes, but was rather a playful expression of his conviction of the indifferency of all places, and that the best place for each is where he stands. he expressed it once in this wise: ‘i think nothing is to be hoped from you, if this bit of mould under your feet is not sweeter to you to eat than any other in this world, or in any world.’” or, as thoreau said in another place: “think of the consummate folly of attempting to go away from here! when the constant endeavor should be to get nearer and ‘nearer here. take the shortest way round and stay at home. [ xxii | a man dwells in his native valley like a corolla in its calyx, like an acorn in its cup.” the simple facts are these. concord is a typical new england town. outside of the village which clusters around the post-office, court-house, and churches, the inhabitants are chiefly farmers, who preserve much of the simplicity of early colonial days — or they did in thoreau’s time — while considerable areas of land still remain uncultivated. in its landscape features concord presents a pleasing combination of field and meadow, hill and dale, lake and river, swamp and woodland. in the spring and summer there is everywhere a luxuriance of floral and animal life, varied and lovely; in autumn there are the brilliant tints of departing foliage and an abundance of fruits; in winter there is the soft purity of the snow and the delicate beauty of frost crystals. the visitor to concord at any season of the year does not need to discount thoreau’s enthusiasm to appreciate the true charm of his surroundings. to be sure, the hills of concord are tame as compared with those found in many towns of northern and western new england, yet the views from their summits are peculiarly picturesque and appealing. not long ago the writer piloted to the crest of fair haven hill — one of thoreau’s dearest shrines — an english friend with whom he had recently been mountain-climbing in the canadian rockies. this friend, a world-wide traveller and an alpinist of international fame, notwithstanding [ xxiv j that he was fresh from scenes of superlative grandeur in the canadian alps, was enthusiastic over the view from this little hill, declaring it one of the most beautiful he had ever seen. after all, thoreau’s comment applies to any view, from whatever summit: “there is just as much beauty visible to us in the landscape as we are prepared to appreciate, — not a grain more’’; and if he could see more from annursnack hill than most people can see from the top of pike’s peak, — why, the simple truth is that he was better prepared to appreciate what he saw. the years which have passed since thoreau wrote the last page in his journal have witnessed many changes in concord — some of which he would have welcomed but most of which he would have deplored. white pond and the leaning hemlocks were long ago “‘prophaned”’ by the railway. baker farm, lee’s ' hill, conantum, fair haven hill, nashawtuc, punkatasset, bear hill, and three friends’ hill are crowned by sumptuous private residences. large areas over which thoreau used to roam, exulting in their wildness and freedom, are now placarded everywhere with the forbidding sign ‘‘no trespassing.” clamshell bank, that priceless (to him) relic of indian days, comes within the domain of a large hospital. the j. p. brown farm now belongs to the concord country club, and its extensive grass lands in which thoreau took peculiar delight have been'converted into an elaborate golf course, nut meadow brook, which from crest of fair haven hill across river to conantum [ xxv ] flows through the centre, forming a notable hazard. flint’s pond has been made a source of water-supply for lincoln and concord, and bateman’s pond is staked out with a rowing course for a boys’ private school near by. thoreau and his co-saunterer channing were desperately aggrieved one day to find that “‘a new staring house” had been erected just beyond hubbard’s bridge, “thereby doing irreparable injury to a large section of country for walkers.” “it obliges us,”’ he complained, “‘to take still more steps after weary ones to reach the secluded fields and woods,” and they talked of petitioning the owner to remove the house and thus abate a nuisance. what would the two friends say to-day on finding the same house, not only greatly enlarged and made still more conspicuous, but surrounded by a whole cluster of similar ornate dwellings? and then looking in the opposite direction, imagine their indignation on beholding the sacred slopes of fair haven hill taken up with “‘gventlemen’s estates,” with their lawns, gardens, and tennis courts! but there has been one compensation for this private appropriation of choice portions of the landscape. “‘no shooting” is a more frequent sign than “no trespassing,”” and these extensive estates thus guarded are proving places of refuge for many forms of wild life which in thoreau’s day were the free booty of unrestrained hunters. partridges and gray squirrels are multiplying, pheasants (lately introduced) [ xxxvi are thriving, rabbits rear their young undisturbed, and even deer have been repeatedly seen in concord within recent years, — the last-named a circumstance which thoreau would have rejoiced to record in letters of gold. there are, however, many sections of concord which remain in practically the same state of wildness which made them so attractive to thoreau, and one can easily find the same birds and flowers and witness the same phenomena of the advancing seasons. best of all, walden pond —the one locality in concord which is most closely associated with thoreau in the public mind — is little changed from what it was when thoreau built his famous hut by its shore and there lived the unique hermit life of which he has given so full an account in walden. for a number of years the fitchburg railroad took advantage of its proximity to the pond to exploit it as a picnic resort, and every summer thousands of people were brought to its shores to enjoy “a day off”: boating on the pond, swinging in the pines, patronizing the lemonade-stands and bowling-alleys, and then going away and leaving the usual assortment of lunch-boxes, waste paper, peanut-shells, etc., — the whole a proceeding which would surely have brought sorrow to thoreau’s heart. but there came a blissful day when the picnic buildings burned up, and they were never replaced, so that once more the pond assumed its serene attitude and has retained it ever since. much up river and down river from hubbard’s bridge [ xxxvil j] of the preservation of the beauty of walden is due to the ‘‘emerson children” (dr. edward waldo emerson and mrs. edith emerson forbes), who own a great portion of the land bordering the pond and are determined that no changes shall take place so long as it is in their control. close by the site of thoreau’s hut, at the head of the “deep cove,” there has been erected a huge cairn of stones, each visitor to the spot contributing a stone to the pile. this commemorative idea originated with bronson alcott, the concord philosopher, whose axe thoreau borrowed when he began the construction of his hut, and whom he afterwards described as “the man of most faith of any alive.” alcott’s tribute to thoreau has often been quoted: — “much do they wrong our henry wise and kind, morose who name thee, cynical to men, forsaking manners civil and refined to build thyself in walden woods a den, — then flout society, flatter the rude hind. we better knew thee, loyal citizen! thou, friendship’s all-adventuring pioneer, civility itself would civilize.”’ there is an indescribable charm about the scenery of new england which is most keenly felt by those whose early life has been passed under its spell. it was the lot of the writer to be exiled (speaking subjectively) from new england for a period of some sixteen years, this period being spent in the state of minnesota. there was much of interest found in [ xxvii j the new surroundings; but the fertility of the prairies, the wide reach of the primitive forests, the novelty and affluence of the wild flowers and birds, did not prevent an occasional craving for the sight of a bit of new england barrenness, — such as a rocky pasture, bounded by stone walls and dotted with creeping junipers, or a few of new england’s commonest flowers, — buttercups, or houstonias, or ox-eye daisies. it was at this time that the writer first became acquainted with the portions of thoreau’s journal published in the eighties by his friend, mr. h. g. o. blake; and the reading of these, with their vivid delineation of characteristic new england scenes, sacredly cherished in memory, aroused a passionate longing to visit the region so intimately described by thoreau and enjoy a ramble among his beloved haunts. consequently, at the close of the “exile” above noted, an early opportunity was seized to visit concord, with camera in hand, and many photographic mementos were taken of localities associated with thoreau. but this was only the beginning. during the fifteen years succeeding, the writer has made frequent pilgrimages to concord, under all conditions of season and weather, searching out places and objects described by thoreau, treading in his footsteps so far as they were discoverable, and bringing back photographs of all that was most interesting.! out of many hundred views thus taken 1 lest any should assume that the fondness for new england scenery thoreau’s cove, walden pond [ xxix 7] a brief series is chosen for reproduction in this volume. some of the experiences in connection with these concord excursions are perhaps worth noting. first of all, they were self-rewarding, entirely apart from their historical or personal interest. a breezy walk over concord meadows or uplands far exceeds in exhilaration and inspiration any afternoon upon a golf course or any conceivable trip in a motor-car. confirmation was found again and again of thoreau’s descriptive accuracy. certain flowers, for example, were traced unerringly merely from his journal notes. confirmation, likewise, of the thoroughness of his observations in the field was frequently noted. repeatedly upon these rambles some scene or object was photographed simply because it seemed to possess exceptional interest, without reference to any relation which it might have to thoreau, and then afterwards it was found that the identical scene or object was carefully described in his journal. very few facts in the realm of natural history escaped his recording pen. here avowed is due to a lack of acquaintance with other regions more famous for their grandeur, it may be stated that during this same period the writer made two trips to alaska, six to california and the pacific coast, three to the grand cajion of arizona, seven to the canadian rockies, two to yellowstone park, and three to the rocky mountains of colorado. yet, after every one of these trips, it was a genuine delight to return to the simple beauty of new england. [ xxx ] still another confirmation, of a different sort, was found in the duplication of thoreau’s experience with regard to the solitariness of his walks. more than once he comments upon this. ‘‘there are said to be two thousand inhabitants in concord, and yet i find such ample space and verge, even miles of walking every day in which i do not meet nor see a human being, and often not very recent traces of them. methinks that for a great part of the time, as much as it is possible, i walk as one possessing the advantages of human culture, fresh from the society of men, but turned loose in the woods, the only man in nature, walking and meditating to a great extent as if man and his customs and institutions were not.” it seems strange, but it is a fact, that during all these fifteen years of frequent rambling among the fields and woods of concord the writer has never yet met with a single other person bent upon a similar errand. this, of course, merely happened so; we did not chance to meet, that is all. the “walking association”? of concord has not yet disbanded, and it is not fair to conclude that thoreau’s gospel of the outdoor life which he so vigorously preached has been wholly lost upon the residents of his native town. there was a peculiar fascination in hunting down localities to which thoreau had given names after an arbitrary method of his own, and without any regard whatever for their possible recognition by xu walden pond in may and in december [ xxxl ] other people. ripple lake, cardinal shore, bittern cliff, owl-nest swamp, arethusa meadow, curlypate hill, purple utricularia bay, bidens brook, hubbard’s close, — these and many similar names are capitalized and otherwise dignified in his journal records just as if he were speaking of london or paris or new york. but where were these places? it was useless to appeal to residents of concord. they might as well have been situated in siberia or patagonia. even persons still living who had known thoreau personally and had occasionally been with him on some of his walks were hopelessly in the dark as to most of them. ellery channing, author of a life of thoreau, and his most frequent walking companion, who lingered forty years after the death of his friend and associate, was appealed to in connection with two or three localities, but his memory was afterwards proved to be sadly at fault. it was only by a careful comparison of all the journal references to each locality, the examination of a large number of thoreau’s manuscript surveys preserved in the concord library, and especially by following out on the ground thoreau’s tramps afield, that finally the greater number of these localities were identified. one amusing incident occurred in connection with the effort to locate ‘“spaulding’s farm.” readers of the volume entitled excursions will perhaps recall that thoreau makes this farm the subject of one of [ xxxi 7] his most notable parables: “i took a walk on spaulding’s farm the other afternoon. i saw the setting sun lighting up the opposite side of a stately pine wood. its golden rays straggled into the aisles of the wood as into some noble hall. i was impressed as if some ancient and altogether admirable and shining family had settled there in that part of the land called concord, unknown to me. j saw their park, their pleasure-ground, beyond through the wood, in spaulding’s cranberry meadow,” etc. but the most diligent inquiry failed to locate this place. finally, a good lady of concord came to the rescue. she said, “it know an old man who used to drive a butcher’s cart through this part of the country, and he will know if anybody does.” so, meeting him shortly after, she said, ““mr. d., can you tell me where spaulding’s farm used to be in concord?” “spaulding’s farm?” —the old man thought a moment. “there never was any such place in concord, ma’am.” “‘but henry thoreau says there was, in his journal.” “henry thoreau?” — with an expression of undisguised contempt — “i knew henry thoreau | ever since he was a boy, and i never had much of an opinion of him. and i hain’t seen nothing since to change my mind!” but spaulding’s farm was eventually discovered, —not in concord, but in carlisle, the village just to the north which used to be a part of concord, — and a visit to the farm proved most interesting. the dee ae <7 ora spaulding’s farm and cranberry meadow [ xxx j old homestead, aged two hundred years, still stands; the “‘cranberry meadow”’ was readily found, but the “stately pine wood”’ long since fell before the axe. it must have been a magnificent grove, judging from the size of the stumps which still remain. needless to say, no vestiges of the ‘“‘altogether admirable and shining family”’ were discovered, but thoreau would doubtless find, if he were living to-day, that they had simply removed their domicile to some other part of concord. it is curious to note how little thoreau was esteemed by most of his fellow villagers. he was commonly regarded as a sort of ne’er-do-well, squandering his time in roaming over the fields and up and down the river, rarely shooting or fishing, and with no sensible object in view. to be sure, he sometimes did a job at surveying or whitewashing or fence-building, and he helped his father occasionally at pencil-making; but that he actually had a “profession’” — such an idea could not be tolerated for a moment. yet thoreau had a profession, and this is his own statement of it: — “ my profession is to be always on the alert to find god in nature, to know his lurking places, to watch for and describe all the divine features which i can detect in nature.” this profession he followed faithfully and unswervingly. nothing more deeply impresses itself upon the mind of one who reads thoreau’s journal sympathetically, especially if that reading be in the [ xxxiv ] atmosphere of the scenes which he describes, than the conviction that thoreau possessed a profoundly religious nature. he would not have chosen the adjective, but it is abundantly evident that his walks afield were to him religious excursions, — seasons of communion with the unseen. to quote a modern phrase, he was ever seeking to be “in tune with the infinite.””’ that was a significant remark which he made upon his dying bed to his aunt, who, with kindly intent, urged him to “make his peace with god.” he simply said, “‘i have never quarreled with him.” notwithstanding his misjudged criticism of the churches and his intolerance of creeds, he possessed a creed of his own, and it is well worth quoting: — “t know that i am. i know that another is who knows more than i, who takes interest in me, whose creature, and yet whose kindred, in one sense, am i. i know that the enterprise is worthy. i know that things work well. i have heard no bad news.” if we were to search for the crowning moral of thoreau’s life and writings, perhaps we could find it nowhere more truly or more beautifully expressed than in the words of ralph waldo emerson, his neighbor and friend: — “the rounded world is fair to see, nine times folded in mystery: though baffled seers cannot impart the secret of its laboring heart, throb thine with nature’s throbbing breast, and all is clear from east to west.” i. spring c2] sand foliage frew phenomena gave me more delight than to observe the forms which thawing sand and clay assume in flowing down the sides of a deep cut! on the railroad through which i passed on my way to the village, a phenomenon not very common on so large a scale, though the number of freshly exposed banks of the right material must have been greatly multiplied since railroads were invented. the material was sand of every degree of fineness and of various rich colors, commonly mixed with a little clay. when the frost comes out in the spring, and even in a thawing day in the winter, the sand begins to flow down the slopes like lava, sometimes bursting out through the snow and overflowing it where no sand was to be seen before. innumerable little streams overlap and interlace one with another, exhibiting a sort of hybrid product, which obeys half way the law of currents, and half way that of vegetation. .. . it is truly a grotesque vegetation, whose forms and color we see imitated in bronze, a sort of architectural foliage more ancient and typical than acanthus, chiccory, ivy, vine, or any vegetable leaves. walden, 336, 337. 1 the ‘‘deep cut” was despoiled of its magnitude some years ago, a large section of its easterly bank being removed for grading purposes elsewhere. sufficient of the original sand-and-clay formation still remains, however, to furnish annually the same unique phenomenon in which thoreau delighted. h. w. g. c3] marcu 2, 1854. the sand foliage is vital in its form, reminding me of what are called the vitals of the animal body. i am not sure that its arteries are ever hollow. they are rather meandering channels with remarkably distinct sharp edges, formed instantaneously as by magic. how rapidly and perfectly it organizes itself! ... on the outside all the life of the earth is expressed in the animal or vegetable, but make a deep cut in it and you find it vital; you find in the very sands an anticipation of the vegetable leaf. no wonder, then, that plants grow and spring in it. the atoms have already learned the law. let a vegetable sap convey it upwards and you have a vegetable leaf. no wonder that the earth expresses itself outwardly in leaves, which labors with the idea thus inwardly. the overhanging leaf sees here its prototype. journal, vi, 148. c4] willow catkins marcu 2, 1859. the willow catkins by the railroad have now all crept out about an eighth of an inch, giving to the bushes already a very pretty appearance when you stand on the sunny side, the silvery-white specks contrasting with the black scales. seen along the twigs, they are somewhat like small pearl buttons on a waistcoat. go and measure to what length the silvery willow catkins have crept out beyond their scales, if you would know what time o’ the year it is by nature’s clock. journal, xu, 4. marcu 20, 1858. at hubbard’s wall, how handsome the willow catkins! those wonderfully bright silvery buttons, so regularly disposed in oval schools in the air, or, if you please, along the seams which their twigs make, in all degrees of forwardness, from the faintest, tiniest speck of silver, just peeping from beneath the black scales, to lusty pussies which have thrown off their scaly coats and show some redness at base on a close inspection. these fixed swarms of arctic buds spot the air very prettily along the hedges. they remind me somewhat by their brilliancy of the snow-flecks which are so bright by contrast at this season when the sun is high. is not this, perhaps, the earliest, most obvious, awakening of vegetable life? journal, x, 310. eo apri 11, 1856. you take your way along the edge of some swamp that has been cleared at the base of some south hillside, where there is sufficient light and air and warmth, but the cold northerly winds are fended off, and there behold the silvery catkins of the sallows, which have already crept along their lusty osiers, more than an inch in length, till they look like silvery wands, though some are more rounded, like bullets. the lower part of some catkins which have lost their bud-scales emit a tempered crimson blush through their down, from the small scales within. the catkins grow longer and larger as you advance into the warmest localities, till at last you discover one catkin in which the reddish anthers are beginning to push from one side near the end, and you know that a little yellow flame will have burst out there by tomorrow, if the day is fair. journal, vit, 276. le] skunk-cabbage marcu 18, 1860. i examine the skunk-cabbage, now generally and abundantly in bloom all along under clamshell. it is a flower, as it were, without a leaf. all that you see is a stout beaked hood just rising above the dead brown grass in the springy ground now, where it has felt the heat, under some south bank. the single enveloping leaf, or “spathe,” is all the flower that you see commonly, and those are as variously colored as tulips and of similar color, — from a very dark almost black mahogany to a light yellow streaked or freckled with mahogany. it is a leaf simply folded around the flower, with its top like a bird’s beak bent over it for its further protection, evidently to keep off wind and frost, with a sharp angle down its back. these various colors are seen close together, and their beaks are bent in various directions. journal, xin, 199. winkle-like fungi apri 13, 1854. saw an old log, stripped of bark, either poplar or maple, four feet long, — its whole upper half covered with that handsome winkle-like fungus. they are steel-colored and of a velvety appearance, somewhat semicircular, with concentric growths of different shades, passing from quite black le esl within through a slaty-blue to (at present) a buff edge. beneath cream-color. there are many minute ones a tenth of an inch in diameter, the shell-like leaf or ear springing from one side. the full-grown are sometimes united into one leaf for eight or nine inches in one level along the log, tier above tier, with a scalloped edge. they are handsomest when two or more are opposed, meeting at their bases, and make a concentric circle. they remind you of shells, also of butterflies. the great variety and regularity of the shading are very interesting. they spring from a slight base, rising by a narrow neck. they grow on stumps and other dead wood on land, even driftwood left high, just as some marine shells, their relatives, grow on driftwood. journal, v1, 196. ee the old marlborough road when the spring stirs my blood with the instinct to travel, i can get enough gravel on the old marlborough road. nobody repairs it, for nobody wears it; it is a living way, as the christians say. not many there be who enter therein, only the guests of the irishman quin. what is it, what is it, but a direction out there, and the bare possibility of going somewhere? great guideboards of stone, but travellers none; cenotaphs of the towns named on their crowns. it is worth going to see where you might be. what king did the thing, i am still wondering; set up how or when, by what selectmen, 1 hest sag g by = eo gourgas or lee, clark or darby? they’re a great endeavor to be something forever; blank tablets of stone, where a traveller might groan, and in one sentence grave all that is known; which another might read, in his extreme need. i know one or two lines that would do, literature that might stand all over the land, which a man could remember till next december, and read again in the spring, after the thawing. if with fancy unfurled you leave your abode, you may go round the world by the old marlborough road. excursions, 215. [10 ] crossbills at the leaning hemlocks aprin 13, 1860. as i was paddling [up the assabet] past the uppermost hemlocks i saw two peculiar and plump birds near me on the bank there which reminded me of the cow blackbird and of the oriole at first. i saw at once that they were new to me, and guessed that they were crossbills,! which was the case, —male and female. the former was dusky-greenish (through a glass), orange, and red, the orange, etc., on head, breast, and rump, the vent white; dark, large bill; the female more of a dusky slate-color, and yellow instead of orange and red. they were very busily eating the seeds of the hemlock, whose cones were strewn on the ground, and they were very fearless, allowing me to approach quite near. . . . they were very parrot-like both in color (especially the male, greenish and orange, etc.) and in their manner of feeding, — holding the hemlock cones in one claw and rapidly extracting the seeds with their bills, thus trying one cone after another very fast. but they kept their bills a-going so that, near as they were, i did not distinguish the cross. i should have looked at them in profile. at last the two hopped within six feet of me, and one within four feet, and 1 the crossbills photographed were found near the “leaning hemlocks,” — the identical locality noted by thoreau, — only they were of the white-winged species, while the birds thoreau saw were evidently red crossbills. the occurrence of either species in concord is still a rare event. h. w. g. c1] they were coming still nearer, as if partly from curiosity, though nibbling the cones all the while, when my chain fell down and rattled loudly, — for the wind shook the boat, — and they flew off a rod. in bechstein i read that “it frequents fir and pine woods, but only when there are abundance of the cones.” it may be that the abundance of white pine cones last fall had to do with their coming here. the hemlock cones were very abundant too, methinks. journal, x11, 245, 246. [12] cowslips aprit 6, 1853. to second division brook. one cowslip, though it shows the yellow, is not fairly out, but will be by to-morrow. how they improve their time! not a moment of sunshine lost. one thing i may depend on: there has been no idling with the flowers. they advance as steadily as a clock. nature loses not a moment, takes no vacation. these plants, now protected by the water, just peeping forth. i should not be surprised to find that they drew in their heads in a frosty night. journal, v, 98. aprix 11, 1856. i might have said on the 8th: behold that little hemisphere of green in the black and sluggish brook, amid the open alders, sheltered under a russet tussock. it is the cowslips’ forward green. look narrowly, explore the warmest nooks; here are buds larger yet, showing more yellow, and yonder see two full-blown yellow disks, close to the water’s edge. methinks they dip into it when the frosty nights come. journal, vi, 276. [13 ] april 29, 1852. the season is most forward at the second division brook, where the cowslip is in blossom, — and nothing yet planted at home, — these bright-yellow suns of the meadow, in rich clusters, their flowers contrasting with the green leaves, from amidst the all-producing, dark-bottomed water. a flower-fire bursting up, as if through crevices in the meadow. they are very rich, seen in the meadow where they grow, and the most conspicuous flower at present, but held in the hand they are rather coarse. but their yellow and green are really rich, and in the meadow they are the most delicate objects. their bright yellow is something incredible when first beheld. journal, u1, 479, 480. [ 147 houstonias april 24, 1853. houstonias. how affecting that, annually at this season, as surely as the sun takes a higher course in the heavens, this pure and simple little flower peeps out and spots the great globe with white in our america, its four little white or bluish petals on a slender stalk making a delicate flower about a third of an inch in diameter! what a significant, though faint, utterance of spring through the veins of earth! journal, v, 112. may 5, 1860. there are some dense beds of houstonia in the yard of the old conantum house. some parts of them show of a distinctly bluer shade two rods off. they are most interesting now, before many other flowers are out, the grass high, and they have lost their freshness. i sit down by one dense bed of them to examine it. it is about three feet long and two or more wide. the flowers not only crowd one another, but are in several tiers, one above another, and completely hide the ground, — a mass of white. counting those in a small place, i find that there are about three thousand flowers in a square foot. they are all turned a little toward the sun, and emit a refreshing odor. here is a lumbering humblebee, probing these tiny flowers. it is a rather ludicrous sight. of course they will not support him, except a little [15 j where they are densest; so he bends them down awkwardly (hauling them in with his arms, as it were), one after another, thrusting his beak into the tube of each. it takes him but a moment to dispatch one. it is a singular sight, a humblebee clambering over a bed of these delicate flowers. journal, x1, 278. [ 16 j mayflowers (epigha repens) apri 4, 1859. the epigzea looks as if it would open in two or three days at least, — showing much color. the flower-buds are protected by the withered leaves, oak leaves, which partly cover them, so that you must look pretty sharp to detect the first flower. these plants blossom by main strength, as it were, or the virtue that is in them, — not growing by water, as most early flowers, — in dry copses. journal, x11, 114. aprril 29, 1852. the mayflower on the point of blossoming. i think i may say that it will blossom to-morrow. the blossoms of this plant are remarkably concealed beneath the leaves, perhaps for protection. it is singularly unpretending, not seeking to exhibit or display its simple beauty. it is the most delicate flower, both to eye and to scent, as yet. its weather-worn leaves do not adorn it. if it had fresh spring leaves it would be more famous and sought after. journal, 111, 480. wood anemones april 28, 1856. many anemone nemorosa in full bloom at the further end of yellow thistle meadow, in that warm nook by the brook, some probably a day or two there. i think that they are thus early civ on account of miles’s dam having broken away and washed off all the snow for some distance there, in the latter part of the winter, long before it melted elsewhere. it is a warm corner under the south side of a wooded hill, where they are not often, if ever before, flooded. journal, vu, 315. may 2, 1855. the anemone is well named, for see now the nemorosa, amid the fallen brush and leaves, trembling in the wind, so fragile. journal, vu, 352. may 9, 1852. to trillium woods. these low woods are full of the anemone nemorosa, half opened at this hour and gracefully drooping, — sepals with a purple tinge on the under side, now exposed. they are in beds and look like hail on the ground; their now globular flowers spot the ground white. journal, tv, 40. [18 j rabbits and partridges wzrat is a country without rabbits and partridges? they are among the most simple and indigenous animal products; ancient and venerable families known to antiquity as to modern times; of the very hue and substance of nature, nearest allied to leaves and to the ground, — and to one another; it is either winged or it is legged. it is hardly as if you had seen a wild creature when a rabbit or a partridge bursts away, only a natural one, as much to be expected as rustling leaves. the partridge and the rabbit are still sure to thrive, like true natives of the soil, whatever revolutions occur. if the forest is cut off, the sprouts and bushes which spring up afford them concealment, and they become more numerous than ever. that must be a poor country indeed that does not support a hare. our woods teem with them both, and around every swamp may be seen the partridge or rabbit walk, beset with twiggy fences and horsehair snares, which some cow-boy tends. walden, 310. lag j a partridge nest may 7, 1855. a partridge flew up from within three or four feet of me with a loud whir, and betrayed one cream-colored egg in a little hollow amid the leaves. may 12. i find the partridge-nest of the 7th partially covered with dry oak leaves, and two more eggs only, three in all, cold. probably the bird is killed. may 26. the partridge which on the 12th had left three cold eggs covered up with oak leaves is now sitting on eight. she apparently deserted her nest for a time and covered it.! journal, vu, 363, 371, 390. 1 these entries illustrate a habit of thoreau’s — examples of which abound in the journal — of following up an interesting subject so as to make a complete record. bradford torrey remarks that thoreau’s pronunciation of the family name, which was very much like the adjective “‘thorough,’’ suggests a conspicuous trait in his character. h. w. g. [ 20 ] bird-foot violets (viola pedata) may 10, 1858. how much expression there is in the viola pedata! i do not know on the whole but it is the handsomest of them all, it is so large and grows in such large masses. i have thought there was a certain shallowness in its expression, yet it spreads so perfectly open with its face turned upward that you get its whole expression. journal, x, 411. may 17, 1853. the v. pedata presents the greatest array of blue of any flower as yet. the flowers are so raised above their leaves, and so close together, that they make a more indelible impression of blue on the eye; it is almost dazzling. i blink as i look at them, they seem to reflect the blue rays so forcibly, with a slight tinge of lilac. journal, v, 165. fringed polygala may 17, 1853. the fringed polygala surprises us in meadows or in low woods as a rarer, richer, and more delicate color, with a singularly tender or delicate-looking leaf. as you approach midsummer, the color of flowers is more intense and fiery. the reddest flower is the flower especially. our blood is not white, nor is it yellow, nor even blue. journal; v, 164. [. ea may 27, 1852. the fringed polygala near the corner spring is a delicate flower, with very fresh tender green leaves and red-purple blossoms; beautiful from the contrast of its clear red-purple flowers with its clear green leaves. journal, iv, 74. [22 j may foliage may 17, 1852. now the sun has come out after the may storm, how bright, how full of freshness and tender promise and fragrance is the new world! the woods putting forth new leaves; it is a memorable season. so hopeful! these young leaves have the beauty of flowers.... do i smell the young birch leaves at a distance? most trees are beautiful when leafing out, but especially the birch. after a storm at this season, the sun comes out and lights up the tender expanding leaves, and all nature is full of light and fragrance, and the birds sing without ceasing, and the earth is a fairyland. the birch leaves are so small that you see the landscape through the tree, and they are like silvery and green spangles in the sun, fluttering about the tree. journal, tv, 61, 62. [ 23 ] may 22, 1854. now the springing foliage is like a sunlight on the woods. i was first attracted and surprised when i looked round and off to conantum, at the smooth, lawn-like green fields and pasturing cows, bucolical, reminding me of new butter. the air so clear — as not in summer — makes all things shine, as if all surfaces had been washed by the rains of spring and were not yet soiled or begrimed or dulled. you see even to the mountains clearly. the grass so short and fresh, the tender yellowishgreen and silvery foliage of the deciduous trees lighting up the landscape, the birds now most musical, the sorrel beginning to redden the fields with ruddy health, — all these things make earth now a paradise. how many times i have been surprised thus, on turning about on this very spot, at the fairness of the earth! journal, v1, 289. [ 24 j barn swallow may 20, 1852. a barn swallow accompanied me across the depot field, methinks attracted by the insects which i started, though i saw them not, wheeling and tacking incessantly on all sides and repeatedly dashing within a rod of me. it is an agreeable sight to watch one. nothing lives in the air but is in rapid motion. journal, tv, 66. vesper sparrow (bay-wing) may 12, 1857. while dropping beans in the garden at texas just after sundown, i hear from across the fields the note of the bay-wing, and it instantly translates me from the sphere of my work and repairs all the world that we jointly inhabit. it reminds me of so many country afternoons and evenings when this bird’s strain was heard far over the fields. the spirit of its earth-song, of its serene and true philosophy, was breathed into me, and i saw the world as through a glass, as it lies eternally. some of its aboriginal contentment, even of its domestic felicity, possessed me. what he suggests is permanently true. as the bay-wing sang many a thousand years ago, so sang he to-night. in the beginning god heard his song and pronounced it good, and hence it has endured. ... i ordinarily plod along a sort of white [ 25 ] washed prison entry, subject to some indifferent or even grovelling mood. i do not distinctly realize my destiny. i have turned down my light to the merest glimmer and am doing some task which i have set myself. i take incredibly narrow views, live on the limits, and have no recollection of absolute truth. mushroom institutions hedge me in. but suddenly, in some fortunate moment, the voice of eternal wisdom reaches me even, in the strain of the sparrow, and liberates me, whets and clarifies my senses, makes me a competent witness. journal, 1x, 363-65. [ 26 ] apple blossoms may 21, 1852. the earlier apple trees are in bloom, and resound with the hum of bees of all sizes and other insects. to sit under the first apple tree in blossom is to take another step into summer. the apple blossoms are so abundant and full, white tinged with red; a rich-scented pomona fragrance, telling of heaps of apples in the autumn, perfectly innocent, wholesome, and delicious. journal, tv, 67. the flowers of .the apple are perhaps the most beautiful of any tree’s, so copious and so delicious to both sight and scent. the walker is frequently tempted to turn and linger near some more than usually handsome one, whose blossoms are twothirds expanded. how superior it is in these respects to the pear, whose blossoms are neither colored nor fragrant! excursions, 294. beauty of wild apples! appues, these i mean, unspeakably fair, — apples not of discord, but of concord! yet not so rare but 1 thoreau’s enthusiastic essay on “wild apples”’ is still admirably up-to-date, so far as concord is concerned. both when in flower and in fruit, the wild apple trees of concord form a strong attraction for the walker. h. w. g. ; [27 j that the homeliest may have a share. painted by the frosts, some a uniform clear bright yellow, or red, or crimson, as if their spheres had regularly revolved, and enjoyed the sun on all sides alike, — some with the faintest pink blush imaginable, — some brindled with deep red streaks like a cow, or with hundreds of fine blood-red rays running regularly from the stem-dimple to the blossom end, like meridional lines, on a straw-colored ground, — some touched with a greenish rust, like a fine lichen, here and there, with crimson blotches or eyes more or less confluent and fiery when wet, — and others gnarly, and freckled or peppered all over on the stem side with fine crimson spots on a white ground, as if accidentally sprinkled from the brush of him who paints the autumn leaves. others, again, are sometimes red inside, perfused with a beautiful blush, fairy food, too beautiful to eat,— apple of the hesperides, apple of the evening sky! excursions, 314, 315. [ 28 ] loring’s pond may 17, 1852. to loring’s pond. the different color of the water at different times would be worth observing. to-day it is full of light and life, the breeze presenting many surfaces to the sun. there is a sparkling shimmer on it. it is a deep, dark blue, as the sky is clear. the air everywhere is, as it were, full of the rippling of waves. this pond is the more interesting for the islands in it. the water is seen running behind them, and it is pleasant to know that it penetrates quite behind and isolates the land you see, or to see it apparently flowing out from behind an island with shining ripples. journal, tv, 60. a lilac bush — the last remnant of a home?! still grows the vivacious lilac a generation after the door and lintel and the sill are gone, unfolding its sweet-scented flowers each spring, to be plucked by the musing traveller; planted and tended once by children’s hands, in front-yard plots, — now standing by wallsides in retired pastures, and giving 1 thoreau’s reference in this description is to the lilac bushes (some of which still exist) marking the former residences on brister’s hill of some colored families. the bush in the photograph is more interesting as being the sole relic of the old homestead on conantum to which thoreau refers several times. (see journal, vol. x, p. 364.) h. w. g. [ 29 ] place to new-rising forests; — the last of that stirp, sole survivor of that family. little did the dusky children think that the puny slip with its two eyes only, which they stuck in the ground in the shadow of the house and daily watered, would root itself so, and outlive them, and house itself in the rear that shaded it, and grown man’s garden and orchard, and tell their story faintly to the lone wanderer a half-century after they had grown up and died, — blossoming as fair, and smelling as sweet, as in that first spring. i mark its still tender, civil, cheerful, lilac colors. walden, 290. [30 ] rhodora may 17, 1853. the rhodora is peculiar for being, like the peach, a profusion of pink blossoms on a leafless stem. may 23. i see the light purple of the rhodora enlivening the edges of swamps — another color the sun wears. it is a beautiful shrub seen afar, and makes a great show from the abundance of its bloom unconcealed by leaves, rising above the andromeda. is it not the most showy high-colored flower or shrub? flowers are the different colors of the sunlight. journal, v, 163, 185. may 17, 1854. the splendid rhodora now sets the swamps on fire with its masses of rich color. it is one of the first flowers to catch the eye at a distance in masses, —so naked, unconcealed by its own leaves. journal, v1, 277. wild pink may 30, 1854. the pink is certainly one of the finest of our flowers and deserves the place it holds in my memory. it is now in its prime on the south side of the heywood peak, where it grows luxuriantly in dense rounded tufts or hemispheres, raying out on every side and presenting an even and regular sur i face of expanded flowers. it is associated in my mind with the first heats of summer, or those which announce its near approach. journal, vi, 317, 318. june 1, 1853. the tufts of pinks on the side of the peak by the pond grow raying out somewhat from a centre, somewhat like a cyme, on the warm dry side-hill, — some a lighter, some a richer and darker, shade of pink. with what a variety of colors we are entertained! yet most colors are rare or in small doses, presented us as a condiment or spice. much of green, blue, black, and white, but of yellow and the different shades of red far less. the eye feasts on the colors of flowers as on titbits; they are its spices. journal, v, 212. [ 32 ] ferns in the woods may 26, 1853. now is the time to walk in low, damp maple copses and see the tender, luxuriant foliage that has pushed up, mushroom-like, before the sun has come to harden it — the ferns of various species and in various stages, some now in their most perfect and beautiful condition, completely unfolded, tender and delicate, but perfect in all their details, far more than any lace-work — the most elaborate leaf we have. so flat, just from the laundry, as if pressed by some invisible flat-iron in the air. unfolding with such mathematical precision in the free air, — green, starched and pressed, —might they not be transferred, patterns for mechlin and brussels? journal, v, 190. flowering dogwood (cornus florida) may 27, 1853. the cornus florida now fairly out, and the involucres are now not greenish-white but white tipped with reddish — like a small flock of white birds passing, — three and a half inches in diameter, the larger ones, as i find by measuring. it is something quite novel in the tree line. journal, v, 192. may 24, 1858. to new york by railroad. all through connecticut and new york the white invo cae lucres of the cornel (c. florida), recently expanded, some of them reddish or rosaceous, are now conspicuous. it is not quite expanded in concord. it is the most showy indigenous tree now open. journal, x, 442. ii. summer e 36 | pincushion galls june 1, 1853. the pincushion galls on young white oaks are now among the most beautiful objects in the woods, coarse woolly white to appearance, spotted with bright red or crimson on the exposed side. it is remarkable that a mere gall, which at first we are inclined to regard as something abnormal, should be made so beautiful, as if it were the flower of the tree; that a disease, an excrescence, should prove, perchance, the greatest beauty, —as the tear of the pearl. journal, v, 210. a nighthawk’s nest june 1, 1853. walking up this side-hill, i disturbed a nighthawk eight or ten feet from me, which went, half fluttering, half hopping, the mottled creature, down the hill as far as i could see. without moving, i looked about and saw its two eggs on the bare ground, on a slight shelf of the hill, without any cavity or nest whatever, very obvious when once you had detected them, but not easily detected from their color, — a coarse gray formed of white spotted with a bluish or slaty brown or umber, a stone — granite — color, like the places it selects. i advanced and put my hand on them, and while i stooped, seeing a shadow on the ground, looked up and saw the bird, lar which had fluttered down the hill so blind and helpless, circling low and swiftly past over my head, showing the white spot on each wing in true nighthawk fashion. when i had gone a dozen rods, it appeared again higher in the air, with its peculiar flitting, limping kind of flight, all the while noiseless, and, suddenly descending, it dashed at me within ten feet of my head, like an imp of darkness, then swept away high over the pond, dashing now to this side now to that, on different tacks, as if, in pursuit of its prey, it had already forgotten its eggs on the earth. i can see how it might easily come to be regarded with superstitious awe. journal, v, 214, 215. [ 38 4 red-winged blackbirds and nest june 1, 1857. a red-wing’s nest, four eggs, low in a tuft of sedge in an open meadow. what champollion can translate the hieroglyphics on these eggs? it is always writing of the same character, though much diversified. while the bird picks up the material and lays the egg, who determines the style of the marking? when you approach, away dashes the dark mother, betraying her nest, and then chatters her anxiety from a neighboring bush, where she is soon joined by the red-shouldered male, who comes scolding over your head, chattering and uttering a sharp phe-phee-e. journal, 1x, 397. june 6, 1856. how well suited the lining of a bird’s nest, not only for the comfort of the young, but to keep the eggs from breaking! fine elastic grass stems or root-fibres, pine-needles, or hair, or the like. these tender and brittle things which you can hardly carry in cotton lie there without harm. journal, vu, 368. july 30, 1852. what a gem is a bird’s egg, especially a blue or a green one, when you see one, broken or whole, in the woods! i noticed a small blue egg this afternoon washed up by flint’s pond and half buried by white sand, and as it lay there, alternately cao] wet and dry, no color could be fairer, no gem could have a more advantageous or favorable setting. probably it was shaken out of some nest which overhung the water. i frequently meet with broken eggshells where a crow, perchance, or some thief has been marauding. and is not that shell something very precious that houses that winged life? journal, 1v, 268, 269. [ 40 ] clintonia june 2, 1853. clintonia borealis, a day or two. this is perhaps the most interesting and neatest of what i may call the liliaceous plants we have. its beauty at present consists chiefly in its commonly three very handsome, rich, clear dark-green leaves. they are perfect in form and color, broadly oblanceolate with a deep channel down the middle, uninjured by insects, arching over from a centre at the ground, sometimes very symmetrically disposed in a triangular fashion; and from their midst rises the scape a foot high, with one or more umbels of “‘ green bell-shaped flowers,” yellowish-green, nodding or bent downward, but without fragrance. in fact, the flower is all green, both leaves and corolla. the leaves alone —and many have no scape — would detain the walker. its berries are its flower. a single plant is a great ornament in a vase, from the beauty of its form and the rich, unspotted green of its leaves. journal, v, 218, 219. — eareaeae c41 ] june 13, 1852. the clintonia borealis (gray) is a handsome and perfect flower, though not high-colored. i prefer it to some more famous. but gray should not name it from the governor of new york. what is he to the lovers of flowers in massachusetts? if named after a man, it must be a man of flowers. rhode island botanists may as well name the flowers after their governors as new york. name your canals and railroads after clinton, if you please, but his name is not associated with flowers.! journal, iv, 95. 1 the clintonia was so named by rafinesque, in 1832, not by dr. gray, in honor of governor de witt clinton, who was a naturalist of some note, although chiefly famous in connection with the building of the erie canal. h. w. g. [ 42 ] early morning fog from nawshawtuct hill june 2, 1853. 4 a.m. to nawshawtuct. i go to the river in a fog through which i cannot see more than a dozen rods, — three or four times as deep as the houses.... now i have reached the hilltop above the fog at a quarter to five, about sunrise, and all around me is a sea of fog, level and white, reaching nearly to the top of this hill, only the tops of a few high hills appearing as distant islands in the main. it is just like the clouds beneath you as seen from a mountain. it is a perfect level in some directions, cutting the hills near their summits with a geometrical line, but puffed up here and there, and more and more toward the east, by the influence of the sun. it resembles nothing so much as the ocean. you can get here the impression which the ocean makes, without ever going to the shore. men — poor simpletons as they are — will go toa panorama by families, to see a pilgrim’s progress, perchance, who never yet made progress so far as to the top of such a hill as this at the dawn of a foggy morning. all the fog they know is in their brains. the seashore exhibits nothing more grand or on a larger scale. how grand where it rolls off northeastward over ball’s hill like a glorious ocean after a storm, just lit by the rising sun! it is as boundless as the view from the highlands of cape cod. they are exaggerated billows, [ 43 j the ocean on a larger scale, the sea after some tremendous and unheard-of storm, for the actual sea never appears so tossed up and universally white with foam and spray as this now far in the northeastern horizon, where mountain billows are breaking on some hidden reef or bank. it is tossed up toward the sun and by it into the most boisterous of seas, which no craft, no ocean steamer, is vast enough to sail on. journal, v, 216, 217. [ 44 j buttercups by the roadside june 4, 1860. the clear brightness of june was well represented yesterday by the buttercups along the roadside. their yellow so glossy and varnished within, but not without. surely there is no reason why the new butter should not be yellow now. journal, x11, 328. lupines ! june 5, 1852. the lupine is now in its glory. it is the more important because it occurs in such extensive patches, even an acre or more together, and of such a pleasing variety of colors, — purple, pink, or lilac, and white, — especially with the sun on it, when the transparency of the flower makes its color changeable. it paints a whole hillside with its blue, making such a field (if not meadow) as proserpine might have wandered in. its leaf was made to be covered with dewdrops. i am quite excited by this prospect of blue flowers in clumps with narrow intervals. such a profusion of the heavenly, the elysian, color, as if these were the elysian fields. they say the seeds look like babies’ faces, and hence the flower is so named. no other flowers exhibit so much blue. 1 for various reasons (chiefly increased pasturage) the lupines in concord have largely disappeared. repeated visits to the localities noted by thoreau have failed to reveal more than an occasional straggling plant. h. w.g. [ 45 j that is the value of the lupine. the earth is blued with them. yet a third of a mile distant i do not detect their color on the hillside. perchance because it is the color of the air. it is not distinct enough. you passed along here, perchance, a fortnight ago, and the hillside was comparatively barren, but now you come and these glorious redeemers appear to have flashed out here all at once. who planted the seeds of lupines in the barren soil? who watereth the lupines in the fields? journal, tv, 81, 82. [46 j lady’s-slippers june 5, 1856. everywhere now in dry pitch pine woods stand the red lady’s-slippers over the red pine leaves on the forest floor, rejoicing in june, with their two broad curving green leaves, — some even in swamps, — upholding their rich, striped, red, drooping sacks. journal, vit, 365. wild calla lily (calla palustris) june 7, 1857. to river and ponkawtasset with m. pratt. pratt has got the calla palustris, in prime, — some was withering, so it may have been out ten days, — from the bog near bateman’s pond; also orzalis vtolacea, which he says began about last sunday. journal, 1x, 409. june 9, 1857. to violet sorrel and calla swamp.! the calla is generally past prime and going to seed. i had said to pratt, “it will be worth the while to look for other rare plants in calla swamp, for i have observed that where one rare plant grows there 1 this illustrates thoreau’s habit of giving names of his own choosing to certain localities in concord, the particular names oftentimes being suggested by the discovery of some rare plant, as in this case. minot pratt was a devoted lover of plants and introduced a number of wild species not previously found in concord. he was one of the few residents of concord who appreciated thoreau’s outdoor studies. h. w. g. [47 ] will commonly be others.” carrying out this design, this afternoon, i had not taken three steps into the swamp barelegged before i found the naumbergia thyrsiflora [tufted loosestrife] in sphagnum and water, which i had not seen growing before. journal, 1x, 411. july 2, 1857. to gowing’s swamp. calla palustris (with its convolute point like the cultivated) at the south end of gowing’s swamp. having found this in one place, i now find it in another. many an object is not seen, though it falls within the range of our visual ray, because it does not come within the range of our intellectual eye, 2.¢., we are not looking for it. so, in the largest sense, we find only the world we look for. journal, 1x, 466. [ 48 ] great fringed orchis june 8, 1854. find the great fringed orchis out apparently two or three days. two are almost fully out, two or three only budded. a large spike of peculiarly delicate pale-purple flowers growing in the luxuriant and shady swamp amid hellebores, ferns, golden senecios, ete. it is remarkable that this, one of the fairest of all our flowers, should also be one of the rarest, — for the most part not seen at all. i think that no other but myself in concord annually finds it. that so queenly a flower should annually bloom so rarely and in such withdrawn and secret places .as to be rarely seen by man! the village belle never sees this more delicate belle of the swamp. how little relation between our life and its! most of us never see it or hear of it. the seasons go by to us as if it were not. a beauty reared in the shade of a convent, who has never strayed beyond the convent bell. journal, v1, 337, 338. june 15, 1852. here also, at well meadow head, i see the fringed purple orchis, unexpectedly beautiful, though a pale lilac purple, — a large spike of purple flowers. why does it grow there only, far in a swamp, remote from public view? it is somewhat fragrant, reminding me of the lady’s-slipper. is it not significant that some rare and delicate and beautiful flowers should be found only in unfrequented [ 49 j wild swamps? there is the mould in which the orchis grows. yet i am not sure but this is a fault in the flower. it is not quite perfect in all its parts. a beautiful flower must be simple, not spiked. it must have a fair stem and leaves. this stem is rather naked, and the leaves are for shade and moisture. it is fairest seen rising from amid brakes and hellebore, its lower part or rather naked stem concealed. where the most beautiful wild-flowers grow, there man’s spirit is fed, and poets grow. it cannot be high-colored, growing in the shade. nature has taken no pains to exhibit it, and few that bloom are ever seen by mortal eyes. the most striking and handsome large wild-flower of the year thus far that i have seen. journal, rv, 103, 104. [ 5° ] white pond june 14, 1853. to white pond. how beautifully the northeast shore curves! the pines and other trees so perfect on their water side. there is no rawness nor imperfection to the edge of the wood in this case, as where an axe has cleared, or a cultivated field abuts on it; but the eye rises by natural gradations from the low shrubs, the alders, of the shore to the higher trees. it is a natural selvage. it is comparatively unaffected by man. the water laves the shore as it did a thousand years ago. such curves in a wood bordering on a field do not affect us as when it is a winding shore of a lake. this is a firmer edge. it will not be so easily torn. journal, v, 251. mountain laurel june 23, 1852. the mountain laurel, with its milkwhite flower, in cool and shady woods, reminds one of the vigor of nature. it is perhaps a first-rate flower, considering its size and evergreenness. its flowerbuds, curiously folded in a ten-angled pyramidal form, are remarkable. a profusion of flowers, with an innocent fragrance. it reminds me of shady mountainsides where it forms the underwood. journal, tv, 130. [ 51 ] june 17, 1853. the mountain laurel by walden in its prime. it is a splendid flower, and more red than that in mason’s pasture.! its dry, dead-looking, brittle stems, as it were leaning over other bushes or each other, bearing at the ends great dense corymbs five inches in diameter of rose or pink tinged flowers, without an interstice between them, overlapping each other, each often more than an inch in diameter. a single one of which would be esteemed very beautiful. it is a highlander wandered down into the plain. journal, v, 269, 270. 1 a single bush of mountain laurel is still to be found in mason’s pasture, but with the exception of where it has been planted for the adornment of private estates the mountain laurel in concord (as thoreau says in another place) is “as rare as poetry.”” h. w.g. [ 52 ] trees reflected in the river june 15, 1840. i stood by the river to-day considering the forms of the elms reflected in the water. for every oak and birch, too, growing on the hilltop, as well as for elms and willows, there is a graceful ethereal tree making down from the roots, as it were the original idea of the tree, and sometimes nature in high tides brings her mirror to its foot and makes it visible. anxious nature sometimes reflects from pools and puddles the objects which our grovelling senses may fail to see relieved against the sky with the pure ether for background. ’ it would be well if we saw ourselves as in perspective always, impressed with distinct outline on the sky, side by side with the shrubs on the river’s brim. so let our life stand to heaven as some fair, sunlit tree against the western horizon, and by sunrise be planted on some eastern hill to glisten in the first rays of the dawn. journal, 1, 139, 140. wherever the trees and skies are reflected, there is more than atlantic depth, and no danger of fancy running aground. we notice that it required a separate intention of the eye, a more free and abstracted vision, to see the reflected trees and the sky, than to see the river bottom merely; and so there are manifold visions in the direction of every object, and even [, 33 j the most opaque reflect the heavens from their surface. some men have their eyes naturally intended to the one and some to the other object. two men in a skiff, whom we passed hereabouts, floating buoyantly amid the reflections of the trees, like a feather in mid-air, or a leaf which is wafted gently from its twig to the water without turning over, seemed still in their element, and to have delicately availed themselves of the natural laws. their floating there was a beautiful and successful experiment in natural philosophy, and it served to ennoble in our eyes the art of navigation; for as birds fly and fishes swim, so these men sailed. it reminded us how much fairer and nobler all the actions of man might be, and that our life in its whole economy might be as beautiful as the fairést works of art or nature. concord and merrimack rivers, 47, 48. [ 54 ] wild roses june 15, 1853. here are many wild roses northeast of trillium woods. we are liable to underrate this flower on account of its commonness. is it not the queen of our flowers? how ample and highcolored its petals, glancing half concealed from its own green bowers! there is a certain noble and delicate civility about it, — not wildness. it is properly the type of the rosacee, or flowers among others of most wholesome fruits. it is at home in the garden, as readily cultivated as apples. it is the pride of june. in summing up its attractions i should mention its rich color, size, and form, the rare beauty -of its bud, its fine fragrance, and the beauty of the entire shrub, not to mention the almost innumerable varieties it runs into. i bring home the buds ready to expand, put them in a pitcher of water, and the next morning they open and fill my chamber with fragrance. this, found in the wilderness, must have reminded the pilgrim of home. journal, v, 256. [ 55 ] june 25, 1852. methinks roses oftenest display their high colors, colors which invariably attract all eyes and betray them, against a dark ground, as the dark green or the shady recesses of the bushes and copses, where they show to best advantage. their enemies do not spare the open flower for an hour. hence, if for no other reason, their buds are most beautiful. their promise of perfect and dazzling beauty, when their buds are just beginning to expand, — beauty which they can hardly contain, — as in most youths, commonly surpasses the fulfillment of their expanded flowers. the color shows fairest and brightest in the bud. journal, iv, 142. [, 56 water-lilies june 19, 1853. exquisitely beautiful, and_ unlike anything else that we have, is the first white lily just expanded in some shallow lagoon where the water is leaving it, — perfectly fresh and pure, before the insects have discovered it. how admirable its purity! how innocently sweet its fragrance! how significant that the rich, black mud of our dead stream produces the water-lily, — out of that fertile slime springs this spotless purity! journal, v, 283. june 16, 1854. again i scent the white waterlily, and a season i had waited for is arrived. how indispensable all these experiences to make up the summer! it is the emblem of purity, and its scent suggests it. growing in stagnant and muddy water, it bursts up so pure and fair to the eye and so sweet to the scent, as if to show us what purity and sweetness reside in, and can be extracted from, the slime and muck of earth. i think i have plucked the first one that has opened for a mile at least. what confirmation of our hopes is in the fragrance of the water-lily! i shall not so soon despair of the world [57] for it, notwithstanding slavery, and the cowardice and want of principle of the north. it suggests that the time may come when men’s deeds will smell as sweet. such, then, is the odor our planet emits. who can doubt, then, that nature is young and sound? if nature can compound this fragrance still annually, i shall believe her still full of vigor, and that there is virtue in man, too, who perceives and loves it. it is as if all the pure and sweet and virtuous was extracted from the slime and decay of earth and presented thus in a flower. the resurrection of virtue!... the foul slime stands for the sloth and vice of man; the fragrant flower that springs from it, for the purity and courage which springs from its midst. it is these sights and sounds and fragrances put together that convince us of our immortality. journal, vi, 352, 353. 1 an instance of thoreau’s intense feeling on the slavery question, which found extended expression in his famous addresses on john brown. (see the volume cape cod and miscellanies, pp. 409 and 441; also numerous entries in the journal, vols. xm and xu.) h. w. g. [ 58 j orientation of young pine shoots june 23, 1852. there are interesting groves of young soft white pines eighteen feet high, whose vigorous yellowish-green shoots of this season, from three to eighteen inches long, at the extremities of all the branches, contrast remarkably with the dark green of the old leaves. i observe that these shoots are bent, and, what is more remarkable, all one way, i.e., to the east, almost at a right angle the topmost ones, and i am reminded of the observation in henry’s adventures, that the indians guided themselves in cloudy weather by this mark. all these shoots, excepting those low down on the east side, are bent toward the east. i am very much pleased with this observation, confirming that of the indians. i was singularly impressed when i first observed that all the young pines in this pasture obeyed this law, without regard to the direction of the wind or the shelter of other trees. to make myself more sure of the direction, as it was not easy to determine it exactly, standing on one side, where so many shoots were bent in the air, i went behind the trees on the west till the bent shoot appeared as a straight line, and then, by observing my shadow and guessing at the time of day, i decided that their direction was due east. this gives me more satisfaction than any observation which i have made for a long time. this is true of the rapidly growing shoots. how long [ 59 j will this phenomenon avail to guide the traveller? how soon do they become erect? a natural compass. how few civilized men probably have ever made this observation, so important to the savage! how much may there have been known to his woodcraft which has not been detected by science! at first i remarked the shoots of a distinct yellowish green, contrasting with the rest of the tree, then that they were not upright but bent more or less, and next that they were all inclined one way, as if bent by the wind, and finally that they were all bent east, without regard to the wind. journal, 1v, 136, 137. 1 in his journal entry for the next day, describing a trip to white pond, thoreau frankly but sadly remarks: “i am disappointed to notice to-day that most of the pine-tops incline to the west, as if the wind had to do with it.” [ 60 ] a june landscape from fair haven hill june 30, 1860. generally speaking, the fields are. not imbrowned yet, but the freshness of the year is preserved. standing on the side of fair haven hill the verdure generally appears at its height, the air clear, and the water sparkling (after the rain of yesterday), and it is a world of glossy leaves and grassy fields and meads. seen through this clear, sparkling, breezy air, the fields, woods, and meadows are very brilliant and fair. the leaves are now hard and glossy (the oldest), yet still comparatively fresh, and i do not see a single acre of grass that has been cut yet. the river meadows on each side the stream, looking toward the light, have an elysian beauty. a light-yellow plush or velvet, as if some gamboge had been rubbed into them. they are by far the most bright and sunnylooking spots, such is the color of the sedges which grow there, while the pastures and hillsides are darkgreen and the grain-fields glaucous-green. journal, x11, 380. white clover june 29, 1851. there is a great deal of white clover this year. in many fields where there has been no clover seed sown for many years at least, [ 61 ] it is more abundant than the red, and the heads are nearly as large. also pastures which are close cropped, and where i think there was little or no clover last year, are spotted white with a humbler growth. and everywhere, by roadsides, garden borders, etc., even where the sward is trodden hard, the small white heads on short stems are sprinkled everywhere. as this is the season for the swarming of bees, and this clover is very attractive to them, it is probably the more difficult to secure them; at any rate it is the more important to secure their services now that they can make honey so fast. it is an interesting inquiry why this year is so favorable to the growth of clover. journal, 11, 271, 272. [ 62 ] tarbell’s spring jury 5, 1852. how cheering it is to behold a full spring bursting forth directly from the earth, like this of tarbell’s, from clean gravel, copiously, in a thin sheet; for it descends at once, where you see no opening, cool from the caverns of the earth, and making a considerable stream. such springs, in the sale of lands, are not valued for as much as they are worth. i lie almost flat, resting my hands on what offers, to drink at this water where it bubbles, at the very udders of nature, for man is never weaned from her breast while this life lasts. how many times in a single walk does he stoop for a draught! journal, tv, 188. july 12, 1857. i drink at every cooler spring in my walk these afternoons and love to eye the bottom there, with its pebbly caddis-cases, or its white worms, or perchance a luxurious frog cooling himself next my nose. sometimes the farmer, foreseeing haying, has been prudent enough to sink a tub in one, which secures a clear deep space. .. . when a spring has been allowed to fill up, to be muddied by cattle, or, being exposed to the sun by cutting down the trees and bushes, to dry up, it affects me sadly, like an institution going to decay. sometimes i see, on one side the tub, — the tub overhung with various wild plants and flowers, its edge almost completely [ 63 ] concealed even from the searching eye, — the white sand freshly cast up where the spring is bubbling in. often i sit patiently by the spring i have cleaned out and deepened with my hands, and see the foul water rapidly dissipated like a curling vapor and giving place to the cool and clear. sometimes i can look a yard or more into a crevice under a rock, toward the sources of a spring in a hillside, and see it come cool and copious with incessant murmuring down to the light. there are few more refreshing sights in hot weather. journal, 1x, 477, 478. [ 64 ] a waving rye-field july 8, 1851. here are some rich rye-fields waving over all the land, their heads nodding in the evening breeze with an apparently alternating motion; 1.e., they do not all bend at once by ranks, but separately, and hence this agreeable alternation. how rich a sight this cereal fruit, now yellow for the cradle, — flavus! it is animpenetrable phalanx. i walk for half a mile beside these macedonians, looking in vain for an opening. there is no arnold winkelried to gather these spear-heads upon his breast and make an opening for me. this is food for man. the earth labors not in vain; it is bearing its burden. the yellow, waving, rustling rye extends far up and over the hills on either side, a kind of pinafore to nature, leaving only a narrow and dark passage at the bottom of a deep ravine. how rankly it has grown! how it hastes to maturity! i discover that there is such a goddess as ceres. these long grain-fields which you must respect, — must go round, — occupying the ground like an army. the small trees and shrubs seen dimly in its midst are overwhelmed by the grain as by an inundation. they are seen only as indistinct forms of bushes and green leaves mixed with the yellow stalks. there are certain crops which give me the idea of bounty, of the alma natura. they are the grains. potatoes do not so fill the lap of earth. this rye excludes everything else and takes possession of the soil. eee the farmer says, “‘next year i will raise a crop of rye”’; and he proceeds to clear away the brush, and either plows it, or, if it is too uneven or stony, burns and harrows it only, and scatters the seed with faith. and all winter the earth keeps his secret, — unless it did leak out somewhat in the fall, — and in the spring this early green on the hillsides betrays him. when i see this luxuriant crop spreading far and wide in spite of rock and bushes and unevenness of ground, i cannot help thinking that it must have been unexpected by the farmer himself, and regarded by him as a lucky accident for which to thank fortune. journal, 11, 293, 294. eee) yellow and red lilies july 19, 1851. heavily hangs the common yellow lily (lilium canadense) in the meadows. journal, 11, 320. july 7, 1852. when the yellow lily flowers in the meadows, and the red in dry lands and by woodpaths, then, methinks, the flowering season has reached its height. they surprise me as perhaps no more can. now i am prepared for anything. journal, tv, 201. july 9, 1852. the red lily, with its torrid color and sun-freckled spots, dispensing, too, with the outer garment of a calyx, its petals so open and wide apart that you can see through it in every direction, tells of hot weather. it is a handsome bell shape, so upright, and the flower prevails over every other ‘part. it belongs not to spring. journal, tv, 206, 207. july 11, 1852. the yellow lily is not open-petalled like the red, nor is its flower upright, but drooping. on the whole i am most attracted by the red. they both make freckles beautiful. journal, tv, 219. [67 j having reloaded, we paddled down the penobscot, which, as the indian remarked, and even i detected, remembering how it looked before, was uncommonly full. we soon after saw a splendid yellow lily (lilium canadense) by the shore, which i plucked. it was six feet high, and had twelve flowers, in two whorls, forming a pyramid, such as i have seen in concord. we afterward saw many more thus tall along this stream, and also still more numerous on the east branch, and, on the latter, one which i thought approached yet nearer to the liliwm superbum. the indian asked what we called it, and said. that the “loots” (roots) were good for soup, that is, to cook with meat, to thicken it, taking the place of flour. they get them in the fall. i dug some, and found a mass of bulbs pretty deep in the earth, two inches in diameter, looking, and even tasting, somewhat like raw green corn on the ear. the maine woods, 209. [88°] an old unfrequented road juty 21, 1851. now i yearn for one of those old, meandering, dry, uninhabited roads, which lead away from towns, which lead us away from temptation, which conduct to the outside of earth, over its uppermost crust; where you may forget in what country you are travelling; where no farmer can complain that you are treading down his grass, no gentleman who has recently constructed a seat in the country that you are trespassing; . . . along which you may travel like a pilgrim, going nowhither; where travellers are not too often to be met; . . . where the walls and fences are not cared for; where your head is more in heaven than your feet are on earth; .. . where it makes no odds which way you face, whether you are going or coming, whether it is morning or evening, mid-noon or midnight; where earth is cheap enough by being public; where you can walk and think with least obstruction, there being nothing to measure progress by; where you can pace when your breast is full, and cherish your moodiness; where you are not in false relations with men, are not dining nor conversing with them; by which you may go to the uttermost parts of the earth. journal, 11, 322. [ 69 ] juty 23, 1851. on such a road (the corner) } i walk securely, seeing far and wide on both sides, as if i were flanked by light infantry on the hills, to rout the provincials, as the british marched into concord, while my grenadier thoughts keep the main road. that is, my light-armed and wandering thoughts scour the neighboring fields, and so i know if the coast is clear. with what a breadth of van i advance! i am not bounded by the walls. i think more than the road full. journal, 11, 339. 1 thoreau would hardly apostrophize the corner road (?.¢., the road to nine-acre corner) to-day, for it has been carefully graded and macadamized; the root fences, the little brook crossing the road, and other features so attractive to him have disappeared, and there are plenty of “no trespassing” signs on either hand. instead of walking securely, his ‘‘ grenadier thoughts” would be chiefly occupied in the effort to avoid disaster from the frequently passing automobiles! h. w. g. ei blueberries and huckleberries july 24, 1853. the berries of the vaccinium vacillans [low blueberry] are very abundant and large this year on fair haven, where i am now. indeed, these and huckleberries and blackberries are very abundant in this part of the town. nature does her best to feed man. the traveller need not go out of the road to get as many as he wants; every bush and vine teems with palatable fruit. man for once stands in such relation to nature as the animals that pluck and eat as they go. the fields and hills are a table constantly spread. wines of all kinds and qualities, of noblest vintage, are bottled up in the skins of countless berries, for the taste of men and animals. to men they seem offered not so much for food as for sociality, that they may picnic with nature, — diet drinks, cordials, wines. we pluck and eat in remembrance of her. it is a sacrament, a communion. the not-forbidden fruits, which no serpent tempts us to taste. slight and innocent savors, which relate us to nature, make us her guests and entitle us to her regard and protection. it is a saturnalia, and we quaff her wines at every turn. this season of berrying is so far respected that the children have a vacation to pick berries, and women and children who never visit distant hills and fields and swamps on any other errand are seen making haste thither now, with half their domestic utensils in their hands. the lowe a woodchopper goes into the swamp for fuel in the winter; his wife and children for berries in the summer. journal, v, 330, 331. julyy 6, 1852. the early blueberries ripen first on the hills, before those who confine themselves to the lowlands are aware of it. when the old folks find only one turned here and there, children, who are best acquainted with the locality of berries, bring pailfuls to sell at their doors. for birds’ nests and berries, give me a child’s eyes. but berries must be eaten on the hills, and then how far from the surfeiting luxury of an alderman’s dinner! journal, tv, 196. [ 72] yew berry aveust 10, 1858. am surprised to find the yew with ripe fruit, where i had not detected fertile flowers. it fruits very sparingly, the berries growing singly here and there, on last year’s wood, and hence four to six inches below the extremities of the upturned twigs. it is the most surprising berry that we have: first, since it is borne by an evergreen, hemlock-like bush with which we do not associate a soft and bright-colored berry, and hence its deep scarlet contrasts the more strangely with the pure, dark evergreen needles; and secondly, because of its form, so like art, and which could be easily imitated in wax, a very thick scarlet cup or mortar with a dark-purple bead set at the bottom. my neighbors are not prepared to believe that such a berry grows in concord. journal, x1, 90, 91. rattlesnake-plantain avucust 19, 1851. by the marlborough road i notice the richly veined leaves of the neottia pubes_cens, or veined neottia, rattlesnake-plantain. i like this last name very well, though it might not be easy to convince a quibbler or proser of its fitness. we want some name to express the mystic wildness of its rich leaves. such work as men imitate in their embroidery, unaccountably agreeable to the eye, as if it weed answered its end only when it met the eye of man; a reticulated leaf, visible only on one side; little things which make one pause in the woods, take captive the eye. journal, 11, 407. auaust 27, 1856. these oval leaves [of the rattlesnake-plantain], perfectly smooth like velvet to the touch, about one inch long, have a broad white midrib and four to six longitudinal white veins, very prettily and thickly connected by other conspicuous white veins transversely and irregularly, all on a dark rich green ground. is it not the prettiest leaf that paves the forest floor? journal, 1x, 28. [ 74 j rose mallow (marsh hibiscus) avueust 16, 1852. hibiscus moscheutos (?), marsh hibiscus, apparently, n. barrett’s. perchance has been out a week. i think it must be the most conspicuous and showy and at the same time richcolored flower of this month. it is not so conspicuous as the sunflower, but of a rarer color, — “pale rosepurple,” they call it, — like a hollyhock. it is surprising for its amount of color, and, seen unexpectedly amid the willows and button-bushes, with the mikania twining around its stem, you can hardly believe it is a flower, so large and tender it looks, like the greatest effort of the season to adorn the august days, and reminded me of that great tender moth, the attacus luna, which i found on the water near where it grows. i think it must be allied to southern species. it suggests a more genial climate and luxuriant soil. it requires these vaporous dog-days. journal, iv, 297, 298 [ 75 j avueust 18, 1852. to joe clark’s and hibiscus bank. . . . the hibiscus flowers are seen a quarter of a mile off over the water, like large roses, now that these high colors are rather rare. some are exceedingly delicate and pale, almost white, just rosetinted, others a brighter pink or rose-color, and all slightly plaited (the five large petals) and turned toward the sun, now in the west, trembling in the wind. so much color looks very rich in these localities. the flowers are some four inches in diameter, as large as water-lilies, rising amid and above the button-bushes and willows, with a large light-green tree-like leaf and a stem half an inch in diameter, apparently dying down to a perennial (?) root each year. a superb flower. where it occurs it is certainly, next to the white lily, if not equally with it, the most splendid ornament of the river. . . . as i made excursions on the river when the white lilies were in bloom, so now i should make a hibiscus excursion. journal, tv, 299, 301. etd cinnamon ferns in clintonia swamp avucaust 23, 1858. i go through [clintonia swamp], wading through the luxuriant cinnamon fern, which has complete possession of the swamp floor. its great fronds, curving this way and that, remind me of a tropical vegetation. they are as high as my head and about a foot wide; may stand higher than my head without being stretched out. they grow in tufts of a dozen, so close that their fronds interlace and form one green waving mass. there in the swamp cellar under the maples. a forest of maples rises from a forest of ferns. my clothes are covered with the pale-brown wool which i have rubbed off their stems. journal, x1, 118. september 24, 1859. stedman buttrick’s handsome maple and pine swamp is full of cinnamon ferns. i stand on the elevated road, looking down into it. the trees are very tall and slender, without branches for a long distance. all the ground, which is perfectly level, is covered and concealed, as are the bases of the trees, with the tufts of cinnamon fern, now a pale brown. it is a very pretty sight, these northern trees springing out of a groundwork of lae] ferns. it is like pictures of the tropics, except that here the palms are the undergrowth. you could not have arranged a nosegay more tastefully. it is a rich groundwork, out of which the maples and pines spring. journal, xi, 344. ti. autumn [, 8e: j beautiful fungi september 1, 1856. with r. w. e[merson] to saw mill [brook]. we go admiring the pure and delicate tints of fungi on the surface of the damp swamp there, following up along the north side of the brook. there are many very beautiful lemon-yellow ones of various forms, some shaped like buttons, some becoming finely scalloped on the edge, some clubshaped and hollow, of the most delicate and rare but decided tints, contrasting well with the decaying leaves about them. there are others also pure white, others a wholesome red, others brown, and some even a light indigo-blue above and beneath and throughout. when colors come to be taught in the schools, as they should be, both the prism (or the rainbow) and these fungi should be used by way of illustration, and if the pupil does not learn colors, he may learn fungi, which perhaps is better. you almost envy the wood frogs and toads that hop amid such gems, — some pure and bright enough for a breastpin. out of every crevice between the dead leaves oozes some vehicle of color, the unspent wealth of the year. ; journal, 1x, 50, 51. c 81 j october 10, 1858. the simplest and most lumpish fungus has a peculiar interest to us, compared with a mere mass of earth, because it is so obviously organic and related to ourselves, however mute. it is the expression of an idea; growth according to a law; matter not dormant, not raw, but inspired, appropriated by spirit. if i take up a handful of earth, however separately interesting the particles may be, their relation to one another appears to be that of mere juxtaposition generally. i might have thrown them together thus. but the humblest fungus betrays a life akin to my own. it is a successful poem in its kind. there is suggested something superior to any particle of matter, in the idea or mind which uses and arranges the particles. journal, x1, 204. [ 82 ] lane in front of tarbell’s september 4, 1851. the lane in front of tarbell’s house, which is but little worn and appears to lead nowhere, though it has so wide and all-engulfing an opening, suggested that such things might be contrived for effect in laying out grounds. (only those things are sure to have the greatest and best effect, which like this were not contrived for the sake of effect.) an open path which would suggest walking and adventuring on it, the going to some place strange and far away. it would make you think of or imagine distant places and spaces greater than the estate. it was pleasant, looking back just beyond, to see a heavy shadow (made by some high birches) reaching quite across the road. light and shadow are sufficient contrast and furnish sufficient excitement when we are well. now we were passing the vale of brown and tarbell, a sunshiny mead pastured by cattle and sparkling with dew, the sound of crows and swallows heard in the air, and leafy-columned elms seen here and there shining with dew. the morning freshness and unworldliness of that domain! the vale of tempe and of arcady is not farther off than are the conscious lives of men from their opportunities. our life is as far from corresponding to its scenery as we are distant from tempe and arcadia; that is to say, [ 83 ] they are far away because we are far from living natural lives. how absurd it would be to insist on the vale of tempe in particular when we have such vales as we have! journal, 11, 454. [ 84 ] sunset on the river september 6, 1854. there are many clouds about and a beautiful sunset sky, a yellowish (dunnish?) golden sky, between them in the horizon, looking up the river. the beauty of the sunset is doubled by the reflection. being on the water we have double the amount of lit and dun-colored sky above and beneath. the reflected sky is more dun and richer than the real one. take a glorious sunset sky and double it, so that it shall extend downward beneath the horizon as much as above it, blotting out the earth, and let the lowest half be of the deepest tint, and every beauty more than before insisted on, and you seem withal to be floating directly into it. it was in harmony with this fair evening that we were not walking or riding with dust and noise through it, but moved by a paddle without a jar over the liquid and almost invisible surface, floating directly toward those islands of the blessed which we call clouds in the sunset sky. journal, vit, 19. [ 85 j we never tire of the drama of sunset. i go forth each afternoon and look into the west a quarter of an hour before sunset, with fresh curiosity, to see what new picture will be painted there, what new panorama exhibited, what new dissolving views. can washington street or broadway show anything as good? every day a new picture is painted and framed, held up for half an hour, in such lights as the great artist chooses, and then withdrawn and the curtain falls. and then the sun goes down, and long the afterglow gives light. and then the damask curtains glow along the western window. and now the first star is lit, and i go home. journal, 111, 179. [, #6 j goldenrod (solidago nemoralis) september 12, 1859. to moore’s swamp and great fields. i stand in moore’s swamp and look at garfield’s dry bank, now before the woods generally are changed at all. how ruddy ripe that dry hillside by the swamp, covered with goldenrods and clumps of hazel bushes here and there, now more or less scarlet. the goldenrods on the top and the slope of the hill are the solidago nemoralis, at the base the taller s. altissima. the whole hillside is perfectly dry and ripe. many a dry field now, like that of sted buttrick’s on the great fields, is one dense mass of the brightgolden recurved wands of the solidago nemoralis (a little past prime), waving in the wind and turning upward to the light hundreds, if not a thousand, flowerets each. it is the greatest mass of conspicuous flowers in the year, and uniformly from one to two feet high, just rising above the withered grass all over the largest fields, now when pumpkins and other yellow fruits begin to gleam, now before the woods are noticeably changed. such a mass of yellow for this field’s last crop! who that had botanized here in the previous month could have foretold this more profuse and teeming crop? all ringing, as do the low grounds, with the shrilling of crickets and locusts and frequented by honey-bees (i.e., the gold er enrod nemoralis). the whole field turns to yellow, as the cuticle of a ripe fruit. this is the season when the prevalence of the goldenrods gives such a ripe and teeming look to the dry fields and to the swamps. the s. nemoralis spreads its legions over the dry plains now, as soldiers muster in the fall. it is a muster of all its forces, which i review, eclipsing all other similar shows of the year. fruit of august and september, sprung from the sun-dust. the fields and hills appear in their yellow uniform. there are certain fields so full of them that they might give their name to the town or region, as one place in england is called saffron walden. perhaps the general prevalence of yellow is greater now when many individual plants are past prime. journal, xu, 320-22. [88 j fall asters? september 14, 1856. now for the aster tradescanti along low roads, like the turnpike, swarming with butterflies and bees. some of them are pink. how ever unexpected are these later flowers! you thought that nature had about wound up her affairs. you had seen what she could do this year, and had not noticed a few weeds by the roadside, or mistook them for the remains of summer flowers now hastening to their fall; you thought you knew every twig and leaf by the roadside, and nothing more was to be looked for there; and now, to your surprise, these ditches are crowded with millions of little stars. they suddenly spring up and face you, with their legions on each side the way, as if they had lain in ambuscade there. the flowering of the ditches. call them travellers’ thoughts, numerous though small, worth a penny at least, which, sown in spring and summer, in the fall spring up unobserved at first, successively dusted and washed, mingled with nettles and beggar-ticks as a highway harvest. a starry meteoric shower, a milky way, in the flowery kingdom in whose aisles we travel. let the traveller bethink himself, elevate and expand his thoughts somewhat, that his successors may oftener hereafter be cheered by the sight of an aster nove-anglie@ or spectabilis here and there, to 1 the photographs are of the a. tradescantt and the a. nove-anglie. [ 89 ] remind him that a poet or philosopher has passed this way. the gardener with all his assiduity does not raise such a variety, nor so many successive crops on the same space, as nature in the very roadside ditches. there they have stood, begrimed with dust and the wash of the road so long, and made acquaintance with passing sheep and cattle and swine, gathering a trivial experience, and now at last the fall rains have come to wash off some of that dust, and even they exhibit these dense flowery panicles as the result of all that experience, as pure for an hour as if they grew by some wild brook-side. journal, 1x, 82, 83. [ 90 ] witch-hazel there is something witchlike in the appearance of the witch-hazel, which blossoms late in october and in november, with its irregular and angular spray and petals like furies’ hair, or small ribbon streamers. its blossoming, too, at this irregular period, when other shrubs have lost their leaves, as well as blossoms, looks like witches’ craft. certainly it blooms in no garden of man’s. concord and merrimack rivers, 379. ocrobeer 9, 1851. to conantum. the witchhazel here is in full blossom on this magical hillside, while its broad yellow leaves are falling. it is an extremely interesting plant, — october and november’s child, and yet reminds me of the very earliest spring. its blossoms smell like the spring, like the willow catkins; by their color as well as fragrance they belong to the saffron dawn of the year, suggesting amid all these signs of autumn, falling leaves and frost, that the life of nature, by which she eternally flourishes, is untouched. it stands here in the shadow on the side of the hill, while the sunlight from over the top of the hill lights up its topmost sprays and yellow blossoms. its spray, so jointed and angular, is not to be mistaken for any other. [ lie on my back with joy under its boughs. while its [91 ] leaves fall, its blossoms spring. the autumn, then, is indeed a spring. all the year is a spring. i see two blackbirds high overhead, going south, but i am going north in my thought with these hazel blossoms. it is a faery place. this is a part of the immortality of the soul. journal, 111, 59, 60. [ 92 ] october reflections on the assabet october 17, 1858. up assabet. methinks the reflections are never purer and more distinct than now at the season of the fall of the leaf, just before the cool twilight has come, when the air has a finer grain. just as our mental reflections are more distinct at this season of the year, when the evenings grow cool and lengthen and our winter evenings with their brighter fires may be said to begin. one reason why i associate perfect reflections from still water with this and a later season may be that now, by the fall of the leaves, so much more light is let in to the water. the river reflects more light, therefore, in this twilight of the year, as it were an afterglow. journal, x1, 216, 217. sun-lighted tufts of andropogon octtober 16, 1859. when we emerged from the pleasant footpath through the birches into witherell glade, looking along it toward the westering sun, the glittering white tufts of the andropogon scopartus, lit up by the sun, were affectingly fair and cheering to behold, ... their glowing half raised a foot or more above the ground, a lighter and more brilliant whiteness than the downiest cloud presents. [ 93 ] how cheerful these cold but bright white waving tufts! they reflect all the sun’s light without a particle of his heat, or yellow rays. a thousand such tufts now catch up the sun and send to us his light but not heat. his heat is being steadily withdrawn from us. light without heat is getting to be the prevailing phenomenon of the day now. journal, x1, 391, 392. novembeer 8, 1859. the tufts of purplish withered andropogon in witherell glade are still as fair as ever, soft and trembling and bending from the wind; of a very light mouse-color seen from the side of the sun, and as delicate as the most fragile ornaments of a lady’s bonnet; but looking toward the sun they are a brilliant white, each polished hair (of the pappus?) reflecting the november sun without its heats, not in the least yellowish or brown like the goldenrods and asters. journal, x11, 442. [ 94 ] cobweb drapery in barrett’s mill october 19, 1858. ride to sam barrett’s mill. am pleased again to see the cobweb drapery of the mill.1_ each fine line hanging in festoons from the timbers overhead and on the sides, and on the discarded machinery lying about, is covered and greatly enlarged by a coating of meal, by which its curve is revealed, like the twigs under their ridges of snow in winter. it is like the tassels and tapestry of counterpane and dimity in a lady’s bedchamber, and i pray that the cobwebs may not have been brushed away from the mills which i visit. it is as if i were aboard a man-of-war, and this were the fine “rigging” of the mill, the sails being taken in. all things in the mill wear the same livery or drapery, down to the miller’s hat and coat. i knew barrett forty rods ° off in the cranberry meadow by the meal on his hat. barrett’s apprentice, it seems, makes trays of black birch and of red maple, in a dark room under the mill. i was pleased to see this work done here, a wooden tray is so handsome. you could count the circles of growth on the end of the tray, and the dark heart of the tree was seen at each end above, producing a semicircular ornament. it was a satisfaction to be reminded that we may so easily make * when this photograph was taken, the miller, on being told the purpose of the photograph, remarked, ‘‘oh, yes, those are the same cobwebs that thoreau saw here fifty years ago!”” h. w. g. [ 95 j] our own trenchers as well as fill them. to see the tree reappear on the table, instead of going to the fire or some equally coarse use, is some compensation for having it cut down. journal, x1, 224, 225. [ 96 j fringed gentian ocrobeerr 19, 1852. at 5 p.m. i found the fringed gentian now somewhat stale and touched with frost, being in the meadow toward peter’s. probably on high, moist ground it is fresher. it may have been in bloom a month. it has been cut off by the mower, and apparently has put out in consequence a mass of short branches full of flowers. this may make it later. i doubt if i can find one naturally grown. at this hour the blossoms are tightly rolled and twisted, and i see that the bees have gnawed round holes in their sides to come at the nectar. they have found them, though i had not. “full many a flower is born to blush unseen” by man. an hour ago i doubted if fringed gentians were in concord now, but, having found these, they as it were surrender, and i hear of them at the bottom of n. barrett’s orchard toward the river, and by tuttle’s (?). they are now, at 8 a.m., opening a little in a pitcher. it is too remarkable a flower not to be sought out and admired each year, however rare. it is one of the errands of the walker, as well as of the bees, for it yields him a more celestial nectar still. it is a very singular and agreeable surprise to come upon this conspicuous and handsome and withal blue flower at this season, when flowers have passed out of our minds and memories; the latest of all to begin to bloom, unless it be the witch-hazel, when, excepting the latter, flowers are reduced to that small spartan c97 ] cohort, hardy, but for the most part unobserved, which linger till the snow buries them, and those interesting re-appearing flowers which, though fair and fresh and tender, hardly delude us with the prospect of a new spring, and which we pass by indifferent, as if they only bloomed to die. vide bryant’s verses on the fringed gentian. it is remarkable how tightly the gentians roll and twist up at night, as if that were their constant state. probably those bees were working late that found it necessary to perforate the flower. journal, tv, 390. [ 98 ] fallen leaves for beautiful variety no crop can be compared with this. here is not merely the plain yellow of the grains, but nearly all the colors that we know, the brightest blue not excepted: the early blushing maple, the poison sumach blazing its sins as scarlet, the mulberry ash, the rich chrome yellow of the poplars, the brilliant red huckleberry, with which the hills’ backs are painted, like those of sheep. the frost touches them, and, with the slightest breath of returning day or jarring of earth’s axle, see in what showers they come floating down! the ground is all parti-colored with them. but they still live in the soil, whose fertility and bulk they increase, and in the forests that spring from it. they stoop to rise, to mount higher in coming years, by subtle chemistry, climbing by the sap in the trees; and the sapling’s first fruits thus shed, transmuted at last, may adorn its crown, when, in after years, it has become the monarch of the forest. it is pleasant to walk over the beds of these fresh, crisp, and rustling leaves. how beautifully they go to their graves! how gently lay themselves down and turn to mould! — painted of a thousand hues, and fit to make the beds of us living. so they troop to their last resting-place, light and frisky. they that soared so loftily, how contentedly they return to dust again, and are laid low, resigned to lie and decay [ 99 j at the foot of the tree, and afford nourishment to new generations of their kind, as well as to flutter on high! they teach us how to die. one wonders if the time will ever come when men, with their boasted faith in immortality, will lie down as gracefully and as ripe. excursions, 269, 270. c 100 |] late green ferns octoser 31, 1857. in the lee farm swamp i see two kinds of ferns still green and much in fruit, apparently the aspidium spinulosum and cristatum. they linger thus in all moist clammy swamps under the bare maples and grape-vines and witch-hazels, and about each trickling spring which is half choked with fallen leaves. what means this persistent vitality, invulnerable to frost and wet? why were these spared when the brakes and osmundas were stricken down? ... even in them i feel an argument for immortality. death is so far from being universal. to my eyes they are tall and noble as palm groves, and always some forest nobleness seems to have its haunt under their umbrage. journal, x, 149, 150. polypody november 2, 1857. it is very pleasant and cheerful nowadays, when the brown and withered leaves strew the ground and almost every plant is fallen or withered, to come upon a patch of polypody on some rocky hillside in the woods, where, in the midst of the dry and rustling leaves, defying frost, it stands so freshly green and full of life. the mere greenness, which was not remarkable in the summer, is positively interesting now. my thoughts are with the [ 101 ] polypody a long time after my body has passed. the brakes, the sarsaparilla, the osmundas, the solomon’s-seals, the lady’s-slippers, have long since withered and fallen. the huckleberries and blueberries, too, have lost their leaves. the forest floor is covered with a thick coat of moist brown leaves. but what is that perennial and springlike verdure that clothes the rocks, of small green plumes pointing various ways? it is the cheerful community of the polypody. it survives at least as the type of vegetation, to remind us of the spring which shall not fail. these are the green pastures where i browse now. why is not this form copied by our sculptors instead of the foreign acanthus leaves and bays? journal, x, 153, 154. [ 102 | nature’s decoration of an old stump novemsber 4, 1857. how swift nature is to repair the damage that man does! when he has cut . down a tree and left only a white-topped and bleeding stump, she comes at once to the rescue with her chemistry, and covers it decently with a fresh coat of gray, and in course of time she adds a thick coat of green cup and bright cockscomb lichens, and it becomes an object of new interest to the lover of nature! suppose it were always to remain a raw stump instead! it becomes a shelf on which this humble vegetation spreads and displays itself, and we forget the death of the larger in the life of the less. journal, x, 160. novemeber 8, 1858. nature has many scenes to exhibit, and constantly draws a curtain over this part or that. she is constantly repainting the landscape and all surfaces, dressing up some scene for our entertainment. lately we had a leafy wilderness, now bare twigs begin to prevail, and soon she will surprise us with a mantle of snow. some green she thinks so good for our eyes, like blue, that she never banishes it entirely, but has created evergreens. each phase of nature, while not invisible, is yet not too distinct and obtrusive. it is there to be found when we look for it, but not demanding our atten [ 108 j tion. it is like a silent but sympathizing companion in whose company we retain most of the advantages of solitude, with whom we can walk and talk, or be silent, naturally, without the necessity of talking in a strain foreign to the place. i go across n. barrett’s land and over the road beyond his house. the aspect of the great meadows is now nearly uniform, the new and exposed grass being nearly as brown and sere as that which was not cut. thus nature has been blending and harmonizing the colors here where man had interfered. journal, x1, 296-98. [ 104 j november woods novemmber 8, 1850. the stillness of the woods and fields is remarkable at this season of the year. there is not even the creak of a cricket to be heard. of myriads of dry shrub oak leaves, not one rustles. your own breath can rustle them, yet the breath of heaven does not suffice to. the trees have the aspect of waiting for winter. the autumnal leaves have lost their color; they are now truly sere, dead, and the woods wear a sombre color. summer and harvest are over. the hickories, birches, chestnuts, no less than the maples, have lost their leaves. the sprouts, which had shot up so vigorously to repair the damage which the choppers had done, have stopped short for the winter. everything stands silent and expectant. if i listen, i hear only the note of a chickadee, — our most common and i may say native bird, most identified with our forests, — or perchance the scream of a jay, or perchance from the solemn depths of these woods i hear tolling far away the knell of one departed. thought rushes in to fill the vacuum. as you walk, however, the partridge still bursts away. the silent, dry, almost leafless, certainly fruitless woods. you wonder what cheer that bird can find in them. the partridge bursts away from the foot of a shrub oak like its own dry fruit, immortal bird! this sound still startles us. dry goldenrods, now turned gray and white, lint [ 105 ] our clothes as we walk. and the drooping, downy seed-vessels of the epilobium remind us of the summer. perchance you will meet with a few solitary asters in the dry fields, with a little color left. the sumach is stripped of everything but its cone of red berries. journal, 1, 85. [ 106 j fair haven bay through the woods novemmber 6, 1853. climbed the wooded hill by holden’s spruce swamp and got a novel view of the river and fair haven bay through the almost leafless woods. how much handsomer a river or lake such as ours, seen thus through a foreground of scattered or else partially leafless trees, though at a considerable distance this side of it, especially if the water is open, without wooded shores or isles! it is the most perfect and beautiful of all frames, which yet the sketcher is commonly careful to brush aside. i mean a pretty thick foreground, a view of the distant water through the near forest, through a thousand little vistas, as we are rushing toward the former, — that intimate mingling of wood and water which excites an expectation which the near and open view rarely realizes. we prefer that some part be concealed, which our imagination may navigate. journal, v, 480. [ 107 ] november 21, 1850. i saw fair haven pond with its island, and meadow between the island and the shore, and a strip of perfectly still and smooth water in the lee of the island, and two hawks, fish hawks perhaps, sailing over it. i did not see how it could be improved. yet i do not see what these things can be. i begin to see such an object when i cease to understand it and see that i did not realize or appreciate it before, but i get no further than this. how adapted these forms and colors tomy eye! a meadow and an island! what are these things? yet the hawks and the ducks keep so aloof! and nature is so reserved! i am made to love the pond and the meadow, as the wind is made to ripple the water. journal, 11, 107. e 108 a shrub oak leaves novemmber 29, 1857. again i am struck by the singularly wholesome colors of the withered oak leaves, especially the shrub oak, so thick and firm and unworn, without speck or fret, clear reddishbrown (sometimes paler or yellowish brown), its whitish under sides contrasting with it in a very cheerful manner. so strong and cheerful, as if it rejoiced at the advent of winter, and exclaimed, “winter, come on!” it exhibits the fashionable colors of the winter on the two sides of its leaves. it sets the fashions, colors good for bare ground or for snow, grateful to the eyes of rabbits and partridges. this is the extent of its gaudiness, red brown and misty white, and yet it is gay. the colors of the brightest flowers are not more agreeable to my eye. journal, x, 214. december 1, 1856. the dear wholesome color of shrub oak leaves, so clean and firm, not decaying, but which have put ona kind of immortality, not wrinkled and thin like the white oak leaves, but fullveined and plump, as nearer earth. well-tanned leather on the one side, sun-tanned, color of colors, color of the cow and the deer, silver-downy beneath, turned toward the late bleached and russet fields. what are acanthus leaves and the rest to this? emblem of my winter condition. i love and could em [ 109 j brace the shrub oak with its scanty garment of leaves rising above the snow, lowly whispering to me, akin to winter thoughts, and sunsets, and to all virtue. covert which the hare and the partridge seek, and i too seek. rigid as iron, clean as the atmosphere, hardy as virtue, innocent and sweet as a maiden is the shrub oak. in proportion as i know and love it, i am natural and sound as a partridge. i felt a positive yearning toward one bush this afternoon. there was a match found for me at last. i fell in love with a shrub oak. journal, 1x, 145. iv. winter [tae 7] a winter scene from lee’s cliff december 7, 1856. take my first skate to fair haven pond. ... that grand old poem called winter is round again without any connivance of mine. as i sit under lee’s cliff, where the snow is melted, amid sere pennyroyal and frost-bitten catnep, i look over my shoulder upon an arctic scene. i see with surprise the pond a dumb white surface of ice speckled with snow, just as so many winters before, where so lately were lapsing waves or smooth reflecting water. i hear, too, the familiar belching voice of the pond. it seemed as if winter had come without any interval since midsummer, and i was prepared to see it flit away by the time i again looked over my shoulder. it was as if i had dreamed it. but i see that the farmers have had time to gather their harvests as usual, and the seasons have revolved as slowly as in the first autumn of my life. the winters come now as fast as snowflakes. it is wonderful that old men do not lose their reckoning. it was summer, and now again it is winter. nature loves this rhyme so well that she never tires of repeating it. so sweet and wholesome is the winter, so simple and moderate, so satisfactory and perfect, that her children will never weary of it. what a poem! an epic in blank verse, enriched with a million tinkling rhymes. it is solid beauty. it has been subjected to the vicissitudes of millions of years of the [113 ] gods, and not a single superfluous ornament remains. the severest and coldest of the immortal critics have shot their arrows at it and pruned it till it cannot be amended. journal, 1x, 165, 167, 168. [ 114 j] frost crystals deecember 21, 1854. walden is frozen over, apparently about two inches thick. it is very thickly covered with what c. calls ice-rosettes, 7.e., those small pinches of crystallized snow, — as thickly as: if it had snowed in that form. i think it is a sort of hoar frost on the ice. journal, vu, 88. january 1, 1856. on the ice at walden are very beautiful great leaf crystals in great profusion. the ice is frequently thickly covered with them for many rods. they seem to be connected with the rosettes, — arunning together of them. they look like a loose web of small white feathers springing from a tuft of down, as if a feather bed had been shaken over the ice. they are, on a close examination, surprisingly perfect leaves, like ferns, only very broad for their length and commonly more on one side the midrib than the other. they are so thin and fragile that they melt under your breath while looking closely at them. journal, vu, 77. [115 ] december 23, 1837. in the side of the high bank by the leaning hemlocks, there were some curious crystallizations. wherever the water, or other causes, had formed a hole in the bank, its throat and outer edge, like the entrance to a citadel of the olden time, bristled with a glistening ice armor. in one place you might see minute ostrich feathers, which seemed the waving plumes of the warriors filing into the fortress, in another the glancing fan-shaped banners of the lilliputian host, and in another the needle-shaped particles, collected into bundles resembling the plumes of the pine, might pass for a phalanx of spears. the whole hill was like an immense quartz rock, with minute crystals sparkling from innumerable crannies. i tried to fancy that there was a disposition in these crystallizations to take the forms of the contiguous foliage. journal, 1, 21, 22. [ 116 7 architecture of the snow dercember 25, 1851. a wind is now blowing the light snow into drifts, especially on the lee, now the south, side of the walls, the outlines of the drifts corresponding to the chinks in the walls and the eddies of the wind. the snow glides, unperceived for the most part, over the open fields until it reaches an opposite wall, which it sifts through and is blown over, blowing off from it like steam when seen in the sun. as it passes through the chinks, it does not drive straight onward, but curves gracefully upwards into fantastic shapes, somewhat like the waves which curve as they break upon the shore; that is, as if the snow that passes through a chink were one connected body, detained by the friction of its lower side. it takes the form of saddles and shells and porringers. it builds up a fantastic alabaster wall behind the first, — a snowy sierra. astonishingly sharp and thin overhanging eaves it builds, even this dry snow, where it has the least suggestion from a wall or bank, — less than a mason ever springs his brick from. this is the architecture of the snow. journal, 11, 154. ate deecember 25, 1856. a strong wind from the northwest is gathering the snow into picturesque drifts behind the walls. as usual they resemble shells more than anything, sometimes prows of vessels, also the folds of a white napkin or counterpane dropped over a bonneted head. there are no such picturesque snow-drifts as are formed behind loose and open stone walls. journal, 1x, 197. [ 118 ] tracks in the snow january 1, 1854. the snow is the great betrayer. we might expect to find in the snow the footprint of a life superior to our own, of which no zoélogy takes cognizance. is there no trace of a nobler life than that of an otter or an escaped convict to be looked for in the snow? shall we suppose that that is the only life that has been abroad in the night? it is only the savage that can see the track of no higher life than an otter. why do the vast snow plains give us pleasure, the twilight of the bent and half-buried woods? is not all there consonant with virtue, justice, purity, courage, magnanimity? are we not cheered by the sight? and does not all this amount to the track of a higher life than the otter’s, a life which has not gone by and left a footprint merely, but is there with its beauty, its music, its perfume, its sweetness, to exhilarate and recreate us? where there is a perfect government of the world according to the highest laws, is there no trace of intelligence there, whether in the snow or the earth, or in ourselves? no other trail but such as a dog can smell? is there none which an angel can detect and follow? none to guide a man on his pilgrimage, which water will not conceal? is there no odor of sanctity to be perceived? is its trail too old? have mortals lost the scent? the great game for mighty hunters as soon as the first snow falls is purity, for, earlier than any rabbit or fox, it is abroad, [119 ] and its trail may be detected by curs of lowest degree. did this great snow come to reveal the track merely of some timorous hare, or of the great hare, whose track no hunter has seen? is there no trace nor suggestion of purity to be detected? if one could detect the meaning of the snow, would he not be on the trail of some higher life that has been abroad in the night? a life which, pursued, does not earth itself, does not burrow downward but upward, which takes not to the trees but to the heavens as its home, which the hunter pursues with winged thoughts and aspirations, — these the dogs that tree it, — rallying his pack with the bugle notes of undying faith, and returns with some worthier trophy than a fox’s tail, a life which we seek, not to destroy it, but to save our own? journal, vi, 43, 44. [ 120 ] after the ice storm! january 1, 1853. this morning we have something between ice and frost on the trees, etc. the whole earth, as last night, but much more, is encased in ice, which on the plowed fields makes a singular icy coat a quarter of an inch or more in thickness. this frozen drizzle, collected around the slightest cores, gives prominence to the least withered herbs and grasses. where yesterday was a plain, smooth field, appears now a teeming crop of fat, icy herbage. the stems of the herbs on their north sides are enlarged from ten to a hundred times. what a crash of jewels as you walk! the most careless walker, who never deigned to look at these humble weeds before, cannot help observing them now. the drooping birches along the edges of woods are the most feathery, fairy-like ostrich plumes of the trees, and the color of their trunks increases the delusion. the weight of the ice gives to the pines the forms which northern trees, like the firs, constantly wear, bending and twisting the branches; for the twigs and plumes of the pines, being frozen, remain as the wind held them, and new portions of the trunk are exposed. 1 an ice-storm such as thoreau describes so intimately is by no means an annual occurrence in concord. indeed, in his entire journal thoreau mentions only one other similar phenomenon. it required some years of “watchful waiting” before the opportunity arrived to secure photographs illustrating thoreau’s description. the single view herewith reproduced gives only a bare suggestion of the beauty of the outdoor world under such conditions. h. w. g. f 121 | seen from the north, there is no greenness in the pines, and the character of the tree is changed. the willows along the edge of the river look like sedge in meadows. the sky is overcast, and a fine snowy hail and rain is falling, and these ghost-like trees make a scenery which reminds you of spitzbergen. i see now the beauty of the causeway, by the bridge alders below swelling into the road, overtopped by willows and maples. the fine grasses and shrubs in the meadow rise to meet and mingle with the drooping willows, and the whole make an indistinct impression like a mist, and between this the road runs toward those white ice-clad ghostly or fairy trees in the distance, — toward spirit-land. journal, 1v, 436-38. [ i22 ] heavy snow on pitch pines january 7, 1852. this afternoon, in dells of the wood and on the lee side of the woods, where the wind has not disturbed it, the snow still lies on the trees as richly as i ever saw it. it was just moist enough to stick. the pitch pines wear it best; their plumes hang down like the feathers of the ostrich or the tail of the cassowary, so purely white, — i am sorry that i cannot say snowy white, for in purity it is like nothing but itself. from contrast with the dark needles and stems of the trees, whiter than ever on the ground. the trees are bent under the weight into a great variety of postures, — arches, etc. their branches and tops are so consolidated by the burden of snow, and they stand in such new attitudes, the tops often like canopies or parasols, agglomerated, that they remind me of the pictures of palms and other oriental trees. sometimes the lower limbs of the pitch pine, under such plumes and canopies, bear each their ridge of snow, crossing and interlacing each other like lattice-work, so that you cannot look more than a rod into the rich tracery. journal, 11, 177. [115 ] december 23, 1837. in the side of the high bank by the leaning hemlocks, there were some curious crystallizations. wherever the water, or other causes, had formed a hole in the bank, its throat and outer edge, like the entrance to a citadel of the olden time, bristled with a glistening ice armor. in one place you might see minute ostrich feathers, which seemed the waving plumes of the warriors filing into the fortress, in another the glancing fan-shaped banners of the lilliputian host, and in another the needle-shaped particles, collected into bundles resembling the plumes of the pine, might pass for a phalanx of spears. the whole hill was like an immense quartz rock, with minute crystals sparkling from innumerable crannies. i tried to fancy that there was a disposition in these crystallizations to take the forms of the contiguous foliage. journal, 1, 21, 22. ea6. 7 architecture of the snow dscrember 25, 1851. a wind is now blowing the light snow into drifts, especially on the lee, now the south, side of the walls, the outlines of the drifts corresponding to the chinks in the walls and the eddies of the wind. the snow glides, unperceived for the most part, over the open fields until it reaches an opposite wall, which it sifts through and is blown over, blowing off from it like steam when seen in the sun. as it passes through the chinks, it does not drive straight onward, but curves gracefully upwards into fantastic shapes, somewhat like the waves which curve as they break upon the shore; that is, as if the snow that passes through a chink were one connected body, detained by the friction of its lower side. it takes the form of saddles and shells and porringers. it builds up a fantastic alabaster wall behind the first, — a snowy sierra. astonishingly sharp and thin overhanging eaves it builds, even this dry snow, where it has the least suggestion from a wall or bank, — less than a mason ever springs his brick from. this is the architecture of the snow. journal, 111, 154. [117 j december 25, 1856. a strong wind from the northwest is gathering the snow into picturesque drifts behind the walls. as usual they resemble shells more than anything, sometimes prows of vessels, also the folds of a white napkin or counterpane dropped over a bonneted head. there are no such picturesque snow-drifts as are formed behind loose and open stone walls. journal, 1x, 197. l428] tracks in the snow january 1, 1854. the snow is the great betrayer. we might expect to find in the snow the footprint of a life superior to our own, of which no zodlogy takes cognizance. is there no trace of a nobler life than that of an otter or an escaped convict to be looked for in the snow? shall we suppose that that is the only life that has been abroad in the night? it is only the savage that can see the track of no higher life than an otter. why do the vast snow plains give us pleasure, the twilight of the bent and half-buried woods? is not all there consonant with virtue, justice, purity, courage, magnanimity? are we not cheered by the sight? and does not all this amount to the track of a higher life than the otter’s, a life which has not gone by and left a footprint merely, but is there with its beauty, its music, its perfume, its sweetness, to exhilarate and recreate us? where there is a perfect government of the world according to the highest laws, is there no trace of intelligence there, whether in the snow or the earth, or in ourselves? no other trail but such as a dog can smell? is there none which an angel can detect and follow? none to guide a man on his pilgrimage, which water will not conceal? is there no odor of sanctity to be perceived? is its trail too old? have mortals lost the scent? the great game for mighty hunters as soon as the first snow falls is purity, for, earlier than any rabbit or fox, it is abroad, [119 j and its trail may be detected by curs of lowest degree. did this great snow come to reveal the track merely of some timorous hare, or of the great hare, whose track no hunter has seen? is there no trace nor suggestion of purity to be detected? if one could detect the meaning of the snow, would he not be on the trail of some higher life that has been abroad in the night? a life which, pursued, does not earth itself, does not burrow downward but upward, which takes not to the trees but to the heavens as its home, which the hunter pursues with winged thoughts and aspirations, — these the dogs that tree it, — rallying his pack with the bugle notes of undying faith, and returns with some worthier trophy than a fox’s tail, a life which we seek, not to destroy it, but to save our own? journal, vi, 43, 44. [. 120 |] after the ice storm! january 1, 1853. this morning we have something between ice and frost on the trees, etc. the whole earth, as last night, but much more, is encased in ice, which on the plowed fields makes a singular icy coat a quarter of an inch or more in thickness. this frozen drizzle, collected around the slightest cores, gives prominence to the least withered herbs and grasses. where yesterday was a plain, smooth field, appears now a teeming crop of fat, icy herbage. the stems of the herbs on their north sides are enlarged from ten to a hundred times. what a crash of jewels as you walk! the most careless walker, who never deigned to look at these humble weeds before, cannot help observing them now. the drooping birches along the edges of woods are the most feathery, fairy-like ostrich plumes of the trees, and the color of their trunks increases the delusion. the weight of the ice gives to the pines the forms which northern trees, like the firs, constantly wear, bending and twisting the branches; for the twigs and plumes of the-pines, being frozen, remain as the wind held them, and new portions of the trunk are exposed. 1 an ice-storm such as thoreau describes so intimately is by no means an annual occurrence in concord. indeed, in his entire journal thoreau mentions only one other similar phenomenon. it required some years of “watchful waiting’? before the opportunity arrived to secure photographs illustrating thoreau’s description. the single view herewith reproduced gives only a bare suggestion of the beauty of the outdoor world under such conditions. h. w. g. e -agae ] seen from the north, there is no greenness in the pines, and the character of the tree is changed. the willows along the edge of the river look like sedge in meadows. the sky is overcast, and a fine snowy hail and rain is falling, and these ghost-like trees make a scenery which reminds you of spitzbergen. i see now the beauty of the causeway, by the bridge alders below swelling into the road, overtopped by willows and maples. the fine grasses and shrubs in the meadow rise to meet and mingle with the drooping willows, and the whole make an indistinct impression like a mist, and between this the road runs toward those white ice-clad ghostly or fairy trees in the distance, — toward spirit-land. journal, tv, 436-38. [ 122 |] heavy snow on pitch pines january 7, 1852. this afternoon, in dells of the wood and on the lee side of the woods, where the wind has not disturbed it, the snow still lies on the trees as richly as i ever saw it. it was just moist enough to stick. the pitch pines wear it best; their plumes hang down like the feathers of the ostrich or the tail of the cassowary, so purely white, — i am sorry that i cannot say snowy white, for in purity it is like nothing but itself. from contrast with the dark needles and stems of the trees, whiter than ever on the ground. the trees are bent under the weight into a great variety of postures, — arches, etc. their branches and tops are so consolidated by the burden of snow, and they stand in such new attitudes, the tops often like canopies or parasols, agglomerated, that they remind me of the pictures of palms and other oriental trees. sometimes the lower limbs of the pitch pine, under such plumes and canopies, bear each their ridge of snow, crossing and interlacing each other like lattice-work, so that you cannot look more than a rod into the rich tracery. journal, 111, 177. [ 123 ] january 30, 1841. the trees covered with snow admit a very plain and clean light, but not brilliant, as if through windows of ground glass; a sort of white darkness it is, all of the sun’s splendor that can be retained. you glance up these paths, closely imbowered by bent trees, as through the side aisles of a cathedral, and expect to hear a choir chanting from their depths. you are never so far in them as they are far before you. their secret is where you are not and where your feet can never carry you. the snow falls on no two trees alike, but the forms it assumes are as various as those of the twigs and leaves which receive it. they are, as it were, predetermined by the genius of the tree. so one divine spirit descends alike on all, but bears a peculiar fruit in each. the divinity subsides on all men, as the snowflakes settle on the fields and ledges and takes the form of the various clefts and surfaces on which it lodges. journal, 1, 184, 185. [ 124 j the swamp in winter january 10, 1856. i love to wade and flounder through the swamp now, these bitter cold days when the snow lies deep on the ground, and i need travel but little way from the town to get to a nova zembla solitude, — to wade through the swamps, all snowed up, untracked by man, into which the fine dry snow is still drifting till it is even with the tops of the water andromeda and half-way up the high blueberry bushes. i penetrate to islets inaccessible in summer, my feet slumping to the sphagnum far out of sight beneath, where the alder berry glows yet and the azalea buds, and perchance a single tree sparrow or a chickadee lisps by my side, where there are few tracks even of wild animals; perhaps only a mouse or two have burrowed up by the side of some twig, and hopped away in straight lines on the surface of the light, deep snow, as if too timid to delay, to another hole by the side of another bush; and a few rabbits have run in a path amid the blueberries and alders about the edge of the swamp. this is instead of a polar sea expedition and going after franklin. there is but little life and but few objects, it is true. we are reduced to admire buds, even like the partridges, and bark, like the rabbits and mice, — the great yellow and red forward-looking buds of the azalea, the plump red ones of the blueberry, and the fine sharp red ones of the panicled andromeda, [ 125 j sleeping along its stem, the speckled black alder, the rapid-growing dogwood, the pale-brown and cracked blueberry, etc. even a little shining bud which lies sleeping behind its twig and dreaming of spring, perhaps half concealed by ice, is object enough. i feel myself upborne on the andromeda bushes beneath the snow, as on a springy basketwork, then down i go up to my middle in the deep but silent snow, which has no sympathy with my mishap. beneath the level of this snow how many sweet berries will be hanging next august! journal, vit, 99, 100. [ 126 ] a lodging snow january 20, 1855. in many instances the snow had lodged on trees yesterday in just such forms as a white napkin or counterpane dropped on them would take,— protuberant in the middle, with many folds and dimples. an ordinary leafless bush supported so much snow on its twigs — a perfect maze like a whirligig, though not in one solid mass — that you could not see through it. sometimes the snow on the bent pitch pines made me think of rams’ or elephants’ heads, ready to butt you. in particular places, standing on their snowiest side, the woods were incredibly fair, white as alabaster. indeed, the young pines reminded you of the purest statuary, and the stately full-grown ones towering around affected you as if you stood in a titanic sculptor’s studio, so purely and delicately white, transmitting the light, their dark trunks all concealed. and in many places, where the snow lay on withered oak leaves between you and the light, various delicate fawn-colored and cinnamon tints, blending with the white, still enhanced the beauty. i doubt if i can convey an idea! of the appearance of the woods yesterday, as you stood in their midst and looked round on their boughs and twigs laden 1 this is thoreau’s conclusion after more than ten pages of attempted description of the beauty of concord woods under their burden of snow. needless to say, no photograph, or series of photographs, can be more successful. h. w. g. [ wey | with snow. it seemed as if there could have been none left to reach the ground. these countless zigzag white arms crossing each other at every possible angle completely closed up the view, like a light drift within three or four rods on every side. the wintriest prospect imaginable. journal, vit, 122, 123, 128. [ 128 ] the brook in winter january 12, 1855. perhaps what most moves us in winter is some reminiscence of far-off summer. how we leap by the side of the open brooks! what beauty in the running brooks! what life! what society! the cold is merely superficial; it is.‘summer still at the core, far, far within. journal, vu, 112. january 31, 1852. i observed this afternoon, on the turnpike, that where it drifts over the edge of a brook or a ditch, the snow being damp as it falls, what does not adhere to the sharp edge of the drift falls on the dead weeds and shrubs and forms a drapery like a napkin or a white tablecloth hanging down with folds and tassels or fringed border. or perhaps the fresh snow merely rounds and whitens thus the old cores. journal, 111, 260. the river as a winter highway january 20, 1856. it is now good walking on the river, for, though there has been no thaw since the snow came, a great part of it has been converted into snow ice by sinking the old ice beneath the water, and the crust of the rest is stronger than in the fields, because the snow is so shallow and has been so moist. [ 129 ] the river is thus an advantage as a highway, not only in summer and when the ice is bare in the winter, but even when the snow lies very deep in the fields. it is invaluable to the walker, being now not only the most interesting, but, excepting the narrow and unpleasant track in the highways, the only practicable route. the snow never lies so deep over it as elsewhere, and, if deep, it sinks the ice and is soon converted into snow ice to a great extent, beside being blown out of the river valley. here, where you cannot walk at all in the summer, is better walking than elsewhere in the winter. , journal, vu, 121. [ 180 ] the tracks of a fox prruaps of all our untamed quadrupeds, the fox! has obtained the widest and most familiar reputation, from the time of pilpay and sop to the present day. his recent tracks still give variety to a winter’s walk. i tread in the steps of the fox that has gone before me by some hours, or which perhaps i have started, with such a tiptoe of expectation as if i were on the trail of the spirit itself which resides in the wood, and expected soon to catch it in its lair. i am curious to know what has determined its graceful curvatures, and how surely they were coincident with the fluctuations of some mind. i know which way a mind wended, what horizon it faced, by the setting of these tracks, and whether it moved slowly or rapidly, by their greater or less intervals and distinctness; for the swiftest step leaves yet a lasting trace. sometimes you will see the trails of many together, and where they have gamboled and gone through a hundred evolutions, which testify to a singular listlessness and leisure in nature. when i see a fox run across the pond on the snow, with the carelessness of freedom, or at intervals trace his course in the sunshine along the ridge of a hill, i give up to him sun and earth as to their true proprie1 in spite of numerous fex-hunters, with their packs of trained hounds, reynard manages to survive in concord, and it is still true — though to a less degree than in thoreau’s day — that “‘his recent tracks give variety to a winter’s walk.” h. w. g. [131 ] tor. he does not go in the sun, but it seems to follow him, and there is a visible sympathy between him and it. sometimes, when the snow lies light and but five or six inches deep, you may give chase and come up with one on foot. in such a case he will show a remarkable presence of mind, choosing only the safest direction, though he may lose ground by it. notwithstanding his fright, he will take no step which is not beautiful. his pace is a sort of leopard canter, as if he were in no wise impeded by the snow, but were husbanding his strength all the while. he runs as though there were not a bone in his back. excursions, 117, 118. [ 132 ] icicle “organ-pipes” february 14, 1852. at the cliffs, the rocks are in some places covered with ice; and the least inclination beyond a perpendicular in their faces is betrayed by the formation of icicles at once, which hang perpendicularly, like organ pipes, in front of the rock. they are now conducting downward the melting ice and snow, which drips from their points with a slight clinking and lapsing sound, but when the sun has set will freeze there and add to the icicles’ length. where the icicles have reached the ground and are like thick pillars, they have a sort of annular appearance, somewhat like the successive swells on the legs of tables and on bed-posts. there is perhaps a harmony between the turner’s taste and the law of nature in this instance. the shadow of the water flowing or pulsating behind this transparent icy crust or these stalactites in the sun imparts a semblance of life to the whole. journal, 111, 303. north branch near harrington’s frsruary 27, 1852. the main river is not yet open but in very few places, but the north branch, which is so much more rapid, is open near tarbell’s and harrington’s, where i walked to-day, and, flowing with full tide bordered with ice on either side, l, ies j sparkles in the clear, cool air, —a silvery sparkle as from a stream that would not soil the sky. half the ground is covered with snow. it is a moderately cool and pleasant day near the end of winter. we have almost completely forgotten summer. this restless and now swollen stream has burst its icy fetters, and as j stand looking up it westward for half a mile, where it winds slightly under a high bank, its surface is lit up here and there with a fine-grained silvery sparkle which makes the river appear something celestial,— more than a terrestrial river, — which might: have suggested that which surrounded the shield in homer. if rivers come out of their icy prison thus bright and immortal, shall not i too resume my spring life with joy and hope? have i no hopes to sparkle on the surface of life’s current? journal, 111, 322. [ 134 ] winter when winter fringes every bough with his fantastic wreath, and puts the seal of silence now upon the leaves beneath; when every stream in its penthouse goes gurgling on its way, and in his gallery the mouse nibbleth the meadow hay; methinks the summer still is nigh, and lurketh underneath, as that same meadow mouse doth lie snug in that last year’s heath. . and if perchance the chickadee lisp a faint note anon, the snow is summer’s canopy, which she herself put on. fair blossoms deck the cheerful trees, and dazzling fruits depend; the north wind sighs a summer breeze, the nipping frosts to fend, [ 135 j bringing glad tidings unto me, the while i stand all ear, of a serene eternity, which need not winter fear. excursions, 176, 177. che viverside press cambridge . massachusetts u.s.a a i ie i a if t bhat ee se cae if i ea rgr har er ce i ah siena ae ea remi eae beat ehestet beate vel ib nial ae i md het nite te aace ha sa bite) hi ma | eee it hat sess ie ae in titara: es eee shr rete re nese erred sars pee bee baat erect remasiaaeea eet riverside literature series thoreau's katahdin and chesuncook houghton mrfflin co. a maine woods highway hitoeraide literature katahdin and chesuncook bt henry d. thoreau fbom "the maine woods" abridged and edited by / clifton johnson houghton mifflin company boston : 4 park street ; new york : 85 fifth a vena* chicago : 378-388 wabaah avenue cftc hibrrsi&c press cambrtbge copyright 1909 by houghton mifflin company all rights reserved illustrations a maine woods highway .... frontispiece a bateau 2 katahdin from ambejijis lake 20 winter logging 26 river-drivers at work 26 poling up-stream . 30 running down-stream 30 summit of katahdin 42 a loggers' camp 68 a cow moose 68 a backwoods farm 78 2217810 introduction thoreau's the maine woods is a forest classic an idyl of the wilderness. it is a record of three journeys to the bor ders of civilization and beyond into almost pathless forests, seldom visited at that time except by loggers and a few hunt ers and indians, and retaining nearly intact their primeval loneliness. perhaps no writer has ever lived who was better fitted than thoreau to enjoy such a region and to transmit his enjoy ment of it to others. for while he was a person of culture and refinement, with a college education, and had for an intimate friend so rare a man as ralph waldo emerson, he was half wild in many of his tastes and impatient of the restraints and artificiality of the ordinary social life of the towns and cities. he liked especially the companionship of men who were in close contact with nature. to talk with some rude farmer or fisherman or hunter gave him real delight. thus, in the maine woods, we find him lingering fondly over the char acteristics and casual remarks of the loggers, explorers, and other pioneers; and most of all he seems to have been fas cinated by the indians, who still retained many of their abo riginal instincts and ways. as the years pass, thoreau's literary fame steadily in creases. he was a careful and accurate observer, more at home in the fields and woods than in village and town, and having a gift of piquant originality in recording his impres sions. the play of his imagination is keen and nimble ; yet his fancy is so well balanced by his native common sense that it does not run away with him, and his genuineness and the truth of what he relates have never been questioned. it is to be noted also that he was no hunter, that his in quisitiveness into the ways of the wild creatures carried with it no desire to shoot them, and that to his mind the killing of game for mere sport was akin to butchery. indeed, the kindly vi introduction and sympathetic spirit constantly manifest in his pages is very attractive, and the fellowship one gains with him through his written words is to a young reader a distinct help in character building. the maine woods was, of course, not written for young people, and in its complete form it contains much that would have but little interest for them ; yet the charm of the subject, and the fact that thoreau was himself in most ways simple and childlike in his enjoyment of nature, make a great deal of the book exceptionally attractive to youthful readers. the text as here presented omits the portions an average boy or girl would find difficult or dull, and the resulting narrative is both lively and informing. it covers two of thoreau's three expeditions into the woods one made in a logger's bateau with two experienced frontiersmen for guides; the second in a birch-bark canoe under the guidance of its indian owner. the account is practically complete, for in cutting down the original book nothing really essential has been sacrificed. the omissions consist largely of meditations which have no thing to do with the main story, and of some of the multiplicity of details that thoreau recorded. but while much has been eliminated, the text is still thoreau's own, and is in no wise rewritten. only at rare intervals has a minor word or two been supplied to make connections where portions have been omitted. i think the student will find the narrative as it now stands clear and delightful, and that this presentation of experiences on the streams and lakes and in the forests of the primitive american wilderness will be perused not as a task, but as a pleasure. the author was one of the world's master writers in his chosen field, and in what he says he stimulates a love not only for nature, but for simple ways of living, and for all that is sincere and unaffected in human life wherever found. clifton johnson. hadley, massachusetts. map of thoreau's maine woods bancrc katahdin l on the 31st of august, 1846, 1 left concord in mas sachusetts for bangor and the backwoods ofmaine, intending to accompany a relative of mine engaged in the lumber trade, as far as a dam on the west branch of the penobscot. 2 from this place, which is about one hundred miles by the river above bangor and five miles beyond the last log hut, i proposed to make ex cursions to mount katahdin, 3 and to some of the lakes of the penobscot. it is unusual to find a camp so far in the woods at that season, when lumbering operations have ceased, and i was glad to avail myself of the cir cumstance of a gang of men being employed there at that time in repairing the injuries caused by the great freshet in the spring. i was fortunate also in the season of the year, for in the summer myriads of black flies, mosquitoes, and midges, or, as the indians call them, "no-see-ems," make traveling in the woods almost impossible; but now their reign was nearly over. tuesday, september 1, 1 started with my compan ion in a buggy from bangor for "up river," expecting to be overtaken the next day night at mattawamkeag 4 point, some sixty miles off, by two more bangoreans, who had decided to join us in a trip to the mountain. 1 thoreau used the less familiar form " ktaadn " for the name of the mountain and the title of this paper, a spelling which is supposed to represent the indian pronunciation more accurately than that now more commonly in use. the word is an indian one, of course, and, as thoreau notes, is said to mean " highest land." 2 pe-nob'skot. 3 ka-tah'din. 4 mat-a-wam'keg. 2 katahdin within a dozen miles of bangor we passed through the village of oldtown, at the falls of the penobscot. these falls furnish the principal power by which the maine woods are converted into lumber. here is a close jam at all seasons ; and then the once green tree becomes lumber. here your inch, your two and your three inch stuff begin to be, and mr. sawyer marks off those spaces which decide the destiny of so many pros trate forests. through this steel riddle is the arrowy maine forest relentlessly sifted, till it comes out boards, clapboards, laths, and shingles. think how stood the white-pine tree on the shore of chesuncook, 1 its branches soughing with the four winds, and every in dividual needle trembling in the sunlight think how it stands with it now sold, perchance, to the new england friction-match company! there were in 1837, as i read, two hundred and fifty sawmills on the penobscot and its tributaries above bangor. to this is to be added the lumber of the kennebec, androscog gin, passamaquoddy, 2 and other streams. no wonder that we hear so often of vessels which are becalmed off our coast, being surrounded a week at a time by float ing lumber from the maine woods. the mission of men there seems to be, like so many busy demons, to drive the forest all out of the country, from every soli tary beaver-swamp and mountain-side, as soon as possible. at oldtown we walked into a bateau-manufactory. the making of bateaux is quite a business here. they are light and shapely vessels, from twenty to thirty feet long, and only four or four and a half wide, sharp at 1 chft-sun'kook. 2 ksn-e-bgk', an-dro-skog'in, p&s-a-mi-kw5d'i. katahdin 3 both ends, and reaching seven or eight feet over the water, in order that they may slip over rocks as gently as possible. they are made very slight; only two boards to a side, commonly secured to a few light maple or other hard-wood knees. the bottom is left perfectly flat. they told us that one wore out in two years, or often in a single trip. the ferry here took us past the indian island. as we left the shore, i observed a short, shabby-looking indian, just from "up river," land on the oldtown side, and, drawing up his canoe, take out a bundle of skins in one hand, and an empty keg in the other, and scramble up the bank with them. the island seemed deserted to-day, yet i observed some new houses among the weather-stained ones ; but generally they have a very forlorn and cheerless look, being all back side and woodshed, not homesteads. the church is the only trim-looking building. we landed in milford, and rode along the east side of the penobscot, having a more or less constant view of the river, and the indian islands in it, for they re tain all the islands as far up as the mouth of the east branch. the river seemed shallow and rocky, and interrupted by rapids, rippling and gleaming in the sun. everywhere we saw signs of the great freshet this house standing awry, and that where it was not founded, and that other with a waterlogged look, as if it were still airing and drying its basement, and logs with everybody's marks upon them, and sometimes the marks of their having served as bridges, strewn along the road. at sundown, leaving the river road awhile, we went by way of enfield, where we stopped for the night. 4 katahdin the next morning we drove along through a high and hilly country, and came into the houlton * road at lincoln. learning that there were several wigwams here, on one of the indian islands, we left our horse and wagon and walked through the forest half a mile to the river, to procure a guide to the mountain. it was not till after considerable search that we discovered their habitations small huts, in a retired place, where the scenery was unusually soft and beautiful, and the shore skirted with pleasant meadows and graceful elms. we paddled ourselves across to the island in a canoe which we found on the shore. near where we landed sat an indian girl, ten or twelve years old, on a rock, washing, and humming a song meanwhile. a salmon-spear, made wholly of wood, lay on the shore, such as they might have used before white men came. it had an elastic piece of wood fastened to one side of its point, which slipped over and closed upon the fish, somewhat like the contrivance for holding a bucket at the end of a well-pole. as we walked up to the nearest house, we were met by a sally of a dozen wolfish-look ing dogs. the occupant soon appeared, with a long pole in his hand, with which he beat off the dogs while he parleyed with us a stalwart, but dull and greasy-looking fellow, who told us that there were in dians going " up river " he and one other. and who was the other ? louis neptune, who lives in the next house. well, let us go over and see louis together. the same doggish reception, and louis neptune makes his appearance a small, wiry man, with puckered and wrinkled face. the same questions were put to louis, and the same information obtained, 1 h&l't'n. katahdin 5 while the other indian stood by. it appeared that they were going to start by noon, with two canoes, to go up to chesuncook to hunt moose to be gone a month. " well, louis, suppose you get to the five islands, just below mattawamkeag, to camp, we walk on up the west branch to-morrow four of us and wait for you at the dam, or this side. you overtake us to-morrow or next day, and take us into your canoes. we pay you for your trouble." "ye'," replied louis; "maybe you carry some provision for all some pork some bread and so pay." these men were slightly clad in shirt and pantaloons. they did not invite us into their houses, but met us outside. we left the indians, thinking ourselves lucky to have secured such guides and companions. there were very few houses along the road, yet they did not altogether fail. there were even the germs of one or two villages just beginning to expand. the beauty of the road itself was remarkable. the vari ous evergreens delicate and beautiful specimens of the larch, arbor-vita?, ball spruce, and fir-balsam, from a few inches to many feet in height lined its sides ; while it was but a step on either hand to the grim, un trodden wilderness, whose tangled labyrinth of living, fallen, and decaying trees only the deer and moose, the bear and wolf, can easily penetrate. about noon we reached the mattawamkeag, and put up at a house where the houlton stage stops. after dinner we strolled down to the "point," formed by the junction of the two rivers, which is said to be the scene of an ancient battle between the eastern indians and the mohawks, and searched there carefully for relics, but we found only some flakes of arrowhead stone, 6 katahdin some points of arrowheads, one small leaden bullet, and some colored beads, the last to be referred, perhaps, to early fur-trader days. the mattawamkeag, though wide, was a mere river's bed, full of rocks and shallows at this time, so that you could cross it almost dry-shod in boots. before our companions arrived, we rode on up the houlton road seven miles to molunkus, 1 where the aroostook 2 road comes into it, and where there is a spacious public house in the woods. there was no other evidence of man but this huge shingle palace in this part of the world; but sometimes even this is filled with travelers. i looked off the piazza round the cor ner of the house up the aroostook road, on which there was no clearing in sight. there was a man just adven turing upon it this evening in a rude, original wagon a mere seat with a wagon swung under it. here, too, was a small trader who kept a store in a box over the way, behind the molunkus sign-post. i saw him standing in his shop door. his shop was so small, that, if a traveler should make demonstrations of entering, he would have to go out by the back way and confer with his customer through a window about his goods. i think that there was not more than one house on the road to molunkus. at that place we got over the fence into a new field, planted with potatoes, where the logs were still burning between the hills; and, pull ing up the vines, found good-sized potatoes, nearly ripe. the mode of clearing and planting is, to fell the trees, and burn once what will burn, then cut them up into suitable lengths, roll into heaps, and burn again ; then, with a hoe, plant potatoes where you can come at 1 mi-lunk'us. 2 a-robs'took. katahdin 7 the ground between the stumps and charred logs. for a first crop the ashes suffice for manure, and no hoeing is necessary the first year. in the fall cut, roll, and burn again, and so on, till the land is cleared ; and soon it is ready for grain. let those talk of poverty and hard times who will in the towns and cities; cannot the emigrant who can pay his fare to new york or boston pay five dollars more to get here, and be as rich as he pleases, where land virtually costs nothing, and houses only the labor of building, and he may begin life as adam did ? we returned to the mattawamkeag, where shortly afterward our companions arrived. early the next morning we had mounted our packs, and prepared for a tramp up the west branch, my companion having turned his horse out to pasture, thinking that a bite of fresh grass and a taste of run ning water would do him as much good as backwoods fare and new country influences his master. leaping over a fence, we began to follow an obscure trail up the northern bank of the penobscot. there was now no road further, the river being the only highway, and but half a dozen log huts to be met with for thirty miles. on either hand, and beyond, was a wholly un inhabited wilderness, stretching to canada. neither horse nor cow, nor vehicle of any kind, had ever passed over this ground ; the cattle, and the few bulky articles which the loggers use, being got up in the winter on the ice, and down again before it breaks up. the evergreen woods had a decidedly sweet and bracing fragrance; the air was a sort of diet-drink, and we walked on buoyantly in indian file, stretching our legs. occa sionally there was a small opening on the bank, made 8 katahdin for the purpose of log-rolling, where we got a sight of the river always a rocky and rippling stream. the roar of the rapids, the note of a whistler duck on the river, of the jay and chickadee around us, and of the pigeon woodpecker in the openings, were the sounds that we heard. this was what you might call a brand new country ; the only roads were of nature's making, and the few houses were camps. there are three classes of inhabitants who either frequent or inhabit the country which we had now en tered : first, the loggers, who for the winter and spring are far the most numerous, but in the summer, except a few explorers for timber, completely desert it; sec ond, the few settlers i have named, the only perma nent inhabitants, who live on the verge of it, and help raise supplies for the former; third, the hunters, mostly indians, who range over it in their season. we crossed one tract, on the bank of the river, of more than a hundred acres of heavy timber, which had just been felled and burnt over, and was still smoking. our trail lay through the midst of it, and was well-nigh blotted out. the trees lay at full length, four or five feet deep, and crossing each other in all directions, black as charcoal, but perfectly sound within, still good for fuel or for timber. soon they would be cut into lengths and burnt again. here were thousands of cords, enough to keep the poor of boston and new york amply warm for a winter, which only cumbered the ground and were in the settler's way. and the whole of that solid and interminable forest is doomed to be gradually devoured thus by fire and no man be warmed by it. at crocker's log hut, at the mouth of salmon river, seven miles from the point, one of the katahdin 9 party commenced distributing a store of small cent picture-books among the children to teach them to read, and also newspapers, more or less recent, among the parents, than which nothing can be more accept able to a backwoods people. i walked through salmon river with my shoes on, it being low water, but not without wetting my feet. a few miles farther we came to ' mann howard's," at the end of an extensive clear ing, where there were two or three log huts in sight at once. the next house was fisk's, ten miles from the point at the mouth of the east branch. our course here crossed the penobscot. one of the party, who entered the house in search of some one to set us over, reported a very neat dwelling, with plenty of books, and a new wife, just imported from boston. having with some difficulty discovered the trail again, we kept up the south side of the west branch, or main river, passing by some rapids, the roar of which we heard through the woods, and, shortly after, some empty loggers' camps. though we saw a few more afterward, i will make one account serve for all. these were such houses as the lumberers of maine spend the winter in. there were the camps and the hovels for the cattle, hardly distinguishable, except that the latter had no chimney. these camps were about twenty feet long by fifteen wide, built of logs, hemlock, cedar, spruce, or yellow birch one kind alone, or all to gether, with the bark on; two or three large ones first, one directly above another, and notched together at the ends, to the height of three or four feet, then of smaller logs resting upon transverse ones at the ends, each of the last successively shorter than the other, to 10 katahdin form the roof. the chimney was an oblong hole in the middle, three or four feet in diameter, with a fence of logs as high as the ridge. the interstices were filled with moss, and the roof was shingled with long splints of cedar, or spruce, or pine, rifted with a sledge and cleaver. the fireplace was in shape like the chimney, and directly under it, defined by a log fender on the ground and aheap of ashes, with solid benches of split logs running round it. here the fire usually melts the snow and dries the rain before it can descend to quench it. the faded beds of arbor-vitse leaves extended under the eaves on either hand. there was the place for the water-pail, pork-barrel, and wash-basin, and generally a dingy pack of cards left on a log. these houses are made comfortable by huge fires. usually the scenery about them is drear and savage ; and the logger's camp is as completely in the woods as a fungus at the foot of a pine in a swamp ; no outlook but to the sky overhead ; no more clearing than is made by cutting down the trees of which it is built, and those which are necessary for fuel. if only it be well sheltered and convenient to his work, and near a spring, he wastes no thought on the prospect. they are very proper forest houses, the stems of the trees collected together and piled up around a man to keep out wind and rain made of living green logs, hanging with moss and lichen, and with the curls and fringes of the yellow birch bark, and dripping with resin, fresh and moist, and redolent of swampy odors, with that sort of vigor and peren nialness about them that toadstools suggest. the logger's fare consists of tea, molasses, flour, pork (sometimes beef), and beans, a great proportion of the beans raised in massachusetts find their market katahdin 11 here. on expeditions it is only hard-bread and pork, often raw, slice on slice, with tea or water, as the case may be. the primitive wood is always and everywhere damp and mossy, so that i traveled constantly with the im pression that i was in a swamp ; and only when it was remarked that this or that tract, judging from the qual ity of the timber on it, would make a profitable clear ing, was i reminded, that if the sun were let in it would make a dry field. the woods hereabouts abounded in beech and yellow birch, spruce, cedar, fir, and hem lock ; but we saw only the stumps of the white pine, some of them of great size, these having been already culled out. only a little spruce and hemlock had been logged. the eastern wood which is sold for fuel in massachusetts all comes from below bangor. it was the pine alone that had tempted any but the hunter to precede us on this route. eighteen miles from the point brought us in sight of mccauslin's, or " uncle george's," as he was famil iarly called by my companions, to whom he was well known, where we intended to break our long fast. his house was in the midst of an extensive clearing on the opposite bank of the penobscot. so we collected on a point of the shore, that we might be seen, and fired our gun as a signal, which brought out his dogs forthwith, and thereafter their master, who in due time took us across in his bateau. this clearing was bounded ab ruptly, on all sides but the river, by the naked stems of the forest, as if you were to cut only a few feet square in the midst of a thousand acres of mowing, and set down a thimble therein. he had a whole heaven and horizon to himself, and the sun seemed to be journey 12 katahdin ing over his clearing only the livelong day. here we concluded to wait for the indians. mccauslin had been a waterman twenty-two years, and had driven on the lakes and headwaters of the penobscot five or six springs in succession, but was now settled here to raise supplies for the lumberers and for himself. he entertained us a day or two with true scotch hospitality, and would accept no recom pense for it, a man of a dry wit and shrewdness, and a general intelligence which i had not looked for in the backwoods. in fact, the deeper you penetrate into the woods, the more intelligent, and, in one sense, less countrified do you find the inhabitants ; for always the pioneer has been a traveler, and, to some extent, a man of the world ; and, as the distances with which he is familiar are greater, so is his information more general and far reaching than the villager's. if i were to look for a narrow, uninformed, and countrified mind, as opposed to the intelligence and refinement which are thought to emanate from cities, it would be among the rusty inhabitants of an old-settled country, on farms all run out and gone to seed with life-ever lasting, in the towns about boston, and not in the backwoods of maine. supper was got before our eyes in the ample kitchen, by a fire which would have roasted an ox. many whole logs, four feet long, were consumed to boil our tea-kettle birch, or beech, or'maple; and the dishes were soon smoking on the table, late the armchair, against the wall, from which one of the party was expelled. the arms of the chair formed the frame on which the table rested; and when the round top was turned up against the wall, it formed the back of the katahdin , 13 chair and was no more in the way than the wall itself. this, we noticed, was the prevailing fashion in these log houses, in order to economize in room. there were piping-hot wheaten cakes, the flour having been brought up the river in bateaux, and ham, eggs, and potatoes, and milk and cheese, the produce of the farm; and also shad and salmon, tea sweetened with molasses, and sweet cakes, in contradistinction to the hot cakes not sweetened, the one white, the other yellow, to wind up with. such we found was the prevailing fare, along this river. mountain cranber ries, stewed and sweetened, were the common dessert. everything here was in profusion, and the best of its kind. butter was in such plenty that it was commonly used, before it was salted, to grease boots with. in the night we were entertained by the sound of raindrops on the cedar splints which covered the roof, and awaked the next morning with a drop or two in our eyes. it rained and drizzled and gleamed by turns, the livelong day. what we did there would per haps be idle to tell ; how many times we buttered our boots, and how often a drowsy one was seen to sidle off to the bedroom. when it held up, i strolled up and down the bank, and gathered the harebell and cedar berries ; or else we tried by turns the long-han dled axe on the logs before the door. one while we walked over the farm and visited his well-filled barns with mccauslin. there were one other man and two women only here. he kept horses, cows, oxen, and sheep. the potato-rot had found him out the previous year and got half or two thirds of his crop. oats, grass, and potatoes were his staples; but he raised, also, a few carrots and turnips, and " a little corn for 14 katahdin the hens," for this was all that he dared risk, for fear that it would not ripen. melons, squashes, sweet corn, beans, tomatoes, and many other vegetables could not be ripened there. the few settlers along this stream were obviously tempted by the cheapness of the land mainly. when i asked mccauslin why more settlers did not come in, he answered that one reason was they could not buy the land, it belonged to individuals or companies who were afraid that their wild lands would be settled, and so incorporated into towns, and they be taxed for them ; but to settling on the state's land there was no such hindrance. for his own part, he wanted no neighbors he did n't wish to see any road by his house. neighbors, even the best, were a trouble and expense, especially on the score of cattle and fences. they might live across the river, perhaps, but not on the same side. the chickens here were protected by the dogs. as mccauslin said, " the old one took it up first, and she taught the pup, and now they had got it into their heads that it would n't do to have anything of the bird kind on the premises." a hawk hovering over was not allowed to alight, but barked off by the dogs circling about underneath; and a pigeon, or a "yellow-ham mer," as they called the pigeon woodpecker, on a dead limb or stump, was instantly expelled. it was the main business of their day, and kept them constantly coming and going. one would rush out of the house on the least alarm given by the other. the house, which was a fair specimen of those on this river, was built of huge logs, which peeped out everywhere, and were chinked with clay and moss. katahdin 15 it contained four or five rooms. there were no sawed boards, or shingles, or clapboards about it ; and scarcely any tool but the axe had been used in its construction. the partitions were made of long clapboard-like splints, of spruce or cedar, turned to a delicate salmon color by the smoke. the roof and sides were covered with the same, instead of shingles and clapboards, and some of a much thicker and larger size were used for the floor. these were all so straight and smooth that they answered the purpose admirably, and a careless observer would not have suspected that they were not sawed and planed. the chimney and hearth were of vast size, and made of stone. the broom was a few twigs of arbor-vitse tied to a stick ; and a pole was suspended over the hearth, close to the ceiling, to dry stockings and clothes on. i noticed that the floor was full of small, dingy holes, as if made with a gimlet, but which were, in fact, made by the spikes, nearly an inch long, which the lumberers wear in their boots to prevent their slipping on wet logs. just above mc causlin's, there is a rocky rapid, where logs jam in the spring; and many "drivers" are there collected, who frequent his house for supplies. these were their tracks which i saw. the next morning, the weather proving fair enough for our purpose, we prepared to start, and, the indians having failed us, persuaded mccauslin to accompany us in their stead, intending to engage one other boat man on the way. a strip of cotton cloth for a tent, a couple of blankets, which would suffice for the whole party, fifteen pounds of hard bread, ten pounds of pork, and a little tea, made up " uncle george's " pack. the last three articles were calculated to be provision 16 katahdin enough for six men for a week, with what we might pick up. a tea-kettle, a frying-pan, and an axe, to be obtained at the last house, would complete our outfit. we were soon out of mccauslin's clearing and in the evergreen woods again. the obscure trail made by the two settlers above, which even the woodman is some times puzzled to discern, ere long crossed a narrow open strip in the woods overrun with weeds, where a fire had raged formerly. at the end of three miles we reached shad pond. thomas fowler's house is four miles from mccauslin's, on the shore of the pond, at the mouth of the millinocket * river. fowler was just completing a new log hut, and was sawing out a win dow through the logs when we arrived. he had begun to paper his house with spruce bark turned inside out. as we stood on the pile of chips by the door, fish hawks were sailing overhead. tom pointed away over the lake to a bald eagle's nest, which was plainly visible more than a mile off, on a pine, high above the sur rounding forest, and was frequented from year to year by the same pair. there were these two houses only there, his low hut and the eagle's airy cartload of fagots. thomas fowler was persuaded to join us, for two men were necessary to manage the bateau, which was to be our carriage. tom's pack was soon made, for he had not far to look for his waterman's boots and a red flannel shirt. red is the favorite color with lum bermen ; and red flannel is reputed to possess some mysterious virtues, to be most healthful and convenient in respect to perspiration. in every gang there will be a large proportion of red birds. we took here a poor i akm-nok'gt. katahdin 17 and leaky bateau, and began to pole up the millinocket two miles to the elder fowler's, in order to avoid the grand falls of the penobscot, intending to ex change our bateau there for a better. the millinocket is a small, shallow, and sandy stream, full of what i took to be lamprey eels' or suckers' nests, and lined with musquash l cabins, but free from rapids, accord ing to fowler, excepting at its outlet from the lake. he was at this time engaged in cutting the native grass rush-grass and meadow-clover, as he called it on the meadows and small, low islands of this stream. we noticed flattened places in the grass on either side, where, he said, a moose had laid down the night before. old fowler's is the last house. here our new bateau was to be carried over the first portage of two miles round the grand falls, on a horse-sled made of sap lings to jump the numerous rocks in the way ; but we had to wait a couple of hours for them to catch the horses, which were pastured at a distance amid the stumps, and had wandered still farther off. the last of the salmon for this season had just been caught, and were still fresh in pickle, from which enough was ex tracted to fill our empty kettle. the week before, they had lost nine sheep here by the wolves. the surviving sheep came round the house, and seemed frightened, which induced them to go and look for the rest, when they found seven dead and two still alive. these last they carried to the house, and, as mrs. fowler said, they were merely scratched in the throat and had no more visible wound than would be produced by the prick of a pin. she sheared off the wool from their throats, and washed them, and put on some salve, and 1 the indian name for the muskrat. 18 katahdin turned them out, but in a few moments they were miss ing and had not been found since. in fact, they were all poisoned, and those that were found swelled up at once, so that they saved neither skin nor wool. at length, after we had dined, the horses arrived, and we hauled our bateau out of the water and lashed it to its wicker carriage, and, throwing in our packs, walked on before, leaving the boatmen and driver, who was tom's brother, to manage the concern. the route, which led through the wild pasture where the sheep were killed, was in some places the roughest ever traveled by horses, over rocky hills where the sled bounced and slid along like a vessel pitching in a storm ; and one man was necessary to stand at the stern, to prevent the boat from being wrecked. when the runners struck a rock three or four feet high, the sled bounced back and upwards at the same time ; but, as the horses never ceased pulling, it came down on the top of the rock, and so we got over. this portage probably followed the trail of an ancient indian carry round these falls. by two o'clock we, who had walked on before, reached the river above the falls, and waited for the bateau. we had been here but a short time when a thunder-shower was seen coming up from the west, and soon the heavy drops began to patter on the leaves around us. i had just selected the prostrate trunk of a huge pine, five or six feet in diameter, and was crawling under it, when, luckily, the boat arrived. it would have amused a sheltered man to witness the manner in which it was unlashed and whirled over, while the first waterspout burst on us. it was no sooner adjusted than we might have been seen all stooping to its shelter and wriggling under like so many eels. when all were katahdin 19 under we propped up the lee side, and busied ourselves whittling thole-pins for rowing; and made the woods ring, between the claps of thunder, with such boat songs as we could remember. the horses stood sleek and shining with the rain, drooping and crestfallen, while deluge after deluge washed over us ; but the bot tom of a boat may be relied on for a tight roof. after two hours' delay, a streak of fair weather appeared in the northwest, promising a serene evening for our voyage ; and the driver returned with his horses, while we made haste to launch our boat, and commence our voyage in good earnest. there were six of us, including the two boatmen. with our packs heaped up near the bows, and ourselves disposed as baggage to trim the boat, with instructions not to move in case we should strike a rock, we pushed out into the first rapid. with uncle george in the stern and tom in the bow, each using a spruce pole about twelve feet long, pointed with iron, and poling on the same side, we shot up the rapids, the water rushing and roaring around, so that only a practiced eye could distinguish a safe course, or tell what was deep water and what rocks, frequently grazing the latter, with a hundred narrow escapes. i, who had had some experience in boating, had never experienced any half so exhilarating before. we were lucky to have exchanged our indians for these men, who, together with tom's brother, were reputed the best boatmen on the river, and were at once indispensable pilots and pleasant companions. the canoe is smaller, more easily upset, and sooner worn out ; and the indian is said not to be so skillful in the management of the bateau. he is, for the most part, less to be relied on, 20 katahdin and more disposed to sulks and whims. the utmost familiarity with dead streams, or with the ocean, would not prepare a man for this peculiar navigation; and the most skillful boatman anywhere else would here be obliged to take out his boat and carry round a hun dred times, still with great risk, as well as delay, where the practiced bateau-man poles up with comparative ease and safety. the hardy " voyageur" pushes with incredible perseverance and success quite up to the foot of the falls, and then only carries round some perpen dicular ledge, and launches again to struggle with the boiling rapids above. the indians say that the river once ran both ways, one half up and the other down, but that, since the white man came, it all runs down, and now they must laboriously pole their canoes against the stream, and carry them over numerous portages. in the summer, all stores the grindstone and the plow of the pioneer, flour, pork, and uten sils for the explorer must be conveyed up the river in bateaux; and many a cargo and many a boatman is lost in these waters. in the winter, however, which is very equable and long, the ice is the great highway, and the logger's team penetrates even two hundred miles above bangor. imagine the solitary sled-track running far up into the snowy and evergreen wilder ness, hemmed in closely for a hundred miles by the forest, and again stretching straight across the broad surfaces of concealed lakes ! we were soon in the smooth water of the qua kish 1 lake, and took our turns at rowing and paddling across. it is a small, irregular, but handsome lake, shut in on all sides by the forest, and showing no traces 1 kwa'kish. katahdin 21 of man but some low boom in a distant cove, reserved for spring use. the spruce and cedar on its shores, hung with gray lichens, looked at a distance like the ghosts of trees. ducks were sailing here and there on its surface, and a solitary loon laughed and frolicked for our amusement. joe merry mountain appeared in the northwest, and we had our first view of katahdin, its summit veiled in clouds, like a dark isthmus con necting the heavens with the earth. after two miles of smooth rowing, we found ourselves in the river again, which was a continuous rapid for one mile, to the dam, requiring all the strength and skill of our boatmen to pole up it. this dam is a quite important and expensive work for this country, raising the whole river ten feet, and flooding some sixty square miles by means of the innu merable lakes with which the river connects. it is a lofty and solid structure, with sloping piers, some distance above, made of frames of logs filled with stones, to break the ice. we filed into the rude loggers' camp at this place, without ceremony, and the cook, at that moment the sole occupant, at once set about preparing tea for his visitors. his fireplace, which the rain had converted into a mud-puddle, was soon blazing, and we sat down on the log benches around it to dry us. on the well flattened and somewhat faded beds of arbor-vitae leaves, which stretched on either hand under the eaves behind us, lay an odd leaf of the bible, and we found emerson's address on west india emancipation, also an odd number of the westminster review and a pamphlet entitled " history of the erection of the monument on the grave of myron holly." this was 22 katahdin the reading-matter in a lumberers' camp in the maine woods, thirty miles from a road, which would be given up to the bears in a fortnight. these things were well thumbed and soiled. this gang was necessarily com posed of men not bred to the business of dam-building, but who were jacks-at-all-trades, handy with the axe and other simple implements, and well skilled in wood and water craft. we had hot cakes for our supper even here, white as snowballs, but without butter, and the never-failing sweet cakes, with which we filled our pockets, foreseeing that we should not soon meet with the like again. such delicate puff balls seemed a singular diet for backwoodsmen. there was also tea without milk, sweetened with molasses. when we had returned to the shore, we made haste to improve the little daylight that remained. this camp was the last human habitation of any kind in this di rection. beyond there was no trail ; and the river and lakes, by bateaus and canoes, was considered the only practicable route. we were about thirty miles by the river from the summit of katahdin, though not more than twenty, perhaps, in a straight line. it being about the full of the moon, and a warm and pleasant evening, we decided to row by moonlight to the head of the north twin lake, lest the wind should rise on the morrow. after one mile of river, or what the boatmen call " thoroughfare," we entered the lake just after sundown. this is a noble sheet of water. there was the smoke of no log hut nor camp of any kind to greet us, still less was any traveler watching our bateau from the distant hills. not even the indian hunter was there, for he hugs the river like ourselves. no face welcomed us but the fine fantastic sprays of katahdin 23 free and happy evergreen trees, waving one above another in their ancient home. at first the red clouds hung over the western shore as gorgeously as if over a city, and the lake lay open to the light with even a civ ilized aspect, as if expecting trade and commerce, and towns and villas. the shores rose gently to ranges of low hills covered with forests; and though the most valuable white pine timber had been culled out, this would never have been suspected by the voyager. we were on a high table-land between the states and canada, the northern side of which is drained by the st. john and chaudiere, 1 the southern by the penobscot and kennebec. there was no bold, moun tainous shore, but only isolated hills and mountains. the country is an archipelago of lakes. their lev els vary but a few feet, and the boatmen by short portages, or by none at all, pass easily from one to another. they say that at very high water the penob scot and the kennebec flow into each other, or at any rate, that you may lie with your face in the one and your toes in the other. none of our party but mccauslin had been above this lake, so we trusted to him to pilot us, and we could not but confess the importance of a pilot on these waters. while it is river, you will not easily forget which way is up-stream, but when you enter a lake, the river is completely lost, and you scan the distant shores in vain to find where it comes in. a stranger is, for the tune at least, lost, and must set about a voyage of discovery to find the river. to follow the windings of the shore when the lake is ten miles, or even more, in length, and of an irregularity which will not soon be i sho'dysr'. 24 katahdin mapped, is a wearisome voyage, and will spend his time and his provisions. they tell a story of a gang of ex perienced woodmen sent to a location on this stream, who were thus lost in the wilderness of lakes. they cut their way through thickets, and carried their bag gage and their boats over from lake to lake, sometimes several miles. they carried into millinocket lake, which is on another stream, and is ten miles square, and contains a hundred islands. they explored its shores thoroughly, and then carried into another, and another, and it was a week of toil and anxiety before they found the penobscot river again, and then their provisions were exhausted, and they were obliged to return. while uncle george steered for a small island near the head of the lake, we rowed by turns swiftly over its surface. the shores seemed at an indefinite distance in the moonlight. occasionally we rested on our oars, while we listened to hear if the wolves howled, for this is a common serenade, and my companions affirmed that it was the most dismal and unearthly of sounds, but we heard none this time. only some utterly un civilized, big-throated owl hooted loud and dismally in the drear and boughy wilderness, plainly not ner vous about his solitary life, nor afraid to hear the echoes of his voice there. about nine o'clock we reached the river, and ran our boat into a natural haven between some rocks, and drew her out on the sand. this camping-ground mc causlin had been familiar with in his lumbering days, and we heard the sound of the rill which would supply us with cool water emptying into the lake. the first business was to make a fire, an operation which was a katahdin 25 little delayed by the wetness of the fuel and the ground, owing to the heavy showers of the afternoon. the fire is the main comfort of the camp, whether in summer or winter, and is about as ample at one season as at an other. it is as well for cheerfulness as for warmth and dryness. some were dispersed to fetch in dead trees and boughs, while uncle george felled the birches and beeches which stood convenient, and soon we had a fire some ten feet long by three or four high, which rapidly dried the sand before it. this was calculated to burn all night. we next proceeded to pitch our tent; which operation was performed by sticking our two spike-poles into the ground in a slanting direction, about ten feet apart, for rafters, and then drawing our cotton cloth over them and tying it down at the ends, leaving it open in front, shed-fashion. but this even ing the wind carried the sparks on to the tent. so we hastily drew up the bateau just within the edge of the woods before the fire, and propping up one side three or four feet high, spread the tent on the ground to lie on ; and with the corner of a blanket, or what we could get to put over us, lay down with our heads and bodies under the boat, and our feet and legs on the sand toward the fire. at first we lay awake, talking of our course. but at length we composed ourselves seriously to sleep. it was interesting when awakened at midnight to watch the motions of some one of the party, who had got up to arouse the fire and add fresh fuel; now lugging a dead tree from out the dark, and heaving it on, now stirring up the embers, or tiptoeing about to observe the stars. thus aroused, i too brought fresh fuel to the fire, and then rambled along the sandy shore 26 katahdin in the moonlight. the little rill tinkled and peopled all the wilderness for me ; and the glassy smoothness of the sleeping lake, laving the shores, with the dark, fantastic rocks rising here and there from its surface, made a scene not easily described. later, we were one after another awakened by rain falling on our ex tremities ; and as each was made aware of the fact by cold or wet, he drew up his legs, until gradually we had all sidled round so that our bodies were wholly pro tected. when next we awoke, the moon and stars were shining again, and there were signs of dawn in the east. we had soon launched and loaded our boat, and, leaving our fire blazing, were off again before break fast. the lumberers rarely trouble themselves to put out their fires, such is the dampness of the primitive forest ; and this is one cause, no doubt, of the frequent fires in maine. the forests are held cheap after the white pine has been culled out ; and the explorers and hunters pray for rain only to clear the atmosphere of smoke. the woods were so wet to-day, however, that there was no danger of our fire spreading. after poling up half a mile of river, we rowed across the foot of pamadumcook 1 lake, and passed into deep cove, a part of the same lake, and, rowing across this, by an other short thoroughfare entered ambejijis 2 lake. at the entrance to a lake we sometimes observed the unhewn timbers of which booms are formed, either secured together in the water, or laid up on the rocks and lashed to trees, for spring use. it was easy to see that driving logs must be an exciting as well as arduous and dangerous business. all winter long the logger goes on piling up the trees which he has trimmed and 1 pam-a-dum'kook. 2 am-b6-je'jls. copyright, 1909, by william lyman underwood winter logging copyright, 1u09, by william lyman underwood kiver-dkiveks at work katahdin 27 hauled in some dry ravine at the head of a stream, and then in the spring he stands on the bank and whistles for rain and thaw, ready to wring the perspiration out of his shirt to swell the tide, till suddenly, with a whoop and halloo from him, a fair proportion of his winter's work goes scrambling down the country, followed by his faithful dogs, thaw and rain and freshet and wind, the whole pack in full cry, toward the mills. every log is marked with the owner's name, cut with an axe or bored with an auger, so deep as not to be worn off in the driving, and yet not so as to injure the timber; and it requires considerable ingenuity to invent new and simple marks where there are so many owners. when the logs have run the gauntlet of in numerable rapids and falls, with more or less jamming and bruising, those bearing various owners' marks be ing mixed up together, since all must take advantage of the same freshet, they are collected at the heads of the lakes and surrounded by a boom to prevent their being dispersed by the wind. then they are towed across the lake by a windlass, and, if circumstances permit, with the aid of sails and oars. sometimes, not withstanding, the logs are dispersed over many miles of lake surface in a few hours by winds and freshets, and thrown up on distant shores, where the driver can pick up only one or two at a time and return with them to the thoroughfare ; and before he gets his flock well through ambejijis or pamadumcook, he makes many a wet and uncomfortable camp on the shore. he must be able to navigate a log as if it were a canoe, and be as indifferent to cold and wet as a musk rat. he uses few tools a lever commonly of rock maple, six or seven feet long with a stout spike in it, 28 katahdin and a long spike-pole with a screw at the end of the spike to make it hold. the boys along shore learn to walk on floating logs as city boys on sidewalks. some times the logs are thrown up on rocks in such posi tions as to be irrecoverable but by another freshet as high, or they jam together at rapids and falls, and accumulate in vast piles, which the driver must start at the risk of his life. such is the lumber business, which depends on many accidents, as the early freez ing of the rivers that the teams may get up in season, a sufficient freshet in the spring to fetch the logs down, and many others. ambejijis struck me as the most beautiful lake we had seen. we rowed to near the head of it, and push ing through a field of lily-pads, landed, to cook our breakfast, by the side of a large rock. our breakfast consisted of tea, with hard-bread and pork, and fried salmon, which we ate with forks whittled from alder twigs off strips of birch-bark for plates. the tea was without milk to color or sugar to sweeten it, and two tin dippers were our teacups. this beverage is as indispensable to the loggers as to any gossiping old women in the land, and they no doubt derive great comfort from it. in the next nine miles, we rowed across several small lakes, poled up numerous rapids and thorough fares, and carried over four portages. at the portage around ambejijis falls i observed a pork-barrel on the shore, with a hole eight or nine inches square cut in one side. the barrel was set against an upright rock, but the bears, without turning or upsetting it, had gnawed a hole in the opposite side, which looked exactly like an enormous rat-hole, big katahdin 29 enough to put their heads in ; and at the bottom of the barrel were still left a few mangled and slabbered slices of pork. it is usual for the lumberers to leave such supplies as they cannot conveniently carry along at carries or camps, to which the next comers do not scruple to help themselves. at this portage there was the roughest path imaginable cut through the woods ; at first up hill, at an angle of nearly forty-five degrees, over rocks and logs without end. we first carried over our baggage, then returning to the bateau, we dragged it up the hill by the painter, and onward, with frequent pauses, over half the portage. but this was a bungling way, and would soon have worn out the boat. com monly, three men walk over with a bateau weighing from three to five or six hundred pounds on their heads and shoulders, the tallest standing under the middle of the boat, which is turned over, and one at each end. more cannot well take hold at once. this requires some practice, as well as strength, and is in any case extremely laborious. we were, on the whole, rather an invalid party, and could render our boatmen but little assistance. our two men at length took the bateau upon their shoulders, and while two of us steadied it, to pre vent it from rocking and wearing into their shoulders, on which they placed their hats folded, walked bravely over the remaining distance, with two or three pauses. in the same manner they accomplished the other por tages. with this crushing weight they must climb and stumble along over fallen trees and slippery rocks of all sizes, where those who walked by the sides were con tinually brushed off, such was the narrowness of the path. but we were fortunate not to have to cut our path in the first place. before we launched our boat, 30 katahdin we scraped the bottom smooth with our knives, where it had rubbed on the rocks, to save friction. to avoid the difficulties of the portage, our men de termined to "warp up" the passamagamet 1 falls; so while the rest walked over the portage with the baggage, i remained in the bateau, to assist in warping up. we were soon in the midst of the rapids, which were more swift and tumultuous than any we had poled up, and had turned to the side of the stream for the purpose of warping, when the boatmen, who felt some pride in their skill, and were ambitious to do something more than usual, for my benefit as i surmised, took one more view of the falls, pushed again into the midst of the stream, and began to struggle with the current. i sat in the middle of the boat to trim it, moving slightly to the right or left as it grazed a rock. with an un certain and wavering motion we wound and bolted our way up, until the bow was actually raised two feet above the stern at the steepest pitch; and then, when everything depended upon his exertions, the bowman's pole snapped in two ; but before he had time to take the spare one, which i reached him, he had saved himself with the fragment upon a rock ; and so we got up by a hair's breadth. uncle george exclaimed that that was never done before, and he had not tried it if he had not known whom he had got in the bow, nor he in the bow, if he had not known him in the stern. i could not sufficiently admire the skill and cool ness with which they performed this feat, never speak ing to each other. the bowman, not looking behind, bu,t knowing exactly what the other is about, works as l pss-d-md-gsm'st. polixg up-stream kuxmng down-stream katahdin 31 if he worked alone. now sounding in vain for a bottom in fifteen feet of water, while the boat falls back several rods, held straight only with the greatest skill and exertion ; or, while the sternman obstinately holds his ground, the bowman springs from side to side with wonderful suppleness and dexterity, scanning the rapids and the rocks ; and now, having got a bite at last, with a lusty shove, which makes his pole bend and quiver, and the whole boat tremble, he gains a few feet upon the river. to add to the danger, the poles are liable at any time to be caught between the rocks, and wrenched out of their hands, leaving them at the mercy of the rapids the rocks, as it were, lying in wait, like so many alligators, to catch the poles in their teeth, and jerk them from your hands, before you have stolen an effectual shove. nothing but the length and lightness, and the slight draught of the bateau, enables them to make any headway. the bowman must quickly choose his course; there is no time to deliberate. frequently the boat is shoved between rocks where both sides touch, and the waters on either hand are a perfect maelstrom. half a mile above this, two of us tried our hands at poling up a slight rapid, and we were just surmounting the last difficulty when an unlucky rock confounded our calculations; and while the bateau was sweep ing round irrecoverably amid the whirlpool, we were obliged to resign the poles to more skillful hands. the forenoon was serene and placid. we were occasionally startled by the scream of a bald eagle, sailing over the stream in front of our bateau, or of the fish hawks on whom he levies his contributions. there were at intervals small meadows of a few acres 32 katahdin on the sides of the streams, waving with uncut grass, which attracted the attention of our boatmen, who regretted that they were not nearer to their clear ings, and calculated how many stacks they might cut. two or three men sometimes spend the summer by themselves, cutting the grass in these meadows, to sell to the loggers in the winter, since it will fetch a higher price on the spot than in any market in the state. on a small isle covered with this grass we noticed the recent track of a moose. they are fond of the water, and visit all these island meadows, swimming as easily from island to island as they make their way through the thickets on land. the carry around pockwockomus 1 falls was ex ceedingly rough and rocky, the bateau having to be lifted directly from the water up four or five feet on to a rock, and launched again down a similar bank. the rocks on this portage were covered with the dents made by the spikes in the lumberers' boots while staggering over under the weight of their bateaux; and you could see where the surface of some large rocks on which they had rested their bateaux was worn quite smooth with use. we carried over but half the usual portage at this place, and launched our boat in the smooth wave just curving to the fall, pre pared to struggle with the most violent rapid we had to encounter. the rest of the party walked over the remainder of the portage, while i remained with the boatmen to assist in warping up. one had to hold the boat while the others got in, to prevent it from going over the falls. when we had pushed up the rapids as far as possible, keeping close to the shore, tom seized 1 pok-wok'o-mus. katahdix 33 the painter and leaped out upon a rock just visible in the water, but he lost his footing, notwithstanding his spiked boots, and was instantly amid the rapids ; but recovering himself, and reaching another rock, he passed the painter to me, who had followed him, and took his place again in the bows. leaping from rock to rock in the shoal water, close to the shore, and now and then getting a bite with the rope round an upright one, i held the boat while one reset his pole, and then all three forced it upward. when a part of us walked round at such a place we generally took out the most valuable part of the baggage, for fear of being swamped. as we poled up a swift rapid for half a mile above abol jacarmegus 1 falls, some of the party read their own marks on the huge logs which lay piled high and dry on the rocks on either hand, the relics probably of a jam which had taken place here in the great freshet in the spring. many of these would have to wait for another great freshet, perchance, if they lasted so long, before they could be got off. it was singular enough to meet with property of theirs which they had never seen, and where they had never been before, thus detained by freshets and rocks when on its way to them. the last half mile carried us to the sowadnehunk 2 deadwater. here we decided to camp, about twenty miles from the dam, at the mouth of murch brook and the aboljacknagesic, 3 mountain streams, broad off from katahdin, and about a dozen miles from its summit. 1 a-bol-j&k-a-me'gus. now commonly abbreviated to abol (a'bol). 2 sou-ad-ne-hunk'. 8 a-bol-jak-na-gsss'ik. now, like the above, abbreviated to abol. 34 katahdin we had been told by mccauslin that we should here find trout enough; so, while some prepared the camp, the rest fell to fishing. seizing the birch poles which some party of indians, or white hunters, had left on the shore, and baiting our hooks with pork, and with trout as soon as they were caught, we cast our lines into the aboljacknagesic. instantly a shoal of white chivin, silvery roaches, or what not, prowling thereabouts, fell upon our bait, and one after another were landed amidst the bushes. anon their cousins, the trout, took their turn, and alternately the speckled trout and the silvery roaches swallowed the bait as fast as we could throw in ; and the finest specimens of both that i have ever seen, the largest one weighing three pounds, were heaved upon the shore, though at first to wriggle down into the water again, for we stood in the boat ; but soon we learned to remedy this evil, for one of us, who had lost his hook, stood on shore to catch them as they fell in a perfect shower around him sometimes, wet and slippery, full in his face and bosom, as his arms were outstretched to receive them. while yet alive, before their tints had faded, they glistened like the fairest flowers, the pro duct of primitive rivers, seen of indians only, made beautiful, the lord only knows why, to swim there ! but there is the rough voice of uncle george, who commands at the frying-pan. the pork sizzles, and cries for fish. the night shut down at last, not a little deepened by the dark side of katahdin, which, like a permanent shadow, reared itself from the eastern bank. we accompanied tom into the woods to cut cedar twigs for our bed. while he went ahead with the axe, and lopped off the smallest twigs of the flat-leaved katahdin 35 cedar, the arbor-vitae of the gardens, we gathered them up, and returned with them to the boat, until it was loaded. our bed was made with as much care and skill as a roof is shingled ; beginning at the foot, and laying the twig end of the cedar upward, we advanced to the head, a course at a time, thus successively cover ing the stub-ends, and producing a soft and level bed. for us six it was about ten feet long by six in breadth. this time we lay under our tent, having pitched it more prudently with reference to the wind and the flame, and the usual huge fire blazed in front. supper was eaten off a large log, which some freshet had thrown up. this night we had a dish of arbor-vitae or cedar tea, which the lumberer sometimes uses when other herbs fail, but i had no wish to repeat the experiment. it had too medicinal a taste for my palate. there was the skeleton of a moose here, whose bones some indian hunters had picked on this very spot. i arose before dawn while my companions were still sleeping. there stood katahdin with distinct and cloudless outline in the moonlight ; and the rippling of the rapids was the only sound to break the stillness. standing on the shore, i once more cast my line into the stream. the speckled trout and silvery roach sped swiftly through the moonlight air until daylight brought satiety to my mind, and the minds of my companions, who had joined me. by six o'clock, having mounted our packs and a good blanketful of trout, ready dressed, and swung up such baggage and provision as we wished to leave behind on the tops of saplings, to be out of the reach of bears, we started for the summit of the mountain. uncle george had never been any nearer the mountain 36 katahdin than this, and there was not the slightest trace of man to guide us farther. at first, pushing a few rods up the aboljacknagesic, we fastened our bateau to a tree, and traveled up the north side, through burnt lands, now partially overgrown with young aspens and other shrubbery. soon, recrossing this stream, upon a jam of logs and rocks, and you could cross it by this means almost anywhere, we struck at once for the highest peak. this course would lead us parallel to a dark seam in the forest, which marked the bed of a tor rent, and over a slight spur, from whose bare summit we could get an outlook over the country, and climb directly up the peak, which would then be close at hand. seen from this point, katahdin presented a different aspect from any mountain i have seen, there being a greater proportion of naked rock rising abruptly from the forest; and we looked up at this blue barrier as if it were some fragment of a wall which anciently bounded the earth in that direction. setting the compass for a northeast course, we were soon buried in the woods. we soon began to meet with traces of bear and moose, and those of rabbits were everywhere visible. the tracks of moose, more or less recent, covered every square rod on the sides of the mountain; and these animals are probably more numerous now there than ever before, being driven into this wilderness, from all sides, by the settlements. the track of a full grown moose is like that of a cow, or larger. some times we found ourselves traveling in faint paths, which they had made, like cow-paths in the woods, only far more indistinct, being rather openings, afford ing imperfect vistas through the dense underwood, katahdin 37 than trodden paths; and everywhere the twigs had been browsed by them, clipped as smoothly as if by a knife. the bark of trees was stripped up by them to the height of eight or nine feet, in long, narrow strips, an inch wide, still showing the distinct marks of their teeth. we expected nothing less than to meet a herd of them every moment, and our nimrod held his shoot ing-iron in readiness; but, though numerous, they are so wary that the unskillful hunter might range the forest a long time before he could get sight of one. they are sometimes dangerous to encounter, and will not turn out for the hunter, but furiously rush on him and trample him to death, unless he is lucky enough to avoid them by dodging round a tree. the largest are nearly as large as a horse, and weigh sometimes one thousand pounds ; and it is said that they can step over a five-foot gate in their ordinary walk. they are described as exceedingly awkward-looking animals, with their long legs and short bodies, making a ludi crous figure when in full run, but making great head way nevertheless. it seemed a mystery to us how they could thread these woods, which it required all our suppleness to accomplish climbing, stooping, and winding, alternately. they are said to drop their long and branching horns on their backs, and make their way easily by the weight of their bodies. their flesh, which is more like beef than venison, is common in bangor market. we had proceeded seven or eight miles, till about noon, with frequent pauses to refresh the weary ones, cross ing a considerable mountain stream, which we con jectured to be murch brook, at whose mouth we had camped, all the time in woods, without having once 38 katahdin seen the summit, and rising very gradually, when the boatmen beginning to despair a little, and fearing that we were leaving the mountain on one side of us, for they had not entire faith in the compass, mccauslin climbed a tree, from the top of which he could see the peak, when it appeared that we had not swerved from a right line. by the side of a cool mountain rill, amid the woods, where the water began to partake of the purity and transparency of the air, we stopped to cook some of our fishes, which we had brought thus far in order to save our hard-bread and pork. we soon had a fire blazing, and stood around it, under the damp and sombre forest of firs and birches, each with a sharpened stick, three or four feet in length, upon which he had spitted his trout, or roach, previously well gashed and salted, our sticks radiating like the spokes of a wheel from one centre, and each crowd ing his particular fish into the most desirable exposure. thus we regaled ourselves, drinking meanwhile at the spring, till one man's pack, at least, was considerably lightened, when we again took up our line of march. at length we reached an elevation sufficiently bare to afford a view of the summit, still distant and blue, almost as if retreating from us. a torrent was seen tumbling down in front. but this glimpse at our whereabouts was soon lost, and we were buried in the woods again. the wood was chiefly yellow birch, spruce, fir, mountain-ash, and moose-wood. it was the worst kind of traveling. bunch-berries were very abundant as well as solomon's-seal and moose-berries. blueberries were distributed along our whole route; and in one place the bushes were drooping with the weight of the fruit, still as fresh as ever. such patches katahdin 39 afforded a grateful repast, and served to bait the tired party forward. when any lagged behind, the cry of "blueberries" was most effectual to bring them up. even at this elevation we passed through a moose yard, formed by a large flat rock, four or five rods square, where they tread down the snow in winter. at length, fearing that if we held the direct course to the summit, we should not find any water near our camp ing-ground, we gradually swerved to the west, till, at four o'clock, we struck again the torrent which i have mentioned, and here, in view of the summit, the weary party decided to camp that night. while my companions were seeking a suitable spot for this purpose, i improved the little daylight that was left in climbing the mountain alone. we were in a deep and narrow ravine, sloping up to the clouds at an angle of nearly forty-five degrees, and hemmed in by walls of rock, which were at first covered with low trees, then with impenetrable thickets of scraggy birches and spruce trees, and with moss, but at last bare of any vegetation but lichens, and almost con tinually draped in clouds. following the course of the torrent, pulling myself up perpendicular falls of twenty or thirty feet, by the roots of firs and birches, and then perhaps walking a level rod or two in the thin stream, for it took up the whole road, ascending by huge steps, as it were, a giant's stairway, down which a river flowed, i had soon cleared the trees and paused to look back over the country. the torrent was from fifteen to thirty feet wide, without a tributary, and seemingly not diminishing in breadth as i advanced ; but still it came rushing and roaring down, with a copious tide, over and amidst masses of bare rock, 40 katahdin from the very clouds, as though a waterspout had just burst over the mountain. leaving this at last, i began to work my way up the nearest peak, at first scram bling on all fours over the tops of ancient black spruce trees, from two to ten or twelve feet in height, their tops flat and spreading, and their foliage blue and nipped with cold, as if for centuries they had ceased growing upward against the bleak sky. i walked some rods erect upon the tops of these trees, which were overgrown with moss and mountain cranberries. it seemed that in the course of time they had filled up the intervals between the huge rocks, and the cold wind had uniformly leveled all over. there was ap parently a belt of this kind running quite round the mountain. once, slumping through, i looked down ten feet, into a dark and cavernous region, and saw the stem of a spruce, on whose top i stood as on a mass of coarse basket-work, fully nine inches in diameter at the ground. these holes were bears' dens, and the bears were even then at home. this was the sort of garden i made my way over, certainly the most treach erous and porous country i ever traveled. but nothing could exceed the toughness of the twigs not one snapped under my weight, for they had slowly grown. having slumped, scrambled, rolled, bounced, and walked by turns, over this scraggy country, i arrived upon a side-hill where gray, silent rocks were the flocks and herds that pastured. this brought me to the skirt of a cloud, and bounded my walk that night. when i returned to my companions, they had se lected a camping-ground on the torrent's edge, and were resting ; one was on the sick list, rolled in a blanket on a damp shelf of rock. it was savage and dreary katahdin 41 scenery, so wildly rough that they looked long to find a level and open space for the tent. we could not well camp higher for want of fuel ; and the trees here seemed so evergreen and sappy that we almost doubted if they would acknowledge the influence of fire; but fire prevailed at last and blazed like a good citizen of the world. it was perhaps a more grand and desolate place for a night's lodging than the summit would have been, being in the neighborhood of those wild trees, and of the torrent. some more aerial and finer-spirited winds rushed and roared through the ravine all night, from time to time arousing our fire and dispersing the embers about. it was as if we lay in the very nest of a young whirlwind. at midnight, one of my bedfellows, being startled in his dreams by the sudden blazing up to its top of a fir-tree, whose green boughs were dried by the heat, sprang up with a cry from his bed, think ing the world on fire, and drew the whole camp after him. in the morning, after whetting our appetite on some raw pork, a wafer of hard-bread, and a dipper of con densed cloud or waterspout, we began to make our way up the falls ; this time choosing the highest peak, which was not the one i had approached before. but soon my companions were lost to my sight behind the mountain ridge in my rear, and i climbed alone over huge rocks, loosely poised, a mile or more, still edging toward the clouds ; for though the day was clear else where, the summit was concealed by mist. the moun tain seemed a vast aggregation of loose rocks, as if some time it had rained rocks, and they lay as they fell, nowhere fairly at rest, but leaning on each other with cavities between. they were the raw materials 42 katahdin of a planet dropped from an unseen quarry, which the vast chemistry of nature would anon work up into the smiling and verdant plains and valleys of earth. at length i entered within the skirts of the cloud which seemed forever drifting over the summit, and yet would never be gone, but was generated out of that pure air as fast as it flowed away. when i reached the summit of the ridge, which those who have seen it in clearer weather say is about five miles long and contains a thousand acres of table-land, i was deep within the hostile ranks of clouds, and all objects were obscured by them. now the wind would blow me out a yard of sunlight, wherein i stood ; then a gray, dawn ing light was all it could accomplish, the cloud-line ever rising and falling with the wind's intensity. some times it seemed as if the summit would be cleared in a few moments and smile in sunshine ; but what was gained on one side was lost on another. it was like sitting in a chimney and waiting for the smoke to blow away. it was, in fact, a cloud-factory. occasionally, when the windy columns broke in to me, i caught sight of a dark, damp crag to the right or left ; the mist driving ceaselessly between it and me. some part of the beholder seems to escape between the loose grating of his ribs as he ascends. he is more lone than you can imagine. vast, titanic, inhuman nature has got him at disadvantage. she does not smile on him as in the plains. she seems to say sternly: "why came ye here before your time? this ground is not prepared for you. is it not enough that i smile in the valleys? i have never made this soil for thy feet, this air for thy breathing, these rocks for thy neighbors. i cannot pity nor fondle thee here, but katahdin 43 forever relentlessly drive thee hence to where i am kind." at length, fearing that my companions would be anxious to reach the river before night, and knowing that the clouds might rest on the mountain for days, i was compelled to descend. occasionally, as i came down, the wind would blow a vista open, through which i could see the country eastward, boundless forests, and lakes and streams, gleaming in the sun. now and then some small bird of the sparrow family would flit away before me, unable to command its ' course, like a fragment of the gray rock blown off by the wind. i found my companions where i had left them, gathering the mountain cranberries, which filled every crevice between the rocks, together with blueberries, which had a spicier flavor the higher up they grew. from this elevation, just on the skirts of the clouds, we could overlook the country, west and south, for a hundred miles immeasurable forest no clearing, no house ! it did not look as if a solitary traveler had cut so much as a walking-stick there. countless lakes moosehead in the southwest, forty miles long by ten wide; chesuncook, eighteen long by three wide; and a hundred others ; and mountains, also, whose names, for the most part, are known only to the indians. the forest looked like a firm grass sward, and the effect of these lakes in its midst has been well compared to that of a "mirror broken into a thousand fragments, and wildly scattered over the grass, reflecting the full blaze of the sun." setting out on our return to the river, still at an early hour in the day, we decided to follow the course of the 44 katahdin torrent as long as it would not lead us too far out of our way. we thus traveled about four miles in the very torrent itself, continually crossing and recrossing it, leaping from rock to rock, and jumping with the stream down falls of seven or eight feet, or sometimes sliding down on our backs in a thin sheet of water. this ravine had been the scene of an extraordinary freshet in the spring, apparently accompanied by a slide from the mountain. for a rod or two, on either side of its channel, the trees were barked and splin tered up to their tops, the birches bent over, twisted, and sometimes finely split, like a stable-broom; some,' a foot in diameter, snapped off, and whole clumps of trees bent over with the weight of rocks piled on them. in one place we noticed a rock, two or three feet in diameter, lodged nearly twenty feet high in the crotch of a tree. for the whole four miles we saw but one rill emptying in, and the volume of water did not seem to be increased from the first. at one place we were startled by seeing, on a little sandy shelf by the side of the stream, the fresh print of a man's foot; but at last we remembered that we had struck this stream on the way up, and one had de scended into the ravine for a drink. after leaving the torrent, being in doubt about our course, tom threw down his pack at the foot of the loftiest spruce tree at hand, and shinned up the bare trunk some twenty feet, and then climbed through the green tower, lost to our sight, until he held the topmost spray in his hand. " where away does the summit bear? where the burnt lands? "we cried. the last he could only conjecture ; he descried, how ever, a little meadow and pond, lying probably in our katahdin 45 course, which we concluded to steer for. on reaching this secluded meadow, we found fresh tracks of moose on the shore of the pond, and the water was still unsettled as if they had fled before us. a little far ther, in a dense thicket, we seemed to be still on their trail. pursuing this course, we soon reached the open land, which went sloping down some miles toward the penobscot. perhaps i most fully realized that this was primeval, untamed, and forever untamable nature, while coming down this part of the mountain. we were passing over " burnt lands," though they showed no recent marks of fire, hardly so much as a charred stump, but looked rather like a natural pasture for the moose and deer, exceedingly wild and desolate, with occa sional strips of timber crossing them, and low poplars springing up, and patches of blueberries here and there. ere long we recognized some rocks and other features in the landscape, and, quickening our pace, by two o'clock we reached the bateau. here we had expected to dine on trout, but in this glaring sunlight they were slow to take the bait, so we were compelled to make the most of the crumbs of our hard-bread and our pork, which were both nearly exhausted. about four o'clock, the same afternoon, we com menced our return voyage, which would require but little if any poling. in shooting rapids the boatmen use large and broad paddles, instead of poles, to guide the boat with. though we glided so swiftly, and often smoothly, down, where it had cost us no slight effort to get up, our present voyage was attended with far more danger, for if we fairly struck one of the thousand 46 katahdin rocks by which we were surrounded, the boat would be swamped in an instant. when a boat is swamped under these circumstances, the boatmen commonly find no difficulty in keeping afloat at first, for the cur rent keeps both them and their cargo up for a long way down the stream ; and if they can swim, they have only to work their way gradually to the shore. the greatest danger is of being caught in an eddy behind some large rock, and being carried round and round under the surface till they are drowned. mccauslin pointed out some rocks which had been the scene of a fatal accident of this kind. sometimes the body is not thrown out for several hours. in shooting the rapids, the boatman has this problem to solve: to choose a safe course amid a thousand sunken rocks, scattered over a quarter or half a mile, at the same time that he is moving steadily on at the rate of fifteen miles an hour. stop he cannot; the only question is, where will he go ? the bowman chooses the course with all his eyes about him, striking broad off with his paddle, and drawing the boat by main force into her course. the sternman faithfully follows the bow. we were soon at the aboljacarmegus falls. anxious to avoid the delay, as well as the labor, of the portage here, our boatmen went forward first to reconnoitre, and concluded to let the bateau down the falls, carry ing the baggage only over the portage. jumping from rock to rock until nearly in the middle of the stream, we were ready to receive the boat arid let her down over the first fall, some six or seven feet perpendicular. the boatmen stand upon the edge of a shelf of rock in from one to two feet of rapid water, one on each side of the boat, and let it slide gently over, till the katahdin 47 bow is run out ten or twelve feet in the air ; then, let ting it drop squarely, while one holds the painter, the other leaps in, and his companion following, they are whirled down the rapids to a new fall, or to smooth water. in a very few minutes they had accomplished a passage in safety, which would be as foolhardy for the unskillful to attempt as the descent of niagara itself. having carried round pockwockomus falls, our oars soon brought us to the katepskonegan * carry, where we decided to camp, leaving our bateau to be carried over in the morning. one shoulder of each of the boatmen showed a red spot as large as one's hand, worn by the bateau on this expedition; and this shoulder, as it did all the work, was perceptibly lower than its fellow, from long service. the drivers are accustomed to work in the cold water in the spring, rarely ever dry ; and if one falls in all over, he rarely changes his clothes till night, if then even. mccauslin said soberly that he had seen where six men were wholly under water at once, at a jam, with their shoulders to handspikes. if the log did not start, then they had to put out their heads to breathe. the driver works as long as he can see, from dark to dark, and at night has not time to eat his supper and dry his clothes fairly, before he is asleep on his cedar bed. we lay that night on the very bed made by such a party, stretching our tent over the poles which were still standing, but re-shingling the damp and faded bed with fresh leaves. in the morning we carried our boat over and 1 ka-tep-sko-ne'gan. now commonly called debsconeag (deb-sko neg'). 48 katahdin launched it, making haste lest the wind should rise. the boatmen ran down passamagamet, and soon after ambejijis falls, while we walked round with the baggage. we made a hasty breakfast at the head of ambejijis lake, on the remainder of our pork, and were soon rowing across its smooth surface, under a pleasant sky, the mountain being now clear of clouds in the northeast. taking turns at the oars, we shot rapidly across deep cove, the foot of pamadumcook, and the north twin, at the rate of six miles an hour, the wind not being high enough to disturb us, and reached the dam at noon. the boatmen went through one of the log sluices in the bateau, where the fall was ten feet at the bottom, and took us in below. here was the longest rapid in our voyage. now amid the eddies, now darting to this side of the stream, now to that, gliding swift and smooth near to our destruction, or striking broad off with the paddle and drawing the boat to right or left with all our might, in order to avoid a rock, we soon ran through this mile, and floated in quakish lake. after such a voyage, the troubled and angry waters, which once had seemed terrible and not to be trifled with, appeared tamed and subdued ; they had been bearded and worried in their channels, pricked and whipped into submission with the spike-pole and pad dle, gone through and through with impunity, and all their spirit and their danger taken out of them, and the most swollen and impetuous rivers seemed but playthings henceforth. i began, at length, to under stand the boatman's familiarity with, and contempt for, the rapids. "those fowler boys," said mrs. mc causlin, " are perfect ducks for the water." they had katahdin 49 run down to lincoln, according to her, thirty or forty miles, in a bateau, in the night, for a doctor, when it was so dark they could not see a rod before them, and the river was swollen so as to be almost a con tinuous rapid, so that the doctor cried, when they brought him up by daylight, " why, tom, how did you see to steer?" "we did n't steer much only kept her straight." and yet they met with no accident. when we reached the millinocket opposite to tom's house, and were waiting for his folks to set us over, for we had left our bateau above the grand falls, we discovered two canoes, with two men in each, turning up this stream from shad pond, one keeping the oppo site side of a small island before us, while the other ap proached the side where we were standing, examining the banks carefully for muskrats as they came along. the last proved to be louis neptune and his com panion, on their way up to chesuncook after moose; but we hardly knew them. at a little distance they might have been taken for quakers, with their broad brimmed hats, and overcoats with broad capes, seeking a settlement in this sylvania or, nearer at hand, for fashionable gentlemen the morning after a spree. met face to face, these indians in their native woods looked like the sinister and slouching fellows whom you meet picking up strings and paper in the streets of a city. there is, in fact, a remarkable and unexpected resem blance between the degraded savage and the lowest classes in a great city. the one is no more a child of nature than the other. neptune at first was only anx ious to know what we "kill," seeing some partridges in the hands of one of the party, but we had assumed too much anger to permit of a reply. we thought 50 katahdin indians had some honor before. but " me been sick. oh, me unwell now. you make bargain, then me go." they had in fact been delayed by a drunken frolic, and had not yet recovered from its effects. they had some young musquash in their canoes, which they dug out of the banks with a hoe, for food. so they went on up the millinocket, and we kept down the bank of the penobscot, leaving tom at his home. thus a man shall lead his life away here on the edge of the wilderness, in a new world ; shall live, as it were, in the primitive age of the world, a primitive man. he lives three thousand years deep into time. can you well go further back in history than this ? ay ! ay ! for there turns up but now into the mouth of millinocket stream a still more ancient and primitive man. in a bark vessel sewn with the roots of the spruce, with hornbeam paddles, he dips his way along. he builds no house of logs, but a wigwam of skins. he eats no hot bread and sweet cake, but musquash and moose-meat and the fat of bears. he glides up the millinocket and is lost to my sight, as a more dis tant and misty cloud is seen flitting by behind a nearer, and is lost in space. so he goes about his destiny. after having passed the night, and buttered our boots for the last time, at uncle george's, whose dogs almost devoured him for joy at his return, we kept on down the river the next day about eight miles on foot, and then took a bateau, with a man to pole it, to matta wamkeag, ten more. at the middle of that very night, we reached oldtown, where we heard the confused din and clink of a hundred saws, which never rest, and at six o'clock the next morning one of the party was steaming his way to massachusetts. katahdin 51 what is most striking in the maine wilderness is the continuousness of the forest. except the burnt lands, the narrow intervals on the rivers, the bare tops of the high mountains, and the lakes and streams, the forest is uninterrupted. it is even more grim and wild than you had anticipated, a damp and intricate wilderness. the aspect of the country, indeed, is universally stern and savage, excepting the distant views of the for est from hills, and the lake prospects. the lakes are something which you are unprepared for ; they lie so exposed to the light, and the forest is diminished to a fine fringe on their edges. these are riot the artificial forests of an english king. here prevail no forest laws but those of nature. the aborigines have never been dispossessed, nor nature disforested. it is a country full of evergreen trees, of silver birches and watery maples, the ground dotted with insipid small, red berries, and strewn with moss-grown rocks a country diversified with innumerable lakes and rapid streams, peopled with trout, salmon, shad, pickerel, and other fishes ; the forest resounding at rare intervals with the note of the chickadee, the blue jay, and the woodpecker, the scream of the fish hawk and the eagle, the laugh of the loon, and the whistle of ducks along the solitary streams; at night, with the hooting of owls and howling of wolves; in summer, swarming with myriads of black flies and mosquitoes, more formidable than wolves to the white man. such is the home of the moose, the bear, the caribou, the wolf, the beaver, and the indian. who shall describe the inexpressible tenderness and immortal life of the grim forest, where the decaying trees seem to enjoy a perpetual youth; and nature, like a serene infant, is 52 katahdin too happy to make a noise, except by a few tinkling, lisping birds and trickling rills? i am reminded by my journey how exceedingly new this country still is. we have advanced by leaps to the pacific, and left many a lesser oregon and california unexplored behind us. though the railroad and the telegraph have been established on the shores of maine, the indian still looks out from her interior mountains to the sea. there stands the city of bangor, fifty miles up the penobscot, at the head of navigation, the prin cipal lumber depot on this continent, like a star on the edge of night, still hewing at the forests of which it is built, already overflowing with the luxuries and re finement of europe, and sending its vessels to spain, to england, and to the west indies for its groceries and yet only a few axemen have gone " up river," into the howling wilderness which feeds it. twelve miles in the rear is the indian island, the home of the penob scot tribe, and then commence the bateau and the canoe ; and sixty miles above, the country is virtually unmapped and unexplored, and there still waves the virgin forest of the new world. chesuncook at five p. m., september 13, 1853, 1 left boston, in the steamer for bangor. it was a warm and still night, and the sea was as smooth as a small lake in summer, merely rippled. the passengers went singing on the deck till ten o'clock. now we see the cape ann lights, and now pass near a small village-like fleet of mackerel fishers at anchor. from the wonders of the deep we go below to yet deeper sleep. and then the absurdity of being waked up in the night by a man who wants the job of blacking your boots! i trusted that these old customs were abolished. they might with the same propriety insist on blacking your face. i heard of one man who complained that somebody had stolen his boots in the night ; and when he had found them, he wanted to know what they had done to them they had spoiled them he never put that stuff on them ; and the bootblack narrowly escaped paying damages. anxious to get out of tha whale's belly, i rose early, and joined some old salts who were smoking by a dim light on a sheltered part of the deck. i was proud to find that i had stood the voyage so well. we watched the first signs of dawn through an open port ; but the day seemed to hang fire. at length an afri can prince rushed by, observing, "twelve o'clock, gentlemen!" and blew out the light. it was moon rise. so i slunk down into the monster's bowels again. we reached bangor about noon. when i arrived, 54 chesuncook my companion that was to be had gone up river, and engaged an indian, joe aitteon, a son of the governor, to go with us to chesuncook lake. joe arrived by cars at bangor that evening, with his canoe and a compan ion who was going to join him in moose-hunting at chesuncook when we had done with him. they took supper at my friend's house and lodged in his barn. the next morning, joe and his canoe were put on board the stage for moosehead lake, sixty and odd miles distant, an hour before we started in an open wagon. we carried hard-bread, pork, smoked beef, tea, sugar, etc., seemingly enough for a regiment. it rained all day and till the middle of the next fore noon, concealing the landscape almost entirely ; but we had hardly got out of the streets of bangor before i began to be exhilarated by the sight of the wild fir and spruce tops, and those of other primitive evergreens, peering through the mist in the horizon. it was like the sight and odor of cake to a schoolboy. he who rides and keeps the beaten track studies the fences chiefly. near bangor, the fence-posts, on ac count of the frost's heaving them in the clayey soil, were not planted in the ground, but were mortised into a beam lying on the surface. afterwards the prevailing fences were log ones, with sometimes a virginia fence, or else rails slanted over crossed stakes ; and these zigzagged or played leap-frog all the way to the lake, keeping just ahead of us. the houses were far apart, commonly small and of one story. there was very little land under cultivation, yet the forest did not often border the road. we saw large flocks of pigeons, and several times came within a rod or two of partridges in the road. my companion said that in one journey out chesuncook 55 of bangor he and his son had shot sixty partridges from his buggy. the mountain-ash was now very handsome, as also the hobble-bush, with its ripe purple berries mixed with red. the canada thistle was the prevailing weed, the roadside in many places, and fields not long cleared, being densely filled with it as with a crop, to the exclusion of everything else. there were also whole fields full of ferns, now rusty and withering. there were many late buttercups, and fire-weed com monly where there had been a burning, and the pearly everlasting. i noticed occasionally very long troughs which supplied the road with water, and my compan ion said that three dollars annually were granted by the state to one man in each school-district, who provided and maintained a suitable water-trough by the roadside for the use of travelers. maine is banish ing bar-rooms from its highways and conducting the mountain springs thither. at a fork in the road about twenty miles from moose head lake, i saw a guide-post surmounted by a pair of moose-horns, with the word "monson" painted on one blade, and the name of some other town on the other. they are sometimes used for ornamental hat trees, in front entries. we reached monson after dark. at four o'clock the next morning, still in the rain, we pursued our journey. in many places the road was in that condition called repaired, having just been whittled into the required semi-cylindrical form with the shovel and scraper, with all the softest inequalities in the middle, like a hog's back with the bristles up. as you looked off each side of the bare sphere into the horizon, the ditches were awful to behold. 50 chesuncook at a tavern hereabouts the hostler greeted our horse as an old acquaintance, though he did not remember the driver. he said that he had taken care of that little mare for a short time a year or two before at the mount kineo l house, and thought she was not in as good condition as then. every man to his trade. i am not acquainted with a single horse in the world, not even the one that kicked me. we got our first view of moosehead lake a suitably wild-looking sheet of water, sprinkled with small, low islands, which were covered with shaggy spruce and other wild wood seen over the infant port of greenville. there was no summer road any farther in this direction, but a winter road, that is, one passable only when deep snow covers its inequalities, up the east side of the lake about twelve miles. i was here first introduced to joe. he had ridden all the way on the outside of the stage, the day before, in the rain, and was well wetted. he was a good looking indian, twenty-four years old, short and stout, with a broad face and reddish complexion. he had worked a good deal as a lumberman. at eight o'clock the steamer, with her bell and whistle, scaring the moose, summoned us on board. she is chiefly used by lumberers for the transportation of themselves, their boats, and supplies. there were but few passengers : a st. francis indian, two explorers for lumber, three men who landed at sandbar island, and a gentleman who lives on deer island, eleven miles up the lake ; these, i think, were all beside our selves. the lake is much broken by islands, and the scenery 1 kin'e-o. chestjncook 57 is varied and interesting. mountains were seen on all sides but the northwest, their summits now lost in the clouds. you see but three or four houses for the whole length of the lake, or about forty miles, and the shore is an unbroken wilderness. the prevailing wood seemed to be spruce, fir, birch, and rock maple. you could easily distinguish the hard wood from the soft, or " black growth," as it is called, at a great distance, the former being smooth, round-topped, and light green, with a bowery and cultivated look. mount kineo, at which the boat touched, is a peninsula with a narrow neck, about midway the lake on the east side. the precipice on the land side of this is so high and perpendicular that you can jump from the top, many hundred feet, into the water, which makes up behind the point. we reached the head of the lake about noon. the weather had in the meanwhile cleared, though the mountains were still capped with clouds. the steamer here approached a long pier projecting from the northern wilderness, and built of some of its logs, and whistled, where not a cabin nor a mortal was to be seen. at length a mr. hinckley, who has a camp at the other end of the " carry," appeared with a truck drawn by an ox and a horse over a rude log-rail way through the woods. the next thing was to get our canoe and effects over the carry into the penobscot river. this railway from the lake to the river occu pied the middle of a clearing two or three rods wide and perfectly straight through the forest. we walked across while our baggage was drawn behind. there was a very slight rise above the lake and at length a gradual descent to the penobscot, which i 58 chesuncook was surprised to find here a large stream from twelve to fifteen rods wide. at the north end of the carry, in the midst of a clearing of sixty acres or more, there was a log camp with a house adjoining, for the accommodation of the carry-man's family and passing lumberers. we now proceeded to get our dinner and to pitch the canoe. joe took a small brand from the fire and blew the heat and flame against the pitch on his birch, and so melted and spread it. sometimes he put his mouth over the suspected spot and sucked, to see if it admitted air ; and at one place where we stopped he set his canoe high on crossed stakes, and poured water into it. i heard him swear once, during this operation, about his knife being as dull as a hoe. at mid-afternoon we embarked. our birch was nineteen and a half feet long by two and a half at the widest part, and fourteen inches deep, and painted green. this carried us three with our baggage. we had two heavy, though slender, rock-maple paddles. joe placed birch-bark on the bottom for us to sit on, and slanted cedar splints against the cross-bars to pro tect our backs, while he himself sat upon a cross-bar in the stern. the baggage occupied the middle of the canoe. we also paddled by turns in the bows, now sitting with our legs extended, now sitting upon our legs, and now rising upon our knees ; but i found none of these positions endurable, and was reminded of the complaints of the old jesuit missionaries of the torture they endured from long confinement in constrained positions in canoes, in their voyages from quebec to the huron country ; but afterwards i sat on the cross bars, or stood up, and experienced no inconvenience. chesuncook 59 it was deadwater for a couple of miles. the river had been raised about two feet by the rain, and lumberers were hoping for a flood sufficient to bring down the logs that were left in the spring. its banks were seven or eight feet high and densely covered with spruce, fir, arbor-vitse, birch, maple, beech, ash, aspen, many civil-looking elms, now imbrowned, along the stream, and at first a few hemlocks. the immediate shores were also densely covered with alder, willows, and the like. there were a few lily-pads along the sides. many fresh tracks of moose were visible where the water was shallow and on the shore, and the lily-stems were freshly bitten off by them. after paddling about two miles, we turned up lobster stream, which comes in from the southeast. joe said that it was so called from small fresh-water lobsters found in it. my companion wished to look for moose signs, and intended, if it proved worth the while, to camp up that way. the kingfisher flew be fore us, the pigeon woodpecker was seen and heard, and nuthatches and chickadees close at hand. we saw a pair of moose-horns on the shore, and i asked joe if a moose had shed them ; but he said there was a head attached to them, and i knew that they did not shed their heads more than once in their lives. after ascending about a mile and a half, we re turned to the penobscot. just below the mouth of the lobster we found quick water, and the river ex panded to twenty or thirty rods in width. the moose tracks were quite numerous and fresh here. we noticed in a great many places narrow and well-trod den paths by which they had come down to the river, and where they had slid on the steep and clayey bank. 60 chesuncook their tracks were either close to the edge of the stream or in shallow water ; the holes made by their feet in the soft bottom being visible for a long time. they were particularly numerous where there was a small bay bordered by a strip of meadow, or separated from the river by a low peninsula covered with grass, wherein they had waded back and forth and eaten the pads. at one place, where we landed to pick up a duck, which my companion had shot, joe peeled a canoe birch for bark for his hunting-horn. he then asked if we were not going to get the other duck, for his sharp eyes had seen another fall in the bushes a little farther along, and my companion obtained it. we reached, about sundown, a small island at the head of what joe called the moosehorn deadwater (the moosehorn, in which he was going to hunt that night, coming in about three miles below), and on the upper end of this we decided to camp. after clearing a small space amid the dense spruce and fir trees, we covered the damp ground with a shingling of fir-twigs, and, while joe was preparing his birch horn and pitch ing his canoe, for this had to be done whenever we stopped long enough to build a fire, and was the principal labor he took upon himself at such times, we collected fuel for the night, large wet and rotting logs, which had lodged at the head of the island, for our hatchet was too small for effective chopping; but we did not kindle a fire lest the moose should smell it. joe set up a couple of forked stakes, and prepared half a dozen poles, ready to cast one of our blankets over in case it rained in the night. we also plucked the ducks which had been killed for breakfast. while we were thus engaged in the twilight, we chesuncook 61 heard faintly from far down the stream, what sounded like two strokes of a woodchopper's axe, echoing dully through the grim solitude. when we told joe of this he exclaimed, " by george, i'll bet that was a moose! they make a noise like that." at starlight we dropped down the stream as far as the moosehorn, joe telling us that we must be very silent, and he himself making no noise with his paddle while he urged the canoe along with effective impulses. it was a still night and suitable for this purpose, for if there is wind the moose will smell you, and joe was very confident that he should get some. the harvest moon had just risen, and its level rays began to light up the forest on our right, while we glided downward in the shade on the same side, against the little breeze that was stirring. the lofty, spiring tops of the spruce and fir were very black against the sky, close bordering this broad avenue on each side; and the beauty of the scene, as the moon rose above the forest, it would not be easy to describe. a bat flew over our heads, arid we heard a few faint notes of birds from time to time, or the sudden plunge of a musquash, or saw one crossing the stream before us, or heard the sound of a rill emptying in, swollen by the recent rain. about a mile below the island, when the solitude seemed to be growing more complete every moment, we suddenly saw the light and heard the crackling of a fire on the bank, and discovered the camp of the two explorers; they standing before it in their red shirts and talking of the adventures of the day. we glided by without speaking, close under the bank, within a couple of rods of them ; and joe, taking his horn, imi tated the call of the moose, till we suggested that they 62 chesuncook might fire on us. this was the last we saw of them, and we never knew whether they detected or sus pected us. i have often wished since that i was with them. they search for timber over a given section, climbing hills and often high trees to look off ; explore the streams by which it is to be driven, and the like; spend five or six weeks in the woods, they two alone, a hun dred miles or more from any town, roaming about, and sleeping on the ground where night overtakes them, depending chiefly on the provisions they carry with them, though they do not decline what game they come across; and then in the fall they return and make report to their employers. experienced men get three or four dollars a day for this work. it is a solitary and adventurous life. this discovery accounted for the sounds we had heard, and destroyed the prospect of seeing moose yet awhile. at length, when we had left the explorers far behind, joe laid down his paddle, drew forth his birch horn, a straight one about fifteen inches long and three or four wide at the mouth, tied round with strips of the same bark, and, standing up, imitated the call of the moose ugh-ugh-ugh, or oo-oo-oo-oo, and then a prolonged oo-o-o-o-o-o-o-o, and listened attentively for several minutes. we asked him what kind of noise he expected to hear. he said that if a moose heard it, he guessed we should find out ; we should hear him coming half a mile off ; he would come close to, perhaps into, the water, and my companion must wait till he got fair sight, and then aim just behind the shoulder. the moose venture out to the riverside to feed and chesuncook 63 drink at night. earlier in the season the hunters do not use a horn to call them out, but steal upon them as they are feeding along the sides of the stream, and often the first notice they have of one is the sound of the water dropping from its muzzle. an indian whom i heard imitate the voice of the moose, and also that of the caribou and the deer, using a much longer horn than joe's, told me that the first could be heard eight or ten miles, sometimes; it was a loud sort of bellowing sound, clearer and more sonorous than the lowing of cattle, the caribou's a sort of snort, and the small deer's like that of a lamb. at length we turned up the moosehorn. this is a very meandering stream, only a rod or two in width, but comparatively deep, fitly enough named moose horn, whether from its windings or its inhabitants. it was bordered here and there by narrow meadows between the stream and the endless forest, affording favorable places for the moose to feed, and to call them out on. we proceeded half a mile up this, as through a narrow, winding canal, where the tall, dark spruce and firs and arbor-vitae towered on both sides in the moonlight, forming a perpendicular forest-edge of great height. in two places stood a small stack of hay on the bank, ready for the lumberer's use in the winter, looking strange enough there. again and again joe called the moose, placing the canoe close by some favorable point of meadow, but listened in vain to hear one come rushing through the woods, and concluded that they had been hunted too much thereabouts. we saw, many times, what to our imaginations looked like a gigantic moose, with his horns, peering from out the forest-edge, but we saw 64 chesuncook the forest only, and not its inhabitants, that night. so at last we turned about. there was now a little fog on the water, though it was a fine clear night above. several times we heard the hooting of a great horned owl, and told joe that he would call out the moose for him, for he made a sound considerably like the horn. but joe answered that the moose had heard that sound a thousand times and knew better; and oftener still we were startled by the plunge of a musquash. once, when we were listening for moose, we heard come faintly echoing from far through the moss-clad aisles a dull, dry, rushing sound with a solid core to it, yet as if half smothered under the grasp of the luxu riant and fungus-like forest, like the shutting of a door in some distant entry of the damp and shaggy wilder ness. when we asked joe in a whisper what it was, he answered, "tree fall." there is something singularly grand and impressive in the sound of a tree falling in a perfectly calm night like this, as if the agencies which overthrow it did not need to be excited, but worked with a subtle, deliberate, and conscious force, like a boa-constrictor, and more effectively then than even in a windy day. if there is any such difference, perhaps it is because trees with the dews of the night on them are heavier than by day. having reached the camp, about ten o'clock, we kindled our fire and went to bed. each of us had a blanket, in which he lay on the fir-twigs with his extremities toward the fire. it was worth the while to lie down in a country where you could afford such great fires. we had first rolled up a large log, some eighteen inches through and ten feet long, for a back log, to last all night, and then piled on the trees to the chesuncook 65 height of three or four feet, no matter how green or damp. in fact, we burned as much wood that night as would, with economy and an air-tight stove, last a poor family in one of our cities all winter. it was very agreeable, as well as independent, thus lying in the open air, and the fire kept our uncovered extremities warm enough. the jesuit missionaries used to say that in their journeys with the indians in canada they lay on a bed which had never been shaken up since the creation, unless by earthquakes. it is surprising with what impunity and comfort one who has always lain in a warm bed in a close apartment, and studiously avoided draughts of air, can lie down on the ground without a shelter, roll himself in a blanket, and sleep before a fire, in a frosty autumn night, just after a long rain-storm, and even come to enjoy and value the fresh air. ' i lay awake awhile, watching the ascent of the sparks through the firs, and sometimes their descent in half-extinguished cinders on my blanket. they were as interesting as fireworks, going up in endless, suc cessive crowds, each after an explosion, in an eager, serpentine course, some to five or six rods above the treetops before they went out. when we awoke in the morning, there was consid erable frost whitening the leaves. we heard the sound of the chickadee and a few faintly lisping birds, and also of ducks in the water about the island. before the fog had fairly cleared away, we paddled down the stream again. these twenty miles of the penobscot between moosehead and chesuncook lakes are comparatively smooth, but from time to time the water is shallow and rapid, with rocks or gravel-beds 66 chesuncook where you can wade across. i looked very narrowly at the vegetation as we glided along close to the shore, and frequently made joe turn aside for me to pluck a plant. horehound, horsemint, and the sensitive fern grew close to the edge, under the willows and alders and wool-grass on the islands. it was too late for flowers, except a few asters, goldenrods, etc. in sev eral places we noticed the slight frame of a camp amid the forest by the riverside, where some lumberers or hunters had passed a night, and sometimes steps cut in the muddy or clayey bank in front of it. we stopped to fish for trout at the mouth of a small stream called ragmuff. here were the ruins of an old lumbering-camp, and a small space which had for merly been cleared and burned over was now densely overgrown with the red cherry and raspberries. while we were trying for trout, joe wande'red off up the ragmuff on his own errands, and when we were ready to start, was far beyond call. so we were compelled to make a fire and get our dinner here, not to lose time. some dark-reddish birds, with grayer females, and myrtle-birds hopped within six or eight feet of us and our smoke. perhaps they smelled the frying pork. they suggested that the few small birds found in the wilderness are on more familiar terms with the lumber man and hunter than those of the orchard and clearing with the farmer. i have since found the canada jay and partridges equally tame there, as if they had not yet learned to mistrust man entirely. joe at length returned, after an hour and a half, and said that he had been two miles up the stream explor ing and had seen a moose. as we continued down the stream i asked him how the ribs of the canoe chesuncook 67 were fastened to the side rails. he answered, " i don't know, i never noticed." talking with him about subsisting wholly on what the woods yielded, game, fish, berries, etc., i sug gested that his ancestors did so; but he answered that he had been brought up in such a way that he could not do it. "yes," said he, "that's the way they got a living, like wild fellows, wild as bears. by george ! i shan't go into the woods without provision hard bread, pork, etc." he had brought on a barrel of hard-bread and stored it at the carry for his hunting. however, though he was a governor's son, he had not learned to read. my eyes were all the while on the trees, distinguish ing between the black and white spruce and the fir. you paddle along in a narrow canal through an end less forest, and the vision i have in my mind's eye, still, is of the small, dark, and sharp tops of tall fir and spruce trees, and pagoda-like arbor-vitses, crowded together on each side, with various hard woods inter mixed. at one place we saw a small grove of slen der sapling white pines, the only collection of pines that i saw on this voyage. here and there, however, was a full-grown, tall, and slender, but defective one. all the rest of the pines had been driven off. how far men go for the material of their houses ! the inhabitants of the most civilized cities, in all ages, send into far, primitive forests, beyond the bounds of their civilization, where the moose and bear and sav age dwell, for their pine boards. and, on the other hand, the savage soon receives from cities iron arrow points, hatchets, and guns, to point his savageness with. 68 chesuncook the solid and well-defined fir-tops, like sharp and regular spearheads, black against the sky, gave a pe culiar dark and sombre look to the forest. the spruce tops have a similar but more ragged outline. i was struck by this universal spiring upward of the forest evergreens. not only the spruce and fir, but even the arbor-vitse and white pine, all spire upwards, lifting a dense spearhead of cones to the light and air, while their branches straggle after as they may. about six miles below ragmuff we turned up a small branch called pine stream to look for moose signs. we soon reached a small meadow which was for the most part densely covered with alders. as we were advancing along the edge of this, i heard a slight crackling of twigs deep in the alders, and turned joe's attention to it ; whereupon he began to push the canoe back rapidly. we had receded thus half a dozen rods when we spied two moose standing just on the edge of the open part of the meadow which we had passed, not more than six or seven rods distant, looking round the alders' at us. they made me think of rabbits, with their long ears and half-inquisitive, half-fright ened looks, the true denizens of the forest, filling a vacuum which now first i discovered had not been filled for me. our nimrod hastily stood up, and, while we ducked, fired over our heads one barrel at the foremost ; where upon this one dashed across the meadow and up a high bank. at the same instant the other, a young one, but as tall as a horse, leaped out into the stream in full sight, and there stood for a moment and uttered two or three trumpeting squeaks. the second barrel was leveled at the calf, and when we expected to see it drop, a loggers camp a cow moose chesuncook 69 after a little hesitation it, too, got out of the water, and dashed up the hill. from the style in which they went off, and the fact that our hunter was not used to stand ing up and firing from a canoe, i judged that we should not see anything more of them. the indian said that they were a cow and her calf a yearling, or perhaps two years old. it was but two or three rods across the meadow to the foot of the bank, which, like all the world thereabouts, was densely wooded ; but as soon as the moose had passed beyond the veil of the woods there was no sound of footsteps to be heard from the soft, damp moss which carpets that forest, and long before we landed perfect silence reigned. joe said, "if you wound 'em moose, me sure get 'em." we all landed at once. my companion reloaded ; the indian fastened his birch, threw off his hat, adjusted his waistband, seized the hatchet, and set out. he told me afterward that before we landed he had seen a drop of blood on the bank when it was two or three rods off. he proceeded rapidly through the woods with a pe culiar elastic and stealthy tread, looking to right and left on the ground, and stepping in the faint tracks of the wounded moose, now and then pointing in silence to a single drop of blood on the handsome shining leaves of the clintonia borealis, which on every side covered the ground, or to a dry fern-stem freshly broken, all the while chewing some leaf or else the spruce gum. after following the trail about forty rods in a pretty direct course, stepping over fallen trees and winding between standing ones, he at length lost it, for there were many other moose-tracks there, and returning once more to the last blood-stain, traced it a little way and lost it again, and gave it up entirely. he traced a few steps, 70 chesuncook also, the tracks of the calf; but, seeing no blood, soon relinquished the search. i observed, while he was tracking the moose, a cer tain reticence or moderation in him. he did not com municate several observations of interest which he made, as a white man would have done. at another time, when we heard a slight crackling of twigs and he landed to reconnoitre, he stepped lightly and grace fully, stealing through the bushes with the least pos sible noise, in a way in which no white man does as it were, finding a place for his foot each time. we pursued our voyage up pine stream, and soon coming to a part which was very shoal and also rapid, we took out the baggage and proceeded to carry it round, while joe got up with the canoe alone. we were just completing our portage when joe found the cow moose lying dead in the middle of the stream, which was so shallow that it rested on the bottom with hardly a third of its body above water. it had run about a hundred rods and sought the stream, cutting off a slight bend. no doubt a better hunter would have tracked it to this spot at once. my companion went in search of the calf again. i took hold of the ears of the moose, while joe pushed his canoe down-stream toward a favorable shore, and so we made out, though with some difficulty, its long nose frequently sticking in the bottom, to drag it into still shallower water. it was a brownish black, or a dark iron-gray, on the back and sides, but lighter beneath and in front. the extreme length was eight feet and two inches. another cow moose, which i have since measured in those woods, was six feet from the tip of the hoof to the shoulders, and eight feet long. chesuncook 71 a white hunter told me that the male was sometimes nine feet high to the top of the back, and weighed a thousand pounds. only the male has horns, and they rise two feet or more above the shoulders, which would make him in all, sometimes, eleven feet high ! the moose is singularly grotesque and awkward to look at. it reminded me of the camelopard, high before and low behind, and no wonder, for like it, it is fitted to browse on trees. the upper lip projected two inches beyond the lower for this purpose. joe proceeded to skin the moose with a pocket-knife; and a tragical business it was to see the ghastly naked red carcass appearing from within its seemly robe. at length joe had stripped off the hide and dragged it to the shore. he cut off a large mass of the meat to carry along, and another, together with the tongue and nose, he put with the hide on the shore to lie there all night, or till we returned. i was surprised that he thought of leaving this meat thus exposed by the side of the carcass, not fearing that any creature would touch it; but nothing did. this stream was so withdrawn, and the moose tracks were so fresh, that my companions, still bent on hunting, concluded to go farther up it and camp, and then hunt up or down at night. half a mile above this, as we paddled along, joe, hearing a slight rustling amid the alders and seeing something black, jumped up and whispered, " bear ! " but before the hunter had discharged his piece, he corrected himself to " beaver! hedgehog ! " the bullet killed a large hedgehog more than two feet and eight inches long. after about a mile of still water, we prepared our camp just at the foot of a considerable fall. little chopping was done 72 chesuncook that night, for fear of scaring the moose. we had moose-meat fried for supper. it tasted like tender beef, with perhaps more flavor. after supper, the moon having risen, we proceeded to hunt a mile up this stream, first "carrying" about the falls. we launched the canoe from the ledge over which the stream fell, but after half a mile of still water suitable for hunting, it became rapid again, and we were compelled to make our way along the shore, while joe endeavored to get up in the birch alone, though it was very difficult for him to pick his way amid the rocks in the night. we on the shore t^und the worst of walking, a perfect chaos of fallen and drifted trees, and of bushes projecting far over the water, and now and then we made our way across the mouth of a small tributary on a network of alders. so we went tumbling on in the dark, being on the shady side, effectually scaring all the moose and bears that might be thereabouts. at length we came to a standstill, and joe went forward to reconnoitre ; but he reported that it was a continuous rapid as far as he went, with no prospect of improve ment. so we turned about, hunting back to the camp through the still water. i got sleepy as it grew late, and fairly lost myself in sleep several times ; but all at once i would be aroused by the sound of joe's birch horn in the midst of all this silence calling the moose, ugh, ugh, oo-oo-oo-oo-oo-oo, and i prepared to hear a furious moose come rushing and crashing through the forest, and see him burst out on to the little strip of meadow by our side. but i had had enough of moose-hunting. i had been willing to learn how the indian manoeuvred ; but one moose killed was as good, if not as bad, as a dozen. chesuncook 73 the afternoon's tragedy, and my share in it, destroyed the pleasure of my adventure. i think that i could spend a year in the woods, fishing and hunting just enough to sustain myself, with satisfaction. this would be next to living like a philosopher on the fruits of the earth which you had raised. but this hunting of the moose merely for the satisfaction of killing him, not even for the sake of his hide, without making any extraordinary exertion or running any risk yourself, is too much like going out by night to some woodside pasture and shooting your neighbor's horses. these are god's own horses, poor, timid creatures, that will run fast enough as soon as they smell you, though they are nine feet high. joe told us of some hunters who a year or two before had shot down several oxen by night, somewhere in the maine woods, mistaking them for moose. and so might any of the hunters, and what is the difference in the sport, but the name ? in the former case, having killed one of god's oxen, you strip off its hide, because that is the common trophy, and, moreover, you have heard that it may be sold for moccasins, cut a steak from its haunches, and leave the huge carcass to smell to heaven for you. it is no better than to assist at a slaughter-house. this afternoon's experience suggested to me how base or coarse are the motives which commonly carry men into the wilderness. the explorers and lumberers generally are all hirelings, paid so much a day for their labor, and as such they have no more love for wild nature than wood-sawyers have for forests. other white men and indians who come here are for the most part hunters, whose object is to slay as many moose and other wild animals as possible. but could not 74 chesuncook one spend some weeks or years in the solitude of this vast wilderness with other employments than these employments perfectly sweet and innocent and ennobling? i already, and for weeks afterward, felt my nature the coarser for this part of my woodland experience, and was reminded that our life should be lived as tenderly and daintily as one would pluck a flower. with these thoughts, when we reached our camping ground, i decided to leave my companions to continue moose-hunting down the stream, while i prepared the camp, though they requested me not to chop much nor make a large fire, for fear i should scare their game. in the midst of the damp fir wood, high on the mossy bank, about nine o'clock of this bright moon light night, i kindled a fire, when they were gone, and, sitting on the fir-twigs, within sound of the falls, wrote down some of the reflections which i have here expanded. as i sat there, i remembered how far on every hand that wilderness stretched, before you came to cleared or cultivated fields, and wondered if any bear or moose was watching the light of my fire. strange that so few ever come to the woods to see how the pine lives and grows and spires, lifting its evergreen arms to the light to see its perfect success. most are content to behold it in the shape of many broad boards brought to market, and deem that its true success. but the pine is no more lumber than man is; and to be made into boards and houses is no more its true and highest use than the truest use of a man is to be cut down and made into manure. can he who has discovered only some of the values of whale bone and whale-oil be said to have discovered the true chesuncook 75 use of the whale ? can he who slays the elephant for his ivory be said to have " seen the elephant " ? these are petty and accidental uses; just as if a stronger race were to kill us in order to make buttons and flageolets of our bones; for everything may serve a lower as well as a higher use. every creature is better alive than dead, men and moose and pine-trees, and he who understands it aright will rather preserve its life than destroy it. is it the lumberman, then, who is the friend and lover of the pine, stands nearest to it, and understands its nature best ? no ! no ! it is the poet ; who does not fondle it with an axe, nor tickle it with a saw, nor stroke it with a plane, who knows whether its heart is false without cutting into it, who has not bought the stumpage of the township on which it stands. all the pines shudder and heave a sigh when that man steps on the forest floor. i have been into the lumber-yard, and the carpenter's shop, and the lampblack-factory, and the turpentine clearing ; but when at length i saw the tops of the pines waving and reflecting the light at a distance high over all the rest of the forest, i realized that the former were not the highest use of the pine. it is not their bones or hide or tallow that i love most. it is the living spirit of the tree, not its spirit of tur pentine, with which i sympathize and which heals my cuts. ere long the hunters returned, not having seen a moose, but bringing a quarter of the dead one, which, with ourselves, made quite a load for the canoe. after breakfasting on moose-meat, we returned down pine stream on our way to chesuncook lake. just below the mouth of this stream were the rapids 76 chesuncook called pine stream falls. joe ran down alone while we walked over the portage, my companion collecting spruce gum for his friends at home, and i looking for flowers. near the lake were islands, and a low, meadowy shore with scattered trees slanted over the water. there was considerable grass ; and even a few cattle were pastured there. on entering the lake we had a view of the moun tains about katahdin, like a cluster of blue fungi of rank growth, apparently twenty-five or thirty miles distant, their summits concealed by clouds. the clear ing to which we were bound was reached by going round a low point. chesuncook lake is called eighteen miles long and three wide. ansell smith's, the principal clearing about this lake, appeared to be quite a harbor for bateaux and canoes, and there was a small scow for hay. there were five other huts with small clearings on the oppo site side of the lake. one of the smiths told me that they came here to live four years before. as we approached the log house, a dozen rods from the lake and considerably elevated above it, the pro jecting ends of the logs lapping over each other irreg ularly several feet at the corners gave it a very rich and picturesque look. it was a low building, about eighty feet long, with many large apartments. the walls were well clayed between the logs, which were large and round, except on the upper and under sides, and as visible inside as out, successive bulging cheeks gradually lessening upward. as for ornamentation, there were the lichens and mosses and fringes of bark. we certainly leave the handsomest paint and clap boards behind in the woods, when we strip off the chesuncook 77 bark. for beauty, give me trees with the fur on. this house was designed and constructed with the freedom of stroke of a forester's axe, without other compass and square than nature uses. wherever the logs were cut off by a window or door, that is, were not kept in place by alternate overlapping, they were held one upon another by very large pins, driven in diagonally on each side and then cut off so as not to project beyond the bulge of the log, as if the logs clasped each other in their arms, these logs were posts, studs, boards, clapboards, laths, plaster, and nails, all in one. where the citizen uses a mere sliver or board, the pioneer uses the whole trunk of a tree. the house had large stone chimneys, and was roofed with spruce bark. one end was a loggers' 'camp, for the boarders, with the usual fir floor and log benches. thus this house was but a slight departure from the hollow tree, which the bear still inhabits being a hollow made with trees piled up, with a coating of bark like its original. the cellar was a separate building, like an ice-house, and it answered for a refrigerator at this season, our moose-meat being kept there. there was a large barn, part of whose boards had been sawed by a whip-saw ; and the saw-pit, with its great pile of dust, remained before the house. there was also a blacksmith's shop, where plainly a good deal of work was done. the oxen and horses used in lumbering operations were shod, and all the iron-work of sleds, etc., was repaired or made here. smith owned two miles down the lake by half a mile in width. there were about one hundred acres cleared. he cut seventy tons of hay this year on this 78 chesuncook ground, and twenty more on another clearing, and he uses it all himself in lumbering operations. there was a large garden full of roots, turnips, beets, car rots, potatoes, etc. they said that they were worth as much here as in new york. there was the usual long-handled axe of the primi tive woods by the door, and a large, shaggy dog, whose nose, report said, was full of porcupine quills. i can testify that he looked very sober. this is the usual fortune of pioneer dogs, for they have to face the brunt of the battle for their race. if he should invite one of his town friends up this way, suggesting moose-meat and unlimited freedom, the latter might pertinently inquire, " what is that sticking in your nose ? " when a generation or two have used up all the enemies' darts, their successors lead a comparatively easy life. no doubt our town dogs still talk, in a snuffling way, about the days that tried dogs' noses. how they got a cat up there i do not know, for they are as shy as my aunt about entering a canoe. i wondered that she did not run up a tree on the way ; but perhaps she was bewildered by the very crowd of opportunities. twenty or thirty lumberers, yankee and canadian, were coming and going, and from time to time an indian touched here. in the winter there are some times a hundred men lodged here at once. the white pine tree was at the bottom or farther end of all this. it is a war against the pines. i have no doubt that they lived pretty [much the same sort of life in the homeric age, for men have always thought more of eating than of fighting. then, as now, their minds ran chiefly on the " hot bread and sweet cakes " ; chesuncook 79 and the fur and lumber trade is an old story to asia and europe. i doubt if men ever made a trade of heroism. after a dinner at which apple-sauce was the greatest luxury to me, but our moose-meat was oftenest called for by the lumberers, i walked across the clearing into the forest, southward, returning along the shore. for my dessert, i helped myself to a large slice of the chesuncook woods, and took a hearty draught of its waters with all my senses. the shore was of coarse, flat, slate rocks, often in slabs, with the surf beating on it. they said that in winter the snow was three feet deep on a level here that the ice on the lake was two feet thick clear, and four feet including the snow-ice. we lodged here sunday night in a comfortable bed room. the sight of one of these frontier houses built of great logs, whose inhabitants have unflinchingly main tained their ground many summers and winters in the wilderness, reminds me of famous forts, like ticon deroga or crown point, which have sustained mem orable sieges. they are especially winter-quarters, and at this season this one had a partially deserted look, as if the siege were raised a little, the snow-banks being melted from before it, and its garrison accord ingly reduced. i think of their daily food as rations; a bible and a greatcoat are munitions of war, and a single man seen about the premises is a sentinel on duty. early the next morning we started on our return up the penobscot. our host allowed us something for the quarter of the moose which we had brought, and which he was glad to get. two explorers from chamberlain 80 chesuncook lake started at the same time that we did. red flannel shirts should be worn in the woods, if only for the fine contrast which this color makes with the evergreens and the water. thus i thought when i saw the forms of the explorers in their birch, poling up the rapids be fore us, far off against the forest. we stopped to dine at ragmuff. my companion wandered up the stream to look for moose while joe went to sleep on the bank, and i improved the opportunity to botanize and bathe. soon after starting again, while joe was gone back in the canoe for the frying-pan, which had been left, we picked a couple of quarts of tree-cranberries for a sauce. i was surprised by joe's asking me how far it was to the moosehorn. he was pretty well acquainted with this stream, but he had noticed that i was curious about distances and had several maps. he, and indians gen erally with whom i have talked, are not able to de scribe dimensions or distances in our measures with any accuracy. he could tell, perhaps, at what time we should arrive, but not how far it was. we saw a few wood ducks, sheldrakes, and black ducks. we also heard the note of one fish hawk, and soon after saw him perched near the top of a dead white pine, while a company of peetweets were twittering and teeter ing about over the carcass of a moose on a low sandy spit just beneath. we drove the fish hawk from perch to perch, each time eliciting a scream or whistle, for many miles before us. our course being up-stream, we were obliged to work much harder than before, and had frequent use for a pole. sometimes all three of us paddled together, standing up. about six miles from moosehead, we began to see the mountains east of the chesuncook 81 north end of the lake, and at four o'clock we reached the carry. three indians were encamped here, including the st. francis indian who had come in the steamer with us. one of the others was called sabattis. 1 joe and the st. francis indian were plainly clear indian, the other two apparently mixed indian and white. we here cooked the tongue of the moose for supper having left the nose, which is esteemed the choicest part, at chesuncook, it being a good deal of trouble to prepare it. we also stewed our tree-cranberries, sweetening them with sugar. this sauce was very grateful to us who had been confined to hard-bread, pork, and moose-meat. while we were getting supper, joe commenced cur ing the moose-hide, on which i had sat a good part of the voyage, he having already cut most of the hair off with his knife. he set up two stout forked poles on the bank, seven or eight feet high, and as much asunder, and having cut slits eight or ten inches long, and the same distance apart, close to the edge, on the sides of the hide, he threaded poles through them, and then, placing one of the poles on the forked stakes, tied the other down tightly at the bottom. the two ends were tied with cedar-bark to the upright poles, through small holes at short intervals. the hide, thus stretched and slanted a little to the north, to expose its flesh side to the sun, measured eight feet long by six high. we decided to stop here, my companion intending to hunt down the stream at night. the indians invited us to lodge with them, but my companion inclined to go to the log-camp on the carry. this camp was close 82 chesuncook and dirty, and had an ill smell, and i preferred to ac cept the indians' offer, if we did not make a camp for ourselves; for though they were dirty too, they were more in the open air and were much more agreeable, and even refined, company than the lumberers. the most interesting question at the lumberers' camp was, which man could " handle " any other on the carry. so we went to the indians' camp or wigwam. it was rather windy, and therefore joe concluded to hunt after midnight if the wind went down. the two mixed-bloods, however, went off up the river for moose at dark. this indian camp was a slight, patched-up affair, which had stood there several weeks, built shed fashion, open to the fire on the west. if the wind changed, they could turn it round. it was formed by two forked stakes and a cross-bar, with rafters slanted from this to the ground. the covering was partly an old sail, partly birch-bark securely tied on, and coming down to the ground on the sides. a large log was rolled up at the back, and two or three moose-hides were spread on the ground with the hair up. various articles of their wardrobe were tucked around the sides and corners, or under the roof. they were smoking moose meat in front of the camp over the usual large fire. two stout forked stakes, four or five feet apart and five feet high, were driven into the ground at each end, and then two poles ten feet long were stretched across over the fire, and smaller ones laid on these a foot apart. on the last hung large, thin slices of moose-meat smoking and drying, a space being left open over the centre of the fire. they said that it took three or four days to cure this meat, and it would keep a year or more. refuse pieces lay about on the ground in differ chesuncook 83 ent stages of decay, and some pieces also in the fire, half buried and sizzling in the ashes, as black and dirty as an old shoe. these last i at first thought were thrown away, but afterwards found that they were being cooked. a tremendous rib-piece was roasting before the fire, being impaled on an upright stake forced in and out between the ribs. there was a moose-hide stretched and curing on poles, and quite a pile of cured skins close by. they had killed twenty-two moose within two months, but, as they could use very little of the meat, they left the carcasses on the ground. altogether it was about as savage a sight as was ever witnessed. there were many torches of birch-bark, shaped like straight tin horns, lying ready for use on a stump outside. for fear of dirt we spread our blankets over their hides so as not to touch them anywhere. the st. francis indian and joe alone were there at first, and we lay on our backs talking with them till midnight. they were very sociable, and, when they did not talk with us, kept up a steady chatting in their own lan guage. while lying there listening to the indians, i amused myself with trying to guess at their subject by their gestures, or some proper name introduced. it was a purely wild and primitive american sound and i could not understand a syllable of it. these were the sounds that issued from the wigwams of this country before columbus was born. i felt that i stood, or rather lay, as near to the primitive man of america that night as any of its discoverers ever did. meanwhile, joe was making and trying his horn, to be ready for hunting after midnight. the st. francis 84 chesuncook indian also amused himself with sounding it, or rather calling through it ; for the sound is made with the voice, and not by blowing through the horn. the latter ap peared to be a speculator in moose-hides. he bought my companion's for two dollars and a quarter, green. its chief use is for moccasins. one or two of these in dians wore them. the st. francis indian could write his name very well, tahmunt swasen. i asked sabattis, after he came home, if the moose never attacked him. he answered that you must not fire many times, so as to mad him. "i fire once and hit him in the right place, and in the morning i find him. he won't go far. but if you keep firing, you mad him. i fired once five bullets, every one through the heart, and he did not mind 'em at all ; it only made him more mad." i asked him if they did not hunt them with dogs. he said that they did so in winter, but never in the sum mer, for then it was of no use ; they would run right off straight and swiftly a hundred miles. another indian said that the moose, once scared, would run all day. a dog will hang to their lips and be carried along till he is swung against a tree and drops off. they cannot run on a "glaze," though they can run in snow four feet deep ; but the caribou can run on ice. they commonly find two or three moose together. they cover themselves with water, all but their noses, to escape flies. an indian, whom i met after this at oldtown, told me that the moose were very easily tamed, and would come back when once fed, and so would deer. the indians of this neighborhood are about as familiar with the moose as we are with the ox, having associated with them for so many generations. chesuncook 85 there were none of the small deer up there ; they are more common about the settlements. one ran into the city of bangor two years before, and jumped through a window of costly plate glass, and then into a mirror, where it thought it recognized one of its kind , and out again, and so on, leaping over the heads of the crowd, until it was captured. this the inhabitants speak of as the deer that went a-shopping. i had put the ears of our moose, which were ten inches long, to dry with the moose-meat over the fire, wishing to preserve them ; but sabattis told me that i must skin and cure them, else the hair would all come off. i asked him how he got fire, and he produced a little box of friction matches. he also had flints and steel and some punk. " but suppose you upset, and all these and your powder get wet." "then," said he, " we wait till we get to where there is some fire." i pro duced from my pocket a little vial containing matches, stoppled water-tight, and told him that though we were upset, we should still have some dry matches, at which he stared without saying a word. late at night the other two indians came home from moose-hunting, not having been successful, aroused the fire, lighted their pipes, smoked awhile, took some thing strong to drink, ate some moose-meat, and, find ing what room they could, lay down on the moose hides ; and thus we passed the night, two white men and four indians side by side. when i awoke in the morning the weather was driz zling. one of the indians was lying outside, rolled in his blanket, on the opposite side of the fire, for want of room. joe had neglected to awake my companion and he had done no hunting that night. the indians baked 86 chesuncook a loaf of flour bread in a spider on its edge before the fire for their breakfast ; and while my companion was making tea, i caught a dozen sizable fishes in the penobscot. after we had breakfasted by ourselves, one of our bedfellows, who had also breakfasted, came along, and, being invited, took a cup of tea, and finally, taking up the common platter, licked it clean. the rain prevented our continuing any longer in the woods ; so, giving some of our provisions and uten sils to the indians, we took leave of them. this being the steamer's day, i set out for the lake at once. i walked over the carry alone and waited at the head of the lake. i noticed at the landing, when the steamer came in, one of our bedfellows, who had been moose hunting the night before, now very sprucely dressed in a clean white shirt and fine black pants, a true indian dandy, who had evidently come over the carry to show himself to any arrivers on the north shore of moose head lake. midway the lake we took on board two middle-aged men, with their bateau, who had been exploring for six weeks as far as the canada line. i talked with one of them, telling him that i had come all this distance partly to see where the white pine, the eastern stuff of which our houses are built, grew, but that i had found it a scarce tree; and i asked him where i must look for it. with a smile he answered that he could hardly tell me. however, he said that he had found enough to employ two teams the next winter. what was consid ered a "tip-top" tree now was not looked at twenty years ago, when he first went into the business. one connected with lumbering operations at ban gor told me that the largest pine belonging to his firm, chesuncook 87 cut the previous winter, " scaled " in the woods four thousand five hundred feet, and was worth ninety dollars in the log at the boom in oldtown. they cut a road three and a half miles long for this tree alone. we reached monson that night, and the following day rode to bangor. the next forenoon we went to oldtown. a catholic priest crossed to the island in the same bateau with us. the indian houses are framed, mostly of one story, and in rows one behind another at the south end of the island, with a few scattered ones. i counted about forty, not including the church and what my companion called the council-house. the last was regularly framed and shingled like the rest. there were several of two stories, quite neat, with front yards inclosed , and one at least had green blinds. here and there were moose-hides stretched and drying about them. there were.no cart-paths, nor tracks of horses, but footpaths; very little land cultivated, but an abundance of weeds, indigenous and naturalized ; more introduced weeds than useful vege tables, as the indian is said to cultivate the vices rather than the virtues of the white man. yet this village was cleaner than i expected. the children were not particularly ragged nor dirty. the little boys met us with bow in hand and arrow on string and cried, " put up a cent." verily the indian has but a feeble hold on his bow now, but the curiosity of the white man is insatiable, and from the first he has been eager to witness this forest accomplishment. alas for the hunter race ! the white man has driven off their game, and substituted a cent in its place. i saw an indian woman washing at the water's edge. she stood on a rock, and after dipping the clothes in the stream, 88 chesuncook laid them on the rock, and beat them with a short club. the graveyard was crowded with graves and overrun with weeds. we called on governor neptune, who lived in a little "ten-footer," one of the humblest of them all. when we entered the room, which was one half of the house, he was sitting on the side of the bed. there was a clock hanging in one corner. he had on a black frock coat, and black pants, much worn, white cotton shirt, socks, a red silk handkerchief about his neck, and a straw hat. his black hair was only slightly grayed. he was no darker than many old white men. he told me that he was eighty-nine ; but he was going moose-hunting that fall, as he had been the previous one. probably his companions did the hunting. we saw various squaws dodging about. one sat on the bed by his side and helped him out with his stories. they were remarkably corpulent, with smooth, round faces, apparently full of good-humor. while we were there, one went over to oldtown, returned, and cut out a dress, which she had bought, on another bed in the room. the governor said that he could remem ber when the moose were much larger; that they did not use to be in the woods, but came out of the water, as all deer did. " moose was whale once. away down merrimac way, a whale came ashore in a shallow bay. sea went out and left him, and he came up on land a moose." but we talked mostly with the governor's son-in law; and the governor, being so old and deaf, per mitted himself to be ignored while we asked questions about him. the former said that there were two polit ical parties among them one in favor of schools and chesuncook 89 the other opposed to them. the first had just pre vailed at the election and sent their man to the legis lature. neptune and aitteon and he himself were in favor of schools. he said, "if indians got learning, they would keep their money." a very small black puppy rushed into the room and made at the governor's feet, as he sat in his stockings with his legs dangling from the bedside. the governor rubbed his hands and dared him to come on, entering into the sport with spirit. an indian was making canoes behind a house and i made a faithful study of canoe-building. i thought that i should like to serve an apprenticeship at that trade for one season, going into the woods for bark with my " boss," making the canoe there, and returning in it at last. while the bateau was coming over to take us off, i picked up some fragments of arrowheads on the shore, and one broken stone chisel, which were greater novelties to the indians than to me. the indians on the island appeared to live quite happily and to be well treated by the inhabitants of old town. we visited veazie's mills, just below the island, where were sixteen sets of saws. on one side they were hauling the logs up an inclined plane by water-power ; on the other, passing out the boards, planks, and sawed timber, and forming them into rafts. i was surprised to find a boy collecting the long edgings of boards as fast as cut off, and thrusting them down a hopper, where they were ground up beneath the mill, that they might be out of the way ; otherwise they accumulate in vast piles by the side of the building, increasing the danger from fire, or, floating off, they 90 chesuncook obstruct the river. this was not only a sawmill, but a gristmill, then. the inhabitants of oldtown and bangor cannot suffer for want of kindling stuff, surely. some get their living exclusively by picking up the driftwood and selling it by the cord in the winter. in one place i saw where an irishman, who keeps a team and a man for the purpose, had covered the shore for a long distance with regular piles, and i was told that he had sold twelve hundred dollars' worth in a year. another, who lived by the shore, told me that he got all the material of his out-buildings and fences from the river; and in that neighborhood i perceived that this refuse wood was frequently used instead of sand to fill hollows with, being apparently cheaper than dirt. no one has yet described for me the difference be tween that wild forest which once occupied our oldest townships and the tame one which i find there to-day. the civilized man not only clears the land permanently to a great extent, and cultivates open fields, but he tames and cultivates to a certain extent the forest itself. by his mere presence, almost, he changes the nature of the trees as no other creature does. the sun and air, and perhaps fire, have been introduced. it has lost its wild, damp, and shaggy look ; the countless fallen and decaying trees are gone, and consequently that thick coat of moss which lived on them is gone too. the earth is comparatively bare and smooth and dry. the most primitive places left with us are the swamps. the surface of the ground in the maine woods is every where spongy and saturated with moisture. i noticed that the plants which cover the forest floor there are such as are commonly confined to swamps with us orchises, creeping snowberry, and others. chesuncook 91 the greater part of new brunswick, the northern half of maine, and adjacent parts of canada, not to mention the northeastern part of new york and other tracts farther off, are still covered with an almost unbroken pine forest. but a good part of maine is already bare and commonplace. we seem to think that the earth must go through the ordeal of sheep pasturage before it is habitable by man . every sizable pine and oak, or other forest tree, cut down within the memory of man ! as if individual speculators were to be allowed to export the clouds out of the sky, or the stars out of the firmament, one by one. we shall be reduced to gnaw the very crust of the earth for nutri ment. at this rate, we shall all be obliged to let our beards grow, if only to hide the nakedness of the land and make a sylvan appearance. the farmer sometimes talks of "brushing up," as if bare ground looked better than that which wears its natural vesture as if the wild hedges, which perhaps are more to his children than his whole farm besides, were dirt. i know of one who deserves to be called the tree-hater. you would think that he had been warned by an oracle that he would be killed by the fall of a tree, and so was resolved to anticipate them. the journalists think that they cannot say too much in favor of such "improvements" in husbandry; but these "model farms " are commonly places merely where somebody is making money. nevertheless, it was a relief to get back to our smooth, but still varied landscape. for a permanent residence, it seemed to me that there could be no comparison between this and the wilderness, necessary 92 chesuncook as the latter is for a resource and a background, the raw material of all our civilization. the wilderness is simple, almost to barrenness. the partially culti vated country it is which chiefly has inspired, and will continue to inspire, the strains of poets. perhaps our own woods and fields, with the primitive swamps scattered here and there in their midst, but not pre vailing over them, are the perfection of parks and groves, gardens, arbors, paths, vistas, and landscapes. they are the natural consequence of what art and refinement we as a people have the common which each village possesses, its true paradise, in compari son with which all elaborately and willfully wealth constructed parks and gardens are paltry imitations. the poet's, commonly, is not a logger's path, but a woodman's. the logger and pioneer have preceded him, like john the baptist; eaten the wild honey, it may be, but the locusts also; banished decaying wood and the spongy mosses which feed on it, and built hearths and humanized nature for him. but there are spirits of a yet more liberal culture, to whom no simplicity is barren. there are not only stately pines, but fragile flowers, like the orchises, commonly described as too delicate for cultivation, which derive their nutriment from the crudest mass of peat. these remind us that, not only for strength but for beauty, the poet must from time to time travel the logger's path and the indian's trail, to drink at some new and more bracing fountain of the muses, far in the recesses of the wilderness. the kings of england formerly had their forests " to hold the king's game," for sport or food, some times destroying villages to create or extend them ; and chesuncook 93 i think that they were impelled by a true instinct. why should not we have our national preserves, in which the bear and panther, and some even of the hunter race, may still exist, and not be "civilized off the face of the earth," our forests, not for idle sport or food, but for inspiration and our own true recreation? or shall we grub them all up, poaching on our own national domains? pronouncing vocabulary of indian names aboljacarmegus ; a-b51-j5k-a-me'gus. aboljacknagesic ; a-bol-j&k-na-gesslk. these two words are now usually abbreviated to abol (at)ol). ambejijis ; 5m-b6-je'jis. androscoggin ; sn-dro-skogln. aroostook ; a-rdbs'tdok. chesuncook; ch&-sun'ko6k. katahdin, ka-tah'din. katepskonegan ; ka-tsp-sko-ne'gan ; now commonly called debsco neag (dsb-k&-neg'). kennebec ; kfcn-6-bsk'. kineo ; kin'e-o. mattawamkeag ; mst-a-w&m'keg. millinocket ; mil-i-n5k'st. molunkus ; mo-lunk'us. pamadumcook ; psm-a-dum'kook. passamagamet ; pss-a-ma-gxm'st. passamaquoddy ; pas-a-ma-kw5d'i. penobscot ; p6-n5b'sk5t. pockwockomua ; pok-wok'6-mus. quakish ; kwa'kish. sabattis ; sa-baf!a. sowadnehunk ; sou-ad-ne-h&nk'. cambridge . massachusetts u . s . a a 000119758 1 6 &k liberty luminants extracted largely from the writings of montaigne, paine, thoreau, emerson and tolstoy-gaul, anglo-saxons, slav-each secure on fame's eternal bead roll. "for always in thine eyes, 0 liberty! shines that high light whereby the world is saved; and though thou slay us, we will trust in thee. " comradie of common people, will you; won't yot, can't "*y become as little children," and. in reading these lines and between these lines, catch now-and-again glints of the glory that mother liberty holds in solution for the race when the units will trust her? both sides must in justice be heard before righteous judgment can be rendered. a tract for the times for free distribution. henry bool, publisher, ithaca, n. y. earnest invitation for open-minded reading of this tbookst is hereby extended. should you not cars to r#ed, retain or band to a friend who will do so, publsber will look upon it as a favor to haw it returned to him. "-*written by john hay in lang-sye days, whea, it would4 som, true liberty-sap was in him lab, l c. t i dedication. these excerpts are dedicated to the fouith estate in the hope that such goodly company may-perchance-induce it to boost the hoary movement in favor of ignorance less, and help along the modern movement for public enlightenment more, despite the following lamentable facts as set down in the "confessions of a provincial editor," that: "the ultimate editor of a small newspaper is the advertiser, the biggest advertiser is the politician." this is a maxim experience has ground with its heel into the fabric of my soul. we all remember emerson's brilliant; ly un-new-england advice, "hitch your wagon to a star." this saying is of no value to newspapers, for they find stars poor motive power. theoretically, it must be granted that newspapers, of all business ventures, should properly be hitched to a star. yet i have found that if any hitching is to be done it must be to the successful politician. amending mr. emerson, i have found it the best rule to "yoke your newspaper to the politician in power." * * * i have reached the "masses." i tell people what they knew before hand, and thus flatter them. aiming to instruct them, i should offend. god is with the biggest circulations, and we must have them even if we appeal to class prejudice now and then. "paracelsus."-atlantic monthly, march, 1902. introduction. "above all nations is humanity." emblematic of this now much obscured truth, and devoid of art or method, there are here stitched together sincere thoughts from the intellect of about all the "civilized" nations of this earth. even the "barbarian" boer, filipino, and cuban, can be depended on for grist to this god's liberty mill. indeed, in the words of the hibernian metaphor, no adult "can open his mouth without putting his foot in it," as to undying love for freedom. "one can lead a horse to water, but fifty can't make it drink." now in a way that's much the same, opportunity may be offered for the slaking of mental thirst, and yet the offer be far from accepted of the very ones that should be the most famished. yet it is essential for each genus homo to taste for itself or be merely human driftwood. you are here and now offered a few drops from the bucket of emancipation literature. it is to be hoped you will drink thereof. liberty luminants. chains are not other than chains though fashioned of gold, i cry; nor is liberty less than a boon, though thou hast but a cup and a crust. better a bed in the fields and a man's heart at dawn in the sky than a luxury great as a king's where a voice ever utters, "thou must." -william francis barnard. self-ownership. as taught by montaigne. do thy deed and know thyself. a wise man never loses anything if he have himself. you and a companion are theatre enough to one another, or you to yourself. the greatest thing in the world is for a man to know that he is his own. you are no more to concern yourself how the world talks of you, but how you are to talik to yourself. we must break the knot of our obligations, how strong soever, and hereafter love this or that, but espouse nothing but ourselves. we ought to hold with all our force, both of hands and teeth the use of the pleasures of life that one after another our years snatch away from us. myself am the matter of my book; there's no 6 reason thou should'st employ thy leisure about so frivolous and vain a subject. therefore, farewell.-from the preface!to his essays. to speak less of one's self than, what one really is, is folly, not modesty; and to take that for current pay which is under a man's value is pusillanimity -and cowardice. retire yourself into yourself, but first prepare yourself there to receive yourself; it were folly to trust yourself in yout own hands if you cannot govern yourself. we have lived long enough for others; let us, at least, live out the small remnant of life for ourselves; let us now call in our thoughts: nd intentions to ourselves. it is a wretched and dangerous thing to depend upon others; we ourselves, in whom is ever the most just and safest dependence, are not sufficiently sure. i have nothing mine but myself. it is not enough to get remote from the public; 'tis not enough to shift the soil only; a man must flee from the popular conditions that have taken possession of his soul, he must sequester and come again to himself. let us so order it that our content may depend wholly upon ourselves; let us dissolve all obligations that ally us to others; let us obtain this from ourselves, ithat we may live alone in good earnest and live at our ease too. render true report. i am of opinion -that a man must be very cautious how he values himself and equally conscientious to give a true report, be it better, or worse, impartially. if i thought myself perfectly good and wise i would rattle it out to some purpose. my trade and art is to live; he that forbids me to speak according to my own sense, experience and practice, may as well enjoin an architect not to speak of building according to his own knowledge, but according to that of his neighbor; * "^ *1 i; '* -* 7 according to the knowledge of another and not according to his own. our own death does not sufficiently terrify and trouble us; let us, moreover, charge ourselves with those of our wives, children and family: our own affairs do not afford us anxiety enough; let us undertake those of our neighbors and friends, still more to break our brains and torment us. as for the fine saying, with which ambition and avarice palliate their vices, that we are not born for ourselves but for the public, let us boldly appeal to those who are in public affairs; let them,lay their hands upon their hearts and then say whether, on the contrary, they do rather aspire to titles and offices and that tumult of the world to make their private advantage at the public expense. the laws keep up their credit, not by being just, but because they are laws; 'tis the mystle foundation of their authority; they have no other, and it well answers their purpose. they are often made by fools, still oftener by men who, out of hatred to equality fail in equity; but always by men, vain and irresolute authors. there is nothing so much, nor so giossly, nor so ordinarily faulty, as the laws. whoever obeys them because they are just, does not justly obey them as he ought. in our ordinary actions there is not one of a thousand that concern ourselves. he that thou seest scrambling up the ruine of the wall, furious and 'transported, against whom, so many shots are levelled; and that other all over seears,.1pale and fainting with hunger, and yet resolved rather to die than to open the gates to him; dost thou think 'that these men,are there upon their own account? no; peradventure in the behalf of one whom they never saw and who never concerns himself for their pains and danger, but,lies wallowing the while in sloth and pleasure. 8. revolt. rail, spirit of revolt, thou spirit of life, child of the ideal, daughter of the far-away truth! without thee nations drag on in a living death; without thee is stagnation and arrested growth: without thee europe and america would be sunk in china's lethargy, smothered in the past, having no horizon but the actual. hail, spirit of revolt, thou spirit of life, child of eternal love,love rebelling against lovelessness, life rebelling against death! rise at last to the full measure of thy birthright; spurn the puny weapons of hate and oppression; fix rather thy calm, burning, protesting eyes on all the myriad shams of man and they will fade away in thinnest air; gaze upon thy gainsayers until they see and feel the truth and love that begat and bore thee. thus and thus only give form and body to thy noblest aspirations, and we shall see done on earth as it is in heaven god's ever living, growing, ripening will. ernest crosby. 0 egoism. as taught by thomas paine. "a great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of government. it had its origin in the principles of society, and the natural constitution of rmin. it existed prior to government, and would exist if the formality of government was abolished. the mutual dependence and reciprocal interest which man has in man, and all the parts of a civilized community upon each other, create that great chain of connection which holds it together. "government is no further necesary than to 9 supply the few cases to which society and civilization are not conveniently competent; and instances are not wanting to show that everything which government can usefully add thereto, has been performed by the common consent of society, without government. "for upwards of two years from the commencement of the american war, and a longer period in several of the american states, there were no established forms of government. the old governments had been abolished, and the country was too much occupied in defence to employ its attention in establishing a new government; yet, during this interval order and harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country in europe. there is a natural aptness in man, and more so in society, because it embraces a greater variety of abilities, and resources, to accommodate itself to whatever situation it is in. "the instant formal government is abolished, society begins to act. a general association takes place, and the common interest produces common security. so far is it from being true, as has been pretended, that the abolition of any formal government is -the dissolution of society, it acts by a contrary impulse, and brings the latter closer together. "formal governments make but a small part of civilized *life; and when even the best that numan wisdom can devise is establish, it is a thtng more in name and idea than in fact. it is to the great and fundamental principles of society and civilization-to the common usage universally consented to, and mutually and reciprocally maintained-to the unceasing circulation of interest, which passes through its innumerable channels, invigorates the whole mase of ievilised man, it is to these things, infinitely more than anything which even the best inetituted governments can perform, that the safety and prosperity of the individual and of the whole depends. "the more perfect civilization is, the less occa 10 sion has it for government, because the more does it regulate its own affairs and govern itself; but so contrary is the practice of old governments to the reason of the case, that 'the expenses of them increase in the proportion they ought to diminish. it is but few general laws that civilized life requires, and those of such common usefulness, that whether they are enforced by the forms of government or not, the effect will be nearly the same. if we consider what the principles are -that first condense men into society, and what the motives that regulate their mutual intercourse afterwards, we shall find by the time that we arnve at what is called government, that nearly the whole of the business is performed by the natural operations of the parts upon each other. ",man, with respect to all those matters, is more a creature of consistency than he is aware of, or that governments would, wish him to believe. all the great laws of society are laws of nature. those of trade and commerce, whether with respect to the intercourse of individuals; or of nations, are-laws of naturael and reciprocal interest. they are followed and obeyed, because it is the interest of the parties so to do, and not on account of any formal laws their government may impose or interpose."-rights of man. 0 ------0-----anarchism is, logical choice-making between freedom and force. between reason and rome. between liberty and slavery. between honesty and thievery. between truth and falsehood. between justice and tyranny. 11 self-help. as taught by thoreau. thoreau had watched (human) nature like a detective who is to go upon the stand.-lowell. cease to gnaw the crust. there is ripe fruit over your head.-summer. this life is not for complaint but for satisfaction.-letter. to reject religion is the first step towards moral excellence.-estsay. the whole duty of man may be expressed in one line: make to yourself a perfect body.summer. all the world is forward to prompt him who gets up to live without his creed in his pocket.week. in what concerns you much, do not think that you have companions: know,that you are a-lone in the world.-letter. there is no more fatal blunderer than he who consumes the greater part of his. life getting his living.-life without principle. if there is an experiment which you would like to try. try it. do not entertain doubts if they are not agreeable to you.-letter. do not be too moral. you may cheat yourself out of much life so. aim above morality. be not simply good; be good for something.-letter. the wisest man preaches no doctrines; he has no schemcs; he sees no rafter, not even a cobweb against the heavens, it is clear esy.-week. he is the true artist wnose life is his material. every stroke of the chisel must enter his own flesh and bones and not grate dully on marble.summer. the man who goes alone can start to-day; but he who travels with another must wait till that other is ready, and it may be a long time before they get off.-walden. there is something servile in the habit of seeking after a law which. we may obey. we may study the laws of matter at and for our conve/ 12 nience, but a successful life knows no law.walking. if you would travel farther than all itravellers, be naturalized in all climes, and cause the sphinx to dash her head against a stone, ever obey the precept of the old philosopher and explore thyself.-walden. warm your body by healthful exercise, not by cowering over a stove. warm your spirit by performing independently noble deeds, not by ignobly seeking the sympathy of your fellows who are no better than yourself.--chastity and sensuality. the philanthropist too often surrounds mankind with the remembrance of his own cast-off griefs as an atmosphere, and calls it sympathy. we should impart our courage, and not our disease, and take care that this does not spread by contagion.-walden. in proportion as our inward life fails, we go more constantly ana desperately to the post office. you may depend on it, that the poor fellow who walks away with the greatest number of letters, proud" of his extensive correspondence, has not heard from h:imself this long while.-life without principle. will the government never be so well adminietered, inquired one, that we private men shall hear nothing about it? the criterion. "the king answered. 'at all events, i require a prudent and able man, who is capable of managing the state affairs of my kingdom.' the exminister said, 'the criterion, 0 sire! of a wise and competent man, is, that he will not meddle with such like matters." alas, that the ex-minister should have been so nearly right. in my short experience of human life, the outward obstaclee, if there were any such, have not been living men, but the institutions of the dead. i have not so surely forseen that 'any cossack or ohippeway would come to disturb the honest 13 and simple commonwealth, as that some monster institution would at length embrace and crush its free members in its scaly folds; for it is not to be forgotten, that while the law holds fast the thief and murderer, it lets itself go loose. when i have not paid the tax which the state demanded for that protection which i did not want, itself has robbed me; when i have asserted the liberty it presumed to declare, itself has imprisoned me. i love man-kind, but i hate the institutions of the dead unkind. men execute nothing so faithfully as the wills of the dead, to the last codicil and letter. they rule this world, and the living are but their executors. such foundation, too, have our lectures and our sermons commonly. they are all dudelian; and piety derives its origin still from that exploit of pius aeneas, who bore his father, a tnehises, on his shoulders from the ruins of troy. or rather, like some indian tribes, we bear about with us the mouldering relics of our ancestors on our shoulders. if; for instance, a man asserts the value of individual' liberty over the merely political commonweal, his neighbor still tolerates him, that is he who is. living near him, sometimes even sustains him, but never the state. its officer as a living man, may have human virtues and a thought in his brain, but as the tool of an institution, a jailor or constable it may be, he is not a whit superior to his prison key or his staff. herein is the tragedy; that men doing outrage to their proper natures, even those called wise and good, lend themselves to perform the office of inferior and brutal ones. hence came war and elavery, in; and what else may not come in by this opening? but certainly there are modes by which a man may put-bread into his mouth which will not prejudice him as a companion and neighbor. 14 now turn again, turn again, said the pinder, for a wrong way you have gone. for you have forsaken the king's highway, and made a path over the corn. undoubtedly, countless reforms are called for, because society is not animated, or instinct enough with life, but in the condition of some snakes which i have seen in early spring, with alternate portions of their bodies torpid and flex* ible, so that they could wriggle neither way. all men are partially buried in the grave of custom, and of some we see only the crown of their head albove ground. petter are they physically dead, for they more lively rot. even virtue is no longer such if it be stagnant. a man's life should be constantly as fresh as this river. it should be the same channel, but a few water every instant. -a week on the concord and merrimac rivers. civil disobedience. "i heartily accept the motto, 'that government is best which governs least;' and i should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also i believe: 'that government is best which governs not at all;' and when men are prepared for it that will be the kind of government which they will have.... "it is not a man's duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous, wrong; he may properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty at least, to wash tis hands of it and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support...... "i do not hesitate to say that those who call themselves abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support:both in person and property from the government of massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of 16 one before they suffer the right to prevail through them. i think it is enough if they have god on their side without waiting for that other one. moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already." "itf a thousand men were not to pay their tax bills -this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay tiem, and enable the state to commit violence and shed innocent blood. this is, in fact,, the definition of a peaceful revolution, if any such is possible. if the tax gatherer or any other public officer asks me, as one has done, 'but what shall i do?' my answer is, 'if you really wish to do anything, resign your office.' when the subject has refused to pay allegiance, and the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished."civil disobedience. should one man, ten men, fifty 'housand laugh because thy thoughts breed folly in their minds, fear not. think on. such langhter is but chaff, mere dross of reason wasted by the winds. should one man, ten men, fifty thousand cry "thy words are false. forbear thou to condemn!" piear not. say on. time's self shall justify: thy words shall live, and give the lie to them. should one man, ten men, fifty thousand curse these acts of thine that counter to their will, fear not. act on. have courage! which is worse, to die for truth-or live-to die for nil? -w. l. bultitaft. 16 self-government. as taught by emerson. so far as a man thinks, he is free. nothing is more disgusting than the crowing about liberty by slaves, as most men are, and the flippant mistaking for freedom of some paper preamble like a "declaration of independence," or the statute right to vote, by those who have never dared to think or act. every man is a consumer and ought to be a producer. i do not wish to live to wear out my old boots. the integrity of our own mind is the only sacred thing. history has been mean; our nations have been mobs; we have never seen a man. he who feeds men serves a few, he serves all who dares be true. goodness dies in wishes; as voltaire said, "'tis the misfortune of worthy people that they are cowards." no picture of life can have any veracity which does not admit the odious facts. if in the hours of clear reason we should speak the severest truth, we should say that we had never made a sacrifice. we must ask why health and beauty and genius should now be the exception rather than the rule of human nature. what quantities of invalids, politicians, thieves, might be advantageously spared; * * * quantitles of poor lives, of distressing invalfds, of cases for a gun. there is no virtue which is final; all are initial. the virtues of society are vices of the saint. the terror of reform lt the discovery that we must east away one virtue, or what we have always esteemed such, into the same pit that has coneumed our grosser vices. the one serious and formidable thing in nature is will. society is servile from want of will, and thierefore the world wants saviours and religions. 17 one way is right to go: the hero sees it, and moves on that aim, and has the world under him for root and support. his to others as the world. his approbation is honour; his dissent, infamy. society everywhere is in conspiracy against the manhood of every one of its members. the doctrine of hate must be preached as the counteraction of the doctrine of -love when that spules and whines. as long as our civilization is essentially one of property, of fences, of exclusiveness, it will be mocked by delusion. our riches will leave us sick; there will be bitterness in our laughter; and our wine will burn our mouth. only that good profits which we can taste with all doors open, and which serves all men. though we travel the world over to find the beautiful, we must carry it with us or we find it not. what forests of laurel we bring, and the tears of mankind, to those who stand firm against the opinions of their contemporaries! the measure of a master is his success in bringing all men 'round to his opinion twenty years later. difference of opinion is 'the one crime which kings never forgive. where there is no 'vision, the people perish. an individual man is a fruit which it cost all the foregoing ages to form and ripen. an awaking world. the world is awaking to the idea of union. * * * it is and will be magic. men will live and communicate and plow, and reap, and govern, as by added ethereal power, when once they are united. * * * but this union must be inward and not one of the covenants, and is to be reached by the reverse of the methods they use. the union is only perfect when all the uniters are isolated. it is the union of friends who live in d(ifferent. streets or towuno l.ach man, it he at 18 tenmpts to join himself to others, is on all sides cramped and diminished of his proportion; and the stricter the union the smaller and more pitiful he is. but leave him alone to recognize in every hour and place the secret soul, he will go up and down doing the works of a true member, and, to the astonishment of all, the work will be done with concert, tho no man spoke. government will be adamantine without any governor. the union must be ideal in actual individualism. i can easily see the bankruptcy of the vulgar musket-worship;-tho great men be musketworshippers;-and 'tis certain as god liveth, the gun that does not need another gun, the law of love and justice alone, can effect a clean revolution. is not the state a question? all society is divided in opinion on the subject of the state. nobody loves it; great numbers dislike it, and suffer conscientious scruples to allegiance; and the only defense set up, is the fear of doing worse is disorganizing. we live in a very low state of the world, and pay unwilling tribute to governments founded on force. there is not, among the most religious and instructed men of the most religious and civil nations, a reliance on the moral sentiment, and a sufficient belief in the unity of things, to persuade them that society can be maintained without artificial restraints, as well as the solar system; or that the private citizen might be reasonable, and a good neighbor, without the hint of a jail or a confiscation. what is strange, too, there never was in any man sufficient faith in the power of rectitude to inspire him with the broad design of renovating the state on the principle of right and love. all those who have pretended this design have been partial reformers, and have admitted in some manner the supremacy of the bad state. i do not call to mind a single human being who has steadily denied the authority of the laws, on the simple ground of his own moral nature. such designs, full of genius 19 and full of fate as they are, are not entertained except avowedly as air-pictures. if the individual who exhibits them dares to think them practicable, he disgusts scholars and churchmen; and men of talent, and women of superior sentiment, cannot hide their contempt. not the less does nature continue to fill the heart of youth with suggestions of this enthusiasm, and there are now men-if indeed i can speak in the plural number -more exactly i will say, i have just been conversing with one man, to 'whom no weight of adverse experience will make it for one moment appear possible that thousands of human beings might exercise toward each other the grandest and simplest sentiments, as well as a knot of friends, or a pair of lovers. the state a trick. every actual state is corrupt. good men must not obey the laws too well. what satire on government can equal the severity of censure conveyed in the word "politic," which now for ages has signified cunning, intimating that the state is a trick. * * * this undertaking for another is the blunder which stands in colossal ugliness in the governments of the world. it is the same thing in numbers as in a pair, only not quite so intelligible. i can see well enough a great difference between my setting myself down to a selfcontrol, and my going to make somebody else act 'after my views; but when a quarter of the human race assume to tell me what i must do, i may be too much disturbed by the circumstances to see so clearly the absurdity of their command. therefore all public ends look vague and quixotic beside private ones. for any laws but those which men can make for themselves are laughable. * * * this is the history of governments -one man does something which is to bind another. a man who cannot be acquainted with me taxes me; looking from afar at me, ordains that a part of my labor shall go to this or that whim 20 sical end, not as i, but as he happens to fancy. behold the consequence. of all debts, men are least willing to pay the taxes. what a satire is this on government! everywhere they think they get their money's worth, except for these. * * we think our civilization near its meridian, but we are yet only at the cock-crowing and the morning star. in our barbarous society the influence of character is in its infancy. is a political power, as the rightful lord who is to tumble' all rulers from their chairs, its presence is hardly yet suspected. * * * the tendencies of the times favor the idea of self-government, and leave the individual for all code, to the rewards and penalties of his own constitution, which work with more energy than we believe, while we depend on artificial restraints. * * * we must not imagine that all things are lapsing into confusion, if every tender protestant be not compelled to bear his part in certain social conventions: nor doubt that roads can be built, letters carried and the fruit of labor secured, when the government of force is at an end. are our methods now so excellent that all competition is hopeless? gcould not a nation of friends even devise better ways? on the other hand, let not the most conservative and timid fear anything from a premature surrender of the bayonet, and the system of force. for according to the order of nature, which is quite superior to our will, it stands thus: there will always be a government of force wnere men are selfish; and when they are pure enough to abjure the code of force, they will be wise enough to see how these public ends of the post office, of the highway, of commerce, and the exchange of property, of museums and libraries, of institutions of art and science, can be answered. 21 every good thought ever spoken, every grand deed ever done, is a fresh sword, making surer that our conquest will be wonconquest over superstition that hath ruled and ruined long, conquest of the captive peoples over mailed and mitred wrong in its palaces of splendor and its forts and bulwarks strong! -will h. kernan. ------0----------self sovereignty in quintessence. as taught by tolstoy. [being excerpts from his new book, "the slavery of our times."*] to tolstoy's mind, violence done by man to man is wrong. we cannot escape the wrongness by doing it wholesale, or by sub-dividing the responsibility. we can neither revert to the belief that to use violence is a divine right of kings nor can we maintain the current belief that to do so is a divine right of majorities. to be subjected by force to a rule we disapprove of is slavery, and we are all slaves or slave owners (sometimes both together) as long as our society bases itself on violence. the mind is more free than the body. let us, at least, try to understand' the truth of the matter, and not excuse a vicious system in order to shelter ourselves. when we have understood the matter, let us not fear to speak out; and f this book-the grand old nestor-of-authors' masterpieceis published, with author's portrait, at $1.25, bound in cloth. the publisher of this pamphlet will supply the book for 65 cents, or will lend it freely to anybody in ithaca who will read it, and to anybody anywhere when postage is paid. see advertisement liberty lending library, on page 68 of this booklet. 22 when we have confessed our views, let us try to bring our lives more and more in harmony with them.-the above is taken from the introduction by the translator, aylmer maude. the cause of the miserable condition of the workers is slavery. the cause of slavery is legislation. legislation rests on organized violence. it follows that an improvement in the condition of the people is possible through the abolition of organized violence. * * * it is said, "how can people live without governments-that is, without violence?" but it should, on the contrary, be asked, "how can people who are rational live, acknowledging that the vital bond of their social life is violence, and not reasonable agreement?" sone of two things-either people are rational or irrational beings. if they are irrational beings, then they are irrational, and then everything among them is decided by violence; and there is no reason why certain people should and others should not have a right to use violence. and in that case governni nt violence has no jusa tification. but if men are rational beings, then their relations should be based on reason and not on the violence of those who happen to have seized power; and, therefore, in that case, again, governmental violence has no justification. slavery results from laws, laws are made by governments, and, therefore, people can only be freed from slavery by the abolition of governments. but how can governments be abolished? all attempts to get rid of governments by violence have hitherto, always and everywhere, resulted only in this: -that in place of the deposed governments new ones established themselves, often more eruel than those they replaced. not to mention past attempts to abolish governments by violence, according to the sociajist theory, the coming abolition of the rule of the capitalists--that is, the communalisation of the means of production and the new economic order 23 of society-is also to be carried out by a fresh organization of violence, and will have to be maintained by the same means. so that attempts to abolish violence by violence neither have in the past nor, evidently, can in the future emancipate people from violence nor, consequently, from slavery. it cannot be otherwise. apart from outbursts of revenge or anger, violence is used only in order to compel some people, against their own will, to do the will of others. but the necessity to do what other people wish against your own will is slavery. and, therefore, as long as any violence, designed to compel some people to do the will of others, exists there will be slavery. violence aggravates. all the attempts to abolish slavery by violence are like extinguishing fire with fire, stopping water with water,, or filling up one hole by digging another. the chief thing is that the present arrangement of life is bad; about 'that all are agreed. the cause of the bad conditions and of the, existing slavery lies in the violence used by governments. there is only one way to abolish governmental violence: that people should abstain from participating in violence. and, therefore, whether it be difficult or not, to abstain from participating in governmental violence, and whether the good results of such abstinence will or will not be soon apparent, are superfluous questions; because to liberate people from slavery there is only that one way, and no other! to what extent and when voluntary agreement, confirmed by custom, will replace violence in each society and in the whole world will depend on the strength and eagerness of people's consciousness and on the number of individuals who make this consciousness their own. each of us is a separate person, and each can be a participator in the general movement of humanity by his greater or lesser clearness of recogni 24 tion of the aim before us, or he can be an opponent of progress. eacn will have to make his choice: to oppose the will of god, building upon the sands the unstable house of his brief, illusive life, or to join in the eternal, deathless. movement of true life in accordance with god's will. * * * murder is an evil, that i know more certainly than any reasonings; by demanding that i should enter the army or pay for hiring and equipping soldiers, or for buying cannons and 'building ironclads, you wish to make me an accomplice in murder, and that i cannot and will not be. neither do i wish, nor can i, make use of money you have collected' from hungry people with threats of murder; nor do i wish to make use of lands or capital defended by you, because i know that your defence rests' on murder. "i could do these things when i did, not understand all their criminality, but when i have once seen it, i cannot 'avoid seeing it. and can no ]inger take part in these things. "i know that we are all so bound up by violence that it is difficult 'to avoid it altogether, but i will, nevertheless, do all i can not to take part in it; i will not be an accomplice to it, and will try not 'to make use of what is obtained and defended by murder. "i have but one life, and why should i, in this brief life of mine, act contrary to the voice of conscience and become a partner in your abominable deeds? "i cannot, and i will not. "and what will come of this? i do not know. only i think that no harm can result from acting as my conscience demands." so in our time should each honest and sincere man reply to all the arguments about the necessity of governments and, of violence, and to every demand or invitation to take part in them. so that the supreme and unimpeachable judge -the voice of conrclence-confirms to each man the conclusion to which also general reasoning should bring us. 25 then out spake brave horatius, the captain of the gate; "to every man upon this earth death cometh soon or late. and how can men die better than facing fearful odds, for the ashes of his fathers and the temples of his gods." -macaulay. 0 -freedom, freedom's cure. ariosto tells a pretty story of a fairy who, by some mysterious law of her nature, was condemned to appear at certain seasons in the form of a foul and poisonous snake. those who injured her during the period of her disguise were forever excluded from participation in the blessings which she bestowed. but to those who, in spite of her hideous aspect, pitied and protected her, she afterwards revealed herself in the beautiful and celestial form which was natural to her, accompanied their steps, granted all their wishes, filled their houses with wealth, made them happy in love and victorious in war. such a spirit is liberty. at times she takes the form of a hateful reptile. she grovels, she hisses, she stings. but woe to those who in disgust shall venture to crush her! and happy are those who, having dared to receive her in her degraded and frightful shape shall at length be rewarded by her in the time of her beauty and glory. there is onl3 one cure for evils which newly acquired freedom produces, and that cure is freedom. when a prisoner first leaves his cell, he cannot bear the light of day, he is unable to discriminate colors, or recognize faces. the remedy is, to accustom him to the rays of the sun. the blaze of truth and liberty may at first daszle and bewilder nations which have become half blind in the house of bondage. but let them gaze on, and they will soon be able to bear it. in a few years men learn to reason. the extreme violence of ovlnions subsides. hostile theories 26 correct each other. the scattered elements of truth cease to contend, and begin to coalesce. and, at length, a system of justice and order is educed out of the chaos. many politicians of our time are in the habit of laying it down as a self-evident proposition, that no people ought to be free till they are fit to use their freedom. the maxim is worthy of the fool in the old story, who resolved not to go into the water till he had learned to swim. if men are to wait for liberty till they become wise and good in slavery, they may indeed wait forever. -macaulay. 0 no-the malady, like many others of the body politic, cannot be driven off by any purgative of law. drastic punishments are impotent to restrain; they will serve only to spread the propaganda of anarchism. we must remember that courts and prisons, judges and jailers are not, after all, the great securities of our property and lives. in the maintenance of a just government, our writs, subpoenas, and decisions are dead instruments compared with the force of an active and intelligent public opinion.-evening post. (unconscious? anarchy. italics mine.-pub.) the people is a beast of muddy brain that knows not its own force and therefore stands loaded with wood and stone; the powerless hands of a mere child guide it with bit and rein; one kick would be enough to break the chain; but the beast fears, and what the child demands, it does; nor its own terror understands, confused and stupefied by bugbears vain. most wonderful! with its own hand it ties and gags itself-gives itself death and war for pence doled out by kings from its own store. its own are all things between earth and heaven; but this it knows not; and if one arise to tell this truth, it kills him unforgiven. -campanella. 27 "in vain you tell me that artificial government is good, but that i fall out only with the abuse; the thing-the thing itself is the abuse."-burke. "no person will rule over me with my consent. i will rule over no man."-wm. lloyd garrison. "the lord's prayer says: our father who art in heaven. if god is the father of all men, all men are brothers, and as brothers all men are equal. therefore, all authority arrogated by man over man is wrong. all government of man over man is wrong."-hall caine. "the people are governed too much already, losing their personal freedom, and multiplying tyrants."-judge f. m. finch. majority rule is not founded-any more than emperor's rule-on reason or justice. there is no reason or justice in making two men subject to three men. the opinions of two men are just as sacred for them as the opinions and interests of three men are for them. nobody has the moral right to seek his own advantage by force. that is the one unalterable, inviolable condition of a true society. whether we are many, or whether we are few, we must learn only to use the weapons of reason, discussion, and persuasion. -hon. a. herbert. force is no remedy.-john bright. and the false democracy parts aside for the disclosure of the true democracy which has been formed beneath it-which is not an external government at all, but an inward rule-the rule of the mass-man in each unit-man. for no outward government can be anything but a makeshift-a temporary hard chrysalis-sheath to hold the grub together while the new life is forming inside.-edward carpenter. and this is liberty-that one grow after the law of his own life, hindering not another; and this is opportunity; and the fruit thereof is variation; and from the glad growing and the truit 28 feasting comes sympathy, which is appreciative and helpful good-fellowship.-j. win. lloyd. self-development is an aim for all-an aim which will make all stronger, and saner, and wiser, and better. it will make each in the end more helpful to humanity. to be sound in wind and limb; to be healthy of body and mind; to be educated, to be emancipated, to be free, to be beautiful-these things are ends towards which all should strain, and by attaining which all are happier in themselves, and more useful to others. -grant allen. everywhere the strong have made +he laws and oppressed the weak; and, if they have sometimes consulted the interests of society, they have always forgotten those of humanity.-turgot. society can overlook murder, adultery or swindling; it never forgives the preaching of a new gospel.-fiederick harrison. self-love is a necessary, indestructible, universal law and principle, inseparable from ever. kind of love. religion must and does confirm this on every page of her history. wherever man tries to resist that human egoism, whether in religion, philosophy, or politics, he sinks into pure nonsense and insanity; for the sense which forms the foundation of all human instincts, desires and actions, is the satisfaction of the human being, the satisfaction of human egoism.-feuerbach. an ambassador is a man who goes abroad to lie for the good of his country. a journalist is a man who stays at home to pursue the same vocation.-dr. s. johnson. freedom cannot be granted. it must be taken. the earth is mortgaged to seven speculative scoundrels. the rest of mankind are necessarily the slaves thereof. a race of altruists is necessarily a race of slaves. a race of freemen is necessarily a race of egoists. 29 "the great are great only because we are on our knees. let us rise!" the men of future generations will yet win many a liberty of' which we do not even feel the want.-stirner. one is free in proportion as one is strong; there is no real liberty save that which one takes for one's self.-ib. progress is born of doubt and inquiry. the discoverer of a great truth well knows that it may be useful to other men, and, as a greedy with-holding would bring him no enjoyment, he communicates it.-ib. if it be right to me, it is right.-ib. after all, the poorest bargain that a human being can make, is to give his individuality for what is called respectability.-ingersoll. age after age, the strong have trampled upon the weak; the crafty and heartless have ensnared and enslaved the simple and innocent, and nowhere, in all the annals of mankind, has any god succored the oppressed.-ib. 0 ---------0---------lightning flasihes from nietzsche. forget this superstition (that the day of noble deeds is past), steep your souls in plutarch, and through believing in his heroes, dare to believe in yourselves.-nietzsche. whosoever will be free, must make himself, free: freedom is no fairy's gift to fall into any man's lap.-ib. we still wish to work for our fellow-nmen, but 30 in so far as we find our own highest advantage in this work, not more, not less. everything depends only on what one regard's as his advantage; the immature, undeveloped, coarse individual will also have the coarsest conception of it.ib. the thou hath been proclaimed holy, but the i not yet. what is freedom? to have the will to be responsible for one' self.-ib. we carry faithfully what we are given, on hard shoulders, over rough mountains! and when perspiring, we are told: "yea, life is hard to dear!" but man himself only is hard to bear! the reason is that he carrieth too many strange things on his shoulders. like the camel he kneeleth down and alloweth the heavy load to be put on his back.-ib. noble souls wish not to have anything for nothing.-ib. ---------0---------victory. victory at the end, there's no defeat! let tyranny have its day and then depart: in mankind's teeming brain and throbbing heart slow germinate and bloom the measures meet. there is no shame that shall not be atoned, no suffering or wrong that can endure; humanity is silent but is sure, triumph is not abandoned but postponed. we may not share the glories of the goal, nor even view afar the promised land; enough to leap a-thrilled at love's command, go down in battle with a deathles soul. the banner's borne aloft above the fray, we perish, but the truth and victory stay. -william mountain. 31 no revolution ever rises above the intellectual level of those who make it, and little is gained where one false notion supplants another. but we must some day, at last and forever, cross the line between nonsense and commonsense. and on that day we shall pass from class paternalism, originally derived from the fetich fiction in times of universal ignorance, to human brotherhood in accordance with the nature of things and our growing knowledge of it; from political government to industrial administration; from competition in individualism to individuality in co-operation; from war and despotism in any form to peace and liberty.-thomas carlyle. drop your humility, you know that it is an attitude of hypocrisy based on fear; therefore drop it. come out in your true character as master of all things by your divine right, stand squarely on your own feet, and swear by your own will instead of god's will. * * * you have either to be yourself or god. and as you cannot be god -by which i mean the invisible and omnipresent "law of growth-you will have to be yourself.helen wilmans. intellectual superiority has no more right to get the better of an inferior in its kind of power than physical superiority in its kind; time was when the strong man physically ruled merely because he was strong; that time has passed. now the intellectual man, the cunning man, rules simply because he is most cunning; law and cunning back him up. this mere cunning, however, must be stripped of its power; the keen head should have no more power to tyrannize than the strong arm.-dr. e. b. foote, jr. man will grow, not force, himself free of bars and keys. he will ascend to spaces where laws could not follow him, the state will not be destroyed but will drag more and more behind. the citizenship of a land is not its voting population but its faith. men vote and thin themselves saved. 32 legislators pass laws and imagine that social elriety is conserved.-h. traubel. liberty is the most jealous and exacting!mistress that can beguile the brain and soul of man. from him who will not give her all, she will have nothing. she knows that his pretended love serves but to betray. but when once the fierce heat of her quenchless, lustrous eyes has burned into the victim's heart, he will know no other smile but hers. liberty iwill have none but the great devoted souls, and by her glorious visions, by her lavish promises, her boundless hopes, her infinitely witching charms, she lures these victims over hard and stony ways, by desolate,and dangerous paths, through misery, obloquy and want to a martyr's cruel death. to-day we pay our last sad homage to the most devoted lover, the most abject slave, the fondest, wildest, dreamiest victim that ever gave his life to liberty's immortal, hopeless cause.-c. l. darrow, at altgeld's funeral. i know i am restless and make others so, i know my words are weapons, full of danger, full of fire, for i confront peace, security, and all the settled laws, to unsettle them, i am more resolute because all have denied me than i.could ever have been had all accepted me. i heed not and have never heeded either experience,.caution, majorities, nor ridicule, and the threat of what is called hell is little or nothing to me, and the lure of what is called heaven is little or nothing to me. -walt whitman. -------0--o------liberty which is -the nurse of all great wits. * * * give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties.-milton. 33 all of our greatness was born of liberty, even our commercialism was.rocked in the cradle of democracy, and we cannot strangle the mother without destroying her children.-altgeld. "* * * some one is robbing you, brother mine, sister mine; the same who leads you in processions; the same who calls you to prayer, your brother is he, too, but has never learned it; or has forgotten it. some one is robbing you; the same whom you serve; the same to whom you pull the forelock; the same for whom you vote. as if it were important that he and not the other should rob you; poor, patient, stupid brother! is your dinner pail full? they say that is the way to win you. they say that get you on your knees, under stained glass,, and fill your belly, you will keep on voting for some one; some one who robs you. * * * * -rev. h. 0. pentecost. -0-----futility of force. governments cannot be done away with instantaneously, but progress will come, as it has in the past by lessening the number of law& we want less governing, and the ideal government will arrive when there is no government at all. so long as governments set the example of killing their enemies, private individuals will occasionally kill theirs. so long as men are clubbed, robbed, imprisoned, disgraced, hanged by the governing class, just so long will the idea of 34 violence and brutality be born in the souls of men. governments imprison men, and then hound them when they are released. hate springs eternal in the human breast. and hate will never die so long as men are taken from useful production on the specious plea of patriotism, and bayonets gleam in god's pure sunshine. and the worst part about making a soldier of a man is, not that the soldier kills brown men or black men or white men, but it is that the soldier loses his own soul. i am an anarkist. i do not believe in bolts or bars or brutality. * "* * i do not believe in governing by force, or threat, or any other form of coercion. i would not arouse in the heart of any of god's creatures a thought of fear, or discord, or hate, or revenge. i will influence men, if i can, but it shall be only by aiding them to think for themselves; and so mayhap, they, of their own accord will choose the better part-the ways that lead to life and light.--fra elbertus.-(elbert hubbard.) 0 ----------0---------affirmations. the strong, from the beginning, have stolen their bread; and, what is worse, they have despised their bakers. they have discredited the natural facts of alimentation, and they have sponged upon the poor. what hope of wise, deliberate science, of joyous, perennial art and permanent civic glory in a world that is ashamed of its stomach, filches its food, and despises the souls of the laborers? * * * europe and america to-day are sick with the night-mare of their dreams. they have dreamed of democracy, and in their dreams have achieved libertybut only in their dreams, not otherwise.* * * we have had the law; we expect now the gospel of democracy. * * * the only available 35 victories are those that one man wins against the mob. * * * over against nature stands the man, and deep in his heart is the passion for liberty. for the passion for liberty is only another name for life itself. liberty is a word of much sophistication, but it means, when it means anything, opportunity to live one's own life in one's own way. * * * the original sin of the world is not contempt for arbitrary laws, but respect for them. * * * -rev. charles ferguson. offices of government are dealt out, children will look for them; money is given, children will look for it; military commands, consulships-let children scramble for them! let them be shut out and smitten, let them kiss the hand of the giver, of his slaves; it is figs and almonds to me. -epictetus. (election day.) whether th' flag of this counthry shall be dhragged in th' mire or left to lay there; whether this counthry shall take its place among the nations iv th' earth, or somewan else's; whether ye shall wurrak at a dollar an' a half a day f'r th' trusts or f'r the men composin' th' trusts.-mr. dooley. s0 * * they were souls that stood alone, while the men they agonized for hurled the contumelious stone.-james r. lowell. we will speak out, we will be heard, though all earths systems crack; we will not bate a single word, nor take a letter back. let liars fear, let cowards shrink, let traitors turn away; whatever we have dared to think sthat dare we also say.-ib. 36 freedom the prerequisite. liberty of action being the first essential to exercise of faculties, and therefore the first essential to happiness; and the liberty of each, limited by the like liberties of all, being the form which this first essential assumes when applied to many instead of one-it follows that this liberty of each, limited by the like liberties of all, is the rule in conformity with which society must be organized. freedom being the prerequi site to normal life in the individual, equal freedom becomes the prerequisite to normal life in society. and if this law of equal freedom is the primary raw of right relationship between man and man, then no desire to get fulfilled a secondary law can warrant us in breaking it. "whatever fosters militarism makes for barbarism; whatever fosters peace makes for civilization. there are two fundamentally opposed principles on which social life may be organizedcompulsory co-operation and voluntary co-operation, the one implying coercive institutions, the other free institutions. just in proportion as militant activity is great does the coercive regime more pervade the whole society. hence, to oppose militancy is to oppose return towara despotism." in proportion as we love truth more and victory less, we shall become more anxious to know what it is which leads our opponents to think as they do. we shall begin to suspect that the pertinacity of belief exhibited by them must result from perception of something we have not perceived.-herbert spencer. "is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? i know not what course others may take, but a9 for me, give me liberty or give me deatur'--patrick renrr. jones versus force. the idea of governing by force another man, who i believe to be my equal in the sight of god, is repugnant to me. i do not want 'to do it. i do not want anyone to govern me by any kind of force. i am a reasoning being, and i unly need to be shown what is best for me, when i will take that course or do that 'thing simply bejg cause it is best, and so will you. i do not believe that a soul was ever forced toward anything except toward ruin. liberty for 'the few is not liberty. liberty for nme and slavery for you means slavery for both. -samuel m. jones. 0 would to god that this hot and bloody struggle was over, and that peace may come at last to the world! and yet i invoke no seeming peace that the -weaker may ever anon be plundered, but a peace with liberty, equality, and honest man's and not robber's order for its condition. * * ** let 'others give aid and acomfort to despots. be it ours to stand for liberty and justice, nor fear to lock arms with those who are called hot-heads and demagogues, when the good cause requires.--charles a. dana. (written prior to his membership in the "plutocratic brotherhood of thieves.") i have been passive; i have submitted to the law, and i have seen the tide of life flow from me to return, bringing but seaweed and the dead i loved. still have i held my peace, until this hour. -paul ettar. 38 bread of the soul. * * * man needs the ideal more than he needs bread. the ideal is the bread of the soul. again there are those who say that the hoeman is content in his squalor and ignorance; and that therefore he should not be disturbed. would they say also that children are happy in their ignorance and should not be led on to the higher knowledge? the hoeman may be content, but his wiser brother should not be. our nobility should oblige as to clear the way for him that he may be quickened to struggle upward to the nobler horizons that await him. and this freedom will be the freedom of all. it will loosen bboth master and slave from the chain. for, by a divine paradox, wherever there is one slave there are two. iso in the wonderful reciprocities of being, we can never reach the higher levels until all our fellows ascend with us. there is no true liberty for the individual except as he finds it in liberty of all. there is no true security for the individual except as he finds it in the security of all.-edwin markham. freiedom is this to me-the remedy.-j. w. lloyd. government is not reason, it is not eloquenceit is force! like fire it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master; never for a moment should it be left to irresponsible action.-george washington. anarchy.-a social theory which regards the union of order with the absence of all direct government of man by man as the political ideal; absolute individual liberty.-century dictionary. anarohy.-an ideal to which the highest religion and philosophy look forward as the goal of man; not as one, however, which can be forthwith reached through the wholesale destruction of the present frame work of. society, but 39 through a long process of ethical and social improvement. -encyclopedia brittanica. government is an artificial giant and the power that moves it is money.--garfield. english liberty to-day rmsts not so much on the government as on those rights the people have wrested from the governments.-ib. governments, in general, look upon man only as a citizen, a fraction of the state. god looks upon him as an indfvidual man, with capacities, duties, and a destiny of his own; and just in proportion as a government recognizes the individual and shields him in the exercises of his rights, in that proportion is it godlike and glorious.-ib. from time immemorial the pharisaic conventionalists have been preaching self help to "the lower classes." but, at the remotest possibilty that these preached at classes will apply the preachment to the governmental bill of fare, the insincere preachers set up so ludicrous a howl as should convince those of the muddlest brains that self help is the only help that helps. 0 ---------0-------~ assassination a murder on behalf of the people? that is no place for murders-they belong on the other side. poor, brave, cowardly, cruel fool, who thought the people could (be helped by murder, and, thinking to lay oppression, well-nigh laid freedom low! but there are other tools-those who suppose that a foul deed can for long set back the bands of time. can a crime alter facts? can any mad assassin kill the ete jtrpth? -rxne t*,:;ay. 40 force inimical to liberty. the individualistic anarchist holds that the best conditions will be evolved, if people are allowed a free course. he is confident that they will find the right way themselves. he does not believe, of course, that there would,e no more pickpockets day after to-morrow, if the state should be abolished to-morrow. but he knows that people cannot be prepared for liberty by authority and force. he knows this,-that the way is made free for the most independent people by removing all force and authority. but the present states are founded on force and authority. the individualistic anarchist is hostile to them, because they suppress liberty. all he demands is the free untrammeled development of forces. he wishes to remove the force whi-ch hinders free development. he is convinced that whatever smacks of force is inimical to liberty. therefore he combats the state, which rests on force; and therefore he combats just as energetically the "propaganda by 'deed," which rests no less on force. if the state beheads or imprisons a man on account of his convictions, the proceeding, call it whatever one will, is execrable in the eyes of the individualistic anarchist. it is no less execrable, of course, when a lucheni stabs a woman who happens to be the jempress of austria. it is one of the foremost principles of the individualistic an-, archist to combat these things. if he were to approve them, he would have to admit that he does not know w-hy he opposes the state. he combats the force which suppresses liberty; and he combats it as vigorously when the state coerces a libertarian idealist as when an insane, vain fellow assassinates the sympathetic visionary oi the imperial throne of austria. it cannot be urged explicitly enough against our opponents that the "individualistic anarchists" emphatically condemn "propaganda by deed." aside from the coercion practised by 41 states, there is perhaps nothing that is so repugnant to these anarchists as the caserios and luchenis.-dr. rudblph steiner. "the discussion that is now required is one that must go down to the very first principles of existing society." "the restraints of communism would be freedom in comparison with. the present condition of the majority of the human race."-j. s. mill. ----------0---------0__ i know i am august, i do not trouble my spirit to vindicate itself or be understood, i see that the elementary laws never apologize, (i reckon.1 behave no prouder than the level i plant my house by, after all). i exist as i am, that is enough, if no other in the world be aware i sit content, and if each and all be aware i sit content. one world is aware and by far the largest to me, and that is myself, and whether i come to my own to-day or in ten thousand or ten million years, i can cheerfully take it now, or with equal cheerfulness wait. my foothold is tenon'd and mortis'd in granite, i laugh at what you call dissolution, and i know the amplitude of time. walt whitman. ---------0--------overcome evil with good. the heart knoweth his own bitterness, and a stranger doth not intermeddle with his joy. in those days there was no king in israel, but every man did that which was right in his own eyes. and as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise. if the truth shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed. he that knoweth to do good and doeth it not, to him it is 4sin.-bible. 4a what greater life, what grander claim, than that which bids you'to be just? what brighter halo, fairer fame, than shines above the sacred dust of him who, formed of finer clay, stood firm, a hero of revolt against the weakness of his day, the traitor's trick, the panderer's fault t -gordak. the most virile literature of all modern nations contains -more or less of this anarchy against law and conventional and narrow laws on the civil plane, and advocates their repeal or defiance in behalf of higher moral and spiritual ideas. -rev. s. c. eby. but have we ever regulated the railroads by law, or the standard oil company by law? let me say that we never, never can regulate -anything by law that has its roots deep down in existing social conditions. those things are too strong to be regulated by law.-c. e. s. wood. what is the state? everything. what should it be? nothing. it is a do-all and a spoil-all. we are only too ready to refrain from wiping our noses without the authorization of the state, to admire only what the state patronizes, to turn imploringly to state boards of charity instead of using our own arms and heads. and yet it would be so easy to lose the hab(it! ah! if papas and mammas were not stupid, how readily little boys would learn to do without the state and no longer rely on it, and how quickly it would become what it ought solely to be-a simple policeman, a good ipoliceman, and not a pretentious botcher of all jobs, even of those which it does not do!-arsene alexandre. he does not really believe his opinions who 43 dares not give free scope to his opponent.-wendell phillips. law has always been wrong. government is the fundamental ism of the soldier, bigot, and priest.-wendell phillips, october 16, 1861. in all ages, hypocrites, called priests, have put crowns upon the heads of thieves, called kings.ingersoll. i knew th' time wud come, hinnissy. 'tis th' on'y way. ye may talk about it as much as ye want, but governmint, me boy, is a case iv me makin' ye do what i want, an' if i can't do it with a song, i'll do it with a shovel. th' ir'n hand in th' velvet glove, th' horseshoe in th' boxin' mit, th' quick right, an' th' heavy boot, that was th' way we r'run pollyticks whin i was captain iv me precinct."-mr. dooley. as l ng as we know we are in hell there is hope.-4 m. powers. a man's own conscience is his sole tribunal; and he should care no more for that phantom "opinion" than he should fear meeting a ghost 11 he crosses the churchyard at dark.-lytton. "this old society has long since been judged and condemned. let justice be done. let this old world be broken to pieces, * * * where innocence has perished, where man is exploited by man. let the white sepulchres full of lying and iniquity be utterly destroyed."-heine. "law grinds the poor, and the rich men rule the law."-oliver goldsmith. "government is the great blackmailer. * * no good ever came from the law. all reforms have been the offspring of revolution."-buckle. "in general, the art of government consists in taking as much money as possible from one part of the citizens to give it to another."--voltaire. "the trade of governing has always been mon 44 opolized by the most ignorant and the most rascally individuals of.mankind."-thomas paine. "did the mass of men inow the actual selfishness and injustice of their rulers, not a government would stand a year; the world would ferment with revolution."-theodore parker. should humanity weep in order that tyrants may laugh?-d. b. henderson.. "i am convinced that those societies (as the indians) which live without government, enjoy in the general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live live under governments. * * * that government is best which governs least."-thomas jefferson. "law in its guarantee of the results of pillage, slavery and exploitation, has followed the same phase of development as capital; twin brother and sister, they have advanced hand in hand, sustaining one another with the sufferings ol mankind. * * * judiciary, ipolice, army, public instruction, finance-all serve one god, capital; all have but one object-to facilitate the exploitation of the worker by the capitalist."-peter kropotkin. "by no process can coercion be made equitable. the freest form of government is only the least objectionable form. the rule of the many by the few, we call tyranny. the rule of the few by the many (democracy) is tyranny also, only of a less intense kind."-herbert spencer. "there is no government, however restricted in its powers, that may not, by, abuse, under pretext of exercise of its constitutional authority, drive its unhappy subjects to desperation."-john randolph. "whenever you have niet a dozen earnest men pledged to a new idea-wherever you have met them, you have met the beginning of a revolution. * * * revolution is as natural a growth as an oak-it comes out of the past. * * * every 45 line in our history, every interest of civilization. bids us rejoice when the tyrant grows pale and the slaves rebellious."-wendell philips. government could not continue to exist unless many men were willing to be government's agents for the perpetration of what they personally regard as viles crimes.-steven t. byington. it can never be unpatriotic for a man to take his country's side against his government; it must always be unpatriotic for a man to take his government's side against his country.-ib. in all customary forms of government the rulers are on the average morally worse than the ruled, so that the result is to give 'the bad control over ihe good; the 6uly way yet devised to avoid this is to make supreme authority the prize of a lot. tery or of an athletic colptest.-ib. ----------~0----------order and disorder. who says anarchy, says negation of government. who says negation of government, saysaffirmation of people. who says affirmation of people, says individual liberty. who says individual liberty, says sovereignty of oneself. who says sovereignty of oneself, says equality. who says equality, says solidarity and brotherhood. who says brotherhood and solidarity, says social order. then, who says anarchy, says social order. on the contrary: who says government, says negation of people. who says negation of people, says affirmation of political authority. who says political authority, says individual submission. who says individual submission, says supremacy of caste. who says supremacy of caste, says inequality. who says inequality, says antagonism. who says antagonism, says civil war and disorder. then who says government, says civil war and disorder.-bellegarigue. 46 "obedience,;3ane of all genius, virtue, freedom, truth, makes slaves oi men, and of the human frame a mechanized automaton." -shelley. -----o--------psychic factors. "today, when mental force is everything and physical force nothing, government is powerless to accomplish the equitable distribution of wealth. * * it is utterly illogical to say that aggrandizement by physical force should be forbidden while aggrandizement by mental force or legal fiction should be permitted. it is absurd to claim that injustice committed by muscle should be restrained while that committed by brain should be unrestrained. "under the system as it now exists the wealth of the world, however created, and irrespective of the claims of the producer, is made to flow toward certain centers of accumulation, to be enjoyed *by those holding the keys to such situations. the world appears to be approaching a stage at which those who labor, no matter how skilled, how industrious, or how frugal, will receive, according to the 'iron law' formulated by ricardo, only so much for their services as will enable them 'to subsist and to perpetuate their race.' the rest finds its way into the hands of a comparatively few, usually non-producing, individuals, whom the usages and laws of all countries permit to claim that they own the very sources of all wealth and the right to allow or forbid its production. "these are great and serious evils, compared with which all the crimes, recognized as such, that would be committed if no government existed, would be as trifles.' the underpaid labor, the prolonged and groveling drudgery, the wasted strength, the misery and the squalor, the diseases resulting, and the premature deaths that would be prevented by a just distribution of products of 47 labor, would in a single year outweigh all the so-called crime of a century, for the prevention of which, it is said, government alone exists. this vast theatre of woe is regarded as wholly outside the jurisdiction of government, while the most strenuous efforts are put forth to detect and punish the perpetrators of the least of" the ordinary recognized crimes. this ignoring of great evils while so violently striking at small ones is the mark of an effete civilization, and warns us of the approaching dotage of the race."-l. f. ward. 0 to mind your own business and do the square thing with your neighbors is an extremely high order of patriotism. if every man were to do this, flags, governments, powers, dominations and thrones might all take an indefinite vacation.puck. the freest government cannot long endure when the tendency of the law is to create a rapid accumulation of property in the hands of a few, and to render the masses poor and dependent.-daniel webster. "freedom is the one purport, wisely aimed at, or unwisely, of all man's strugglings, toilings and sufferings, on this earth."-carlyle. "it is not the disease, but the physician; it i. the pernicious hand of government alone which can reduce a whole people to despair.."-junius. the law of nature,;being co-eval with mankind, and dictated by god himself, is superior in obligation to every other. it is binding all over the globe, in all countries, and at all times; no human laws are of any validity if contrary to this, and such of them as are valid derive their force and all their authority, mediately or immediately, from the original.-blackstone. liberty of thought is a mockery if liberty of speech and of action is denied.-rev. sidney holmes. 48 hither, ye blind, from your futile banding! "know the rights and the rights are won. wrong shall die with the understanding. one truth clear, and the work is done. nature is higher than progress or knowledge whose need is ninety enslaved for ten. my word shall stand against mart and college: the planet belongs to its living men. -j. b. o'reilly. -------0 ---------celtic sense. "the masses are poor, ignorant, disorganized, not knowing the right of mankind upon earth, and never knowing that the world belongs to its population; because a small class in every country has taken possession of property and government and makes laws for its own safety and the security of its plunder; educating the masses, generation after generation, into the belief that this conditiion is the natural order and the "law of god." by long training and submission the people everywhere have come to regard the assumption of their rulers and owners as the law of right and common sense, and their own blind instincts, which tell them that all men ought to have a plenteous living on this rich planet, as the promptings of evil and disorder. the qualitie. we naturally dislike and fear in a man are those which insure success under our present social order, viz: shrewdness, hardness, adroitness, selfishness, the mind to take advantage of necessity, the will to trample on the weak in the canting name of progress and civilization. the qualities we love in a man send him to the poor housegenerosity, truth, truthfulness, friendliness, unselfishness, the desire to help, the heart to pity, the mind to refuse profit from a neighbor's loss or weakness, the defence of the weak. our present civilization is organized injustice and intellectual barbarism. our progress is a march to a preci pice. the sermon on the mount and natural justice can rule the world, or they cannot. if they 49 can, our present ruling is the invention of the devil; if they cannot, the devil has a right to rule if the people let him-but he ought not to call his rule christian civilization."-john boyle o'reilly. 0-----anarchy. ever reviled, accursed-ne'er understood, thou art the grisly terror of our age. "wreck of all order," cry the multitude, "art thou, and war and murder's endless rage." o, let them cry. to them that ne'er have striven, the truth that lies behind a word to find, to them the word's right meaning was not given. they sihall continue blind among the blind. but thou, o word, so clear, so strong, so pure, that sayest all which i for goal have taken. i give thee to the future!-thine secure when each at least unto himself shall waken. comes it in sunshine? in the tempest's thrill? i cannot tell... but it the earth shall see! i am an anarchist! wiherefor i will not rule, and also ruled i will not be! -john henry mackay. definitions. anarchism, as defined by anarchists, is the belief in the greatest amount of liberty compatible with equality of liberty. in other words, the belief in every liberty except the liberty to invade. it is an implication of this definition, that anarchism aims at the abolition of government and the state, for government and the state, as defined by anarchists, are debarred, by their nature, from allowing the greatest amount of liberty compatible with equality of liberty, and are necessarily invasive, government 'being defined 50 as the subjection of the non-invasive individual to an external will, and the state being defined as the embodiment of the principle of invasion in an individual, or a band of individuals, assuming to act as representatives or masters of the entire people within a given area. all the foregoing definitions are taken from the textbooks. the purpose of anarchism, then, is to put an end to every form of invasion and to establish a condition of equal liberty. * * * the idea that anarchy can be inaugurated by force is as fallacious as the idea that it can be sustained by force. force cannot preserve an archy; neither can it bring it. in fact, one of the inevitable influences of the use of force is' to postpone anarchy. the only thing that force can ever do for us is to save us from extinction, to give us a longer lease of life in which to try to secure anarchy by the only methods that can ever bring it. but this advantage is always purchased at immense cost, and its attainment is always attended by frightful risk. the attempt should be made only when the risk of any other course is greater. * * * bloodshed in itself is pure loss. when we must have freedom of agitation, and when nothing but bloodshed will secure it, then bloodshed is wise. but it must be remembered that it can never accomplish the social revolution proper; that that can never be accomplished except by means of agitation, investigation, experiment and passive resistance; and that, after all the bloodshed we shall be exactly where we were before, except in our possession of power to use these means.-benj. r. tucker. 0 ----------0--------i am an anarkist. all good men are anarkists. all,cultured, kindly men; all gentle men; all just men are anarkists. jesus was an anarkist. -elbert hubbard. 51 who is the somebody? "somebody gets the surplus wealth that labor produces and does not consume. who is the somebody?" * * * * what are the ways by which men gain possession of property? not many. let us name them: work, gift, discovery, gaming, the various forms of illegal robbery by force or fraud, usury. can men obtain wealth by any other than one or more of these methods? clearly, no. whoever the somebody may be, then, he must accumulate his riches in one of these ways. we will find him by the process of elimination. is the somebody the laborer? no; at least not as laborer; otherwise the question were absurd. its premises exclude him. he gains a bare subsistence by his work; no more. we are searching for his surplus, product. he has it not. is the somebody the beggar, the invalid, the cripple, the discoverer, the gambler, the highway robber, the burglar, the defaulter, the pickpocket, or the common swindler? none of these to any extent worth mentioning. the aggregate of wealth absorbed by these classes of our population compared with the vast mass produced is a mere drop in the ocean, unworthy of consideration in studying a fundamental problem in political economy. these people get some wealth, it is true; enough, probarbly, for their own purposes; 'but labor can spare them the whole of it, and never know the difference. then we have found him. only the usurer remaining. * * * the usurer is the somebody, and the state is his protector. usury is the serpent gnawing at labor's vitals, and only liberty can detach and kill it. give laborers their liberty, and they will keep their wealth. as for the somebody, he, stripped of his power to steal. must either join their ranks or starve. b, r. tuicrer. "if there were more extremists in evolutionary timer, there would be no revolutionary times."--ib 52 "free life" precepts. {free life, an organ of voluntary taxation and the voluntary state.] don't waste your energies in party fighting; don't believe in the politician, who is climbing to place and power; don't believe in the phrase-makers and vote seekers, whose office it is to please and flatter you and keep you at war with one another; don't believe in state gifts or state privileges, either for poor or rich; don't spend your lives in regulating and restricting each other; get rid of the education-persecutor, the drinkpersecutor, the sanitary-persecutor, the statemorality-persecutor; use no state coercion, except only to defend the person and property of each citizen; vote down all compulsory rates and taxes; train yourselves in voluntary services for the state; safeguard all property; and win it for yourselves through voluntary association and the resist less power of your combined pennies; don't take part in bad, useless wars between rich and poor; don't take part, in bad, useless wars between labor and capital; trust to the widest possible liberty, to self-ownership and self-guidance, to free trade, to peace and friendliness, and to voluntary associations of every kind for satisfying wants and winning wealth; follow nobody; fear nobody; coerce nobody; love freedom; be ready to make sacrifices for her; and believe in her power to overcome all difficulties and heal all sufferings. ------0-----"'for what avail the plough or sail,.or land or life if freedom fail?" 53 savages do one better. i have lived with communities of savages in south america and in the east, who have no laws or law-courts but the public opinion of the village freely expressed. each man scrupulously respects the rights of his fellow, and any infraction of those rights rarely or never takes place. in such a community all are nearly equal. there are none of those wide distinctions of education and ignorance, wealth and poverty, master and servant, which are the production of our civilization. there is none of that wide-spread division of labor, which, while it increases wealth, produces 'also conflicting interests. there is not that severe competition and struggle for existence or for wealth which the dense population of cih ilized countries inevitably creates. all incitements to great crimes are tius wanting, and petty ones are suppressed partly by the influence of public opinion, but chiefly by that natural sense of justice and his neighbor's right which seem to be in some degree inherent in every race of men.-alfred russell wallace. 0 ---------o--------sovereignty of the people. we are all of us, in the realm of religion, anarchists.-dr. lyman abbott. the only real "sovereignty," or right of "sovereignty," in this or any other country, is that right of sovereignty which each and every human being has over his or her person and property, so long as he or she obeys the one law of justice towards the person and property of every other human being. this is the only natural right of sovereignty, that was ever known among men. all other so-called rights of sovereignty are simply the usurpations.of imposters, conspirators, robbers, tyrants and murderers.eysander spooner. it costs the government eight times more to 54 carry the mails than it costs the express companies to have their matter hauled.-w. j. bryan. (the above is one little stone from the babel "tower of governmental extravagance selected by the would-be master mason.) there is one cure, 'and one only, for social upheavals, and that is justice, and if culture is to devote itself to the discovery of substitutes for justice, it will have its labor for its pains.ernest a. crosby. ---------0--------get off his back. "who am i that desire to better men's condition? i desire it; and yet i get up at noon, after having played at cards in a brilliantly lighted saloon during all the previous night, i, an enfeebled and effeminate man, who thus require the help and services of hundreds of people, i come to help them!-these men who have to rise at five, sleep on boards, feed upon cabbage and bread, understand how to plough, to reap, to put a handle to an axe, to write, to harness horses, to sew; men who, by their strength and perseverance and self restraint, are a hundred times stronger than i who come to help them. "it is as if i were sitting on the necl of a man, and, having quite crushed him down, i compel him to carry me, and will not.alight from off his shoulders, while i assure myself and others that i 'am very sorry for him, and wish to ease his condition by every means in my power except by getting off his back."-tolstoy. for the story of mankind is never new-injustice, oppression and wrong are ever fortified and entrenched. here are lawyers with specious arguments and endless briefs, to prove that black is white, that wrong is right. here are judges in 'high places ready to maintain existing things. 55 here is the state which protects the strong and subverts the liberties and natural rights of the disinherited and despised. and here is the press with its million brazen tongues-its tongues of malice, of envy, and of spite, ready to defile the truth, to proclaim falsehood and error to the world, and to "ash to madness the passions and the hates of men. and here is the church, now as of old the home of the money changer and trafficker, the church raising its voice with the cry of the mob, and proclaiming to the world that whatsoever ye bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and that whatsoever ye loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven. and now, as of old, truth crushed and bleeding and helpless, has no tongue to speak and no voice to raise.-c. s. darrow. 0-the true kings. in the higher condition of society, toward which mankind is unconsciously advancing, men will shun all responsibility for and arbitrary control over the conduct of others as sedulously as during past ages they have sought them as the chief good. washington declined to be made king, and the whole world has not ceased to make the welkin ring with laudations of the disinterested act. the time will come yet when the declinature, on all hands, of every species of governmental authority over others will not even be deemed a virtue, but simply the plain dictate of enlightened self-interest. the sentiment of the poet will then be recognized as an axiom of philosophy, whoever mounts the throne,-king, priest, or prophet,man alike shall groan. carlyle complains, in the bitterness of his heart, that the true kings and governors of mankind have retired in disgust from the task of 56 governing the world, and betaken themselves to the altogether private business of governing themselves. whenever the world at large shall become as wise as they, when all men shall be content to govern themselves merely, then, and not till then, will "the true constitution of goveminent" begin to be installed. every individual is the rightful sovereign over his own conduct in all things, whenever, and just so far as, the consequences of his conduct can be assumed by himself; or, rather, inasmuch as no one objects to assuming agreeable consequences. for disagreeable consequences, endurance, or burden of all sorts, the term "cost" is elected as a" scientific technicality. hence the exact formula of the doctrine, with its inherent limitation, may be stated thus: "the sovereignty of the individual, to be exercised at his own cost."-stephen pearl andrews. 0 ---------0--------they'se nawthin' so hard as mindin' ye'er own business, an iditor nivir has to do that.-mr. dooley. the desolating hand of power.-hallam. in all ages the individual has, in one form or another, been trodden in the dust. * * * every man, in every condition, is great. it is only our own diseased sight which makes him little. a man is great as a man, be he where or what he may. * * * the truly great are to be found everywhere. * of all the discoveries which men need to make, the most important, a the present moment, is that of the self-forming power treasured up in themselves.-ohanning. ---0 * * but this i know, that every law that men have made for man, *since first man took his brother's life, and the sad world began,but strawe the wheat and saves the chaff with a most evil fan. * * * -0. wilde. 57 the beauties of government. to be governed, is to be watched, inspected, spied, directed, law-ridden, regulated, penned up, indoctrinated, preached at, checked, appraised, seized, censured, commanded, by beings who have neither title nor knowledge nor virtue. 'to be governed is to have every operation, every transaction, every movement noted, registered, counted, rated, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, refused, authorized, indorsed, admonished, prevented, reformed, redressed, corrected. to be governed is, under pretext of public utility and in the name of the general interest, to be laid under contribution, drilled, fleeced, exploited, monopolized, extorted from, exhausted, hoaxed and robbed; then, upon the slightest resistence, at the first word of complaint, to be repressed, fined, villified, annoyed, hunted down, pulled about, beaten, disarmed, bound, imprisoned, shot, mitrailleused, judged, condemned, banished, sacrificed, sold, betrayed, and, to crown all, ridiculed, derided, outraged, dishonored.-proudhon. "whatever form it takes-monarchic, oligarchic or democratic-the government of man by man is illigitimate and absurd. * * * as man seeks justice in equity, so society seeks order in anarchy."-proudhon. liberty not the daughter, but the mother of order.-proudhon. may my communistic friends forgive me! i should be less severe upon their ideas if 1 were not irreversibly convinced, in my reason and in my heart, that communism, republicanism, and all the social, political, and religious utopias which disdain facts and criticism, are the greatest obstcle which progress has now to conquer. why will they never understand that fraternity can be established only by justice; that justice alone, the condition, means, and law of liberty 58 and fraternity, must be the object of our study; and that its determination and formula must be pursued without relaxation, even to the minutest details. * * * turn which way you will, you,must always come back to the cash-book, to the account of receipts and expenditures, the sole guarantee against large consumers as well as against small producers. * * * to suppose that the laborer of great capacity will content himself, in favor of the weak, with half his wages, furnish his services gratuitously, and produce, as the people say, for the king of prussiathat is, for that abstraction called society, the sovereign, or my brothers-is to base society on a sentiment, i do not say beyond the reach of man, but one which, erected systematically into a principle, is only a false virtue, a dangerous hypocrisy.-proudhon. 0 -----------0--------we keep a certain number of clowns digging and ditching, and generally stupefied, in ordei that we, being fed gratis, may have all the thinking and feeling to ourselves.-ruskin. human nature is a noble and beautiful thing; not a foul nor a base thing. all the sin of men i esteem as their disease, not their nature; as a folly which may be prevented, not a necessity which must be accepted. and my wonder, even when things are at their worst, is always at tae height which this human nature can attain. thinking it high, i find it always a higher thing than i thought it; while those who think it low, find it, and will find it, always lower than they thought it: the fact being that it is infinite, and capable of infinite height and infinite fall; jut the nature of it-and there is the faith which i would have you hold with me-the nature of it is in the nobleness, not in the catastrophe.ruskin. 0 politicians art a set of men who have interests aside from the interests of the people and 59 who, to say the most of them, are, taken as a mass, at least one long step removed from honest men. i say this with the greater freedom because, being a politician myself, none can regard it as personal.-abraham lincoln. i have always thought that all men should be free, but if any should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for themselves, and secondly those who desire it for others.-lincoln to an indiana regiment, march 17, 1865. "when a white man governs himself, that is self government. but, when he governs himself and also governs some other man, that is more than self government-that is despotism. what i do mean to say is that no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent." -a. lincoln. 0 -----------0----------"perhaps the most remarkable religious leader at the present time is the russian tolstoy, who is an individual anarchist. he does not believe in the law, not because he would have chaos, but he would have men govern themselves, in the broadest sense of the word. "anarchism is in reality the ideal of political and social science, and also the ideal of religion. it is the ideal to which jesus christ looked forward. christ founded no church, established no state, gave practically no laws, organized no government and set up no external authority; but he did seek to write on the hearts of men god's law and make them self-legislafing.-rev. heber newton. "anarchy is madness."-j. g. schurman, et al. "did you ever notice that all the interesting people you meet are anarchists?"-julian rawthorne. ""a man should have the freedom to do whatsoever he wills, provided that in the doing thereof he infringes not the equal freedom of every other man.-herbert,spencer. 60 "much madness is divinest sense to a discerning eye; much sense the starkest madness. 'tis the majority in this, as all, prevails. assent, and you are sane; demur-you're straightway dangerous and handled with a chain." -emily dickenson. 0 ----------0--------truth is within ourselves; it takes no rise from outward things, whate'er you may believe; there is an inmost centre to us all, where truth abides in fullness. * * * -browning. anarchy popularly misconceived. "we should be much helped in discussing anarchy if we used 'terrorist' (communist) for those anarchists who appeal to violence, and the word 'voluntatists' for those like tolstoy who appeal to persuasion. a latin proverb says: 'he teaches well who discriminates well.' from the general confusion and hysteria about this subject, we should have sanity and courage enough to distinguish crime from its opposite. emerson's sentence, 'the more reason the less government,' is the very breath of philosophic anarchy. "these voluntarists would progressively throw off the organized constraints of government, lessen rather than increase the number of laws, while they would increase education and all forms of free voluntary associations. they simply look forward to a society in which men have learned to behave well enough to require no courts or police or armies. if far off ideals have any interest for us, who could present a nobler one than this of the voluntarists? both channing and phil 61 lips brooks gave us a conception of heaven in precisely these terms. ibsen writes a letter' to george brandes in the same spirit. thoreau was out and out an anarchist of this type. "no question in the immediate future will plague us like this question: shall we enlarge or diminish the functions of government? shall we put our faith in compulsion or in liberty and free associations? the socialists beckon us one way, the philosophic anarchist another. as a fact, we know that a practical hand-to-mouth policy, with scant regard to fundamental principles, will guide us; we are just now, however, trying to think clearly about ideals. those who call themselves anarchists and use violence, we shall punish as swiftly as the law allows, but our immediate danger is to confuse an order of ideas with stupid and criminal practice. the anarchist idea, apart flrom violence, we shall not touch by any conceivable law. what a comment on our intelligenoe is the whole list of 'remedies for anarchy--'examinations of opinions by foreign consuls,' 'allow no one to come who cannot read,' 'deportation to some far island,' 'sending them to an insane asylum,' are types even of the serious proposals. "how long will it take to learn that it cannot thus deal with mental processes? our society is, alas! filled with what is worst in the anarchist spirit. a southern community, enflamed by aegro crime, real, or imagined, burns, hangs or shoots the wretch, and thus becomes as a community anarchist in its bad sense of lawless. "in the north the kind of group excitement makes us just as hysterical, just as lawless. atter the assassin had done his work at buffalo, a senator, judges, editors and clergy innumerable, were quick to proclaim themselves lawless and anarchist in opinion. in their heat they were willing, like southern lynchers, to trample upon the only safeguard of civilization--law and order. "our greatest embarrassment in dealing with criminal anarchy (the terrorists) will be hysteria 62 andlawlessness among so many of our citizens, and nowhere are 'remedies' more needed than for this sinister temper among ourselves."-john graham brooks. (t teacher-rara avis-who "discriminates well.") 0 anarchism is truth's crucible. "if we are satisfied with what has been found out, we shall find nothing more. they who have gone before us are not our masters, but our guides. truth is open to all, and has not yet been taken possession of, but many discoveries will be left for future ages."-seneca. 0 ----------0---------whatever freedom for ourselves we claim, we wish all others to enjoy the same, in simple womanhood's and manhood's name! freedom within one law of sacred might: ""trench not on any other's equal right." james thompson. 0 ----------0---------summing up. horace greeley wrote, "he did not mean to say all democrats are horse thieves, 'but he did mean to say all horse thieves are democrats." so, it is here noted-all the writers of the foregoing extracts are not by name anarchists, but they all write capital anarchist doctrine. it needs a little grit in these days of artificiality, to take the jesus stand, "come out from among them and be ye separate." yet, there are compensations to the come-outers which the fatted coward-conformers to things as they are, and their unresisfing purblind dupes wot not of. "better is a dinner of herbs where love is than a stalled ox and hatred therewith." if it was "up to" this one weak wight to foster 63 unkindliness, "hatred' would be too feeble a word to express his detestation of the utter enormity of our interminable wallowing in the mire of the -seemingly-ever widening vicious circle of present conditions. the mighty truth w.iich emerson voiced: "we each have in us the possibility of every crime," happily, by parity of reasoning, carries with it the corollary that in each of us there lieth, though never so dormant, the desire for every virtue. the gradual extinction of slavery will fan this vital spark into living flame. conjure up, if you will, the towering civilizations of the past. corrupt were they and become abominable. lust, not love, wickedness not righteousness, it was that flung them into the everlasting dust. under the forms of libertyless law, crafty byforce-of-intellect, thievery is rampant, corruption, insincerity, profligacy and hypocrisy abound. history repeats itself under our very eyes. but the day of reckoning will as surely come as day follows night. for what we sow that we shall also reap; it cannot b3 otherwise. if there was any doubt or shadow of turning, i would worship at the shrine of the bombastic and "terrible teddy," or even at that of the spent debauchee, edward. for years and years nature, man and animal -down to,and even below the caterwauling denizens of our back yards-have been teaching me this liberty-truth. even though it be out a still small voice. the weak things of the world confound the mighty, for they become mightyif true. like the immortal anarchist garrison, as to this principle,"i will be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice. i am in earnest. i will not equivocate; i will not excuse; i will not retreat a single inch; and i will be heard." no human lbeing likes to be shunned by his neighbors, but yet, when choice must be made, 64 one's own approbation must have the first consideration. liberty-iawlessness-anarchy can never be trespass as long as the parties thereto assumecarry-bear the burdens or consequences of their acts. as we are of one blood and endowed with reason, the foregoing pages of testimony make it quite manifest that the words "liberty, freedom, self-government, self sovereignty, self-ownership," are absolute only up to the point that ev ery human being has the same proportion of liberty, etc., as any other human being and no more. this is anarchism. anarchism is simplicity itself. it is as self-evident as two and two are four. it is absolute free trade in all human activity or passivity. simply that and nothing more. occupancy and use the only title to land. a title, by the way; that "rough and uncouth" miners, by common consent respect and adopt, till artificial government-reptile-like-sets its fangs in natural conditions to poison them. anarchism places earnership-as nature doesbefore ownership. in other words, the man who catches the coney-or produces the potato-has nature's right to cook and consume it, and no being, be he angel or devil, has rightful warrant to say him nay. anarchism, is minding one's own businessfirst, last and all the time. it is voluntary co-operation in all human affairs. it is work, love's largess, or starve. it is, do no evil that good may come. it is unit-man justice set over against massman-tyranny. it says: "govern thyself and thyself alone. thy neighbor's freedom hold sacred as thy own." it is as practical and natural as sleeping and waking; as sunshine and shadow. any being or principle that contradicts or con 65 travenes these truisms, in the name of anarchy, lies, and don't you forget it. this abounding faith is all inclusive. "not 'till the sun excludes thee will i exclude thee." it is not for us to wait for kings, presidents or majorities to inaugurate anarchism; if we wait for them it will be an ever receding willo-the-wisp. the exact ratio that each human being refrains from stealing from any otherhuman being, and earns what he or she consumes, is the exact measure in which this solvent of human wretchedness will be applied. when education really educateg, each individual will know enough to see to it that his fellow does not filch from him. and thus will the gait of anarchism's coming be accelerated. 0 -the world is saved by its ahockers.-i. mccall 0 -it is difficult to free fools from the chains they revere.-voltaire. what we call union seems to me only a name for a phase of individual action. i live only for myself; and in proportion to my growth i benefit others.-george w. ourtis. 66 profounder, profounder man's spirit must dive; his aye-rolling orbit at no goal will arrive; the heavens that now draw him with sweetness untold, once found,-for new heavens.he spurneth the old. -emerson. ----------0---------an afterword. as every open-minded adult, tho' never so near our anthropoid ancestors in intelligence, should allow the need of education in the truth, and, with the press, the church, the bar, and the institutions of learning practically subsidized for the supporting of government force-the pcsstbility for promulgatinxg the truth as it is in jesus, is, as one is to five thousand. nevertheless and notwithstanding, i was so desirous of placing contrasts of force and anti-force side by side, i prepared "copy" to that end; but the allied bulk and expense getting it published, prevented the consummation of the desire. with it all and through it all, it being a labor of love into the bargain, still, these few drops from the ocean of libertarian literature in all probability never would have been gathered together but for the recent unatoned, insulting, sophomoric onslaughts on principles that are as true as the everlasting hills. to be sure, there was the excuse of a beyond-a-peradveqture insane man's act to warrant such onsets. that act also furnished fortuitous opportunity to official satraps to keep the wool still more closely over the people's eyes as to the self-evident truths of self-sovereignty; and, as if that were not enough, there has, in this universityrcrowned valley, been revealed, by anonymous threat, missive, 67 stony stare, and in other ways, such colossal want of knowledge of the subject, that, what with roosevelt's ravings, root's roorbacks, funston's fulminations, madden's mail meddling, and waller's wholesale murders of all over ten, i was somewhat apprehensive of trespass in government monopoly preserves in practicing "the water cure," even though done in a mild form on my own atanomy, yet, crucify me if i didn't feel that some few emanations from the intelilect of earth's elect would not only be in order, but abundantly justified.* this brochure is triple the bulk of original intent-so hard is it to stay one s hand with such an embarrassment of riches to draw from. therefore i desist. besides i wanted it so brief as to invite perusal by every living soul hereabouts who was offered the stone of falsehood in lieu of the bread of truth by the battened consumers of government pabulum. it is a most hopeful sign of the times when staid conservative business men here** hear the truths of anarchism gladly, and the bourbons of the press, applaud in cool blood when the terrible name is not used as a label. present day canutes cannot keep the tide back. change will come! growth or death is nature's decree: let us place our hands in hers, heed her teachings, learn the lessons of sea and sky, bush and bird, and determine that the lord of creation shall be as free as the air in its gladsome surge around this terrestrial ball. *in response to request, and as a further measure of self-vindication and satisfaction, i propose, in abbreviated autobiographic form, to-as it were-hold "nature up by the roots with earth, rain and dew clinging" thereto, thus and thereby showing individ. ual grace-growth from hell-clad bondage to heaven.capped freedom. price of this memoir to be at the discretion of purchasers. orders hereby invited on that basis. *samuel m. jones' business men's address. 68 liberty lending library. location-402 oak avenue, ithaca, n. y. (should circumstances warrant, will be removed to more central location.) motto-read the other side. rules-"ask-by mail if preferred-and ye shall receive; seek and ye shall find; knock and it shall be opened unto you." hours-"from early morn 'till dewey eve," (usually.) the library is little and not select, (a list of the books is in preparation,) but yet contains milk for babes and meat for adults; and ranges, in religion, from "baxter's saints' rest" to grant allen's "evolution of the idea of god," and, in political and social science,, from "garfield's words" to tucker's "instead of a book," thus giving opportunity for the scripture: "prove all things, hold fast that which is good" -to be fulfilled. either or all three books, "the slavery of our times," "instead of a book" and "the science of!society," by tolstoy, tucker and andrews, respectively, are hereby offered presentation to any free "lending library," on condition each book be advertised proportionately with any other book in such library. this offer is, alas! contingent on the journal boycott-taboo, or other untoward event being sufficiently drastic to make it seem inevitable that donor will be forced to dig to beg. n. b.-supplementary to the above work, and, necessarily incidental thereto, orders will be received for books, and special discounts, when possible, will be allowed from prices of boks that the times demand sowing broadcast. 69 pe cksniffian press censorship. typical of its zeal in spreading truth. refused insertion as an advertisement in the ithaca journal and daily news. wanted-adults devoid of prejudice, even though unwilling to get off the m asses' backs, to such will be furnished "without money and without price"-if they will engage to "read, mark, learn and inwardly digest" the same--a course of reading in proof that the gospel of anarchism is a gospel of "peace on earth and good will to man" and in perfect accord with evolutionary progress. apply in any old way to henry bool. instead of a book. a well printed book of 512 pages, being a 1fragmentary' exposition of ophilosophica'l anarchism (the antithesis of absolute monarchism) culled from the writings of benj. r. tucker, editor of "liberty." it discusses money and interest, land and rent; the individual, society and the state; 'and severely criticises istate socialism and communism. price, paper, 50c; cloth, $1. address benj. r. tucker, box 1312, new york city. the religion of democracy. a memorandum of modern principles by charles ferguson, author of (the affirmative intellect.) edwin markham says: "it has style, insight, high seriousness, spiritual ipassion. it is a great book of a great epoch." charles h. parkhurst, d. d., says: an interesting, stimulating, startling, and, all in all, wonderful book. price $1. published by funk & wagnalls company. new york and london. the science of society. by stephen pearl andrews. a well-printed book of 165 large pages, consisting of two essays bearing the following titles respectively: "the true constitution of government in the sovereignty of the individual as the final development of protestantism, democracy, and socialism;" "cost the limit of price: a scientific measure of honesty in trade as on( of the fundamental principles in the solution of the social problem." this work is an elaborate exposition of the teachings of josiah warren by one of his foremost disciples. price in cloth, $1; in paper, 50c. address benj. r. tucker, box 1312, new york city. a stuffed club. a $1.00 a year monthly that knocks the stuffing out of all the antiquated fallacies of diet and drugs. henry bool says 'it's worth its weight in gold." prof. g. c. pitzer, principal of the school of suggestive therapeutics, st. louis, says: "you ape nobody. you show courage and a freedom and independence manifested by few writers." dr. rauscher, murray, utah: "the april club is a splendid specimen of logical thinking." dr. alexander wilder, newark, n. j.: "the club received and ransacked as usual. the editor is as entertainingly lawless and rampant as ever. i enjoy it." address, dr. j. h. tilden, 2831 lafayette st., denver, colo. 71 plain talk in psalm and parable. byiernest crosby. count tolstoy says: i like the book very much. some of the pieces-the choice is difficult because all are very good-i will have translated into russian and published. edwin markham says: plain talk in psalr and parable is one of the significant books of the time-a suggestive and inspiring utterance. these prophet chants are a noble protest againsi the wrongs and failures of civilization. i. zangwill says the book is crammed with vital matter. this most interesting volume.* * there is a strange power in some of these songs-the power which sincere conviction carries with it. there is also a feeling of all-embracing brotherhood. * * it is a strong book.-new york commercial advertiser. the above volume, handsomely printed anc bound, gilt-edged on deckel-edged paper, will be sent pospaid, on receipt of $1.50, by small maynard & co., 10 pierce bldg., boston, mass. captain jenks, hero. by ernest crosby. is a merciless satire on war and militarism in which the parallel between savagery and soldiery is unerringly drawn. it is a biting burlesque on the various forms of cheap heroworship. it holds up to withering scorn every important feature of militarism. the new england magazine, boston: "very amusing indeed-were it not so sadly near the truth-is ernest orosby's satire upon jingoism and american army life." price $1.50 postpaid. published by funk & wagnalls company new york and london. the conservator. published monthly by innes & sons, 200 s. tenth street, philadelphia. per year, $1. single copies, 10 cents. i regard the conservator as one of the best papers published in america; in fact i know of no other paper that stands on so high a plane and is such an inspiration.-john p. altgeld. i think the conservator is full of the soundest reading and of the best criticism to be found in any monthly in the land. it is broad-minded.homer davenport. there is no publication of the size that comes to my hand in which i see so much that i want to read and do read as in the conservator.john burroughs. the conservator is a unique and excellent publication. of all the journals that come to my table i like none better and few as well. its selections have a fine ethical and poetic tone. the editorials by horace traubel have a fine literary flavor and a lofty spirit. i always read them. from cover to cover the conservator is full of the ringing note of personality.-edwin markham. for any of the above works at best possible discounts, and for sample copies of "conservator" andi. "stuffed olub" free to a limited extent.. address, henry bool, ithaca, n. y. library of congress ddddsh7dfl51 ♦^^o' /% ^9^ ••' % / 'ftp *<^ *-^' <^^ •1 * •2 "^^ 'i ^p clifton 2foi)n6an battleground adventures. illustrated. a book of fairy-tale foxes. illustrated. a book of fairy-tale bears. illustrated. houghton mifflin company boston and new york canoeing in the wilderness the indian guide's evening fruyer (page 59) canoeing in the wilderness by henry d. thoreau edited by clifton johnson illustrated by will hammell boston and new york houghton mifflin company 1916 rz7 copyright, 1906, by houghton, mifflin & co. copyright, i916, by houghton mifflin company all rights reserved published april iqib ici.a4289g4 illustrations the indian guide's evening prayer . . frontispiece k the stage on the road to moosehead lake . . 8 ^ making a camp in the streamside woodland . .52 fishing 72 the red squirrel ' 88 '^ coming down the rapids 132 shooting the moose 154 carrying round the falls i8o introduction thoreau was born at concord, massachusetts, july 12, 18 17, and at the time he made this wilderness canoe trip he was forty years old. the record of the journey is the latter half of his the maine woods^ which is perhaps the finest idyl of the forest ever written. it is par ticularly charming in its blending of medi tative and poetic fancies with the minute description of the voyager's experiences. the chief attraction that inspired tho reau to make the trip was the primitive ness of the region. here was a vast tract of almost virgin woodland, peopled only with a few loggers and pioneer farmers, indians, and wild animals. no one could have been better fitted than thoreau to enjoy such a region and to transmit his en joyment of it to others. for though he was a person of culture and refinement. viii introduction with a college education, and had for an intimate friend so rare a man as ralph waldo emerson, he was half wild in many of his tastes and impatient of the restraints and artificiality of the ordinary social life of the towns and cities. he liked especially the companionship of men who were in close contact with nature, and in this book we find him deeply interested in his indian guide and linger ing fondly over the man's characteristics and casual remarks. the indian retained many of his aboriginal instincts and ways, though his tribe was in most respects civilized. his home was in an indian vil lage on an island in the penobscot river at oldtown, a few miles above bangor. thoreau was one of the world's greatest nature writers, and as the years pass, his fame steadily increases. he was a careful and accurate observer, more at home in the fields and woods than in village and town, and with a gift of piquant originality in recording his impressions. the play of introduction ix his imagination is keen and nimble, yet his fancy is so well balanced by his native common sense that it does not run away with him. there is never any doubt about his genuineness, or that what he states is free from bias and romantic exaggeration. it is to be noted that he was no hunter. his inquisitiveness into the ways of the wild creatures carried with it no desire to shoot them, and to his mind the killing of game for mere sport was akin to butchery. the kindly and sympathetic spirit constantly manifest in his pages is very attractive, and the fellowship one gains with him through his written words is both delightful and wholesome. he stimulates not only a love for nature, but a love for simple ways of living, and for all that is sincere and unaffected in human life, wherever found. in the present volume various details and digressions that are not of interest to most readers have been omitted, but except for such elimination thoreau's text has been x introduction retained throughout. it is believed that nothing essential has been sacrificed, and that the narrative in this form will be found lively, informing, and thoroughly enjoy able. clifton johnson. hadley, massachusetts. canoeing in the wilderness canoeing in the wilderness monday, tuesday, wednesday, thursday july 20-23, 1857 i started on my third excursion to the maine woods monday, july 20, 1857, with one companion, arriving at bangor the next day at noon. the suc ceeding morning, a relative of mine who is well acquainted with the penobscot in dians took me in his wagon to oldtown to assist me in obtaining an indian for this expedition. we were ferried across to the indian island in a bateau. the ferryman's boy had the key to it, but the father, who was a blacksmith, after a little hesitation, cut the chain with a cold chisel on the rock. he told me that the indians were nearly all gone to the seaboard and to mas sachusetts, partly on account of the small 4 canoeing in the wilderness pox, of which they are very much afraid, having broken out in oldtown. the old chief neptune, however, was there still. the first man we saw on the island was an indian named joseph polls, whom my relative addressed familiarly as "joe." he was dressing a deerskin in his yard. the skin was spread over a slanting log, and he was scraping it with a stick held by both hands. he was stoutly built, perhaps a little above the middle height, with a broad face, and, as others said, perfect indian features and complexion. his house was a two story white one with blinds, the best-look ing that i noticed there, and as good as an average one on a new england village street. it was surrounded by a garden and fruit trees, single cornstalks standing thinly amid the beans. we asked him if he knew any good indian who would like to go into the woods with us, that is, to the allegash lakes by way of moosehead, and return by the east branch of the penobscot. to which he answered out of that allegash and east branch 5 strange remoteness in which the indian ever dwells to the white man, " me like to go myself; me want to get some moose"; and kept on scraping the skin. the ferryman had told us that all the best indians were gone except polis, who was one of the aristocracy. he, to be sure, would be the best man we could have, but if he went at all would want a great price. polis asked at first two dollars a day but agreed to go for a dollar and a half, and fifty cents a week for his canoe. he would come to bangor with his canoe by the seven o'clock train that evening — we might depend on him. we thought our selves lucky to secure the services of this man, who was known to be particularly steady and trustworthy. i spent the afternoon with my com panion, who had remained in bangor, in preparing for our expedition, purchas ing provisions, hard-bread,' pork, coffee, ' hard-bread or ship-bread is a kind of hard biscuit com monly baked in large cakes and much used by sailors and soldiers. 6 canoeing in the wilderness sugar, etc., and some india-rubber cloth ing. at evening the indian arrived in the cars, and i led the way, while he followed me, three quarters of a mile to my friend's house, with the canoe on his head. i did not know the exact route, but steered by the lay of the land, as i do in boston. i tried to enter into conversation with him, but as he was puffing under the weight of his canoe, not having the usual apparatus for carrying it, but, above all, as he was an indian, i-might as well have been thump ing on the bottom of his birch the while. in answer to the various observations that i made he only grunted vaguely from be neath his canoe once or twice, so that i knew he was there. early the next morning the stage called for us. my companion and i had each a large knapsack as full as it would hold, and we had two large rubber bags which held our provisions and utensils. as for the in dian, all the baggage he had, beside his axe allegash and east branch 7 and gun, was a blanket, which he brought loose in his hand. however, he had laid in a store of tobacco and a new pipe for the excursion. the canoe was securely lashed diagonally across the top of the stage, with bits of carpet tucked under the edge to pre vent its chafing. the driver appeared as much accustomed to carrying canoes in this way as bandboxes. at the bangor house we took in four men bound on a hunting excursion, one of the men going as cook. they had a dog, a middling-sized brindled cur, which ran by the side of the stage, his master show ing his head and whistling from time to time. but after we had gone about three miles the dog was suddenly missing, and two of the party went back for him, while the stage, which was full of passengers, waited. at length one man came back, while the other kept on. this whole party of hunters declared their intention to stop till the dog was found, but the very oblig ing driver was ready to wait a spell longer. 8 canoeing in the wilderness he was evidently unwilling to lose so many passengers, who would have taken a private conveyance, or perhaps the other line of stages, the next day. such progress did we make, with a journey of over sixty miles to be accomplished that day, and a rainstorm just setting in. we discussed the subject of dogs and their instincts till it was threadbare, while we waited there, and the scenery of the suburbs of bangor is still distinctly impressed on my memory. after full half an hour the man re turned, leading the dog by a rope. he had overtaken him just as he was entering the bangor house. he was then tied on the top of the stage, but, being wet and cold, several times in the course of the journey he jumped off, and i saw him dangling by his neck. this dog was de pended on to stop bears. he had already stopped one somewhere in new hamp shire, and i can testify that he stopped a stage in maine. this party of four probably paid nothing for the dog's ride. ittj ^ 1 r t'^^h ■ •'^''*:%'l^^| 1 ^^^|l '^' ^^ 1 ^^gmtt b 7%? stage on the road to moosehead luke allegash and east branch 9 nor for his run, while our party of three paid two dollars — and were charged four — for the light canoe which lay still on the top. the stage was crowded all the way. if you had looked inside you would have thought that we were prepared to run the gantlet of a band of robbers, for there were four or five guns on the front seat and one or two on the back one, each man holding his darling in his arms. it appeared that this party of hunters was going our way, but much farther. their leader was a handsome man about thirty years old, of good height, but not appar ently robust, of gentlemanly address and faultless toilet. he had a fair white com plexion as if he had always lived in the shade, and an intellectual face, and with his quiet manners might have passed for a divinity student who had seen something of the world. i was surprised to find that he was probably the chief white hunter of maine and was known all along the lo canoeing in the wilderness road. i afterwards heard him spoken of as one who could endure a great deal of exposure and fatigue without showing the effect of it; and he could not only use guns, but make them, being himself a gunsmith. in the spring he had saved a stage-driver and two passengers from drowning in the backwater of the piscat aquis on this road, having swum ashore in the freezing water and made a raft and got them off — though the horses were drowned — at great risk to himself, while the only other man who could swim withdrew to the nearest house to prevent freezing. he knew our man, and remarked that we had a good indian there, a good hunter; adding that he was said to be worth six thousand dollars. the indian also knew him, and said to me, "the great hunter." the indian sat on the front seat with a stolid expression of face as if barely awake to what was going on. again i was struck by the peculiar vagueness of allegash and east branch ii his replies when addressed in the stage or at the taverns. he really never said any thing on such occasions. he was merely stirred up like a wild beast, and passively muttered some insignificant response. his answer, in such cases, was vague as a puff of smoke, suggesting no responsibility ^ and if you considered it you would find that you had got nothing out of him. this was instead of the conventional palaver and smartness of the white man, and equally profitable. most get no more than this out of the indian, and pronounce him stolid accordingly. i was surprised to see what a foolish and impertinent style a maine man, a passenger, used in addressing him, as if he were a child, which only made his eyes glisten a little. a tipsy canadian asked him at a tavern, in a drawling tone, if he smoked, to which he answered with an indefinite " yes." " won't you lend me your pipe a little while?" asked the other. he replied, looking straight by the 12 canoeing in the wilderness man's head, with a face singularly vacant to all neighboring interests, " me got no pipe"; yet i had seen him put a new one, with a supply of tobacco, into his pocket that morning. our little canoe, so neat and strong, drew a favorable criticism from all the wiseacres among the tavern loungers along the road. by the roadside, close to the wheels, i noticed a splendid great purple fringed orchis which i would fain have stopped the stage to pluck, but as this had never been known to stop a bear, like the cur on the stage, the driver would prob ably have thought it a waste of time. when we reached the lake, about half past eight in the evening, it was still steadily raining, and in that fresh, cool atmosphere the hylas were peeping and the toads ringing about the lake. it was as if the season had revolved backward two or three months, or i had arrived at the abode of perpetual spring. we had expected to go upon the lake allegash and east branch 13 at once, and, after paddling up two or three miles, to camp on one of its islands, but on account of the rain we decided to go to one of the taverns for the night. ii friday, july 24 about four o'clock the next morn . ing, though it was quite cloudy, ac companied by the landlord to the water's edge, in the twilight, we launched our canoe from a rock on moosehead lake. we had a rather small canoe for three persons, eighteen and one fourth feet long by two feet six and one half inches wide in the middle, and one foot deep within. i judged that it would weigh not far from eighty pounds. the indian had recently made it himself, and its smallness was partly compensated for by its newness, as well as stanchness and solidity, it being made of very thick bark and ribs. our baggage weighed about one hundred and sixty-six pounds. the principal part of the baggage was, as usual, placed in the middle of the broadest part, while we allegash and east branch 15 stowed ourselves in the chinks and cran nies that were left before and behind it, where there was no room to extend our legs, the loose articles being tucked into the ends. the canoe was thus as closely packed as a market basket. the indian sat on a crossbar in the stern, but we flat on the bottom with a splint or chip behind our backs to protect them from the cross bar, and one of us commonly paddled with the indian. paddling along the eastern side of the lake in the still of the morning, we soon saw a few sheldrakes, which the indian called shecorways, and some peetweets on the rocky shore. we also saw and heard loons. it was inspiriting to hear the reg ular dip of the paddles, as if they were our fins or flippers, and to realize that we were at length fairly embarked. having passed the small rocky isles within two or three miles of the foot of the lake, we had a short consultation re specting our course, and inclined to the i6 canoeing in the wilderness western shore for the sake of its lee; for otherwise, if the wind should rise, it would be impossible for us to reach mount kineo, which is about midway up the lake on the east side, but at its narrowest part, where probably we could recross if we took the western side. the wind is the chief obsta cle to crossing the lakes, especially in so small a canoe. the indian remarked sev eral times that he did not like to cross the lakes " in littlum canoe," but nevertheless, "just as we say, it made no odds to him." moosehead lake is twelve miles wide at the widest place, and thirty miles long in a direct line, but longer as it lies. pad dling near the shore, we frequently heard the pe-pe of the olive-sided flycatcher, also the wood pewee and the kingfisher. the indian reminding us that he could not work without eating, we stopped to break fast on the main shore southwest of deer island. we took out our bags, and the indian made a fire under a very large bleached log, using white pine bark from allegash and east branch 17 a stump, though he said that hemlock was better, and kindling with canoe birch bark. our table was a large piece of freshly peeled birch bark, laid wrong side up, and our breakfast consisted of hard-bread, fried pork, and strong coffee well sweetened, in which we did not miss the milk. while we were getting breakfast a brood of twelve black dippers,^ half grown, came paddling by within three or four rods, not at all alarmed ; and they loitered about as long as we stayed, now huddled close to gether, now moving off in a long line, very cunningly. looking northward from this place it appeared as if we were entering a large bay, and we did not know whether we should be obliged to diverge from our course and keep outside a point which we saw, or should find a passage between this and the mainland. it was misty dog-day weather, and we had already penetrated ^ the name dipper is applied to several species of water birds that are notable for their skill in diving. i8 canoeing in the wilderness a smaller bay of the same kind, and knocked the bottom out of it, though we had been obliged to pass over a bar be tween an island and the shore, where there was but just breadth and depth enough to float the canoe, and the indian had ob served, " very easy makum bridge here," but now it seemed that if we held on we should be fairly embayed. presently, how ever, the mist lifted somewhat and re vealed a break in the shore northward. the indian immediately remarked, " i guess you and i go there." this was his common expression in stead of saying " we." he never addressed us by our names, though curious to know how they were spelled and what they meant. we called him polis. he had al ready guessed very accurately at our ages, and said that he was forty-eight. after breakfast i emptied the melted pork that was left into the lake, making what the sailors call a "slick," and watch ing to see how much it spread over and allegash and east branch 19 smoothed the agitated surface. the indian looked at it a moment and said, " that make hard paddlum through ; hold 'em canoe. so say old times." we hastily reloaded, putting the dishes loose in the bows, that they might be at hand when wanted, and set out again. the western shore, near which we paddled along, rose gently to a considerable height and was everywhere densely covered with the forest, in which was a large propor tion of hard wood to enliven and relieve the fir and spruce. the indian said that the lichen which we saw hanging from the trees was called chorchorque. we asked him the names of several birds which we heard this morning. the thrush, which was quite common, and whose note he imitated, he said was called adelungquamooktum ; but sometimes he could not tell the name of some small bird which i heard and knew, but he said, "i tell all the birds about here; can't tell littlum noise, but i see 'em, then i can tell." 20 canoeing in the wilderness i observed that i should like to go to school to him to learn his language, living on the indian island the while; could not that be done? "oh, yer," he replied, "good many do so. i asked how long he thought it would take. he said one week. i told him that in this voyage i would tell him all i knew, and he should tell me all he knew, to which he readily agreed. mount kineo, which was generally visi ble, though occasionally concealed by is lands or the mainland in front, had a level bar of cloud concealing its summit, and all the mountain-tops about the lake were cut off at the same height. ducks of vari ous kinds were quite common, and ran over the water before us as fast as a horse trots. the indian asked the meaning o^ reality ^ as near as i could make out the word, which he said one of us had used; also oiinterrent, that is, intelligent. i observed that he could allegash and east branch 21 rarely sound the letter r, but used 1, as also r for 1 sometimes; as load iox road, pickelel for pickerel, soog/e island for sugar island. he generally added the syllable urn to his words, as paddluniy etc. on a point on the mainland where we landed to stretch our legs and look at the vegetation, going inland a few steps, i dis covered a fire still glowing beneath its ashes, where somebody had breakfasted, and a bed of twigs prepared for the follow ing night. so i knew not only that they had just left, but that they designed to re turn, and by the breadth of the bed that there was more than one in the party. you might have gone within six feet of these signs without seeing them. there grew the beaked hazel, rue seven feet high, and red osier, whose bark the indian said was good to smoke, "tobacco before white people came to this country, indian to bacco." the indian was always very careful in approaching the shore, lest he should in 22 canoeing in the wilderness jure his canoe on the rocks, letting it swing round slowly sidewise, and was still more particular that we should not step into it on shore, nor till it floated free, and then should step gently lest we should open its seams, or make a hole in the bottom. after passing deer island we saw the little steamer from greenville, far east in the middle of the lake. sometimes we could hardly tell her from an island which had a few trees on it. here we were ex posed to the wind from over the whole breadth of the lake, and ran a little risk of being swamped. while i had my eye fixed on the spot where a large fish had leaped, we took in a gallon or two of water; but we soon reached the shore and took the canoe over the bar at sand-bar island, a few feet wide only, and so saved a con siderable distance. we crossed a broad bay and found the water quite rough. a very little wind on these broad lakes raises a sea which will swamp a canoe. looking off from the allegash and east branch 23 shore, the surface may appear to be almost smooth a mile distant, or if you see a few white crests they appear nearly level with the rest of the lake, but when you get out so far, you may find quite a sea running, and ere long, before you think of it, a wave will gently creep up the side of the canoe and fill your lap, like a monster deliber ately covering you with its slime before it swallows you, or it will strike the canoe violently and break into it. the same thing may happen when the wind rises suddenly, though it were perfectly calm and smooth there a few minutes before; so that nothing can save you, unless you can swim ashore, for it is impossible to get into a canoe when it is upset. since you sit flat on the bottom, though the danger should not be imminent, a little water is a great inconvenience, not to mention the wetting of your provisions. we rarely crossed even a bay directly, from point to point, when there was wind, but made a slight curve corresponding somewhat to the 24 canoeing in the wilderness shore, that we might the sooner reach it if the wind increased. when the wind is aft, and not too strong, the indian makes a spritsail of his blanket. he thus easily skims over the whole length of this lake in a dav. the indian paddled on one side, and one of us on the other, to keep the canoe steady, and when he wanted to change hands he would say, "t'other side." he asserted, in answer to our questions, that he had never upset a canoe himself, though he may have been upset by others. think of our little eggshell of a canoe tossing across that great lake, a mere black speck to the eagle soaring above it! my companion trailed for trout as we paddled along, but, the indian warning him that a big fish might upset us, for there are some very large ones there, he agreed to pass the line quickly to the stern if he had a bite. while we were crossing this bay, where mount kineo rose dark before us within allegash and east branch 25 two or three miles, the indian repeated the tradition respecting this mountain's having anciently been a cow moose — how a mighty indian hunter succeeded in kill ing this queen of the moose tribe with great difficulty, while her calf was killed somewhere among the islands in penob scot bay, and, to his eyes, this mountain had still the form of the moose in a reclin ing posture. he told this at some length and with apparent good faith, and asked us how we supposed the hunter could have killed such a mighty moose as that. an indian tells such a story as if he thought it deserved to have a good deal said about it, only he has not got it to say, and so he makes up for the deficiency by a drawling tone, long-windedness, and a dumb won der which he hopes will be contagious. we approached the land again through pretty rough water, and then steered di rectly across the lake at its narrowest part to the eastern side, and were soon partly under the lee of the mountain, having 26 canoeing in the wilderness paddled about twenty miles. it was now about noon. we designed to stop there that afternoon and night, and spent half an hour looking along the shore northward for a suitable place to camp. at length, by going half a dozen rods into the dense spruce and fir wood on the side of the mountain almost as dark as a cellar, we found a place suf ficiently clear and level to lie down on, after cutting away a few bushes. the in dian cleared a path to it from the shore with his axe, and we then carried up all our baggage, pitched our tent, and made our bed, in order to be ready for foul weather, which then threatened us, and for the night. he gathered a large armful of fir twigs, breaking them off, which he said were the best for our bed, partly, i thought, because they were the largest and could be most rapidly collected. it had been raining more or less for four or five days, and the wood was even damper than usual, but he got dry bark from the under side of a dead allegash and east branch 27 leaning hemlock, which he said he could always do. this noon his mind was occupied with a law question, and i referred him to my companion, who was a lawyer. it appeared that he had been buying land lately — i think it was a hundred acres — but there was probably an incumbrance to it, somebody else claiming to have bought some grass on it for this year. he wished to know to whom the grass belonged, and was told that if the other man could prove that he bought the grass before he. polls, bought the land, the former could take it whether the latter knew it or not. to which he only answered, " strange ! " he went over this several times, fairly sat down to it, with his back to a tree, as if he meant to confine us to this topic henceforth ; but as he made no headway, only reached the jumping-off place of his wonder at white men's institutions after each explanation, we let the subject die. he said that he had fifty acres of grass. 28 canoeing in the wilderness potatoes, etc., somewhere above oldtown, besides some about his house; that he hired a good deal of his work, hoeing, etc., and preferred white men to indians because " they keep steady and know how." after dinner we returned southward along the shore, in the canoe, on account of the difficulty of climbing over the rocks and fallen trees, and began to ascend the mountain along the edge of the precipice. but, a smart shower coming up just then, the indian crept under his canoe, while we, protected by our rubber coats, pro ceeded to botanize. so we sent him back to the camp for shelter, agreeing that he should come for us with his canoe toward night. it had rained a little in the fore noon, and we trusted that this would be the clearing-up shower, which it proved; but our feet and legs were thoroughly wet by the bushes. the clouds breaking away a little, we had a glorious wild view, as we ascended, of the broad lake with its nu merous forest-clad islands extending be allegash and east branch 29 yond our sight both north and south, and the boundless forest undulating away from its shores on every side, as densely packed as a rye-field and enveloping nameless mountains in succession. it was a perfect lake of the woods. looking southward, the heavens were completely overcast, the mountains capped with clouds, and the lake generally wore a dark and stormy appearance, but from its surface six or eight miles distant there was reflected upward through the misty air a bright blue tinge from the unseen sky of another latitude beyond. they prob ably had a clear sky then at the south end of the lake. again we mistook a little rocky islet seen through the "drisk," with some taller bare trunks or stumps on it, for the steamer with its smoke-pipes, but as it had not changed its position after half an hour we were undeceived. so much do the works of man resemble the works of na ture. a moose might mistake a steamer 30 canoeing in the wilderness for a floating isle, and not be scared till he heard its puffing or its whistle. if i wished to see a mountain or other scenery under the most favorable auspices, i would go to it in foul weather so as to be there when it cleared up. we are then in the most suitable mood, and nature is most fresh and inspiring. there is no seren ity so fair as that which is just established in a tearful eye. jackson, in his " report on the geology of maine," says : " hornstone, which will answer for flints, occurs in various parts of the state. the largest mass of this stone known in the world is mount kineo, upon moosehead lake, which appears to be entirely composed of it, and rises seven hundred feet above the lake level. this variety of hornstone i have seen in every part of new england in the form of in dian arrow-heads, hatchets, chisels, etc., which were probably obtained from this mountain by the aboriginal inhabitants of the country." allegash and east branch 31 i have myself found hundreds of arrow heads made of the same material. it is generally slate-colored, with white specks, becoming a uniform white where exposed to the light and air. i picked up a small thin piece which had so sharp an edge that i used it as a knife, and, to see what i could do, fairly cut off an aspen one inch thick with it, by bending it and making many cuts; though i cut my fingers badly with the back of it in the meanwhile. from the summit of the precipice which forms the southern and eastern sides of this mountain peninsula, five or six hundred feet high, we probably might have jumped down to the water, or to the seemingly dwarfish trees on the narrow neck of land which connects it with the main. it is a dangerous place to try the steadiness of your nerves. the plants which attracted our atten tion on this mountain were the moun tain cinquefoil, abundant and in bloom 32 canoeing in the wilderness still at the very base by the waterside, very beautiful harebells overhanging the precipice, bearberry, the canada blue berry, wild holly, the great round-leafed orchis, bunchberry, reddening as we as cended, green at the base of the moun tain, red at the top, and the small fern woodsia ihensh, growing in tufts, now in fruit. having explored the wonders of the mountain, and the weather being now cleared up, we commenced the descent. we met the indian, puffing and panting, about one third of the way up, but think ing that he must be near the top. on reaching the canoe we found that he had caught a lake trout weighing about three pounds, while we were on the mountain. when we got to the camp, the canoe was taken out and turned over, and a log laid across it to prevent its being blown away. the indian cut some large logs of damp and rotten wood to smoulder and keep fire through the night. the trout was fried for supper. allegash and east branch 33 our tent was of thin cotton cloth and quite small, forming with the ground a triangular prism closed at the rear end, six feet long, seven wide, and four high, so that we could barely sit up in the mid dle. it required two forked stakes, a smooth ridgepole, and a dozen or more pins to pitch it. it kept off dew and wind and an ordinary rain, and answered our purpose well enough. we reclined within it till bedtime, each with his baggage at his head, or else sat about the fire, having hung our wet clothes on a pole before the fire for the night. as we sat there, just before night, look ing out through the dusky wood, the in dian heard a noise which he said was made by a snake. he imitated it at my request, making a low whistling note — pheet — pheet — two or three times re peated, somewhat like the peep of the hyla, but not so loud. he said that he had never seen them while making it, but going to the spot he finds the snake. this, 34 canoeing in the wilderness he said, was a sign of rain. when i had selected this place for our camp he had remarked that there were snakes there. " but they won't do any hurt," i said. "oh, no," he answered, "just as you say; it makes no difference to me." he lay on the right side of the tent, because, as he said, he was partly deaf in one ear, and he wanted to lie with his good ear up. as we lay there he inquired if i ever heard "indian sing." i replied that i had not often, and asked him if he would not favor us with a song. he readily assented, and, lying on his back, with his blanket wrapped around him, he commenced a slow, somewhat nasal, yet musical chant, in his own language, which probably was taught his tribe long ago by the catholic missionaries. he trans lated it to us, sentence by sentence, after ward. it proved to be a very simple religious exercise or hymn, the burden of which was that there was only one god who ruled all the world. allegash and east branch 35 his singing carried me back to the pe riod of the discovery of america, when europeans first encountered the simple faith of the indian. there was, indeed, a beautiful simplicity about it; nothing of the dark and savage, only the mild and infantile. the sentiments of humility and reverence chiefly were expressed. it was a dense and damp spruce and fir wood in which we lay, and, except for our fire, perfectly dark ; and when i awoke in the night, i either heard an owl from deeper in the forest behind us, or a loon from a distance over the lake. getting up some time after midnight to collect the scattered brands together, while my com panions were sound asleep, i observed, partly in the fire, which had ceased to blaze, a perfectly regular elliptical ring of light, about five inches in its shortest diam eter, six or seven in its longer, and from one eighth to one quarter of an inch wide. it was fully as bright as the fire, but not reddish or scarlet like a coal, but a white 36 canoeing in the wilderness and slumbering light, like the glowworm's. i saw at once that it must be phosphor escent wood, which i had often heard of, but never chanced to see. putting my fin ger on it, with a little hesitation, i found that it was a piece of dead moosewood which the indian had cut off in a slanting direction the evening before. using my knife, i discovered that the light proceeded from that portion of the sapwood immediately under the bark, and thus presented a regular ring at the end, and when i pared off the bark and cut into the sap, it was all aglow along the log. i was surprised to find the wood quite hard and apparently sound, though probably decay had commenced in the sap, and i cut out some little triangular chips, and, placing them in the hollow of my hand, car ried them into the camp, waked my com panion, and showed them to him. they lit up the inside of my hand, revealing the lines and wrinkles, and appearing exactly like coals of fire raised to a white heat. allegash and east branch 37 i noticed that part of a decayed stump within four or five feet of the fire, an inch wide and six inches long, soft and shaking wood, shone with equal brightness. i neglected to ascertain whether our fire had anything to do with this, but the pre vious day's rain and long-continued wet weather undoubtedly had. i was exceedingly interested by this phenomenon. it could hardly have thrilled me more if it had taken the form of let ters, or of the human face. i little thought that there was such a light shining in the darkness of the wilderness for me. the next day the indian told me their name for the light — artoosoqu* — and on my inquiring concerning the will-o'-the wisp he said that his " folks " sometimes saw fires passing along at various heights, even as high as the trees, and making a noise. i was prepared after this to hear of the most startling and unimagined phe nemona witnessed by " his folks," they are abroad at all hours and seasons in scenes 38 canoeing in the wilderness so unfrequented by white men. nature must have made a thousand revelations to them which are still secrets to us. i did not regret my not having seen this before, since i now saw it under cir cumstances so favorable. i was in just the frame of mind to see something wonder ful, and this was a phenomenon adequate to my circumstances and expectation, and it put me on the alert to see more like it. i let science slide, and rejoiced in that light as if it had been a fellow creature. a scientific explanation, as it is called, would have been altogether out of place there. that is for pale daylight. science with its retorts would have put me to sleep ; it was the opportunity to be ignorant that i im proved. it made a believer of me more than before. i believed that the woods were not tenantless, but choke-full of hon est spirits as good as myself any day — not an empty chamber in which chemistry was left to work alone, but an inhabited house. it suggested, too, that the same experience allegash and east branch 39 always gives birth to the same sort of be lief or religion. one revelation has been made to the indian, another to the white man. i have much to learn of the indian, nothing of the missionary. i am not sure but all that would tempt me to teach the indian my religion would be his promise to teach me his. long enough i had heard of irrelevant things ; now at length i was glad to make acquaintance with the light that dwells in rotten wood. i kept those little chips and wet them again the next night, but they emitted no light. ill saturday, july 25 at breakfast, the indian, evidently curious to know what would be ex pected of him the next day, asked me how i spent the sunday when at home. i told him that i commonly sat in my chamber reading, etc., in the forenoon, and went to walk in the afternoon. at which he shook his head and said, " er, that is ver' bad." "how do you spend it?" i asked. he said that he did no work, that he went to church at oldtown when he was at home ; in short, he did as he had been taught by the whites. when we were washing the dishes in the lakes, many fishes came close up to us to get the particles of grease. the weather seemed to be more settled this morning, and we set out early in order allegash and east branch 41 to finish our voyage up the lake before the wind arose. soon after starting, the indian directed our attention to the northeast carry, which we could plainly see, about thirteen miles distant. this carry is a rude wooden railroad running north and south about two miles, perfectly straight, from the lake to the penobscot through a low tract, with a clearing three or four rods wide. this opening appeared as a clear bright, or light, point in the horizon, rest ing on the edge of the lake. we should not have suspected it to be visible if the indian had not drawn our attention to it. it was a remarkable kind of light to steer for — daylight seen through a vista in the forest — but visible as far as an ordinary beacon by night. we crossed a deep wide bay north of kineo, leaving an island on our left and keeping up the eastern side of the lake. we then crossed another broad bay, which, as we could no longer observe the shore particularly, afforded ample time for con 42 canoeing in the wilderness versation. the indian said that he had got his money by hunting, mostly high up the west branch of the penobscot, and toward the head of the st, john. he had hunted there from a boy, and knew all about that region. his game had been beaver, otter, black cat (or fisher), sable, moose, etc. canada lynx were plenty yet in burnt grounds. for food in the woods he uses partridges, ducks, dried moose meat, hedge hog, etc. loons, too, were good, only " bile 'em good." pointing into the bay he said that it was the way to various lakes which he knew. only solemn bear-haunted moun tains with their great wooded slopes were visible. the indian said that he had been along there several times. i asked him how he guided himself in the woods. " oh," said he, " i can tell good many ways." when i pressed him further he an swered, *' sometimes i lookum sidehill," and he glanced toward a high hill or allegash and east branch 43 mountain on the eastern shore; "great difference between the north and south; see where the sun has shone most. so trees — the large limbs bend toward south. sometimes i lookum locks" (rocks). i asked what he saw on the rocks, but he did not describe anything in particu lar, answering vaguely, in a mysterious or drawling tone, " bare locks on lake shore — great difference between north, south, east, west side — can tell what the sun has shone on." "suppose," said i, "that i should take you in a dark night right up here into the middle of the woods a hundred miles, set you down, and turn you round quickly twenty times, could you steer straight to oldtown?" " oh, yer," said he, " have done pretty much same thing. i will tell you. some years ago i met an old white hunter at millinocket ; very good hunter. he said he could go anywhere in the woods. he wanted to hunt with me that day, so we 44 canoeing in the wilderness start. we chase a moose all the forenoon, round and round, till middle of afternoon, when we kill him. then i said to him, *now you go straight to camp.' " he said, * i can't do that. i don't know where i am.' " * where you think camp ?' i asked. " he pointed so. then i laugh at him. i take the lead and go right off the other way, cross our tracks many times, straight camp.'' "how do you do that?*' asked i. " oh, i can't tell you^ he replied. ** great difference between me and white man." it appeared as if the sources of infor mation were so various that he did not give a distinct conscious attention to any one, and so could not readily refer to any when questioned about it, but he found his way very much as an animal does. perhaps what is commonly called instinct in the animal in this case is merely a sharp ened and educated sense. often, when an allegash and east branch 45 indian says, " i don't know," in regard to the route he is to take, he does not mean what a white man would by those words, for his indian instinct may tell him still as much as the most confident white man knows. he does not carry things in his head, nor remember the route exactly, like a white man, but relies on himself at the moment. not having experienced the need of the other sort of knowledge — all labeled and arranged — he has not acquired it. the hunter with whom i talked in the stage knew some of the resources of the indian. he said that he steered by the wind, or by the limbs of the hemlocks, which were largest on the south side; also sometimes, when he knew that there was a lake near, by firing his gun and listening to hear the direction and distance of the echo from over it. as the forenoon advanced the wind in creased. the last bay which we crossed before reaching the desolate pier at the 46 canoeing in the wilderness northeast carry, was two or three miles over, and the wind was southwesterly. after going a third of the way, the waves had increased so as occasionally to wash into the canoe, and we saw that it was worse ahead. at first we might have turned about, but were not willing to. it would have been of no use to follow the course of the shore, for the waves ran still higher there on account of the greater sweep the wind had. at any rate it would have been dangerous now to alter our course, because the waves would have struck us at an ad vantage. it will not do to meet them at right angles, for then they will wash in both sides, but you must take them quar tering. so the indian stood up in the canoe and exerted all his skill and strength for a mile or two, while i paddled right along in order to give him more steerage way. for more than a mile he did not allow a single wave to strike the canoe as it would, but turned it quickly from this side to that, so that it would always be on allegash and east branch 47 or near the crest of a wave when it broke, where all its force was spent, and we merely settled down with it. at length i jumped out onto the end of the pier against which the waves were dashing violently, in order to lighten the canoe and catch it at the landing, which was not much sheltered, but just as i jumped we took in two or three gallons of water. i remarked to the indian, "you managed that well," to which he replied: " ver' few men do that. great many waves; when i look out for one, another come quick." while the indian went to get cedar bark, etc., to carry his canoe with, we cooked the dinner on the shore in the midst of a sprinkling rain. he prepared his canoe for carrying in this wise. he took a cedar shingle or splint eighteen inches long and four or five wide, rounded at one end, that the corners might not be in the way, and tied it with cedar bark by two holes made midway, near the edge on each side, to the middle crossbar of the 48 canoeing in the wilderness canoe. when the canoe was hfted upon his head bottom up, this shingle, with its rounded end uppermost, distributed the weight over his shoulders and head, while a band of cedar bark, tied to the crossbar on each side of the shingle, passed round his breast, and another longer one, outside of the last, round his forehead ; also a hand on each side rail served to steer the canoe and keep it from rocking. he thus carried it with his shoulders, head, breast, fore head, and both hands, as if the upper part of his body were all one hand to clasp and hold it. a cedar tree furnished all the gear in this case, as it had the woodwork of the canoe. one of the paddles rested on the crossbars in the bows. i took the canoe upon my head and found that i could carry it with ease, but i let him carry it, not caring to establish a different precedent. this shingle remained tied to the crossbar throughout the voyage, was always ready for the carries, and also served to protect the back of one passenger. allegash and east branch 49 we were obliged to go over this carry twice, our load was so great. but the carries were an agreeable variety, and we improved the opportunity to gather the rare plants which we had seen, when we returned empty-handed. we reached the penobscot about four o'clock, and found there some st. francis indians encamped on the bank. they were making a canoe and drying moose meat. their camp was covered with spruce bark. they had a young moose, taken in the river a fortnight before, confined in a sort of cage of logs piled up cob-fashion, seven or eight feet high. it was quite tame, about four feet high, and covered with moose flies. there was a large quantity of cornel, red maple, and also willow and aspen boughs, stuck through between the logs on all sides, butt ends out, and on their leaves it was browsing. it looked at first as if it were in a bower rather than a pen. our indian said that he used black spruce so canoeing in the wilderness roots to sew canoes with, obtaining it from high lands or mountains. the st. francis indians thought that white spruce roots might be best. but the former said, "no good, break, can't split 'em." i told him i thought that i could make a canoe, but he expressed great doubt of it ; at any rate he thought that my work would not be "neat" the first time. having reloaded, we paddled down the penobscot. we saw a splendid yellow lily by the shore, which i plucked. it was six feet high and had twelve flowers, in two whorls, forming a pyramid. we afterward saw many more thus tall along this stream, and on the east branch. the indian said that the roots were good for soup, that is, to cook with meat, to thicken it, taking the place of flour. they get them in the fall. i dug some, and found a mass of bulbs pretty deep in the earth, two inches in diameter, looking, and even tasting, some what like raw green corn on the ear. when we had gone about three miles allegash and east branch 51 down the penobscot, we saw through the tree-tops a thunder-shower coming up in the west, and we looked out a camping place in good season, about five o'clock. i will describe the routine of camping. we generally told the indian that we would stop at the first suitable place, so that he might be on the lookout for it. having observed a clear, hard, and flat beach to land on, free from mud, and from stones which would injure the canoe, one would run up the bank to see if there were open and level space enough for the camp be tween the trees, or if it could be easily cleared, preferring at the same time a cool place, on account of insects. sometimes we paddled a mile or more before finding one to our minds, for where the shore was suitable the bank would often be too steep, or else too low and grassy, and there fore mosquitoey. we then took out the baggage and drew up the canoe. the in dian cut a path to the spot we had selected, which was usually within two or three 52 canoeing in the wilderness rods of the water, and we carried up our baggage. one, perhaps, takes birch bark, always at hand, and dead dry wood, and kindles a fire five or six feet in front of where we intend to lie. it matters not, commonly, on which side this is, because there is little or no wind in so dense a wood at that season; and then he gets a kettle of water from the river, and takes out the pork, bread, coffee, etc., from their several pack ages. another, meanwhile, having the axe, cuts down the nearest dead rock maple or other dry hard wood, collecting several large logs to last through the night, also a green stake, with a notch or fork to it, which is slanted over the fire, perhaps resting on a rock or forked stake, to hang the kettle on, and two forked stakes and a pole for the tent. the third man pitches the tent, cuts a dozen or more pins with his knife to fasten it down with, and then collects an armful or two of fir twigs, arbor-vits, spruce, or making a camp in the streamside yvoodland allegash and east branch 53 hemlock, whichever is at hand, and makes the bed, beginning at either end, and lay ing the twigs wrong side up, in regular rows, covering the stub ends of the last row ; first, however, filling the hollows, if there are any, with coarser material. commonly, by the time the bed is made, or within fifteen or twenty minutes, the water boils, the pork is fried, and supper is ready. we eat this sitting on the ground, or a stump, around a large piece of birch bark for a table, each holding a dipper in one hand and a piece of ship-bread or fried pork in the other, frequently making a pass with his hand, or thrusting his head into the smoke, to avoid the mosquitoes. next, pipes are lit by those who smoke, and veils are donned by those who have them, and we hastily examine and dry our plants, anoint our faces and hands, and go to bed. though you have nothing to do but see the country, there 's rarely any time to spare, hardly enough to examine a plant. 54 canoeing in the wilderness before the night or drowsiness is upon you. such was the ordinary experience, but this evening we had camped earlier on ac count of the rain, and had more time. we found that our camp was on an old indis tinct supply-road, running along the river. what is called a road there shows no ruts or trace of wheels, for they are not used ; nor, indeed, of runners, since they are used only in the winter when the snow is sev eral feet deep. it is only an indistinct vista through the wood, which it takes an ex perienced eye to detect. we had no sooner pitched our tent than the thunder-shower burst on us, and we hastily crept under it, drawing our bags after us, curious to see how much of a shelter our thin cotton roof was going to be in this excursion. though the violence of the rain forced a fine shower through the cloth before it was fairly wetted and shrunk, with which we were well bedewed, we managed to keep pretty dry, only a allegash and east branch 55 box of matches having been left out and spoiled, and before we were aware of it the shower was over, and only the drip ping trees imprisoned us. wishing to see what fishes were in the river there, we cast our lines over the wet bushes on the shore, but they were repeat edly swept down the swift stream in vain. so, leaving the indian, we took the canoe, just before dark, and dropped down the river a few rods to fish at the mouth of a sluggish brook. we pushed up this a rod or two, but were soon driven off by the mosquitoes. while there we heard the indian fire his gun twice in rapid succes sion. his object was to clean out and dry it after the rain, and he then loaded it with ball, being now on ground where he ex pected to meet with large game. this sudden loud crashing noise in the still aisles of the forest affected me like an insult to nature, or ill manners at any rate, as if you were to fire a gun in a hall or temple. it was not heard far, however, except along 56 canoeing in the wilderness the river, the sound being rapidly hushed up or absorbed by the damp trees and mossy ground. the indian made a little smothered fire of damp leaves close to the back of the camp, that the smoke might drive through and keep out the mosquitoes, but just be fore we fell asleep this suddenly blazed up and came near setting fire to the tent. iv sunday, july 26 the note of the white-throated spar\ row was the first heard in the morn ing, and with this all the woods rang. though commonly unseen, their simple a&y te-te-te, te-te-te^ te-te-te^ so sharp and piercing, was as distinct to the ear as the passage of a spark of fire shot into the darkest of the forest would be to the eye. we were commonly aroused by their lively strain very early. what a glorious time they must have in that wilderness, far from man kind ! i told the indian that we would go to church to chesuncook this morning, some fifteen miles. it was settled weather at last. a few swallows flitted over the water, we heard maryland yellow-throats along the shore, the notes of the chickadee, and. 58 canoeing in the wilderness i believe, redstarts. moose-flies of large size pursued us in midstream. the indian thought that we should lie by on sunday. said he, " we come here lookum things, look all round, but come sunday look up all that, and then monday look again." he spoke of an indian of his acquaint ance who had been with some ministers to katahdin and had told him how they conducted. this he described in a low and solemn voice. "they make a long prayer every morning and night, and at every meal. come sunday, they stop 'em, no go at all that day — keep still — preach all day — first one, then another, just like church. oh, ver' good men. one day go ing along a river, they came to the body of a man in the water, drowned good while. they go right ashore — stop there, go no farther that day — they have meet ing there, preach and pray just like sun day. then they go back and carry the body with them. oh, they ver' good men." allegash and east branch 59 i judged from this account that their every camp was a camp-meeting, and that they wanted an opportunity to preach somewhere more than to see katahdin. however, the indian added, plying the paddle all the while, that if we would go along he must go with us, he our man, and he suppose that if he no takum pay for what he do sunday then ther 's no harm, but if he takum pay then wrong. i told him that he was stricter than white men. nevertheless, i noticed that he did not forget to reckon in the sundays at last. he appeared to be a very religious man, and said his prayers in a loud voice, in in dian, kneeling before the camp, morning and evening — sometimes scrambling up in haste when he had forgotten this, and saying them with great rapidity. in the course of the day he remarked, "poor man rememberum god more than rich." we soon passed the island where i had camped four years before. the deadwater, a mile or two below it, the indian said 6o canoeing in the wilderness was "a great place for moose." we saw the grass bent where a moose came out the night before, and the indian said that he could smell one as far as he could see him, but he added that if he should see five or six to-day close by canoe he no shoot 'em. accordingly, as he was the only one of the party who had a gun, or had come a-hunting, the moose were safe. just below this a cat owl flew heavily over the stream, and he, asking if i knew what it was, imitated very well the com mon hoo, boo, hoo, hoorer, hoo, of our woods. we carried a part of the baggage about pine stream falls, while the indian went down in the canoe. a bangor merchant had told us that two men in his employ were drowned some time ago while pass ing these falls in a bateau, and a third clung to a rock all night and was taken off in the morning. there were magnificent great purple fringed orchises on this carry and the neighboring shores. i measured the largest canoe birch which i saw in this allegash and east branch 6i journey near the end of the carry. it was fourteen and one half feet in circumfer ence at two feet from the ground, but at five feet divided into three parts. the in dian cut a small woody knob as big as a filbert from the trunk of a fir, apparently an old balsam vesicle filled with wood, which he said was good medicine. after we had embarked and gone half a mile, my companion remembered that he had left his knife, and we paddled back to get it, against the strong and swift cur rent. this taught us the difference be tween going up and down the stream, for while we were working our way back a quarter of a mile, we should have gone down a mile and half at least. so we landed, and while he and the indian were gone back for it, i watched the motions of the foam, a kind of white waterfowl near the shore, forty or fifty rods below. it alternately appeared and disappeared behind the rock, being carried round by an eddy. 62 canoeing in the wilderness immediately below these falls was the chesuncook deadwater, caused by the flowing back of the lake. as we paddled slowly over this, the indian told us a story of his hunting thereabouts, and something more interesting about himself. it ap peared that he had represented his tribe at augusta, and once at washington. he had a great idea of education, and would occasionally break out into such expressions as this, " kademy — good thing — i sup pose they usum fifth reader there. you been college?" we steered across the northwest end of the lake. it is an agreeable change to cross a lake after you have been shut up in the woods, not only on account of the greater expanse of water, but also of sky. it is one of the surprises which nature has in store for the traveler in the forest. to look down, in this case, over eighteen miles of water was liberating and civilizing even. the lakes also reveal the mountains, and give ample scope and range to our thought. allegash and east branch 63 already there were half a dozen log huts about this end of the lake, though so far from a road. in these woods the earliest settlements are clustering about the lakes, partly, i think, for the sake of the neigh borhood as the oldest clearings. water is a pioneer which the settler follows, taking advantage of its improvements. about noon we turned northward up a broad kind of estuary, and at its northeast corner found the caucomgomoc river, and after going about a mile from the lake reached the umbazookskus. our course was up the umbazookskus, but as the in dian knew of a good camping-place, that is, a cool place where there were few mos quitoes, about half a mile farther up the caucomgomoc, we went thither. so quickly we changed the civilizing sky of chesuncook for the dark wood of the caucomgomoc. on reaching the indian's camping-ground on the south side, where the bank was about a dozen feet high, i read on the trunk of a fir tree blazed by 64 canoeing in the wilderness an axe an inscription in charcoal which had been left by him. it was surmounted by a drawing of a bear paddling a canoe, which he said was the sign used by his family always. the drawing, though rude, could not be mistaken for anything but a bear, and he doubted my ability to copy it. the inscription ran thus. i interline the english of his indian as he gave it to me. (the figure of a bear in a boat.) july 26 1853 ntasoseb we alone joseph pohs elioi polls start sia olta for oldtown onke ni right away quambi july 15 1855 niasoseb allegash and east branch 65 he added now below: — 1857 july 26 jo. polls this was one of his homes. i saw where he had sometimes stretched his moose-hides on the sunny north side of the river where there was a narrow meadow. after we had selected a place for our camp, and kindled our fire, almost exactly on the site of the indian's last camp here, he, looking up, observed, " that tree danger." it was a dead part, more than a foot in diameter, of a large canoe birch, which branched at the ground. this branch, rising thirty feet or more, slanted directly over the spot which we had chosen for our bed. i told him to try it with his axe, but he could not shake it perceptibly, and, therefore, seemed inclined to disregard it, and my companion expressed his willing ness to run the risk. but it seemed to me that we should be fools to lie under it, for 66 canoeing in the wilderness though the lower part was firm, the top, for aught we knew, might be just ready to fall, and we should at any rate be very uneasy if the wind arose in the night. it is a common accident for men camping in the woods to be killed by a falling tree. so the camp was moved to the other side of the fire. the indian said that the umbazooks kus, being a dead stream with broad mead ows, was a good place for moose, and he frequently came a-hunting here, being out alone three weeks or more from old town. he sometimes, also, went a-hunt ing to the seboois lakes, taking the stage, with his gun and ammunition, axe and blankets, hard-bread and pork, perhaps for a hundred miles of the way, and jumped offat the wildest place on the road, where he was at once at home, and every rod was a tavern-site for him. then, after a short journey through the woods, he would build a spruce-bark canoe in one day, put ting but few ribs into it, that it might be allegash and east branch 67 light, and, after doing his hunting with it on the lakes, would return with his furs the same way he had come. thus you have an indian availing himself of the advantages of civilization, without losing any of his woodcraft, but proving himself the more successful hunter for it. this man was very clever and quick to learn anything in his line. our tent was of a kind new to him, but when he had once seen it pitched it was surprising how quickly he would find and prepare the pole and forked stakes to pitch it with, cutting and placing them right the first time, though i am sure that the majority of white men would have blundered sev eral times. now i thought i would observe how he spent his sunday. while i and my companion were looking about at the trees and river he went to sleep. indeed, he improved every opportunity to get a nap, whatever the day. rambling about the woods at this 68 canoeing in the wilderness camp, i noticed that they consisted chiefly of firs, spruce, red maple, birch, and, along the river, the hoary alder. i could trace the outlines of large birches that had fallen long ago, collapsed and rotted and turned to soil, by faint yellowish-green lines of featherlike moss, eighteen inches wide and twenty or thirty feet long, crossed by other similar lines. wild as it was, it was hard for me to get rid of the associations of the settle ments. any steady and monotonous sound, to which i did not distinctly attend, passed for a sound of human industry. the water falls which i heard were not without their dams and mills to my imagination ; and several times i found that i had been re garding the steady rushing sound of the wind from over the woods beyond the rivers as that of a train of cars. our minds anywhere, when left to themselves, are al ways thus busily drawing conclusions from false premises. i asked the indian to make us a sugar allegash and east branch 69 bowl of birch bark, which he did, using the great knife which dangled in a sheath from his belt; but the bark broke at the corners when he bent it up, and he said it was not good — that there was a great difference in this respect between the bark of one canoe birch and that of another. my companion, wishing to distinguish between the black and white spruce, asked polis to show him a twig of the latter, which he did at once, together with the black; indeed, he could distinguish them about as far as he could see them. as the two twigs appeared very much alike, my companion asked the indian to point out the difference ; whereupon the latter, tak ing the twigs, instantly remarked, as he passed his hand over them successively in a stroking manner, that the white was rough, that is, the needles stood up nearly perpendicular, but the black smooth, that is, as if bent down. this was an obvious difference, both to sight and touch. i asked him to get some black spruce 70 canoeing in the wilderness root and make some thread. whereupon, without looking up at the trees overhead, he began to grub in the ground, instantly distinguishing the black spruce roots, and cutting off a slender one, three or four feet long, and as big as a pipestem, he split the end with his knife, and taking a half between the thumb and forefinger of each hand, rapidly separated its whole length into two equal semi-cylindrical halves. then, giving me another root, he said, " you try." but in my hands it immediately ran off one side, and i got only a very short piece. though it looked easy, i found that there was a great art in splitting these roots. the split is skillfully hu mored by bending short with this hand or that, and so kept in the middle. he then took off the bark from each half, pressing a short piece of cedar bark against the convex side with both hands, while he drew the root upward with his teeth. an indian's teeth are strong, and allegash and east branch 71 i noticed that he used his often where we should have used a hand. they amounted to a third hand. he thus obtained in a moment a very neat, tough, and flexible string, which he could tie into a knot, or make into a fishline even. he said that you would be obliged to give half a dollar for spruce root enough for a canoe, thus prepared. he had discovered the day before that his canoe leaked a little, and said that it was owing to stepping into it violently. i asked him where he would get pitch to mend it with, for they commonly use hard pitch, obtained of the whites at oldtown. he said that he could make something very similar, and equally good, of material which we had with us; and he wished me to guess what. but i could not, and he would not tell me, though he showed me a ball of it when made, as big as a pea and like black pitch, saying, at last, that there were some things which a man did not tell even his wife. 72 canoeing in the wilderness being curious to see what kind of fishes there were in this dark, deep, slug gish river, i cast in my line just before night, and caught several small sucker-like fishes, which the indian at once rejected, saying that they were good for nothing. also, he would not touch a pout, which i caught, and said that neither indians nor whites thereabouts ever ate them. but he said that some small silvery fishes, which i called white chivin, were the best fish in the penobscot waters, and if i would toss them up the bank to him, he would cook them for me. after clean ing them, not very carefully, leaving the heads on, he laid them on the coals and so broiled them. returning from a short walk, he brought a vine in his hand, saying that it made the best tea of anything in the woods. it was the creeping snowberry, which was quite common there, its berries just grown. so we determined to have some tea made of this. it had a slight checker lishing allegash and east branch 73 berry flavor, and we both agreed that it was really better than the black tea which we had brought. we thought it quite a discovery, and that it might well be dried and sold in the shops. i for one, how ever, am not an old tea-drinker and can not speak with authority to others. the indian said that they also used for tea a certain herb which grew in low ground, which he did not find there, and labra dor tea; also hemlock leaves, the last especially in winter when the other plants were covered with snow; and various other things. we could have had a new kind of tea every night. just before night we saw a musquash^ the only one we saw in this voyage, swimming downward on the opposite side of the stream. the indian, wishing to get one to eat, hushed us, saying, " stop, me call 'em"; and, sitting flat on the bank, he began to make a curious squeak ing, wiry sound with his lips, exerting himself considerably. i was greatly sur 74 canoeing in the wilderness prised — thought that i had at last got into the wilderness, and that he was a wild man indeed, to be talking to a musquash ! i did not know which of the two was the strangest to me. he seemed suddenly to have quite forsaken humanity, and gone over to the musquash side. the mus quash, however, as near as i could see, did not turn aside, and the indian said that he saw our fire ; but it was evident that he was in the habit of calling the musquash to him, as he said. an acquaintance of mine who was hunting moose in these woods a month after this, tells me that his indian in this way repeatedly called the musquash within reach of his paddle in the moonlight, and struck at them. the indian said a particularly long prayer this sunday evening, as if to atone for working in the morning. monday, july 27 having rapidly loaded the canoe, which the indian always carefully attended to, that it might be well trimmed, and each having taken a look, as usual, to see that nothing was left, we set out again, descending the caucomgomoc, and turn ing northeasterly up the umbazookskus. this name, the indian said, meant much meadow river. we found it now very wide on account of the rains. the space between the woods, chiefly bare meadow, was from fifty to two hundred rods in breadth. in the water on the meadows grew sedges, wool-grass, the common blue flag abundantly, its flower just showing itself above the high water, as if it were a blue water-lily, and higher in the meadows a great many clumps of a peculiar narrow 76 canoeing in the wilderness leaved willow. here also grew the red osier, its large fruit now whitish. it was unusual for the woods to be so distant from the shore, and there was quite an echo from them, but when i was shouting in order to awake it, the indian reminded me that i should scare the moose, which he was looking out for, and which we all wanted to see. having paddled several miles up the umbazookskus, it suddenly contracted to a mere brook, narrow and swift, the larches and other trees approaching the bank and leaving no open meadow. we landed to get a black spruce pole for pushing against the stream. the one selected was quite slender, cut about ten feet long, merely whittled to a point, and the bark shaved off. while we were thus employed, two in dians in a canoe hove in sight round the bushes, coming down stream. our indian knew one of them, an old man, and fell into conversation with him. he belonged allegash and east branch -jj at the foot of moosehead. the other was of another tribe. they were returning from hunting. i asked the younger if they had seen any moose, to which he said "no"; but i, seeing the moose-hides sticking out from a great bundle made with their blankets in the middle of the canoe, added, " only their hides." as he was a foreigner, he may have wished to deceive me, for it is against the law for white men and foreigners to kill moose in maine at this season. but per haps he need not have been alarmed, for the moose-wardens are not very particular. i heard of one who, being asked by a white man going into the woods what he would say if he killed a moose, answered, " if you bring me a quarter of it i guess you won't be troubled." his duty being, as he said, only to prevent the " indiscriminate " slaughter of them for their hides. i sup pose that he would consider it an indiscrifn inate slaughter when a quarter was not reserved for himself. 78 canoeing in the wilderness we continued along through the most extensive larch wood which i had seen — tall and slender trees with fantastic branches. you do not find straggling trees of this spe cies here and there throughout the wood, but rather a little forest of them. the same is the case with the white and red pines and some other trees, greatly to the convenience of the lumberer. they are of a social habit, growing in " veins," " clumps,'* "groups," or "communities," as the ex plorers call them, distinguishing them far away, from the top of a hill or a tree, the white pines towering above the surround ing forest, or else they form extensive forests by themselves. i should have liked to come across a large community of pines which had never been invaded by the lumbering army. we saw some fresh moose-tracks along the shore. the stream was only from one and one half to three rods wide, quite wind ing, with occasional small islands, meadows, and some very swift and shallow places. allegash and east branch 79 when we came to an island the indian never hesitated which side to take, as if the current told him which was the short est and deepest. it was lucky for us that the water was so high. we had to walk but once on this stream, carrying a part of the load, at a swift and shallow reach, while he got up with the canoe, not being obliged to take out, though he said it was very strong water. once or twice we passed the red wreck of a bateau which had been stove some spring. while making this portage i saw many splendid specimens of the great purple fringed orchis, three feet high. it is re markable that such delicate flowers should here adorn these wilderness paths. the umbazookskus is called ten miles long. having poled up the narrowest part some three or four miles, the next opening in the sky was over umbazookskus lake, which we suddenly entered about eleven o'clock in the forenoon. it stretches north westerly four or five miles. we crossed 8o canoeing in the wilderness the southeast end to the carry into mud pond. hodge, who went through this way to the st. lawrence in the service of the state, calls the portage here a mile and three quarters long. the indian said this was the wettest carry in the state, and as the season was a very wet one we anticipated an unpleasant walk. as usual he made one large bundle of the pork-keg, cook ing-utensils, and other loose traps, by tying them up in his blanket. we should be obliged to go over the carry twice, and our method was to carry one half part way, and then go back for the rest. our path ran close by the door of a log hut in a clearing at this end of the carry, which the indian, who alone entered it, found to be occupied by a canadian and his family, and that the man had been blind for a year. this was the first house above chesuncook, and was built here, no doubt, because it was the route of the lumberers in the winter and spring. allegash and east branch 8i after a slight ascent from the lake through the springy soil of the canadian's clearing, we entered on a level and very wet and rocky path through the dense evergreen forest, a loosely paved gutter merely, where we went leaping from rock to rock and from side to side in the vain attempt to keep out of the water and mud. it was on this carry that the white hunter whom i met in the stage, as he told me, had shot two bears a few months before. they stood directly in the path and did not turn out for him. he said that at this season bears were found on the mountains and hillsides in search of berries and were apt to be saucy. here commences what was called, twenty years ago, the best timber land in the state. this very spot was described as ** covered with the greatest abundance of pine," but now this appeared to me, com paratively, an uncommon tree there — and yet you did not see where any more could have stood, amid the dense growth of cedar, fir, etc. 82 canoeing in the wilderness the indian with his canoe soon disap peared before us, but ere long he came back and told us to take a path which turned off westward, it being better walking, and, at my suggestion, he agreed to leave a bough in the regular carry at that place that we might not pass it by mistake. thereafter, he said, we were to keep the main path, and he added, "you see 'em my tracks/' but i had not much faith that we could distinguish his tracks, since others had passed over the carry within a few days. we turned off at the right place, but were soon confused by numerous logging-paths coming into the one we were on. how ever, we kept what we considered the main path, though it was a winding one, and in this, at long intervals, we distin guished a faint trace of a footstep. this, though comparatively unworn, was at first a better, or, at least, a dryer road than the regular carry which we had left. it led through an arbor-vitae wilderness of the allegash and east branch 83 grimmest character. the great fallen and rotting trees had been cut through and rolled aside, and their huge trunks abutted on the path on each side, while others still lay across it two or three feet high. it was impossible for us to discern the indian's trail in the elastic moss, which, like a thick carpet, covered every rock and fallen tree, as well as the earth. neverthe less, i did occasionally detect the track of a man, and i gave myself some credit for it. i carried my whole load at once, a heavy knapsack, and a large rubber bag containing our bread and a blanket, swung on a paddle, in all about sixty pounds; but my companion preferred to make two jour neys by short stages while i waited for him. we could not be sure that we were not depositing our loads each time farther off from the true path. as i sat waiting for my companion, he would seem to be gone a long time, and i had ample opportunity to make observa tions on the forest. i now first began to 84 canoeing in the wilderness be seriously molested by the black fly, a very small but perfectly formed fly of that color, about one tenth of an inch long, which i felt, and then saw, in swarms about me, as i sat by a wider and more than usually doubtful fork in this dark forest path. remembering that i had a wash in my knapsack, prepared by a thoughtful hand in bangor, i made haste to apply it to my face and hands, and was glad to find it effectual, as long as it was fresh, or for twenty minutes, not only against black flies, but all the insects that molested us. they would not alight on the part thus defended. it was composed of sweet oil and oil of turpentine, with a little oil of spearmint, and camphor. how ever, i finally concluded that the remedy was worse than the disease, it was so dis agreeable and inconvenient to have your face and hands covered with such a mix ture. three large slate-colored birds of the jay genus, the canada jay, came flitting allegash and east branch 85 silently and by degrees toward me, and hopped down the limbs inquisitively to within seven or eight feet. fish hawks from the lake uttered their sharp whist ling notes low over the top of the forest near me, as if they were anxious about a nest there. after i had sat there some time i no ticed at this fork in the path a tree which had been blazed, and the letters " chamb. l." written on it with red chalk. this i knew to mean chamberlain lake. so i concluded that on the whole we were on the right course. my companion having returned with his bag, we set forward again. the walk ing rapidly grew worse and the path more indistinct, and at length we found ourselves in a more open and regular swamp made less passable than ordinary by the unusual wetness of the season. we sank a foot deep in water and mud at every step, and some times up to our knees. the trail was almost obliterated, being no more than a mus 86 canoeing in the wilderness quash leaves in similar places when he parts the floating sedge. in fact, it probably was a musquash trail in some places. we con cluded that if mud pond was as muddy as the approach to it was wet, it certainly de served its name. it would have been amus ing to behold the dogged and deliberate pace at which we entered that swamp, without interchanging a word, as if deter mined to go through it, though it should come up to our necks. having penetrated a considerable distance into this and found a tussock on which we could deposit our loads, though there was no place to sit, my companion went back for the rest of his pack. after a long while my companion came back, and the indian with him. we had taken the wrong road, and the indian had lost us. he had gone back to the cana dian's camp and asked him which way we had probably gone, since he could better understand the ways of white men, and he told him correctly that we had undoubt allegash and east branch 87 edly taken the supply road to chamber lain lake. the indian was greatly sur prised that we should have taken what he called a " tow," that is, tote, toting, or supply, road instead of a carry path, — that we had not followed his tracks, — said it was "strange," and evidently thought little of our woodcraft. having held a consultation and eaten a mouthful of bread, we concluded that it would perhaps be nearer for us two now to keep on to chamberlain lake, omit ting mud pond, than to go back and start anew for the last place, though the in dian had never been through this way and knew nothing about it. in the meanwhile he would go back and finish carrying over his canoe and bundle to mud pond, cross that, and go down its outlet and up cham berlain lake, and trust to meet us there before night. it was now a little after noon. he supposed that the water in which we stood had flowed back from mud pond, which could not be far off 88 canoeing in the wilderness eastward, but was unapproachable through the dense cedar swamp. keeping on, we were ere long agreeably disappointed by reaching firmer ground, and we crossed a ridge where the path was more distinct, but there was never any outlook over the forest. at one place i heard a very clear and piercing note from a small hawk as he dashed through the tree-tops over my head. we also saw and heard several times the red squirrel. this, according to the indian, is the only squir rel found in those woods, except a very few striped ones. it must have a solitary time in that dark evergreen forest, where there is so little life, seventy-five miles from a road as we had come. i wondered how he could call any particular tree there his home, and yet he would run up the stem of one out of the myriads, as if it were an old road to him. i fancied that he must be glad to see us, though he did seem to chide us. one of those somber fir and spruce woods is not complete un f the red squirrel allegash and east branch 89 less you hear from out its cavernous mossy and twiggy recesses his line alarum — his spruce voice, hke the v^'orking of the sap through some crack in a tree. such an im pertinent fellow would occasionally try to alarm the wood about me. "oh," said i, "i am well acquainted with your family. i know your cousins in concord very well." but my overtures were vain, for he would withdraw by his aerial turnpikes into a more distant cedar top, and spring his rattle again. we entered another swamp, at a neces sarily slow pace, where the walking was worse than ever, not only on account of the water, but the fallen timber, which often obliterated the indistinct trail en tirely. the fallen trees were so numerous that for long distances the route was through a succession of small yards, where we climbed over fences as high as our heads, down into water often up to our knees, and then over another fence into a second yard, and so on. in many places 90 canoeing in the wilderness the canoe would have run if it had not been for the fallen timber. again it would be more open, but equally wet, too wet for trees to grow. it was a mossy swamp, which it required the long legs of a moose to traverse, and it is very likely that we scared some of them in our transit, though we saw none. it was ready to echo the growl of a bear, the howl of a wolf, or the scream of a panther ; but when you get fairly into the middle of one of these grim forests you are surprised to find that the larger inhabitants are not at home com monly, but have left only a puny red squir rel to bark at you. generally speaking, a howling wilderness does not howl ; it is the imagination of the traveler that does the howling. i did, however, see one dead porcupine. perhaps he had succumbed to the difficulties of the way. these bristly fellows are a very suitable small fruit of such unkempt wildernesses. making a logging-road in the maine woods is called "swamping" it, and they allegash and east branch 91 who do the work are called "swampers." i now perceived the fitness of the term. this was the most perfectly swamped of all the roads i ever saw. nature must have cooperated with art here. however, i sup pose they would tell you that this name took its origin from the fact that the chief work of roadmakers in those woods is to make the swamps passable. we came to a stream where the bridge, which had been made of logs tied together with cedar bark, had been broken up, and we got over as we could. such as it was, this ruined bridge was the chief evidence that we were on a path of any kind. we then crossed another low rising ground, and i, who wore shoes, had an opportunity to wring out my stockings, but my companion, who used boots, had found that this was not a safe experiment for him, for he might not be able to get his wet boots on again. he went over the whole ground, or water, three times, for which reason our progress was very slow. 92 canoeing in the wilderness beside that, the water softened our feet, and to some extent unfitted them for walk ing. as i sat waiting for him it would natur ally seem an unaccountable time that he was gone. therefore, as i could see through the woods that the sun was getting low, and it was uncertain how far the lake might be, even if we were on the right course, and in what part of the world we should find ourselves at nightfall, i pro posed that i should push through with what speed i could, leaving boughs to mark my path, and find the lake and the in dian, if possible, before night, and send the latter back to carry my companion's bag. having gone about a mile i heard a noise like the note of an owl, which i soon discovered to be made by the indian, and answering him, we soon came together. he had reached the lake after crossing mud pond and running some rapids be low it, and had come up about a mile and allegash and east branch 93 a half on our path. if he had not come back to meet us, we probably should not have found him that night, for the path branched once or twice before reaching this particular part of the lake. so he went back for my companion and his bag. hav ing waded through another stream, where the bridge of logs had been broken up and half floated away, we continued on through alternate mud and water to the shores of apmoojenegamook lake, which we reached in season for a late supper, in stead of dining there, as we had expected, having gone without our dinner. it was at least five miles by the way we had come, and as my companion had gone over most of it three times he had walked full a dozen miles. in the winter, when the water is frozen and the snow is four feet deep, it is no doubt a tolerable path to a footman. if you want an exact recipe for making such a road, take one part mud pond, and dilute it with equal parts of umbazookskus and apmoojenegamook; 94 canoeing in the wilderness then send a family of musquash through to locate it, look after the grades and cul verts, and finish it to their minds, and let a hurricane follow to do the fencing. we had come out on a point extending into apmoojenegamook, or chamberlain lake, where there was a broad, gravelly, and rocky shore, encumbered with bleached logs and trees. we were rejoiced to see such dry things in that part of the world. but at first we did not attend to dryness so much as to mud and wetness. we all three walked into the lake up to our mid dle to wash our clothes. this was another noble lake, twelve miles long; if you add telos lake, which, since the dam was built, has been con nected with it by dead water, it will be twenty; and it is apparently from a mile and a half to two miles wide. we were about midway its length on the south side. we could see the only clearing in these parts, called the " chamberlain farm," with two or three log buildings close to allegash and east branch 95 gether, on the opposite shore, some two and a half miles distant. the smoke of our fire on the shore brought over two men in a canoe from the farm, that being a common signal agreed on when one wishes to cross. it took them about half an hour to come over, and they had their labor for their pains this time. after putting on such dry clothes as we had, and hanging the others to dry on the pole which the indian arranged over the fire, we ate our supper, and lay down on the pebbly shore with our feet to the fire without pitching our tent, making a thin bed of grass to cover the stones. here first i was molested by the little midge called the no-see-em, especially over the sand at the water's edge, for it is a kind of sand-fly. you would not observe them but for their light-colored wings. they are said to get under your clothes and produce a feverish heat, which i sup pose was what i felt that night. our insect foes in this excursion were. 96 canoeing in the wilderness first, mosquitoes, only troublesome at night, or when we sat still on shore by day; sec ond, black flies [simidium molestum)^ which molested us more or less on the carries by day, and sometimes in narrower parts of the stream ; third, moose-flies, stout brown flies much like a horsefly. they can bite smartly, according to polis, but are easily avoided or killed. fourth, the no-see-ems. of all these, the mosquitoes are the only ones that troubled me seriously, but as i was provided with a wash and a veil, they have not made any deep impression. the indian would not use our wash to protect his face and hands, for fear that it would hurt his skin, nor had he any veil. he, therefore, suflfered from insects throughout this journey more than either of us. he regularly tied up his face in his handkerchief, and buried it in his blanket, and he now finally lay down on the sand between us and the fire for the sake of the smoke, which he tried to make enter his blanket about his face, and for the same allegash and east branch 97 purpose he lit his pipe and breathed the smoke into his blanket. in the middle of the night we heard the voice of the loon, loud and distinct, from far over the lake. it is a very wild sound, quite in keeping with the place and the circumstances of the traveler, and very unlike the voice of a bird. i could lie awake for hours listening to it, it is so thrilling. when camping in such a wil derness as this, you are prepared to hear sounds from some of its inhabitants which will give voice to its wildness. some idea of bears, wolves, or panthers runs in your head naturally, and when this note is first heard very far off at midnight, as you lie with your ear to the ground, — the forest being perfectly still about you, you take it for granted that it is the voice of a wolf or some other wild beast, — you con clude that it is a pack of wolves baying the moon, or, perchance, cantering after a moose. it was the unfailing and charac teristic sound of those lakes. 98 canoeing in the wilderness some friends of mine, who two years ago went up the caucomgomoc river, were serenaded by wolves while moose hunting by moonlight. it was a sudden burst, as if a hundred demons had broke loose, — a startling sound enough, which, if any, would make your hair stand on end, — and all was still again. it lasted but a moment, and you 'd have thought there were twenty of them, when probably there were only two or three. they heard it twice only, and they said that it gave expression to the wilderness which it lacked before. i heard of some men, who, while skinning a moose lately in those woods, were driven off from the carcass by a pack of wolves, which ate it up. this of the loon — i do not mean its laugh, but its looning — is a long-drawn call, as it were, sometimes singularly hu man to my ear — hoo-hoo-ooooo ^ like the hallooing of a man on a very high key, having thrown his voice into his head. i have heard a sound exactly like it when allegash and east branch 99 breathing heavily through my own nos trils, half awake at ten at night, suggest ing my affinity to the loon; as if its language were but a dialect of my own, after all. formerly, when lying awake at midnight in those woods, i had listened to hear some words or syllables of their language, but it chanced that i listened in vain until i heard the cry of the loon. i have heard it occasionally on the ponds of my native town, but there its wild ness is not enhanced by the surrounding scenery. i was awakened at midnight by some heavy, low-flying bird, probably a loon, flapping by close over my head along the shore. so, turning the other side of my half-clad body to the fire, i sought slum ber again. w vi tuesday, july 28 hen we awoke we found a heavy dew on our blankets. i lay awake very early and listened to the clear, shrill ah, te te, te te, te of the white-throated sparrow, repeated at short intervals, with out the least variation, for half an hour, as if it could not enough express its hap piness. we did some more washing in the lake this morning, and, with our clothes hung about on the dead trees and rocks, the shore looked like washing-day at home. the indian, taking the hint, borrowed the soap, and, walking into the lake, washed his only cotton shirt on his per son, then put on his pants and let it dry on him. i observed that he wore a cotton shirt, originally white, a greenish flannel one allegash and east branch loi over it, but no waistcoat, flannel drawers, and strong linen or duck pants, which also had been white, blue woolen stockings, cowhide boots, and a kossuth hat.i he car ried no change of clothing, but, putting on a stout, thick jacket, which he laid aside in the canoe, and seizing a full-sized axe, his gun and ammunition, and a blanket, which would do for a sail or knapsack, if wanted, and strapping on his belt, which contained a large sheath-knife, he walked off at once, ready to be gone all summer. this looked very independent — a few simple and effective tools, and no rubber clothing. he was always the first ready to start in the morning. instead of carry ing a large bundle of his own extra cloth ing, etc., he brought back the greatcoats of moose tied up in his blanket. i found that his outfit was the result of a long ex perience, and in the main hardly to be improved on, unless by washing and an " a soft felt hat of the kind worn by the hungarian patriot, kossuth, on his visit to this country in 1851-52. 102 canoeing in the wilderness extra shirt. wanting a button here, he walked off to a place where some indians had recently encamped, and searched for one, but i believe in vain. having softened our stiffened boots and shoes with the pork fat, the usual disposi tion of what was left at breakfast, we crossed the lake, steering in a diagonal di rection northeastly about four miles to the outlet. the indian name, apmoojenega mook, means lake that is crossed, because the usual course lies across and not along it. we did not intend to go far down the allegash, but merely to get a view of the lakes which are its source, and then re turn this way to the east branch of the penobscot. after reaching the middle of the lake, we found the waves pretty high, and the indian warned my companion, who was nodding, that he must not allow himself to fall asleep in the canoe lest he should upset us ; adding, that when indians want to sleep in a canoe, they lie down straight allegash and east branch 103 on the bottom. but in this crowded one that was impossible. however, he said that he would nudge him if he saw him nodding. a belt of dead trees stood all around the lake, some far out in the water, with others prostrate behind them, and they made the shore, for the most part, almost inaccessi ble. this is the effect of the dam at the outlet. thus the natural sandy or rocky shore, with its green fringe, was concealed and destroyed. we coasted westward along the north side, searching for the outlet, about quarter of a mile distant from this savage-looking shore, on which the waves were breaking violently, knowing that it might easily be concealed amid this rub bish, or by the overlapping of the shore. it is remarkable how little these important gates to a lake are blazoned. there is no triumphal arch over the modest inlet or outlet, but at some undistinguished point it trickles in or out through the uninter rupted forest, almost as through a sponge. i04 canoeing in the wilderness we reached the outlet in about an hour, and carried over the dam there, which is quite a solid structure, and about one quarter of a mile farther there was a sec ond dam. the result of this particular damming about chamberlain lake is that the headwaters of the st. john are made to flow by bangor. they have thus dammed all the larger lakes, raising their broad surfaces many feet, thus turning the forces of nature against herself, that they might float their spoils out of the country. they rapidly run out of these immense forests all the finer and more accessible pine tim ber, and then leave the bears to watch the decaying dams, not clearing nor cultivat ing the land, nor making roads, nor build ing houses, but leaving it a wilderness, as they found it. in many parts only these dams remain, like deserted beaver dams. think how much land they have flowed without asking nature's leave. the wilderness experiences a sudden rise of all her streams and lakes. she feels ten allegash and east branch 105 thousand vermin gnawing at the base of her noblest trees. many combining drag them off, jarring over the roots of the sur vivors, and tumble them into the nearest stream, till, the fairest having fallen, they scamper off to ransack some new wilder ness, and all is still again. it is as when a migrating army of mice girdles a forest of pines. the chopper fells trees from the same motive that the mouse gnaws them — to get his living. you tell me that he has a more interesting family than the mouse. that is as it happens. he speaks of a " berth " of timber, a good place for him to get into, just as a worm might. when the chopper would praise a pine he will commonly tell you that the one he cut was so big that a yoke of oxen stood on its stump; as if that were what the pine had grown for, to become the footstool of oxen. in my mind's eye i can see these unwieldy tame deer, with a yoke binding them together, the brazen-tipped horns betraying their servitude, taking their io6 canoeing in the wilderness stand on the stump of each giant pine in succession throughout this whole forest, and chewing their cud there, until it is nothing but an ox-pasture, and run out at that. as if it were good for the oxen, and some medicinal quality ascended into their nostrils. or is their elevated position intended merely as a symbol of the fact that the pastoral comes next in order to the sylvan or hunter life ? the character of the logger's admira tion is betrayed by his very mode of ex pressing it. if he told all that was in his mind, he would say, " it was so big that i cut it down, and then a yoke of oxen could stand on its stump." he admires the log, the carcass or corpse, more than the tree. why, my dear sir, the tree might have stood on its own stump, and a great deal more comfortably and firmly than a yoke of oxen can, if you had not cut it down. the anglo-american can indeed cut down and grub up all this waving forest, and make a stump speech on its ruins, but allegash and east branch 107 he cannot converse with the spirit of the tree he fells, he cannot read the poetry and mythology which retire as he advances. he ignorantly erases mythological tablets in order to print his handbills and town meeting warrants on them. before he has learned his a b c in the beautiful but mys tic lore of the wilderness he cuts it down, puts up a " deestrict " schoolhouse, and introduces webster's spelling-book. below the last dam, the river being swift and shallow, we two walked about half a mile to lighten the canoe. i made it a rule to carry my knapsack when i walked, and also to keep it tied to a cross bar when in the canoe, that it might be found with the canoe if we should upset. i heard the dog-day locust here, a sound which i had associated only with more open, if not settled countries. we were now fairly on the allegash river. after perhaps two miles of river we entered heron lake, scaring up forty or fifty young sheldrakes, at the entrance. io8 canoeing in the wilderness which ran over the water with great rap idity, as usual in a long line. this lake, judging from the map, is about ten miles long. we had entered it on the southwest side, and saw a dark moun tain northeast over the lake which the in dian said was called peaked mountain, and used by explorers to look for timber from. the shores were in the same ragged and unsightly condition, encumbered with dead timber, both fallen and standing, as in the last lake, owing to the dam on the allegash below. some low points or islands were almost drowned. i saw something white a mile off on the water, which turned out to be a great gull on a rock, which the indian would have been glad to kill and eat. but it flew away long before we were near ; and also a flock of summer ducks that were about the rock with it. i asking him about herons, since this was heron lake, he said that he found the blue heron's nests in the hard-wood trees. allegash and east branch 109 rounding a point, we stood across a bay toward a large island three or four miles down the lake. we met with shadflies midway, about a mile from the shore, and they evidently fly over the whole lake. on moosehead i had seen a large devil's needle half a mile from the shore, coming from the middle of the lake, where it was three or four miles wide at least. it had probably crossed. we landed on the southeast side of the island, which was rather elevated, and densely wooded, with a rocky shore, in season for an early dinner. somebody had camped there not long before and left the frame on which they stretched a moose hide. the indian proceeded at once to cut a canoe birch, slanted it up against another tree on the shore, tying it with a withe, and lay down to sleep in its shade. we made this island the limit of our excursion in this direction. the next dam was about fifteen miles farther north down the allegash. we had no canoeing in the wilderness been told in bangor of a man who lived alone, a sort of hermit, at that dam, to take care of it, who spent his time tossing a bullet from one hand to the other, for want of employment. this sort of tit-for tat intercourse between his two hands, bandying to and fro a leaden subject, seems to have been his symbol for society. there was another island visible toward the north end of the lake, with an elevated clearing on it ; but we learned afterward that it was not inhabited, had only been used as a pasture for cattle which sum mered in these woods. this unnaturally smooth-shaven, squarish spot, in the midst of the otherwise uninterrupted forest, only reminded us how uninhabited the country was. you would sooner expect to meet a bear than an ox in such a clearing. at any rate, it must have been a surprise to the bears when they came across it. such, seen far or near, you know at once to be man's work, for nature never does it. in order to let in the light to the earth he clears off allegash and east branch iii the forest on the hillsides and plains, and sprinkles fine grass seed like an enchanter, and so carpets the earth with a firm sward. polls had evidently more curiosity re specting the few settlers in those woods than we. if nothing was said, he took it for granted that we wanted to go straight to the next log hut. having observed that we came by the log huts at chesuncook, and the blind canadian's at the mud pond carry, without stopping to communicate with the inhabitants, he took occasion now to suggest that the usual way was, when you came near a house, to go to it, and tell the inhabitants what you had seen or heard, and then they told you what they had seen; but we laughed and said that we had had enough of houses for the pres ent, and had come here partly to avoid them. in the meanwhile, the wind, increas ing, blew down the indian's birch and created such a sea that we found ourselves prisoners on the island, the nearest shore 112 canoeing in the wilderness being perhaps a mile distant, and we took the canoe out to prevent its drifting away. we did not know but we should be com pelled to spend the rest of the day and the night there. at any rate, the indian went to sleep again, my companion busied him self drying his plants, and i rambled along the shore westward, which was quite stony, and obstructed with fallen bleached or drifted trees for four or five rods in width. our indian said that he was a doctor, and could tell me some medicinal use for every plant i could show him. i immediately tried him. he said that the inner bark of the aspen was good for sore eyes ; and so with various other plants, proving him self as good as his word. according to his account, he had acquired such knowledge in his youth from a wise old indian with whom he associated, and he lamented that the present generation of indians " had lost a great deal.'* he said that the caribou was a "very great runner," that there were none about allegash and east branch 113 this lake now, though there used to be many, and, pointing to the belt of dead trees caused by the dams, he added: "no likum stump. when he sees that he scared." pointing southeasterly over the lake and distant forest, he observed, " me go old town in three days." i asked how he would get over the swamps and fallen trees. "oh," said he, "in winter all covered, go anywhere on snowshoes, right across lakes." what a wilderness walk for a man to take alone ! none of your half-mile swamps, none of your mile-wide woods merely, as on the skirts of our towns, without hotels, only a dark mountain or a lake for guide board and station, over ground much of it impassable in summer ! here was traveling of the old heroic kind over the unaltered face of nature. from the allegash river, across great apmoojenegamook, he takes his way under the bear-haunted slopes of katahdin to 114 canoeing in the wilderness pamadumcook and millinocket's inland seas, and so to the forks of the nicketow, ever pushing the boughs of the fir and spruce aside, with his load of furs, con tending day and night, night and day, with the shaggy demon vegetation, traveling through the mossy graveyard of trees. or he could go by "that rough tooth of the sea" kineo, great source of arrows and of spears to the ancients, when weapons of stone were used. seeing and hearing moose, caribou, bears, porcupines, lynxes, wolves, and panthers. places where he might live and die and never hear of the united states — never hear of america. there is a lumberer's road called the eagle lake road from the seboois to the east side of this lake. it may seem strange that any road through such a wilderness should be passable, even in winter, but at that season, wherever lumbering operations are actively carried on, teams are contin ually passing on the single track, and it becomes as smooth almost as a railway. i allegash and east branch 115 am told that in the aroostook country the sleds are required by law to be of one width, four feet, and sleighs must be altered to fit the track, so that one runner may go in one rut and the other follow the horse. yet it is very bad turning out. we had for some time seen a thunder shower coming up from the west over the woods of the island, and heard the mut tering of the thunder, though we were in doubt whether it would reach us; but now the darkness rapidly increasing, and a fresh breeze rustling the forest, we hastily put up the plants which we had been drying, and with one consent made a rush for the tent material and set about pitching it. a place was selected and stakes and pins cut in the shortest possible time, and we were pin ning it down lest it should be blown away, when the storm suddenly burst over us. as we lay huddled together under the tent, which leaked considerably about the sides, with our baggage at our feet, we listened to some of the grandest thunder ii6 canoeing in the wilderness which i ever heard — rapid peals, round and plump, bang, bang, bang, in succes sion, like artillery from some fortress in the sky ; and the lightning was propor tionally brilliant. the indian said, " it must be good powder." all for the bene fit of the moose and us, echoing far over the concealed lakes. i thought it must be a place which the thunder loved, where the lightning practiced to keep its hand in, and it would do no harm to shatter a few pines. looking out, i perceived that the violent shower falling on the lake had almost in stantaneously flattened the waves, and, it clearing off, we resolved to start immedi ately, before the wind raised them again. getting outside, i said that i saw clouds still in the southwest, and heard thunder there. we embarked, nevertheless, and paddled rapidly back toward the dams. at the outlet of chamberlain lake we were overtaken by another gusty rain storm, which compelled us to take shelter. allegash and east branch 117 the indian under his canoe on the bank, and we under the edge of the dam. how ever, we were more scared than wet. from my covert i could see the indian peeping out from beneath his canoe to see what had become of the rain. when we had taken our respective places thus once or twice, the rain not coming down in ear nest, we commenced rambling about the neighborhood, for the wind had by this time raised such waves on the lake that we could not stir, and we feared that we should be obliged to camp there. we got an early supper on the dam and tried for fish, while waiting for the tumult to sub side. the fishes were not only few, but small and worthless. at length, just before sunset, we set out again. it was a wild evening when we coasted up the north side of this apmooje negamook lake. one thunder-storm was just over, and the waves which it had raised still running with violence, and an other storm was now seen coming up in ii8 canoeing in the wilderness the southwest, far over the lake ; but it might be worse in the morning, and we wished to get as far as possible on our way while we might. it blew hard against the shore, which was as dreary and harborless as you can conceive. for half a dozen rods in width it was a perfect maze of submerged trees, all dead and bare and bleaching, some standing half their original height, others prostrate, and criss-across, above or be neath the surface, and mingled with them were loose trees and limbs and stumps, beating about. we could not have landed if we would, without the greatest danger of being swamped; so blow as it might, we must depend on coasting. it was twi light, too, and that stormy cloud was ad vancing rapidly in our rear. it was a pleasant excitement, yet we were glad to reach, at length, the cleared shore of the chamberlain farm. we landed on a low and thinly wooded point, and while my companions were allegash and east branch 119 pitching the tent, i ran up to the house to get some sugar, our six pounds being gone. it was no wonder they were, for polis had a sweet tooth. he would first fill his dipper nearly a third full of sugar, and then add the coffee to it. here was a clearing extending back from the lake to a hilltop, with some dark-colored log buildings and a storehouse in it, and half a dozen men standing in front of the prin cipal hut, greedy for news. among them was the man who tended the dam on the allegash and tossed the bullet. he, having charge of the dams, and learning that we were going to webster stream the next day, told me that some of their men, who were haying at telos lake, had shut the dam at the canal there in order to catch trout, and if we wanted more water to take us through the canal we might raise the gate. they were unwilling to spare more than four pounds of brown sugar, — unlocking the storehouse to get it, — since they only 120 canoeing in the wilderness kept a little for such cases as this, and they charged twenty cents a pound for it, which certainly it was worth to get it up there. when i returned to the shore it was quite dark, but we had a rousing fire to warm and dry us by, and a snug apart ment behind it. the indian went up to the house to inquire after a brother who had been absent hunting a year or two, and while another shower was beginning, i groped about cutting spruce and arbor vits twigs for a bed. i preferred the ar bor-vitas on account of its fragrance, and spread it particularly thick about the shoulders. it is remarkable with what pure satisfaction the traveler in those woods will reach his camping-ground on the eve of a tempestuous night like this, as if he had got to his inn, and, rolling himself in his blanket, stretch himself on his six-feet-by-two bed of dripping fir twigs, with a thin sheet of cotton for roof, snug as a meadow mouse in its nest. in allegash and east branch 121 variably our best nights were those when it rained, for then we were not troubled with mosquitoes. you soon come to disregard rain on such excursions, at least in the summer, it is so easy to dry yourself, supposing a dry change of clothing is not to be had. you can much sooner dry you by such a fire as you can make in the woods than in anybody's kitchen, the fireplace is so much larger, and wood so much more abundant. a shed-shaped tent will catch and reflect the heat, and you may be drying while you are sleeping. some who have leaky roofs in the towns may have been kept awake, but we were soon lulled asleep by a steady, soak ing rain, which lasted all night. vii wednesday, july 29 when we awoke it had done rain ing, though it was still cloudy. the fire was put out, and the indian's boots, which stood under the eaves of the tent, were half full of water. he was much more improvident in such respects than either of us, and he had to thank us for keeping his powder dry. we decided to cross the lake at once, before breakfast ; and before starting i took the bearing of the shore which we wished to strike, about three miles distant, lest a sudden misty rain should conceal it when we were midway. though the bay in which we were was perfectly quiet and smooth, we found the lake already wide awake outside, but not dangerously or unpleasantly so. neverthe less, when you get out on one of those lakes in a canoe like this, you do not for allegash and east branch 123 get that you are completely at the mercy of the wind, and a fickle power it is. the playful waves may at any time become too rude for you in their sport, and play right on over you. after much steady paddling and dancing over the dark waves we found ourselves in the neighborhood of the southern land. we breakfasted on a rocky point, the first convenient place that of fered. it was well enough that we crossed thus early, for the waves now ran quite high, but beyond this point we had compara tively smooth water. you can commonly go along one side or the other of a lake, when you cannot cross it. my companion and i, having a discus sion on some point of ancient history, were amused by the attitude which the indian, who could not tell what we were talking about, assumed. he constituted himself umpire, and, judging by our air and ges ture, he very seriously remarked from time to time, "you beat," or " he beat." 124 canoeing in the wilderness leaving a spacious bay on our left, we entered through a short strait into a small lake a couple of miles over, and thence into telos lake. this curved round toward the northeast, and may have been three or four miles long as we paddled. the outlet from the lake into the east branch of the penobscot is an artificial one, and it was not very apparent where it was exactly, but the lake ran curving far up northeasterly into two narrow val leys or ravines, as if it had for a long time been groping its way toward the penob scot waters. by observing where the hori zon was lowest, and following the longest of these, we at length reached the dam, having come about a dozen miles from the last camp. somebody had left a line set for trout, and the jackknife with which the bait had been cut on the dam beside it, and, on a log close by, a loaf of bread. these proved the property of a solitary hunter, whom we soon met, and canoe and gun and traps were not far off. allegash and east branch 125 he told us that it was twenty miles to the foot of grand lake, and that the first house below the foot of the lake, on the east branch, was hunt's, about forty-five miles farther. this hunter, who was a quite small, sunburnt man, having already carried his canoe over, had nothing so interesting and pressing to do as to observe our transit. he had been out a month or more alone. how much more respectable is the life of the solitary pioneer or settler in these, or any woods — having real difficulties, not of his own creation, drawing his sub sistence directly from nature — than that of the helpless multitudes in the towns who depend on gratifying the extremely artificial wants of society and are thrown out of employment by hard times! telos lake, the head of the st. john on this side, and webster pond, the head of the east branch of the penobscot, are only about a mile apart, and they are con nected by a ravine, in which but little 126 canoeing in the wilderness digging was required to make the water of the former, which is the highest, flow into the latter. this canal is something less than a mile long and about four rods wide. the rush of the water has pro duced such changes in the canal that it has now the appearance of a very rapid mountain stream flowing through a ravine, and you would not suspect that any dig ging had been required to persuade the waters of the st. john to flow into the penobscot here. it was so winding that one could see but a little way down. it is wonderful how well watered this country is. as you paddle across a lake, bays will be pointed out to you, by fol lowing up which, and perhaps the tribu tary stream which empties in, you may, after a short portage, or possibly, at some seasons, none at all, get into another river, which empties far away from the one you are on. generally, you may go in any direction in a canoe, by making frequent but not very long portages. it allegash and east branch 127 seems as if the more youthful and impres sionable streams can hardly resist the nu merous invitations and temptations to leave their native beds and run down their neighbors' channels. wherever there is a channel for water there is a road for the canoe. it is said that some western steamers can run on a heavy dew, whence we can imagine what a canoe may do. this canal, so called, was a consider able and extremely rapid and rocky river. the indian decided that there was water enough in it without raising the dam, which would only make it more vio lent, and that he would run down it alone, while we carried the greater part of the baggage. our provisions being about half consumed, there was the less left in the canoe. we had thrown away the pork keg and wrapped its contents in birch bark. following a moist trail through the forest, we reached the head of webster 128 canoeing in the wilderness pond about the same time with the in dian, notwithstanding the velocity with which he moved, our route being the most direct. the pond was two or three miles long. at the outlet was another dam, at which we stopped and picked raspberries, while the indian went down the stream a half-mile through the forest, to see what he had got to contend with. there was a deserted log camp here, apparently used the previous winter, with its " hovel " or barn for cattle. in the hut was a large fir-twig bed, raised two feet from the floor, occupying a large part of the single apartment, a long narrow table against the wall, with a stout log bench before it, and above the table a small window, the only one there was, which admitted a feeble light. it was a simple and strong fort erected against the cold. we got our dinner on the shore, on the upper side of the dam. as we were sitting by our fire, concealed by the earth allegash and east branch 129 bank of the dam, a long line of shel drakes, half grown, came waddling over it from the water below, passing within about a rod of us, so that we could almost have caught them in our hands. they were very abundant on all the streams and lakes which we visited, and every two or three hours they would rush away in a long string over the water be fore us, twenty to fifty of them at once, rarely ever flying, but running with great rapidity up or down the stream, even in the midst of the most violent rapids, and apparently as fast up as down. an indian at oldtown had told us that we should be obliged to carry ten miles between telos lake on the st. john and second lake on the east branch of the penobscot; but the lumberers whom we met assured us that there would not be more than a mile of carry. it turned out that the indian was nearest right, as far as we were concerned. however, if one of us could have assisted the indian in man 130 canoeing in the wilderness aging the canoe in the rapids, we might have run the greater part of the way; but as he was alone in the management of the canoe in such places we were obliged to walk the greater part. my companion and i carried a good part of the baggage on our shoulders, while the indian took that which would be least injured by wet in the canoe. we did not know when we should see him again, for he had not been this way since the canal was cut. he agreed to stop when he got to smooth water, come up and find our path if he could, and halloo for us, and after waiting a reasonable time go on and try again — and we were to look out in like manner for him. he commenced by running through the sluiceway and over the dam, as usual, stand ing up in his tossing canoe, and was soon out of sight behind a point in a wild gorge. this webster stream is well known to lumbermen as a difficult one. it is exceed ingly rapid and rocky, and also shallow. allegash and east branch 131 and can hardly be considered navigable, unless that may mean that what is launched in it is sure to be carried swiftly down it, though it may be dashed to pieces by the way. it is somewhat like navigating a thun der-spout. with commonly an irresistible force urging you on, you have got to choose your own course each moment between the rocks and shallows, and to get into it, moving forward always with the utmost possible moderation, and often holding on, if you can, that you may inspect the rapids before you. by the indian's direction we took an old path on the south side, which appeared to keep down the stream. it was a wild wood-path, with a few tracks of oxen which had been driven over it, probably to some old camp clearing for pasturage, mingled with the tracks of moose which had lately used it. we kept on steadily for about an hour without putting down our packs, occasionally winding around or climbing over a fallen tree, for the most 132 canoeing in the wilderness part far out of sight and hearing of the river; till, after walking about three miles, we were glad to find that the path came to the river again at an old camp-ground, where there was a small opening in the forest, at which we paused. swiftly as the shallow and rocky river ran here, a continuous rapid with dancing waves, i saw, as i sat on the shore, a long string of sheldrakes, which something scared, run up the opposite side of the stream by me, just touching the surface of the waves, and getting an impulse from them as they flowed from under them; but they soon came back, driven by the indian, who had fallen a little behind us on account of the windings. he shot round a point just above, and came to land by us with considerable water in his canoe. he had found it, as he said, " very strong water," and had been obliged to land once before to empty out what he had taken in. he complained that it strained him to paddle so hard in order to keep his canoe coming down the rapids allegash and east branch 133 straight in its course, having no one in the bows to aid him, and, shallow as it was, said that it would be no joke to upset there, for the force of the water was such that he had as lief i would strike him over the head with a paddle as have that water strike him. seeing him come out of that gap was as if you should pour water down an inclined and zigzag trough, then drop a nutshell into it, and, taking a short cut to the bottom, get there in time to see it come out, notwithstanding the rush and tumult, right side up, and only partly full of water. after a moment's breathing-space, while i held his canoe, he was soon out of sight again around another bend, and we, shoul dering our packs, resumed our course. before going a mile we heard the indian calling to us. he had come up through the woods and along the path to find us, hav ing reached sufficiently smooth water to warrant his taking us in. the shore was about one fourth of a mile distant through 134 canoeing in the wilderness a dense, dark forest, and as he led us back to it, winding rapidly about to the right and left, i had the curiosity to look down carefully and found that he was following his steps backward. i could only occasion ally perceive his trail in the moss, and yet he did not appear to look down nor hesi tate an instant, but led us out exactly to his canoe. this surprised me, for without a compass, or the sight or noise of the river to guide us, we could not have kept our course many minutes, and could have retraced our steps but a short distance, with a great deal of pains and very slowly, using a laborious circumspection. but it was evi dent that he could go back through the forest wherever he had been during the day. after this rough walking in the dark woods it was an agreeable change to glide down the rapid river in the canoe once more. this river, though still very swift, was almost perfectly smooth here, and showed a very visible declivity, a regularly allegash and east branch 135 inclined plane, for several miles, like a mirror set a little aslant, on which we coasted down. it was very exhilarating, and the perfection of traveling, the coast ing down this inclined mirror between two evergreen forests edged with lofty dead white pines, sometimes slanted half-way over the stream. i saw some monsters there, nearly destitute of branches, and scarcely diminishing in diameter for eighty or ninety feet. as we were thus swept along, our in dian repeated in a deliberate and drawling tone the words, " daniel webster, great lawyer," apparently reminded of him by the name of the stream, and he described his calling on him once in boston at what he supposed was his boarding-house. he had no business with him but merely went to pay his respects, as we should say. it was on the day after webster delivered his bunker hill oration. the first time he called he waited till he was tired without seeing him, and then went away. the 136 canoeing in the wilderness next time he saw him go by the door of the room in which he was waiting several times, in his shirt-sleeves, without notic ing him. he thought that if he had come to see indians they would not have treated him so. at length, after very long delay, he came in, walked toward him, and asked in a loud voice, gruffly, " what do you want?" and he, thinking at first, by the motion of his hand, that he was going to strike him, said to himself, "you'd bet ter take care; if you try that i shall know what to do." he did not like him, and declared that all he said "was not worth talk about a musquash." coming to falls and rapids, our easy progress was suddenly terminated. the in dian went alongshore to inspect the water, while we climbed over the rocks, picking berries. when the indian came back, he remarked, " you got to walk ; ver' strong water." so, taking out his canoe, he launched allegash and east branch 137 it again below the falls, and was soon out of sight. at such times he would step into the canoe, take up his paddle, and start off, looking far down-stream as if absorbing all the intelligence of forest and stream into himself. we meanwhile scrambled along the shore with our packs, without any path. this was the last of our boating for the day. the indian now got along much faster than we, and waited for us from time to time. i found here the only cool spring that i drank at anywhere on this excur sion, a little water filling a hollow in the sandy bank. it was a quite memorable event, and due to the elevation of the country, for wherever else we had been the water in the rivers and the streams emptying in was dead and warm, com pared with that of a mountainous region. it was very bad walking along the shore over fallen and drifted trees and bushes, and rocks, from time to time swinging ourselves round over the water, or else 138 canoeing in the wilderness taking to a gravel bar or going inland. at one place, the indian being ahead, i was obliged to take off all my clothes in order to ford a small but deep stream emptying in, while my companion, who was inland, found a rude bridge, high up in the woods, and i saw no more of him for some time. i saw there very fresh moose tracks, and i passed one white pine log, lodged in the forest near the edge of the stream, which was quite five feet in diameter at the butt. shortly after this i overtook the indian at the edge of some burnt land, which ex tended three or four miles at least, begin ning about three miles above second lake, which we were expecting to reach that night. this burnt region was still more rocky than before, but, though compara tively open, we could not yet see the lake. not having seen my companion for some time, i climbed with the indian a high rock on the edge of the river forming a narrow ridge only a foot or two wide at top, in order to look for him. after calling allegash and east branch 139 many times i at length heard him answer from a considerable distance inland, he having taken a trail which led off from the river, and being now in search of the river again. seeing a much higher rock of the same character about one third of a mile farther down-stream, i proceeded toward it through the burnt land, in order to look for the lake from its summit, and hallooing all the while that my com panion might join me on the way. before we came together i noticed where a moose, which possibly i had scared by my shouting, had apparently just run along a large rotten trunk of a pine, which made a bridge thirty or forty feet long over a hollow, as convenient for him as for me. the tracks were as large as those of an ox, but an ox could not have crossed there. this burnt land was an exceedingly wild and desolate region. judging by the weeds and sprouts, it ap peared to have been burnt about two years before. it was covered with charred 140 canoeing in the wilderness trunks, either prostrate or standing, which crocked our clothes and hands. great shells of trees, sometimes unburnt with out, or burnt on one side only, but black within, stood twenty or forty feet high. the fire had run up inside, as in a chim ney, leaving the sapwood. there were great fields of fireweed, which presented masses of pink. intermixed with these were blueberry and raspberry bushes. having crossed a second rocky ridge, when i was beginning to ascend the third, the indian, whom i had left on the shore, beckoned to me to come to him, but i made sign that i would first ascend the rock before me. my companion accom panied me to the top. there was a remarkable series of these great rock-waves revealed by the burning ; breakers, as it were. no wonder that the river that found its way through them was rapid and obstructed by falls. we could see the lake over the woods, and that the river made an abrupt turn southward around allegash and east branch 141 the end of the cliff on which we stood, and that there was an important fall in it a short distance below us. i could see the canoe a hundred rods behind, but now on the opposite shore, and supposed that the indian had concluded to take out and carry round some bad rapids on that side, but after waiting a while i could still see nothing of him, and i began to suspect that he had gone inland to look for the lake from some hilltop on that side. this proved to be the case, for after i had started to return to the canoe i heard a faint halloo, and descried him on the top of a distant rocky hill. i began to return along the ridge toward the angle in the river. my com panion inquired where i was going ; to which i answered that i was going far enough back to communicate with the indian. when we reached the shore the indian appeared from out the woods on the oppo site side, but on account of the roar of the water it was difficult to communicate with 142 canoeing in the wilderness him. he kept along the shore westward to his canoe, while we stopped at the an gle where the stream turned southward around the precipice. i said to my com panion that we would keep along the shore and keep the indian in sight. we started to do so, being close together, the indian behind us having launched his canoe again, but i saw the latter beckoning to me, and i called to my companion, who had just disappeared behind large rocks at the point of the precipice on his way down the stream, that i was going to help the in dian. i did so — helped get the canoe over a fall, lying with my breast over a rock, and holding one end while he received it be low — and within ten or fifteen minutes i was back at the point where the river turned southward, while polis glided down the river alone, parallel with me. but to my surprise, when i rounded the preci pice, though the shore was bare of trees, without rocks, for a quarter of a mile at allegash and east branch 143 least, my companion was not to be seen. it was as if he had sunk into the earth. this was the more unaccountable to me, because i knew that his feet were very sore, and that he wished to keep with the party. i hastened along, hallooing and search ing for him, thinking he might be con cealed behind a rock, but the indian had got along faster in his canoe, till he was ar rested by the falls, about a quarter of a mile below. he then landed, and said that we could go no farther that night. the sun was setting, and on account of falls and rapids we should be obliged to leave this river and carry a good way into another farther east. the first thing then was to find my companion, for i was now very much alarmed about him, and i sent the indian along the shore down-stream, which be gan to be covered with unburnt wood again just below the falls, while i searched backward about the precipice which we had passed. 144 canoeing in the wilderness the indian showed some unwilhngness to exert himself, complaining that he was very tired in consequence of his day's work, that it had strained him getting down so many rapids alone; but he went off calling somewhat like an owl. i re membered that my companion was near sighted, and i feared that he had either fallen from the precipice, or fainted and sunk down amid the rocks beneath it. i shouted and searched above and below this precipice in the twilight till i could not see, expecting nothing less than to find his body beneath it. for half an hour i antic ipated and believed only the worst. i thought what i should do the next day if i did not find him, and how his relatives would feel if i should return without him. i felt that if he were really lost away from the river there, it would be a desperate undertaking to find him ; and where were they who could help you ? what would it be to raise the country, where there were only two or three camps, twenty or thirty allegash and east branch 145 miles apart, and no road, and perhaps no body at home? i rushed down from this precipice to the canoe in order to fire the indian's gun, but found that my companion had the caps. when the indian returned he said that he had seen his tracks once or twice along the shore. this encouraged me very much. he objected to firing the gun, say ing that if my companion heard it, which was not likely, on account of the roar of the stream, it would tempt him to come toward us, and he might break his neck in the dark. for the same reason we re frained from lighting a fire on the highest rock. i proposed that we should both keep down the stream to the lake, or that i should go at any rate, but the indian said: "no use, can't do anything in the dark. come morning, then we find 'em. no harm — he make 'em camp. no bad animals here — warm night — he well off as you and i." the darkness in the woods was by this 146 canoeing in the wilderness so thick that it decided the question. we must camp where we were. i knew that he had his knapsack, with blankets and matches, and, if well, would fare no worse than we, except that he would have no supper nor society. this side of the river being so encum bered with rocks, we crossed to the east ern or smoother shore, and proceeded to camp there, within two or three rods of the falls. we pitched no tent, but lay on the sand, putting a few handfuls of grass and twigs under us, there being no ever green at hand. for fuel we had some of the charred stumps. our various bags of provisions had got quite wet in the rapids, and i arranged them about the lire to dry. the fall close by was the principal one on this stream, and it shook the earth un der us. it was a cool, dewy night. i lay awake a good deal from anxiety. from time to time i fancied that i heard his voice calling through the roar of the falls from the opposite side of the river; but allegash and east branch 147 it is doubtful if we could have heard him across the stream there. sometimes i doubted whether the indian had really seen his tracks, since he manifested an unwillingness to make much of a search. it was the most wild and desolate re gion we had camped in, where, if any where, one might expect to meet with befitting inhabitants, but i heard only the squeak of a nighthawk flitting over. the moon in her first quarter, in the fore part of the night, setting over the bare rocky hills garnished with tall, charred, and hollow stumps or shells of trees, served to reveal the desolation. viii thursday, july 30 1 aroused the indian early to go in search of our companion, expecting to find him within a mile or two, farther down the stream. the indian wanted his breakfast first, but i reminded him that my companion had had neither breakfast nor supper. we were obliged first to carry our canoe and baggage over into another stream, the main east branch, about three fourths of a mile distant, for webster stream was no farther navigable. we went twice over this carry, and the dewy bushes wet us through like water up to the middle. i hallooed from time to time, though i had little expectation that i could be heard over the roar of the rapids. in going over this portage the last time, the indian, who was before me with the allegash and east branch 149 canoe on his head, stumbled and fell heavily once, and lay for a moment silent as if in pain. i hastily stepped forward to help him, asking if he was much hurt, but after a moment's pause, without re plying, he sprang up and went forward. we had launched our canoe and gone but little way down the east branch, when i heard an answering shout from my companion, and soon after saw him standing on a point where there was a clearing a quarter of a mile below, and the smoke of his fire was rising near by. before i saw him i naturally shouted again and again, but the indian curtly remarked, "he hears you," as if once was enough. it was just below the mouth of web ster stream. when we arrived he was smoking his pipe, and said that he had passed a pretty comfortable night, though it was rather cold, on account of the dew. it appeared that when we stood together the previous evening, and i was shouting iso canoeing in the wilderness to the indian across the river, he, being nearsighted, had not seen the indian nor his canoe, and when i went back to the indian's assistance, did not see which way i went, and supposed that we were below and not above him, and so, making haste to catch up, he ran away from us. hav ing reached this clearing, a mile or more below our camp, the night overtook him, and he made a fire in a little hollow, and lay down by it in his blanket, still think ing that we were ahead of him. he had stuck up the remnant of a lumberer's shirt, found on the point, on a pole by the waterside for a signal, and attached a note to it to inform us that he had gone on to the lake, and that if he did not find us there he would be back in a couple of hours. if he had not found us soon he had some thoughts of going back in search of the solitary hunter whom we had met at telos lake, ten miles behind, and, if successful, hire him to take him to bangor. but if this hunter allegash and east branch 151 had moved as fast as we, he would have been twenty miles off by this time, and who could guess in what direction ? it would have been like looking for a needle in a haymow to search for him in these woods. he had been considering how long he could live on berries alone. we all had good appetites for the breakfast which we made haste to cook here, and then, having partially dried our clothes, we glided swiftly down the wind ing stream toward second lake. as the shores became flatter with fre quent sandbars, and the stream more wind ing in the lower land near the lake, elms and ash trees made their appearance; also the wild yellow lily, some of whose bulbs i collected for a soup. on some ridges the burnt land extended as far as the lake. this was a very beautiful lake, two or three miles long, with high mountains on the southwest side. the morning was a bright one, and perfectly still, the lake as smooth as glass, we making the only ripple as we 152 canoeing in the wilderness paddled into it. the dark mountains about it were seen through a glaucous mist, and the white stems of canoe birches mingled with the other woods around it. the thrush sang on the distant shore, and the laugh of some loons, sporting in a concealed western bay, as if inspired by the morning, came distinct over the lake to us. the beauty of the scene may have been enhanced to our eyes by the fact that we had just come together after a night of some anxiety. having paddled down three quarters of the lake, we came to a standstill while my companion let down for fish. in the midst of our dreams of giant lake trout, even then supposed to be nibbling, our fish erman drew up a diminutive red perch, and we took up our paddles. it was not apparent where the outlet of the lake was, and while the indian thought it was in one direction, i thought it was in another. he said, " i bet you fourpence it is there," but he still held on allegash and east branch 153 in my direction, which proved to be the right one. as we were approaching the outlet he suddenly exclaimed, "moose! moose!" and told us to be still. he put a cap on his gun, and, standing up in the stern, rapidly pushed the canoe straight toward the shore and the moose. it was a cow moose, about thirty rods off, standing in the water by the side of the outlet, partly behind some fallen timber and bushes, and at that distance she did not look very large. she was flapping her large ears, and from time to time poking off the flies with her nose from some part of her body. she did not appear much alarmed by our neighborhood, only occasionally turned her head and looked straight at us, and then gave her attention to the flies again. as we approached nearer she got out of the water, stood higher, and regarded us more suspiciously. polis pushed the canoe steadily forward in the shallow water, but the canoe soon 154 canoeing in the wilderness grounded in the mud eight or ten rods distant from the moose, and the indian seized his gun. after standing still a mo ment she turned so as to expose her side, and he improved this moment to fire, over our heads. she thereupon moved off eight or ten rods at a moderate pace across a shallow bay to the opposite shore, and she stood still again while the in dian hastily loaded and fired twice at her, without her moving. my companion, who passed him his caps and bullets, said that polis was as excited as a boy of fif teen, that his hand trembled, and he once put his ramrod back upside down. the indian now pushed quickly and quietly back, and a long distance round, in order to get into the outlet, — for he had fired over the neck of a peninsula between it and the lake, — till we ap proached the place where the moose had stood, when he exclaimed, " she is a goner ! " there, to be sure, she lay perfectly y""^ i^ t shooting the moose allegash and east branch 155 dead, just where she had stood to receive the last shots. using a tape, i found that the moose measured six feet from the shoulder to the tip of the hoof, and was eight feet long. polis, preparing to skin the moose, asked me to help him find a stone on which to sharpen his large knife. it being flat alluvial ground, covered with red maples, etc., this was no easy matter. we searched far and wide a long time till at length i found a flat kind of slate stone, on which he soon made his knife very sharp. while he was skinning the moose i proceeded to ascertain what kind of fishes were to be found in the sluggish and muddy outlet. the greatest difficulty was to find a pole. it was almost impossible to find a slender, straight pole ten or twelve feet long in those woods. you might search half an hour in vain. they are commonly spruce, arbor-vits, fir, etc., short, stout, and branchy, and do not 156 canoeing in the wilderness make good iishpoles, even after you have patiently cut off all their tough and scraggy branches. the fishes were red perch and chivin. the indian, having cut off a large piece of sirloin, the upper lip, and the tongue, wrapped them in the hide, and placed them in the bottom of the canoe, observ ing that there was " one man," meaning the weight of one. our load had pre viously been reduced some thirty pounds, but a hundred pounds were now added, which made our quarters still more nar row, and considerably increased the dan ger on the lakes and rapids as well as the labor of the carries. the skin was ours according to custom, since the indian was in our employ, but we did not think of claiming it. he being a skillful dresser of moose-hides would make it worth seven or eight dollars to him, as i was told. he said that he sometimes earned fifty or sixty dollars in a day at them ; he had killed ten moose in one day, though the skin allegash and east branch 157 ning and all took two days. this was the way he had got his property. we continued along the outlet through a swampy region, by a long, winding dead water, very much choked up by wood, where we were obliged to land sometimes in order to get the canoe over a log. it was hard to find any channel, and we did not know but we should be lost in the swamp. it abounded in ducks, as usual. at length we reached grand lake. we stopped to dine on an interesting rocky island, securing our canoe to the cliffy shore. here was a good opportunity to dry our dewy blankets on the open sunny rock. indians had recently camped here, and accidentally burned over the western end of the island. polls picked up a gun-case of blue broadcloth, and said that he knew the indian it belonged to and would carry it to him. his tribe is not so large but he may know all its effects. we proceeded to make a fire and cook our dinner amid some pines. is8 canoeing in the wilderness i saw where the indians had made canoes in a httle secluded hollow in the woods, on the top of the rock, where they were out of the wind, and large piles of whittlings remained. this must have been a favorite resort of their ancestors, and, indeed, we found here the point of an ar row-head, such as they have not used for two centuries and now know not how to make. the indian picked up a yellowish curved bone by the side of our fireplace and asked me to guess what it was. it was one of the upper incisors of a beaver, on which some party had feasted within a year or two. i found also most of the teeth and the skull. we here dined on fried moose meat. our blankets being dry, we set out again, the indian, as usual, having left his gazette on a tree. we paddled southward, keeping near the western shore. the indian did not know exactly where the outlet was, and he went feeling his way by a middle course between two probable points, from allegash and east branch 159 which he could diverge either way at last without losing much distance. in ap proaching the south shore, as the clouds looked gusty and the waves ran pretty high, we so steered as to get partly under the lee of an island, though at a great distance from it. i could not distinguish the outlet till we were almost in it, and heard the water fall ing over the dam there. here was a con siderable fall, and a very substantial dam, but no sign of a cabin or camp. while we loitered here polls took oc casion to cut with his big knife some of the hair from his moose-hide, and so light ened and prepared it for drying. i noticed at several old indian camps in the woods the pile of hair which they had cut from their hides. having carried over the dam, he darted down the rapids, leaving us to walk for a mile or more, where for the most part there was no path, but very thick and diffi cult traveling near the stream. he would i6o canoeing in the wilderness call to let us know where he was waiting for us with his canoe, when, on account of the windings of the stream, we did not know where the shore was, but he did not call often enough, forgetting that we were not indians. he seemed to be very saving of his breath — yet he would be surprised if we went by, or did not strike the right spot. this was not because he was un accommodating, but a proof of superior manners. indians like to get along with the least possible communication and ado. he was really paying us a great compli ment all the while, thinking that we pre ferred a hint to a kick. at length, climbing over the willows and fallen trees, when this was easier than to go round or under them, we overtook the canoe, and glided down the stream in smooth but swift water for several miles. i here observed, as at webster stream, that the river was a smooth and regularly in clined plane down which we coasted. we decided to camp early that we might allegash and east branch i6i have ample time before dark. so we stopped at the first favorable shore, where there was a narrow gravelly beach, some five miles below the outlet of the lake. two steps from the water on either side, and you come to the abrupt, bushy, and rooty, if not turfy, edge of the bank, four or five feet high, where the interminable forest begins, as if the stream had but just cut its way through it. it is surprising on stepping ashore any where into this unbroken wilderness to see so often, at least within a few rods of the river, the marks of the axe, made by lum berers who have either camped here or driven logs past in previous springs. you will see perchance where they have cut large chips from a tall white pine stump for their fire. while we were pitching the camp and getting supper, the indian cut the rest of the hair from his moose-hide, and pro ceeded to extend it vertically on a tem porary frame between two small trees, half i62 canoeing in the wilderness a dozen feet from the opposite side of the fire, lashing and stretching it with arbor vitae bark. asking for a new kind of tea, he made us some pretty good of the check erberry, which covered the ground, drop ping a little bunch of it tied up with cedar bark into the kettle. after supper he put on the moose tongue and lips to boil. he showed me how to write on the under side of birch bark with a black spruce twig, which is hard and tough and can be brought to a point. the indian wandered off into the woods a short distance just before night, and, com ing back, said, " me found great treasure." "what's that? "we asked. " steel traps, under a log, thirty or forty, i did n't count 'em. i guess indian work — worth three dollars apiece." it was a singular coincidence that he should have chanced to walk to and look under that particular log in that trackless forest. allegash and east branch 163 i saw chivin and chub in the stream when washing my hands, but my com panion tried in vain to catch them. i heard the sound of bullfrogs from a swamp on the opposite side. you commonly make your camp just at sundown, and are collecting wood, get ting your supper, or pitching your tent while the shades of night are gathering around and adding to the already dense gloom of the forest. you have no time to explore or look around you before it is dark. you may penetrate half a dozen rods farther into that twilight wilderness after some dry bark to kindle your fire with, and wonder what mysteries lie hidden still deeper in it, or you may run down to the shore for a dipper of water, and get a clearer view for a short distance up or down the stream, and while you stand there, see a fish leap, or duck alight in the river, or hear a thrush or robin sing in the woods. but there is no sauntering off to see the 1 64 canoeing in the wilderness country. ten or fifteen rods seems a great way from your companions, and you come back with the air of a much traveled man, as from a long journey, with adventures to relate, though you may have heard the crackling of the fire all the while — and at a hundred rods you might be lost past re covery and have to camp out. it is all mossy and moosey. in some of those dense fir and spruce woods there is hardly room for the smoke to go up. the trees are a standing night, and every fir and spruce which you fell is a plume plucked from night's raven wing. then at night the general stillness is more impressive than any sound, but occasionally you hear the note of an owl farther or nearer in the woods, and if near a lake, the semihuman cry of the loons at their unearthly revels. to-night the indian lay between the fire and his stretched moose-hide, to avoid mosquitoes. indeed, he also made a small smoky fire of damp leaves at his head and feet, and then as usual rolled up his head allegash and east branch 165 in his blanket. we with our veils and our wash were tolerably comfortable, but it would be difficult to pursue any sedentary occupation in the woods at this season; you cannot see to read much by the light of a fire through a veil in the evening, nor handle pencil and paper well with gloves or anointed fingers. ix friday, july 3 1 we had smooth but swift water for a considerable distance, where we glided rapidly along, scaring up ducks and kingfishers. but, as usual, our smooth prog ress ere long come to an end, and we were obliged to carry canoe and all about half a mile down the right bank around some rapids or falls. it required sharp eyes some times to tell which side was the carry, be fore you went over the falls, but polis never failed to land us rightly. the raspberries were particularly abundant and large here, and all hands went to eating them, the indian remarking on their size. often on bare rocky carries the trail was so indistinct that i repeatedly lost it, but when i walked behind him i observed that he could keep it almost like a hound, and rarely hesitated, or, if he paused a mo allegash and east branch 167 ment on a bare rock, his eye immediately detected some sign which would have es caped me. frequently we found no path at all at these places, and were to him un accountably delayed. he would only say it was "ver' strange." we had heard of a grand fall on this stream, and thought that each fall we came to must be it, but after christening several in succession with this name we gave up the search. there were more grand or petty falls than i can remember. i cannot tell how many times we had to walk on account of falls or rapids. we were expecting all the while that the river would take a final leap and get to smooth water, but there was no improvement this forenoon. however, the carries were an agreeable variety. so surely as we stepped out of the canoe and stretched our legs we found ourselves in a blueberry and rasp berry garden, each side of our rocky trail being lined with one or both. there was not a carry on the main east branch where 1 68 canoeing in the wilderness we did not find an abundance of both these berries, for these were the rockiest places and partially cleared, such as these plants prefer, and there had been none to gather the finest before us. we bathed and dined at the foot of one of these carries. it was the indian who commonly reminded us that it was dinner time, sometimes even by turning the prow to the shore. he once made an indirect, but lengthy apology, by saying that we might think it strange, but that one who worked hard all day was very particular to have his dinner in good season. at the most considerable fall on this stream, when i was walking over the carry close behind the indian, he observed a track on the rock, which was but slightly cov ered with soil, and, stooping, muttered, "caribou." when we returned, he observed a much larger track near the same place, where some animal's foot had sunk into a small hollow in the rock, partly filled with grass allegash and east branch 169 and earth, and he exclaimed with surprise, "what that?" "well, what is it?" i asked. stooping and laying his hand in it, he answered with a mysterious air, and in a half-whisper, " devil [that is, indian devil, or cougar] — ledges about here — very bad animal — pull 'em rocks all to pieces." "how long since it was made?" i asked. "to-day or yesterday," said he. we spent at least half the time in walk ing to-day. the indian, being alone, com monly ran down far below the foot of the carries before he waited for us. the carry paths themselves were more than usually indistinct, often the route being revealed only by the countless small holes in the fallen timber made by the tacks in the drivers' boots. it was a tangled and per plexing thicket, through which we stum bled and threaded our way, and when we had finished a mile of it, our starting-point seemed far away. we were glad that we i70 canoeing in the wilderness had not got to walk to bangor along the banks of this river, which would be a jour ney of more than a hundred miles. think of the denseness of the forest, the fallen trees and rocks, the windings of the river, the streams emptying in, and the frequent swamps to be crossed. it made you shud der. yet the indian from time to time pointed out to us where he had thus crept along day after day when he was a boy of ten, and in a starving condition he had been hunting far north of this with two grown indians. the winter came on unexpectedly early, and the ice compelled them to leave their canoe at grand lake, and walk down the bank. they shouldered their furs and started for oldtown. the snow was not deep enough for snowshoes, or to cover the inequalities of the ground. polls was soon too weak to carry any burden, but he managed to catch one otter. this was the most they all had to eat on this journey, and he remem bered how good the yellow lily roots were. allegash and east branch 171 made into a soup with the otter oil. he shared this food equally with the other two, but being so small he suffered much more than they. he waded through the mattawamkeag at its mouth, when it was freezing cold and came up to his chin, and he, being very weak and emaciated, expected to be swept away. the first house which they reached was at lincoln, and thereabouts they met a white teamster with supplies, who, seeing their condition, gave them as much as they could eat. for six months after getting home he was very low and did not expect to live, and was perhaps always the worse for it. for seven or eight miles below that succession of "grand" falls the aspect of the banks as well as the character of the stream was changed. after passing a trib utary from the northeast we had swift smooth water. low grassy banks and muddy shores began. many elms as well as maples and more ash trees overhung the stream and supplanted the spruce. 172 canoeing in the wilderness mosquitoes, black flies, etc., pursued us in mid-channel, and we were glad some times to get into violent rapids, for then we escaped them. as we glided swiftly down the inclined plane of the river, a great cat owl launched itself away from a stump on the bank, and flew heavily across the stream, and the indian, as usual, imitated its note. soon afterward a white-headed eagle sailed down the stream before us. we drove him several miles, while we were looking for a good place to camp, — for we expected to be overtaken by a shower, — and still we could distinguish him by his white tail, sailing away from time to time from some tree by the shore still farther down the stream. some she corways being surprised by us, a part of them dived, and we passed directly over them, and could trace their course here and there by a bubble on the surface, but we did not see them come up. it was some time before we found a camping-place, for the shore was either allegash and east branch 173 too grassy and muddy, where mosquitoes abounded, or too steep a hillside. we at length found a place to our minds, where, in a very dense spruce wood above a grav elly shore, there seemed to be but few in sects. the trees were so thick that we were obliged to clear a space to build our fire and lie down in, and the young spruce trees that were left were like the wall of an apartment rising around us. we were obliged to pull ourselves up a steep bank to get there. but the place which you have selected for your camp, though never so rough and grim, begins at once to have its attractions, and becomes a very center of civilization to you : " home is home, be it never so homely." the mosquitoes were numerous, and the indian complained a good deal, though he lay, as the night before, between three fires and his stretched hide. as i sat on a stump by the fire with a veil and gloves on, trying to read, he observed, " i make you candle," and in a minute he took a 174 canoeing in the wilderness piece of birch bark about two inches wide and rolled it hard, like an allumette ' fifteen inches long, lit it, fixed it by the other end horizontally in a split stick three feet high, and stuck it in the ground, turning the blazing end to the wind, and telling me to snuff it from time to time. it answered the purpose of a candle pretty well. i noticed, as i had before, that there was a lull among the mosquitoes about midnight, and that they began again in the morning. apparently they need rest as well as we. few, if any, creatures are equally active all night. as soon as it was light i saw, through my veil, that the in side of the tent about our heads was quite blackened with myriads, and their com bined hum was almost as bad to endure as their stings. i had an uncomfortable night on this account, though i am not sure that one succeeded in his attempt to sting me. 'a match. in this case an old-fashioned "spill," or lamplighter, made by twisting a piece of paper, into a long, tight spiral roll. x saturday, sunday, monday august 1-3 i caught two or three large red chivin within twenty feet of the camp, which, added to the moose tongue that had been left in the kettle boiling over night, and to our other stores, made a sumptuous breakfast. the indian made us some hemlock tea instead of coffee. this was tolerable, though he said it was not strong enough. it was interesting to see so simple a dish as a kettle of water with a handful of green hemlock sprigs in it boiling over the huge fire in the open air, the leaves fast losing their lively green color, and know that it was for our breakfast. we were glad to embark once more and leave some of the mosquitoes behind. we found that we had camped about a mile above hunt's, which is the last house 176 canoeing in the wilderness for those who ascend katahdin on this side. we had expected to ascend it from this point, but my companion was obhged to give up this on account of sore feet. the indian, however, suggested that perhaps he might get a pair of moccasins at this place, and that he could walk very easily in them without hurting his feet, wearing several pairs of stockings, and he said beside that they were so porous that when you had taken in water it all drained out in a little while. we stopped to get some sugar, but found that the family had moved away, and the house was unoccupied, except tem porarily by some men who were getting the hay. i noticed a seine here stretched on the bank, which probably had been used to catch salmon. just below this, on the west bank, we saw a moose-hide stretched, and with it a bearskin. the indian said they belonged to joe aitteon,' but how he told i do not " joe aitteon was thoreau's guide on the second of his three excursions into the maine woods. he was an indian whose home was on the same island where polis lived. allegash and east branch 177 know. he was probably hunting near and had left them for the day. finding that we were going directly to oldtown, he regretted that he had not taken more of the moose meat to his family, saying that in a short time, by drying it, he could have made it so light as to have brought away the greater part, leaving the bones. we once or twice inquired after the lip, which is a famous tidbit, but he said, " that go oldtown for my old woman ; don't get it every day." maples grew more and more numerous. it rained a little during the forenoon, and, as we expected a wetting, we stopped early and dined just above whetstone falls, about a dozen miles below hunt's. my companion, having lost his pipe, asked the indian if he could make him one. " oh, yer," said he, and in a minute rolled up one of birch bark, telling him to wet the bowl from time to time. we carried round the falls. the dis tance was about three fourths of a mile. 178 canoeing in the wilderness when we had carried over one load, the indian returned by the shore, and i by the path ; and though i made no particular haste i was nevertheless surprised to find him at the other end as soon as i. it was remarkable how easily he got over the worst ground. he said to me, " i take canoe and you take the rest, suppose you can keep along with me ? " i thought he meant that while he ran down the rapids i should keep along the shore, and be ready to assist him from time to time, as i had done before ; but as the walking would be very bad, i answered, " i suppose you will go too fast for me, but i will try." but i was to go by the path, he said. this i thought would not help the mat ter, i should have so far to go to get to the riverside when he wanted me. but neither was this what he meant. he was proposing a race over the carry, and asked me if i thought i could keep along with him by the same path, adding that i must allegash and east branch 179 be pretty smart to do it. as his load, the canoe, would be much the heaviest and bulkiest, i thought that i ought to be able to do it, and said that i would try. so i proceeded to gather up the gun, axe, paddle, kettle, frying-pan, plates, dippers, carpets, etc., and while i was thus engaged he threw me his cowhide boots. " what, are these in the bargain?" i asked. " oh, yer," said he ; but before i could make a bundle of my load i saw him dis appearing over a hill with the canoe on his head. hastily scraping the various articles to gether, i started on the run, and immedi ately went by him in the bushes, but i had no sooner left him out of sight in a rocky hollow than the greasy plates, dip pers, etc., took to themselves wings, and while i was employed in gathering them up, he went by me; but, hastily pressing the sooty kettle to my side, i started once more, and, soon passing him again, i saw him no more on the carry. i do not men i8o canoeing in the wilderness tion this as anything of a feat, for it was but poor running on my part, and he was obliged to move with great caution for fear of breaking his canoe as well as his neck. when he made his appearance, puf fing and panting like myself, in answer to my inquiries where he had been, he said, " locks cut 'em feet," and, laughing, added, " oh, me love to play sometimes." he said that he and his companions when they came to carries several miles long used to try who would get over first; each perhaps with a canoe on his head. i bore the sign of the kettle on my brown linen sack for the rest of the voyage. as we approached the mouth of the east branch we passed two or three huts, the first sign of civilization after hunt's, though we saw no road as yet. we heard a cowbell, and even saw an infant held up to a small square window to see us pass. on entering the west branch at nicke tow, polls remarked that it was all smooth water hence to oldtown, and he threw carrying round the falls allegash and east branch i8i away his pole which was cut on the um bazookskus. we camped about two miles below nicketow, covering with fresh twigs the withered bed of a former traveler, and feeling that we were now in a settled country, especially when in the evening we heard an ox sneeze in its wild pasture across the river. wherever you land along the frequented part of the river you have not far to go to find these sites of tem porary inns, the withered bed of flattened twigs, the charred sticks, and perhaps the tent-poles. not long since, similar beds were spread along the connecticut, the hudson, and the delaware, and longer still ago, by the thames and seine, and they now help to make the soil where private and public gardens, mansions, and palaces are. we could not get fir twigs for our bed here, and the spruce was harsh in comparison, having more twig in proportion to its leaf, but we improved it somewhat with hemlock. i82 canoeing in the wilderness after the regular supper we attempted to make a lily soup of the bulbs which i had brought along, for i wished to learn all i could before i got out of the woods. fol lowing the indian's directions, i washed the bulbs carefully, minced some moose meat and some pork, salted and boiled all together, but we had not the patience to try the experiment fairly, for he said it must be boiled till the roots were com pletely softened so as to thicken the soup like flour; but though we left it on all night, we found it dried to the kettle in the morning and not yet boiled to a flour. perhaps the roots were not ripe enough, for they commonly gather them in the fall. the indian's name for these bulbs was sheepnoc. he prepared to camp as usual between his moose-hide and the fire, but it begin ning to rain suddenly he took refuge under the tent with us, and gave us a song before falling asleep. it rained hard in the night and spoiled another box of matches for allegash and east branch 183 us, which the indian had left out, for he was very careless; but we had so much the better night for the rain, since it kept the mosquitoes down. sunday, a cloudy and unpromising morn ing. one of us observed to the indian, "you did not stretch your moose-hide last night, did you, mr. polis ?" whereat he replied in a tone of sur prise, though perhaps not of ill humor: "what you ask me that question for? suppose i stretch 'em, you see 'em. may be your way talking, may be all right, no indian way." i had observed that he did not wish to answer the same question more than once, and was often silent when it was put again, as if he were moody. not that he was incommunicative, for he frequently commenced a longwinded narrative of his own accord — repeated at length the tra dition of some old battle, or some passage in the recent history of his tribe in which he had acted a prominent part, from time 1 84 canoeing in the wilderness to time drawing a long breath, and resum ing the thread of his tale, with the true story-teller's leisureliness. especially after the day's work was over, and he had put himself in posture for the night, he would be unexpectedly sociable, and we would fall asleep before he got through. the indian was quite sick this morning with the colic. i thought that he was the worse for the moose meat he had eaten. we reached the mattawamkeag at half past eight in the morning, in the midst of a drizzling rain, and, after buying some sugar, set out again. the indian growing much worse, we stopped in the north part of lincoln to get some brandy for him, but, failing in this, an apothecary recommended brand reth's pills, which he refused to take be cause he was not acquainted with them. he said, "me doctor — first study my case, find out what ail 'em — then i know what to take." ■ we stopped at mid-forenoon on an allegash and east branch 185 island and made him a dipper of tea. here, too, we dined and did some washing and botanizing, while he lay on the bank. in the afternoon we went on a little far ther. as a thunder-shower appeared to be coming up we stopped opposite a barn on the west bank. here we were obliged to spend the rest of the day and night, on account of our patient, whose sickness did not abate. he lay groaning under his canoe on the bank, looking very woebe gone. you would not have thought, if you had seen him lying about thus, that he was worth six thousand dollars and had been to washington. it seemed to me that he made a greater ado about his sickness than a yankee does, and was more alarmed about himself. we talked somewhat of leaving him with his people in lincoln, — for that is one of their homes, — but he objected on account of the expense, saying, " suppose me well in morning, you and i go oldtown by noon.*' 1 86 canoeing in the wilderness as we were taking our tea at twilight, while he lay groaning under his canoe, he asked me to get him a dipper of water. taking the dipper in one hand, he seized his powderhorn with the other, and, pour ing into it a charge or two of powder, stirred it up with his finger, and drank it off. this was all he took to-day after breakfast beside his tea. to save the trouble of pitching our tent, when we had secured our stores from wandering dogs, we camped in the soli tary half-open barn near the bank, with the permission of the owner, lying on new mown hay four feet deep. the fragrance of the hay, in which many ferns, etc., were mingled, was agreeable, though it was quite alive with grasshoppers which you could hear crawling through it. this served to graduate our approach to houses and feather beds. in the night some large bird, probably an owl, flitted through over our heads, and very early in the morning we were awakened by the twit allegash and east branch 187 tering of swallows which had their nests there. we started early before breakfast, the indian being considerably better, and soon glided by lincoln, and stopped to break fast two or three miles below this town. we frequently passed indian islands with their small houses on them. the penobscot indians seem to be more social even than the whites. ever and anon in the deepest wilderness of maine you come to the log hut of a yankee or canada set tler, but a penobscot never takes up his residence in such a solitude. they are not even scattered about on their islands in the penobscot, but gathered together on two or three, evidently for the sake of society. i saw one or two houses not now used by them, because, as our indian said, they were too solitary. from time to time we met indians in their canoes going up river. our man did not commonly approach them, but only exchanged a few words with them at a i88 canoeing in the wilderness distance. we took less notice of the scen ery to-day, because we were in quite a settled country. the river became broad and sluggish, and we saw a blue heron winging its way slowly down the stream before us. the sunkhaze, a short dead stream, comes in from the east two miles above oldtown. asking the meaning of this name, the indian said, " suppose you are going down penobscot, just like we, and you see a canoe come out of bank and go along before you, but you no see 'em stream. that is sunkhaze ^ he had previously complimented me on my paddling, saying that i paddled "just like anybody," giving me an indian name which meant " great paddler." when off this stream he said to me, who sat in the bows, " me teach you paddle." so, turning toward the shore, he got out, came forward, and placed my hands as he wished. he placed one of them quite out side the boat, and the other parallel with allegash and east branch 189 the first, grasping the paddle near the end, not over the fiat extremity, and told me to slide it back and forth on the side of the canoe. this, i found, was a great improve ment which i had not thought of, saving me the labor of lifting the paddle each time, and i wondered that he had not sug gested it before. it is true, before our bag gage was reduced we had been obliged to sit with our legs drawn up, and our knees above the side of the canoe, which would have prevented our paddling thus, or per haps he was afraid of wearing out his canoe by constant friction on the side. i told him that i had been accustomed to sit in the stern, and lift my paddle at each stroke, getting a pry on the side each time, and i still paddled partly as if in the stern. he then wanted to see me paddle in the stern. so, changing paddles, for he had the longer and better one, and turning end for end, he sitting flat on the bottom and i on the crossbar, he began to paddle very hard, trying to turn the canoe, look iqo canoeing in the wilderness ing over his shoulder and laughing, but, finding it in vain, he relaxed his efforts, though we still sped along a mile or two very swiftly. he said that he had no fault to find with my paddling in the stern, but i complained that he did not paddle ac cording to his own directions in the bows. as we drew near to oldtown i asked polls if he was not glad to get home again ; but there was no relenting to his wildness, and he said, " it makes no dif ference to me where i am." such is the indian's pretense always. we approached the indian island through the narrow strait called " cook." he said : " i 'xpect we take in some wa ter there, river so high — never see it so high at this season. very rough water there ; swamp steamboat once. don't you paddle till i tell you. then you paddle right along." it was a very short rapid. when we were in the midst of it he shouted, " pad dle ! " and we shot through without taking allegash and east branch 191 in a drop. soon after the indian houses came in sight. i could not at first tell my companion which of two or three large white ones was our guide's. he said it was the one with blinds. we landed opposite his door at about four in the afternoon, having come some forty miles this day. we stopped for an hour at his house. mrs. p. wore a hat and had a silver brooch on her breast, but she was not introduced to us. the house was roomy and neat. a large new map of old town and the indian island hung on the wall, and a clock opposite to it. this was the last that i saw of joe polls. we took the last train, and reached ban gor that night. the end cambridge . massachusetts u . s . a a selected list of out-of-door and nature books by john burroughs the summit of the years time and change leaf and tendril ways of nature far and near wake-robin winter sunshine pepacton, and other sketches fresh fields signs and seasons birds and poets, with other papers locusts and wild honey riverby each of the above, i6mo, gilt top, $1.15 net. a year in the fields selections appropriate to each season of the year from the writings of johm burroughs. with a biographical sketch, and 24 illustrations from photo graphs by clifton johnson. i2nio, gilt top, $1.50 fiei. squirrels and other fur-bearers illustrated in color after audubon. square izmo, $1.00 xet. in the catskills luvistrated by clikton johnson. $1.50 net. by j. smeaton chase california coast trails 16 full-page illustrations from photographs. large crown 8vo, $2.00 mt. yosemite trails illustrated. large crown 8vo, $2.00 net. by ellery h. clark reminiscences of an athlete illustrated. 12 mo, $1.25 net. by fannie hardy eckstorm the woodpeckers with 5 colored illustrations by louis agassiz fuertks, and many text illustrations. square i2mo, $1.00 «^^. a selected list of out-of-door and nature books by florence merriam bailey handbook of birds of the western united states profusely illustrated by louis agassiz fubrtes. i2mo, $3.50 net. birds of village and field a bird book for beginners. with a general field color key to 154 birds, aud over 300 illustrations. i2mo, $2.00 net. a-birding on a bronco with numerous illustrations. i6mo, $1.25 net. my summer in a mormon village illustrated. i6mo, $1.00 }iet. birds through an opera-glass illustrated. i6mo, 75 cents net. by mary e. bamford up and down the brooks illustrated. j6mo, 75 cents net. by a william beebe two bird-lovers in mexico with more than one hundred illustrations. large crown 8vo, $3.00 net. by frank bolles chocorua's tenants illustrated. i6nio, gilt top, $1.00 net. from blomidon to smoky, and other papers land of the lingering snow. chronicles of a stroller in new eng land from january to june at the north of bearcamp water. chronicles of a stroller in new england from july to december each of the above, i6mo, $1.25 jtei. by edward breck wilderness pets at camp buckshaw illustrated. square crown 8vo, $1.50 }iet. by edwin t. brewster swimming with frontispiece and diagrams. i6nio, $1.00 net. a selected list of out-of-door and nature books by simon b. elliott the important timber trees of the united states with 47 illustrations from photographs. large crown 8vo, $2.50 net. by thomas wentworth higginson outdoor studies, and poems i2mo, gilt top, $2-00 }u:t. the procession of the flowers, and kindred papers with frontispiece, and an index of plants and animals mentioned. i6mo, gilt top, $1.25 net. by ralph hoffmann a guide to the birds of new england and eastern new york with 4 full-page plates by louis agassiz fuerte.s, and about 100 cuts in the text. i2mo, $1.50 net. field edition, bound in flexible leather, pocket size, $2.00 }u;t. by sarah orne jewett coimtry by-ways i8mo, gilt top, $1.00 net. by james russell lowell my garden acquaintance 32mo, 40 cents ?tet ; postpaid. by olive thorne miller the bird our brother i2mo, $1.25 net. with the birds in maine i6mo, $[.io net. the first book of birds with colored illustrations. square i2mo, $1.00. the second book of birds: bird families with colored illustrations by louis agassiz '^'uertbs. square i2mo, $1.00 net. true bird stories from my note-books with illustrations by louis agassiz fuertes. i2mo, $1.00 net. a selected list of out-of-door and nature books by samuel h. scudder frail children of the air : excursions into the world of butterflies with 9 plates. i6mo, 75 cents jiei. every-day butterflies with numerous illustrations, including 8 full-page colored plates. crown 8vo, $2.00 }l£t. by dallas lore sharp where rolls the oregon illustrated. crown svo, $1.25 net. nature series: book i. the fall of the year book ii. winter book iii. the spring of the year book iv. summer illustrated by robert b. horsfall. each, i2mo, 60 cents, net; postpaid. the face of the fields i2mo, $1.25 net. the lay of the land with illustrated chapter headings. i2mo, $1.25 net. by celia thaxter an island garden with portrait. crown svo, $1.25 n^t. among the isles of shoals illustrated. ismo, $1.25 net. poems edited, with a preface, by sarah ornk jewett. i2mo, gilt top, $1.50;^/. by henry d. thoreau a week on the concord and merrimack rivers. with portrait. walden; or, life in the woods the maine woods cape cod early spring in massachusetts autumn summer, with map of concord. winter the above four are from the journal of thorbau. edited by h. g. o. blakb. h 70 891 ,