a letter of several french ministers fled into germany upon the account of the persecution in france to such of their brethren in england as approved the kings declaration touching liberty of conscience : translated from the original in french. jurieu, pierre, 1637-1713. 1688 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48123 wing l1575 estc r9560 12924962 ocm 12924962 95505 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48123) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95505) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 986:34) a letter of several french ministers fled into germany upon the account of the persecution in france to such of their brethren in england as approved the kings declaration touching liberty of conscience : translated from the original in french. jurieu, pierre, 1637-1713. wake, william, 1657-1737. 7 p. s.n., [london : 1688] reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to pierre jurieu. cf. nuc pre-1956. translation of work by william wake. cf. nuc pre-1956. caption title. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -france. protestants -france. freedom of religion -france -early works to 1800. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of several french ministers fled into germany upon the account of the persecution in france , to such of their brethren in england as approved the kings declaration touching liberty of conscience . translated from the original in french. altho in our present dispersion , most dear and honoured brethren , it has pleased the providence of god to conduct us into places very distant from one another . yet that union which ought always to continue betwixt us , obliges us to declare our sense to one another with a christian and brotherly freedom upon all occasions , that may present themselves to us so to do . 't is this makes us hope that you will not take it amiss of us , if at this time we deliver our opinion to you touching the affairs of england in matters of religion , and with reference to that conduct which you have observed therein . we ought not to conceal it from you , that the greatest part of the protestants of europe have been extremely scandalized to understand , that certain among you , after the example of many of the dissenters , have addressed to the king of england , upon the account of his declaration , by which he has granted liberty of conscience to the non-conformists : and that some others who had already ranked themselves under the episcopal communion , nevertheless published the said declaration in their churches ; and this at a time when almost all the bishops themselves with so much firmness and courage refused to do it . if we may be permitted to tell you freely what our opinion is concerning the conduct of the bishops and of the dissenters in this conjuncture , we shall make no difficulty to pronounce in favour of the former . we look upon it that they have exceedingly well answered the duty of their charge , whilst despising their own private interest , they have so worthily supported that of the protestant religion : whereas the others , for want of considering these things as they ought to have done , have given up the interest of their religion to their own particular advantages . it is not out of any complement to the bishops , much less out of any enmity to the dissenters , that we make such different judgments concerning them . we know well enough how to commend or blame , what seems to us to deserve our praise or our censure both in the one and in the other . we do not at all approve the conduct of the bishops towards the dissenters under the last reign . and altho we do not any more approve that of the dissenters in separating from their communion , yet we do confess they had some reason in the bottom for it ; and that the ceremonies which they have refused to submit to are the remains of popery , which we could rather wish might have been entirely abolished . in this unhappy schism which has so long time rent the church of england ; we look upon it , that both parties have been equally defective in their charity . on the one side , the dissenters ought by no means to have separated themselves for the form of ecclesiastical government , nor for ceremonies which do not at all concern the fundamentals of religion . on the other side , the bishops should have had a greater condescension to the weakness of their brethren : and without doubt they would have acted in a manner more agreeable to the spirit of the gospel , if instead of treating them with so much rigor as they did , they had left them the liberty of serving god according to their conscience , till it should have pleased him to re-unite all under the same discipline . however the conformity of opinion between the dissenters and us , ought to have prejudiced us in their favour , had we been capable of partiality on this occasion . there is also another thing which might have disposed us to judge less favourably of the bishops than of them , and that is the yoke which they have imposed upon the french ministers , by obliging them to receive a second ordination before they could be permitted to exercise their ministry in the church of england , as if the ordination they had received in france had not been sufficient . but we must do justice to all the world , and bear witness to the truth . we have already said , and we must again repeat it , it seems to us that on this last occasion the bishops have discharged their duty , and are most worthy of praise , whereas the dissenters on the contrary are extreamly to be ●●●●ned . and we will presently offer our reasons wherefore we judge so of the one , and of the other . in the mean time , most dear brethren , give us leave freely to tell you , that if our brethren the dissenters of england , who have addressed to the king , are to be blamed , ( as we verily believe they are ) you certainly are much more to be condemned . the hardships under which they had lived for many years without churches , without pastors , without assemblies , made them think the liberty of conscience which was offered to them , a great ease . their spirits , soured and prejudiced by the ill treatments they had received from the church of england , had not freedom enough to let them see that the present which was made them was empoison'd . and therefore upon the sudden they received it with joy , and thought themselves obliged to testifie their acknowledgment of it . but for you who never had any part in the divisions of the church of england , and who by consequence were in a state to judge more soundly of things , how is it that you should not have perceived the poison that was hid under the liberty of conscience offered to them ? or if you did not perceive it of your selves , how is it that the generous refusal of the bishops , tho' at the peril of their liberty and estates , to publish the declaration in their diocesses , should not at least have open'd your eyes ? how have those venerable prelates now highly justified themselves from the reproach that was laid upon them of being popishly affected , and of persecuting the dissenters only , but of a secret hatred to the reformation ? how well have they made it appear that these were only calumnies invented by their enemies to render them odious to the protestants , and that their hearts were truly fix'd to the reformed religion , and animated with a zeal worthy primitive bishops ? could you see those faithful servants of god , disobey the order of their soveraign , expose themselves thereby to his disgrace , suffer imprisonment , and prepare themselves to suffer any thing , rather then betray their consciences and their religion , without admiring their constancy , and being touched with their examples ? but above all , could you resolve by your conduct to condemn that of those generous confessors ? is this the acknowledgment which you ought to have made to them for that charity , with which they had received and comforted you in your exile ? is this to answer the glorious quality of confessors , of which you so much vaunt your selves ? is this the act of faithful ministers of christ ? give us leave to tell you , most dear brethren , your proceedings in this affair appear so very strange to us , that we cannot imagine how you were capable of so doing . it seems to us to have even effaced all the glory you had attained by your sufferings , to reproach your ministry and to be unworthy of true and reformed christians . this is no rash judgment which we pass ; and to convince you that it is not , we beseech you only to examine these things with us without prejudice and interest . the declaration of which we speak is designed for two purposes : the one , the re-establishment of popery . the other , the extinction of the reformed religion in england . the former of these designs appears openly in it . the second is more concealed ; 't is a mystery of iniquity , covered over with a specious appearance ; and of which the trace must be concealed till the time of manifestation comes . we will say nothing of a third design , which is , of the oppression of the liberties of england for the establishment of an absolute authority , but shall leave it to the polititians to make their reflexions upon it . as for us , if we sometimes touch upon it , it shall be only with reference to religion : we will apply our selves chiefly to the two other designs which they proposed to themselves who made that declaration . it cannot be deny'd but that by this declaration , there is liberty of conscience granted indifferently to the papists and to the dissenters . it comprehends both the one and the other under the name of nonconformists . and we may with confidence affirm , that they were the papists especially whom the king had in his eye when he gave this declaration . and howsoever he may pretend to have been touched with the oppressions which the dissenters had suffered ; yet that his principal design was to re-establish popery . behold here already a very great evil , and such as all true protestants are obliged with their utmost power to oppose . what , shall we see popery , that abominable religion , that prodigious heap of filthiness and impurity , re-establish it self , with all its honours , in kingdoms from which the reformation had happily banished it ? and shall there be found in those kingdoms protestants who not only stand still without making any opposition to it , but e'en favour its re-establishment , and openly give it their approbation ? who could have thought that the dissenters of england , men who have always testified so great an aversion to the roman religion ; and who have no other pretence to separate from the bishops , than that they have in part retained in their government and ceremonies the exteriors of that religion , should now themselves joyn to bring it intirely in ? but above all , who could have believed that the french ministers , who after having experimented all the fury of popery in france , were at last banished , rather than that they would subscribe to its errors and abuses : and for this very cause fled into england , that they might there more freely profess the protestant religion , should now contribute to re-establish popery in their new country , where they had been received by their brethren with so singular a charity ? would you indeed , gentlemen , see england once more submitted to the tyranny of the pope , whose yoke it so happily threw off in the last age ? would you there see all those monstrous doctrins , all those superstitions , and that horrible idolatry which reigned there before the reformation , domineer once more in it ? would you that the people should again hear the pulpits and the churches sounding out the doctrins of purgatory , of indulgences , of the sacrifice of the mass , &c. and see the images and reliques of the saints carried solemnly in procession , with a god formed by the hand of men ? and that in fine , they should again publickly adore those vain idols ? we are confident there is not a good protestant in the world that would not startle but at the thought of it . but this is not yet all . the declaration of which we speak does not only re-establish popery with all its abominations , but does moreover tend to the ruine of the reformation in england . a man need not to have any great sagacity to be convinced of this . and that as much as it seems to establish for ever the protestant religion in that kingdom , it does on the contrary destroy the very foundations of it . the ground upon which the reformation is founded in england , are the laws which have been made at several times for the settlement of it , and to abolish either the tyranny of the pope , or the popish religion altogether . and as these laws have been made by the king and parliament together , so that the king has not the power to repeal them without a parliament , they secure the protestant religion against the enterprises of such kings as should ever think to destroy it . but now if this declaration be executed , we are no more to make any account of those solemn laws which have been passed in favour of the reformation , they become of no value , and the protestant religion is intirely left to the king's pleasure . this is what will clearly appear from what we are about to say . the king not having been able to obtain of the last parliament to consent to a repeal of the laws which had been made against the nonconformists , dissolved the parliament it self . not long after , without attending a new one , he did that alone by his declaration which the parliament would not do conjunctly with him . he granted a full liberty of conscience to the nonconformists ; he freed them from the penalties which had been appointed against them , and dispensed with the oaths to which the laws obliged all those who were admitted to any charges , whether in the soldiery , or in administration of justice , or of the government . in pursuance of these declarations he threw the protestants out of all places of any great importance to clap in papists in their room , and goes on without ceasing to the intire establishment of popery . who does not see , that if the protestants approve these declarations , and themselves authorise such enterprises , the king will not stop here , but that this will be only one step to carry him much further ? what can be said when he shall do the same thing with reference to those laws which exclude the papists out of the parliament , that he has done to those which shut them out of all charges and imploys , and forbad them the exercise of their religion ? does not the approbation of such declarations , as it overthrows these last , carry with it before hand the approbation of those which shall one day overthrow the former ? and if the king shall once give himself the authority to bring papists into the parliament , who shall hinder him from using solicitations , promises , threatnings , and a thousand other the like means to make up a popish parliament ? and who shall hinder him with the concurrence of that parliament to repeal all the antient laws that had been passed against popery , and make new ones against the protestants ? these are without doubt the natural consequences of what the king at this time aims at . these are the fruits which one ought to expect from it , if instead of approving as some have done his enterprises against the laws , they do not on the contrary with all imaginable vigor oppose them . reflect a little on what we have here said , and you will consess that we have reason to commend the conduct of the bishops who refused to publish the declaration ; and to condemn those dissenters who have made their addresses of thanks for it . it is true that the dissenters are to be pitied , and that they have been treated hardly enough , and we do not think it at all strange , that they so earnestly sigh after liberty of conscience . it is natural for men under oppression to seek for relief : and liberty of conscience considered only in it self , is it may be the thing of all the world the most precious and most desirable . would to god we were able to procure it for them by any lawful means , and without such ill consequences , tho' it were at the peril of our lives ! but we conjure them to consider how pernicious that liberty of conscience is which is offer'd to them , as we have just now shewn . on the one side , it is inseparably linked with the establishment of popery ; and on the other , it cannot be accepted without approving a terrible breach which his majesty thereby makes upon the laws , and which would be the ruine of the reformation in his kingdoms , were not some remedy brought to it . and where is the protestant who would buy liberty of conscience at so dear a rate , and not rather choose to continue deprived of it all his life ? should the private interest of our brethren the dissenters blind them in such a manner , that they have no regard to the general interest of the church ? should they for enjoying a liberty of conscience so ill assured , shut their eyes to all other considerations ? how much better would it be for them to re-unite themselves to the bishops , with whom they differ only in some points of discipline ; but especially at this time , when their conduct ought to have entirely defaced those unjust suspicions which they had conceived against them ? but if they could not so readily dispose themselves to such a re-union , would it not be better for them to resolve still to continue without liberty of conscience , and expect some more favourable time when they may by lawful means attain it , than to open themselves a gate to popery , and to concur with it to the ruine of the protestant religion ? you will , it may be , tell us , that it looks ill in us , who so much complain , that we have been deprived of liberty of conscience in france , to find fault with the king of england for granting it to his subjects : and that it is the least that can be allowed to a sovereign , to allow him the right to permit the exercise of his own religion in his own kingdoms , and to make use of the service of such of his subjects as himself shall think fit , by putting them into charges and employs . you will add , that his majesty does not go about neither to abrogate the antient laws , nor to make new ones . all he does being only to dispense with the observation of certain laws in such of his subjects as he thinks fit , and for as long time as he pleases ; and that the right of dispensing with , and suspending of laws , is a right inseparably ty'd to his person : that for the rest , the protestant religion does not run the least risque . there are laws to shut the papists out of parliament , and these laws can neither be dispensed with , nor suspended : so that the parliament partaking with the king in the legislative power , and continuing still protestant , there is no cause to fear , that any thing should be done contrary to the protestant religion . besides , what probability is there , that a king , who appears so great an enemy to oppression in matters of conscience and religion , should ever have a thought , tho he had the power himself , to oppress in this very matter the greatest part of his subjects , and take from them that liberty of conscience which he now grants to them , and which he promises so inviolably to observe for the time to come ? these are all the objections that can with any appearance of reason be made against what we have before said . they may all be reduced to five , which we shall examine in their order . and we doubt not but we shall easily make it appear , that they are all but meer illusions . 1. we do justly complain , that they have taken from us our liberty of conscience in france , because it was done contrary to the laws . and one may as justly complain , that the k of england does labour to re-establish popery in his country , because he cannot do it but contrary to the laws . our liberties in france were founded upon solemn laws , upon perpetual , irrevocable , and sacred edicts ; and which could not be recalled , without violating at once the public faith , the royal word , and the sacredness of an oath . and popery has been banished out of england by laws made by king and parliament , and which cannot be repealed but by the authority of king and parliament together ; so that therefore there is just cause to complain , that the king should go about to overthrow them himself alone by his declaration . 2. it is not true that a sovereign has always the right to permit the exercise of his own religion in his dominions , and to make use of the service of such of his subjects as he himself shall think fit , that is to say , by putting of them into charges and employs : and in particular , he has not this right , when the laws of his country are contrary thereunto , as they are in the case before us . every king is obliged to observe the fundamental laws of his kingdom . and the king of england , as well as his subjects , ought to observe the laws which have been established by king and parliament together . 3. for the third , the distinction between the abrogation of a law , and the dispensing with and suspending of it cannot here be of any use ; whether the king abrogates the laws which have been made against popery , or whether without saying expresly that he does abrogate them ; he overthrows them by his declarations , under pretence of dispensing with , or suspending of them ; it is still in effect the same thing . and to what purpose is it that the laws are not abrogated , if in the mean time all sorts of charges are given to papists , and popery it self be re-established contrary to the tenor of the laws ? the truth is , if the king has such a power as this , if this be a right necessarily tied to his person , 't is in vain that the parliament does partake with him in the legislature . this authority of the parliament is but a meer name , a shadow , a phantome , a chimera , and no more . the king is still the absolute master , because he can alone , and without his parliament , render useless by his declarations the laws which the parliament shall have the most solemnly established together with him . we confess the king has right of dispensing in certain cases , as if the concern be what belongs to his private interest , he may without doubt whenever he pleases depart from his own rights ; 't is a liberty which no body will pretend to contest with him . but he has not the power to dispense to the prejudice of the rights of the people , nor by consequence put the property , the liberty , and the lives of his protestant subjects into the hands of papists . 4. what we have now said in answer to the third objection , will be more clear from the answer we are to give to the fourth . they would perswade the protestants that their religion is in safety , because on the one side the king cannot make laws without the parliament ; and that on the other , there being laws which exclude papists out of the two houses , it must necessarily follow , that the parliament shall continue to be protestant . but if the king has the power to break throught the laws , under the pretence of dispensing with and suspending of them , what security shall the protestants have that he will not dispense with the papists , the observation of those laws which do exclude them out of the parliament , as well as he has dispensed with those that should have kept them out of charges and imployments ? what security shall they have that he will not at any time hereafter suspend the execution of the former , as he has already suspended the execution of the latter ? which being so , what should hinder us from seeing in a little time a popish parliament , who together with the king shall pass laws contrary to the protestant religion ? what difference can be shewn between the one and the other of these laws , that the one should be liable to be dispensed with and suspended , and the other not ? were they not both established by the king and parliament ? were not both the one and the other made for the security of the protestant religion , and of those who profess it ? are not the rights of the people concerned in the one , as well as in the other ? and whosoever suffers and approves the king in the violation of these rights in some things , does he not thereby authorise him to violate them in all ? if the king has power to put the liberty and property and lives of his protestant subjects at the mercy of the papists , by placing them in charges contrary to the law , why should he not have the power to raise the same papists to the authority of legislators by declaring them capable of sitting in parliament , seeing that is but contrary to law ? do not deceive your selves , the laws are the barrier which bound the authority of the king , and if his barrier be once broken , he will extend his authority as far as he pleases . and it will be impossible for you after that to set any bounds to it . 5. in fine , he must be very little acquainted with the spirit of popery , who imagines that it will be content to re-establish it self in england , without aiming to destroy the protestant religion . give it but time and opportunity to fortifie it self , and you may then expect to see what it is . in all places where it has got the power in its hands , it will not only rule , but rule alone , and not suffer any other religion besides it self ; and imploys the sword and fire to extirpate that which it calls heresie . were not this a truth confirmed by infinite examples both ancient and modern , which every one knows who has read any thing of history , it would be too much evidenced by the cruelties which it has so lately exercised against the churches of hungary , of france , and of the valleys of piemont . and men ought not to be lulled asleep by the pretence of an inclination which the king of england would be thought to have for liberty of conscience ; nor by the promises which he makes to preserve it to all his subjects without distinction . every one knows that perfidiousness and breach of faith are characters of popery no less essential to it than cruelty . can you doubt of this , gentlemen ? you who so lately came from making a sad experiment of it ? how often did our king promise us to preserve us in our priviledges ? how many declarations , how many edicts did he set out to that purpose ? how many oaths were taken to confirm those edicts ? did not this very king lewis xiv . himself solemnly promise by several edicts and declarations to maintain us in all the liberties which were granted to us by the edict of nantes ? and yet after all , what scruple was there made to violate so many laws , so many promises , and so many oaths ? the protestants of england have themselves also sometimes likewise experimented the same infidelity : and not to alledge here any other example , let us desire them to remember only the reign of queen mary , what promises she made at her coming to the crown , not to make any change of religion ; and yet what bloody laws she afterwards passed to extinguish the reformation as soon as she saw her self fast in the throne ? and with what inhumanity she spilt the blood of her most faithful subjects to accomplish that design ? after such an instance as this , a man must be very credulous indeed , and willing to deceive himself , that will put too much confidence in the promises of the king that now reigns . do we not know , that there are neither promises nor oaths which the pope does not pretend to have power to dispense with in those whom he employs for the extirpation of heresie ? and do we not also know , that it is one of the great maxims of popery , a maxim authorized both by the doctrin and practice of the council of constance , that they are not obliged to keep any faith with hereticks . we ought not to believe that king james ii. a prince who has so much zeal for popery , should be govern'd by any other maxims than those of his religion . and whosoever will take the pains to examine his conduct both before and since his coming to the crown , will find that he has more than once put 'em in practice . and this , gentlemen , we suppose may be sufficient to convince all reasonable persons , that there is nothing more pernicious than that declaration which you have approved ; whether by publishing it , as some of you have done , or by addressing to the king to thank him for it . when you shall have reflected upon these things , you will without doubt your selves confess , that you have suffered your selves to be amused with some imaginary advantages which you hope to make by this declaration . in the mean time , most dear brethren , you will pardon us , if we have chanced to have let any thing slip that is not agreeable to you . we had no design to give the least offence either to you , or to our brethren the dissenters of england . if we have spoken our thoughts freely of your conduct and of theirs , we have at least spoken with no less liberty of that of the bishops . and god is our witness , that we have said nothing of the one or the other , but in the sincerity of our heart , and out of a desire to contribute somewhat to his glory , and the good of his church . we are , most honoured brethren , your most humble , most obedient , and most affectionate brethren in jesus christ , n.n. an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants in sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-court, may 21. 1689 / by william wake ... publish'd by his majesties special command. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1689 approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66185 wing w242 estc r4543 12376252 ocm 12376252 60618 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66185) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60618) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:26) an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants in sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-court, may 21. 1689 / by william wake ... publish'd by his majesties special command. wake, william, 1657-1737. [2], 34, [1] p. printed for ric. chiswell ... and w. rogers ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants . in a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-covrt , may 21. 1689. by william wake , chaplain in ordinary to their majesties , and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . publish'd by his majesties special command . london : printed for ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard : and w. rogers , at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1689. rom . xv. 5 , 6 , 7. now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus : that ye may with one mind , and one mouth , glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us , to the glory of god. the words are part of that affectionate application , which the apostle here makes of his excellent discourse concerning the exercise of christian charity , in that great instance of condescention to the infirmities of our weaker brethren , in the foregoing chapter . the occasion of it was this : there were in those first times , many among the jews , who tho they were converted to the christian faith , yet still continued zealous for the law ; and not only carefully observed themselves all the rites and ceremonies of it , but would also by any means impose upon all others also , the observance of them . and how earnest they were upon this account , and how much they hated the gentile converts , upon whom the apostles did not think fit to lay any such burden , many passages both in the acts , and in st. paul's epistles , do sufficiently declare . but as in all other differences it seldom happens that the whole heat of the controversie rests only on one side ; so here , tho the jewish converts were both the first beginners of this dispute , and the more zealous pursuers of it , yet neither were the gentile christians utterly without fault in it ; but so far stood fast in that liberty , wherewith christ had made them free , as not only to despise the weakness and ignorance of the others , but to be ready almost , even to cut them off from their communion . i need not say how dangerous such a controversie as this might have proved , nor what a stop it might have put to the progress of christianity , in those first beginnings of the gospel . great were the difficulties which the apostles underwent on this occasion , whilst they endeavoured so to menage themselves between these two parties , as not only not to offend either , but , if it were possible , to bring them both to such a temper with one another , that neither the gentile convert might despise the weakness of his judaizing brother ; nor the jewish votary judge too severely of the liberty of the gentile christian. and this was the design of st. paul in the chapter before my text. where addressing himself , as indeed he seems to have done this whole epistle , to the gentile christians ; and whom , as having the truer notion of their christian liberty as to this matter , he therefore calls the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the strong in the faith : v. 1. he exhorts them in a most admirable discourse on this subject throughout that whole chapter , to bear the infirmities of the weak ; i. e. not to grieve nor despise them for their mistaken zeal , but by complying a little , and condescending to their infirmities , to endeavour , if it should please god , to draw them out of their error . let every one of us please his neighbour for his good to edification . and then concludes all in the words of the text , wherein we have , first , a hearty prayer to god almighty , that he would inspire them so effectually with a spirit of unity and charity , that notwithstanding all their differences , they might join unanimously , both jews and gentiles , not only in the same common worship of god , but with the same hearty affection to one another : now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus ; that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. and secondly , an exhortation , as the final result of his whole discourse , that they should with all charitable condescention and kindness receive , and love , and assist one another , and not despise , and censure , and deprive one another , either of their charity , or their communion ; wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us , to the glory of god. in which words , as they thus lie before us in the occasion and design of them , there are two things that will offer themselves to our consideration . first , an exhortation to these dissenting christians , and in them to all of us , not to break either charity or communion with one another , upon the account of such things wherein we may securely differ ; but mutually to bear with one another in our differences . secondly , an enforcement of this exhortation , from two of the greatest considerations that can possibly engage any christian to an observance of it ; viz. first , from the example of christ towards us . secondly , from the greater glory that will hereby redound to god. wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us , to the glory of god. i shall make it my endeavour with all the plainess that i can , to pursue both the exhortation and the enforcement in the three following propositions . i. that there may be differences in matters of lesser moment , between very good and zealous christians , without any just reflection either upon the men , or upon their religion . ii. that these differences ought not to hinder such persons from agreeing together , not only in a common charity , but , if it be possible , in a common worship of god too . iii. that to this end it is the duty of all christians , but especially of those who are the strong in faith , not only to pray for such a union , but , as they have opportunity , heartily to labour themselves , and earnestly to stir up all others , to endeavour after it . and first ; that there may be differences in matters of lesser moment between very good and zealous christians , without any just reflection upon the men , or upon their religion . for proof of which , i think i need go no farther than the very history of my text. i have already said how great a division there was between the jewish and the gentile converts , about the ritual observances of the law of moses , and with what a zeal the dissenting parties managed the dispute , till they had almost lost their charity , and made a deplorable schism in the church of christ. and yet i am confident no man will say that this was at all derogatory either to the truth of their common christianity , or to the infallible authority with which the apostles had deliver'd it unto them . and for the parties themselves that thus differ'd with one another , that they had a true zeal on both sides for the glory of god , and thought it matter of conscience , the one to observe these ceremonial institutions as what god still required of them ; the other to refuse any such imposition , as not only a needless burden , but even repugnant to the grace of christ declared to them in his gospel ; st. paul , in the prosecution of this very argument , does clearly bear witness to them , ch. xiv . 6. where he makes use of this very thing as one reason why they should mutually tolerate one another in their dissentions ; viz. that however they differ'd in their notions as to these particulars , yet they were both perfectly agreed in the same common zeal for the glory of god , and the discharge of their duty . he that regardeth the day , regardeth it unto the lord ; and he that regardeth not the day , to the lord he doth not regard it . he that eateth , eateth to the lord , for he giveth god thanks ; and he that eateth not , to the lord he eateth not , and giveth god thanks . and indeed , either we must say , that all , even the least points , relating to our religion , are so clearly and plainly revealed , that no honest man can possibly be mistaken if he will but impartially enquire into them ; which from the diffe●●nces of whole parties concerning these things , 't is plain they are not : or else mens different capacities , and opportunities , and tempers , and education consider'd , 't is in vain to expect that all good men should agree in all their notions of religion , any more than we see they do in any other concerns whatsoever . and who am i that i should dare to pronounce a sentence of reprobation against any one , in whom there appear all the other characters of an humble , upright , sincere christian , only because he has not perhaps met with the same instruction , or read the same books , or do's not argue the same way ; in a word , because he is not so wise , or it may be , is wiser than i am , and sees farther than i do , and therefore is not exactly of my opinion in every thing ? now if this be so , as both the principles of reason conclude it very well may be , and the common experience of mankind , not only in the particular concern of religion , but in most other things assures us that it is : that mens understandings are different , and they will argue different ways , and entertain different opinions from one another , about the same things , and yet may nevertheless deserve on all sides , to be esteemed very good and wise men for all that : how vain then must that argument be , which a late author of the church of rome , has with so much pomp revived against us , from our differences in a few lesser points of our religion , to conclude us to be erroneous in the greater ; and that because we are not exactly of the same opinion in every thing , that therefore we ought to be credited in nothing ; that is to say , that because protestants when they differ , are mistaken on one side , therefore when they agree , they are mistaken on both ? 1 st . it is certain that amidst all our other divisions , we are yet on all sides agreed in whatsoever is fundamental in the faith , or necessary to be believed and professed by us in order to our salvation . there is no good protestant , but what does firmly believe all the articles of the apostles creed ; and embraces the holy scriptures as the word of god , and rule of his faith , and readily acknowledges whatsoever is plainly revealed therein , and is at all times disposed to submit to any thing that can by any necessary and certain consequence be proved to him thereby . in short , our differences , whatsoever they are , i will be bold to say they do no more , nor even so much concern the foundations of christianity , as those of the judaizing christians here did . if their differing therefore with one another , was no prejudice to the truth of their common christianity then , i would fain know for what reason our differences , which are lesser , shall become so much a greater argument against our common christianity now . but , 2 dly , if our differing from one another in some points , be an argument that we are not certain in any ; how shall we be sure that those of the church of rome are not altogether as uncertain as we are ; seeing we are sure that they do no less differ among themselves , and that in points too , much more considerable than we do ? for to take only one instance instead of many , and that so considerable , that card. bellarmin once thought the sum of christianity , he meant the sum of popery , to consist in it , viz. the prerogatives of the bishop of rome , both in and over the church of christ. some there are who hold the pope to be head of the church , by divine right : others the contrary . * some , that he is infallible : others , that he is not . * some , that the pope alone , without a council , may determine all controversies : others , that he cannot . now if in these , and many other points of no less importance , they themselves are as far from agreeing with one another , as they can possibly pretend us to be ; what shall hinder us , but that we return their own inference upon them , that seeing they differ among themselves in such things as these , they are so far from that absolute infallibility they set up for , that in truth they have not so much as any certainty among them , even in those points wherein they do agree . is it that in their church , tho there be indeed as many differences as in ours , yet this makes not against them , seeing they have a certain rule , whenever they please , for the composing of them , viz. the definition of the pope , and of the church ? this , indeed , i find is commonly said by them : but then certainly , if they have such a ready means , as they say , of agreement among them , 't is the more shame for them , that they do not agree ; he being much more inexcusably guilty in the omission of any duty , who having a ready means to fulfil it , neglects so to do , than he who has none , or ( which is the same thing ) does not know that he has any . but indeed they have no means of ending their differences , any more than we have ; the holy scriptures we both of us acknowledg to be the word of god , and an infallible rule of faith ; but for any other direction , they are not yet agreed where to seek it : and sure that can be no very good means of ending all their other differences , which is its self one of their chiefest controversies . or is it , that they agree in matters of faith , and differ only in those things that do not belong to it ? because if they differ about any point , they for that very reason , conclude it to be no matter of faith. but besides the impertinence of this answer , which amounts to no more than this , that they do agree in what they do agree , and differ only in those things in which they differ : this is what we say for our selves concerning our differences ; we agree in all those things that are necessary to a sound and saving faith ; and if we differ in matters of lesser moment , 't is no more than what all other christians have ever done , and what those of the church of rome its self at this day do . so that still it must remain , either that those differences which were among the christians of old , and which are among us now , are no prejudice at all to the common truth which we profess ; or if they be , the consequence will fall upon those of the church of rome no less , that i do not say , and more severely , than upon us , and be of the same force against their religion , that it can be against ours . but i must carry this reflection a great deal farther ; for , 3 dly . if once this principle be allowed , that because men differ in some things , they ought not to be credited in any , what then will become , not only of the protestant religion , as it now stands in opposition to popery , but even of christianity its self ? for might not a turk or a jew , if he were minded to give himself so much trouble to so little purpose as this late author has done , draw out a large history of the variations of christians among themselves , from the controversie of the text , unto this day ; and then by the very same principle conclude against us all , that we have none of us any certain grounds for our religion , because the differences that are among us , plainly shew , that some of us must be deceived ? and to go yet one step farther ; might not a sceptick by the same rule , argue against all religion , and even against all reason too ; that the disagreement of mankind in these and many other points of the greatest importance , plainly shews there is no certainty in any thing ; and therefore that we ought not to rely either upon the one , or upon the other ? it remains therefore , that unless we will overthrow all the measures of christian charity towards our neighbour , and the common truth , i do not say both of their faith and of our own , but even of christianity its self , nay and of all religion and reason in general ; we must conclude , that good christians may differ from one another in matters of lesser moment , without any just reflection either upon themselves or their religion . but here therefore i must desire not to be misunderstood . for when i say , that christians may , without any danger to themselves , or disparagement to the truth of their religion , differ with one another ; i mean only ( as the terms of my proposition expresly shew ) in lesser matters ; such as do not concern the fundamentals of faith , nor destroy the worship of god ; nor are otherwise so clearly revealed , but that wise and good men , after all their enquiries , may still continue to differ in their opinions concerning them . for otherwise , if interest and prejudice blind mens eyes , and they err because they resolve they will not be convinced ; and so by their own fault continue in mistakes contrary to the foundation of faith , and destructive of piety : if , for instance , men will profess to believe but in one god , and yet worship thousands ; if they will read ov●r the second commandment , and nevertheless both make and bow down before graven images in despite of it ; if , whilst ▪ they acknowledge christ to have instituted the blessed eucharist in both kinds , they command it to be administred but in one ; and pray in an unknown tongue , tho st paul has spent almost a whole chapter to shew the folly and unreasonableness of it : these are errors in which i am not concerned ; and tho i should be unwilling , even here , at all adventures to pronounce any sentence against the men ; yet i must needs say , that religion cannot be very sound , which stands corrupted with so many , and such fundamental abuses . and this makes the difference between those errors for which we separate from the church of rome , and those controversies which sometimes arise among protestants themselves . the former are in matters of the greatest consequence , such as tend directly to destroy the integrity of faith , and the purity of our worship ; and therefore such as are in their own nature destructive of the very essentials of christianity . whereas our differences do not at all concern the foundations either of faith or worship ; and are therefore such in which good men , if they be otherwise diligent and sincere in their enquiry , may differ , without any prejudice to themselves , or any just reflection upon the truth of their common profession . which being thus clear'd , in answer to the little endeavours of one of the latest of our adversaries against us upon this account ; i go on , secondly , to shew , ii. that such differences as these , ought not to hinder such persons from agreeing together , not only in a common charity , but , if it be possible , in a common worship of god too . this is what st. paul here expresly exhorts these dissenting christians to , and earnestly prays to god that he might see accomplished in them . that when they came together to the publick offices of the church , to offer up their common prayers and thanksgivings to him , they might do it , not only in the same form of words , but with the same affection of mind too , both towards god , and towards one another : now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus ; that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. such was their duty to one another then ; and we ought certainly no less to esteem the same to be our duty towards one another now : and first , as to the business of charity ; god forbid that any differences in religion whatsoever , much less such little ones as those we are now speaking of , should ever make us deny that to our fellow christians . 't is true indeed , our saviour christ once foretold to his disciples , that there should rise up men from among their brethren , who should upon this account not only put them out of their synagogues , but even think that it was a matter of religion to kill them . but they were jews , not christians , who were to do this ; and he expresly adds , that 't was their ignorance of him and his religion that should carry them on to so furious and intemperate a zeal ; for these things , says he , shall they do unto you , because they have not known the father nor me. and we must confess it , to the scandal of our holy religion , that there are a sort of men who call themselves christians now , that still continue to fulfil this prophecy in the very letter of it ; who not only cast us out of their synagogues , that we should not much complain of ; and , as far as in them lies , cut us off from all the hopes of salvation too ; but , to compleat the parallel , openly arm the whole world against us , and teach men to believe , that 't is a work of piety to root us out of it ; and therefore , that whosoever killeth us , does do god service . but in this , as well as in the rest of their errors , they give us but the more effectually to understand how little they have in them of the true spirit of christianity ; for sure such things as these they could never do , but only that , as our saviour in that other case before said , they have not known the father nor him. and i hope i shall need no argument to perswade you not to be misled by that which we all of us so justly lament , as one of the most deplorable corruptions even of popery it self . christianity commands us to love our enemies ; and sure then we cannot but think it very highly reasonable not to hate our brethren ; but especially on such an account , as , if it be once admitted , will in this divided state of the church , utterly drive the very name of brotherly love and charity out of it : seeing by whatever arguments we shall go about to justifie our uncharitableness to any others , they will all equally warrant them to with hold in like manner their charity from us . there is no honest , sincere christian , how erroneous soever he may be , but what at least is perswaded that he is in the right ; and looks upon us to be as far from the truth by differing from him , as we esteem him for not agreeing with us . now if upon the sole account of such differences it be lawful for us to hate another ; we must for the very same reason allow it to be as lawful for him also to hate us. thus shall we at once invert the characteristick of our religion ; by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye have love one to another ; and turn it into the quite contrary note ; whilst we make our hatred to our brother the great mark of our zeal for our religion ; and conclude him to love christ the most , who the least loves his fellow christian. how much rather ought we to consider , with our apostle , the love of our dear master to us , even whilst we were yet his enemies , and love those whom we ought to hope , notwithstanding all their errors , are yet still his friends ; and not think those unworthy of our charity , whom we piously presume god will not think unworthy of his favour ? we suppose them to be mistaken in those things wherein they differ from us , and perhaps they are so ; but yet we must consider , that we our selves also are but men , and therefore may err ; and they as verily think us in the wrong , as we do them : and , for ought i know , we must leave it to the day of judgment to decide the controversie , which of us is in the right . in the mean time , if they are mistaken , i am sure our uncharitableness is not the way to convince them of their error : but may rather indispose them to consider the weight of our arguments as they ought , whilst they see so little regard in our affections towards them . in short , if we are indeed , what we esteem our selves to be , the strong in the faith , let us then remember , that tho charity be their duty too as well as ours , yet 't is to such as we are , especially , that st. paul addresses the exhortation of the text , to bear the infirmities of the weak ; and to receive one another , as christ also hath received us , to the glory of god. but , 2. such differences as these , ought not only not to lessen our charity , but , if it be possible , not to hinder us from joining together in the same common worship of god with one another . this was what these dissenting christians , notwithstanding all their heats and contentions , nevertheless still continued to do . they did with one mouth glorifie god , even when their differences would not suffer them to do it with one heart . they united together in a common worship of god , tho they could not unite either in opinion or affection with one another . indeed where mens errors are such as utterly do subvert the very essentials of our religious worship , it is then in vain to hope for any communion in the publick service of god with them . we must not destroy the principles of christianity , out of a zeal to enlarge the communion of christians . he would be a very condescending votary indeed , who for the sake of praying to god with the papist , would pray to the blessed virgin and saints too with him : who rather than be excluded their churches , would bow down before their images ; and not only worship their host , but even give up his right to the cup in the eucharist , only that he might receive that holy sacrament in their company . it is , no doubt , a very desirable thing to lessen the differences of christians , and enlarge their communion , as far as ever we can : and it has never gone well with the church of christ , since men have been so narrow spirited as to mix the controversies of faith , with their publick forms of worship ; and have made their liturgies , instead of being offices of devotion to god , become tests and censures of the opinions of their brethren . but yet when all is done , the truths of christianity must not be sacrificed to the peace of christians ; nor the honour of god be given up , to keep up a unity and communion with one another . but where mens differences are in points that do not at all affect their religious service ; or not so much , but that god may be very well worshipp'd , and yet communion with our fellow christians preserved too ; in such cases as this , our dissentions ought not only not to lessen our charity , but not to break our unity neither : we may continue to differ , as the christians in my text did ; and yet with one mind , and one mouth , glorifie god , as st. paul exhorted them to do . and this brings me to the third and last point . iii. that to this end , it is the duty of all of us , but especially of the stronger christians , not only to pray for such a union , but also , as they have opportunity , heartily to labour themselves , and earnestly to stir up all others to endeavour after it . i do not believe there is any good christian so little affected with those unhappy divisions under which the church at this day labours , as not both heartily to deplore them , and to think that nothing could be too much , that might innocently be done on all hands , for the redressing of them . but then i am sure the natural consequence of this must be , what both my text , and this discourse are designed to exhort you to ; viz. that we ought every one of us , not only heartily to pray for such a union , but also , as we have opportunity , earnestly to labour for the attainment of it . indeed for what concerns the whole body of the catholick church on earth , so many are the disputes that have arisen among the several parties and communions of it , and some of them in points so near to the foundations of christianity , that whilst men resolve to keep fast to their conclusions , and will not suffer the plainest arguments to convince them of their errors , 't is in vain to hope ever to see things brought to such a temper , as we could wish in that . but especially whilst that part which is the most corrupt , is so far from being willing to concur to any such union , that on the contrary , she has cut off all possibility of attaining it . and by arrogating an unwarrantable infallibility to her self , and authority over all others , will neither reform her own abuses , nor admit any into her communion , that will not profess the same errors , in which she her self stands involved . so that here , all we can even wish for , is , that men would at last be so wise , as tho they differ in opinion , yet to love as brethren , and agree together in a common charity , till we shall be so happy as to unite in a common faith and worship of god. but for us whom it has pleased god , by delivering us from the errors and superstitions of the church of rome , to unite together in the common name of protestant , reformed christians , would we but as heartily labour after peace , as we are all of us very highly exhorted to it ; i cannot see why we who are so happily join'd together in a common profession of the same faith , at least , i am sure in all the necessary points of it ; and i hope amidst all our lesser differences , in a common love and charity to one another , should not also be united in the same common worship of god too . i will not now enter into any dispute , to shew how little reason there is for any one to separate from the offices of the church of england , upon the account of those few exceptions that have sometimes been offer'd to justifie the doing of it . this is a work both too large for such a discourse ; and besides the design of my present undertaking . and that one concession of many of our brethren themselves , who tho they continue ordinarily to separate from us , yet nevertheless freely allow of what they call occasional communion with us , i think sufficiently shews how little real ground there is for those scruples , that have so long detain'd them in an unjust aversion to our worship . blessed be god , who has abundantly justified both the purity of our doctrine , and the innocency of our worship , not only by the general approbation of the reform'd churches abroad , who both freely communicate with us in our religious offices , and have often given testimony in favour of them ; but in the happy conviction of many at home , who were once enemies to our constitution , but who now go with us into the same house of god as friends . and indeed the things for which some forsake us now , are no other than what they were in the beginning of the reformation ; when yet there was no such thing as separation from our communion : but on the contrary , the old non-conformists themselves , tho they disliked some things in our worship , yet freely declared they thought it a crime to divide the church upon the account of them . and they who at this day separate from us , for the sake of those few constitutions that have been made for the order and decency of our publick worship , must for the same reason have separated from all the churches of the christian world , for above 1500 years ; in none of which they might not have found as great , that i do not say , and much greater , occasion of offence , than they can in ours . but yet , since mens scruples are unaccountable , and after all that can be said , they will still differ even about indifferent things , and be afraid many times , where no fear is ; and a too long experience has already shewn us , that if ever we mean to accomplish that union so much recommended to us by our apostle , so advantageous to the church at all times , but especially at this time so necessary to our peace and our establishment , that it seems to be the only way that yet remains to settle and to secure us ; and upon all these accounts so much to be desired by all good men , we must seek it by that rule which st. paul here proposed to the dissenting christians of my text , we then that are strong in the faith , ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves . i cannot but think it a reflection becoming every good christian among us , but in a more especial manner , worthy the consideration of such an auditory as this , whether somewhat may not yet be done for the sake of peace , and to bring things to such a * temper , that both order and decency may still be preserved , and yet our unity no longer broken . and for exhortations to so good and christian a work , shall i set before you the example of our blessed saviour recommended to us in the text , with what a mighty condescention he has treated us ; how he came down from heaven , and took upon him the form of a servant , and being made in the likeness of a sinful man , humbled himself even to the death upon the cross for us ; how he still bears not only with our infirmities , but with our sins too ; and by all these wonderful instances of his love to us , teaches us , says st. john , how we ought also to love one another ? or rather , shall i shew you , how far such a blessed union as this , would conduce to the glory of god , to the security of our religion , and to the promotion of peace , and charity , and piety among us ? i need not say what a dishonour our divisions have already brought to the reformation , nor what a stop they have put to the progress of it . great , to be sure , is the advantage which our enemies either have , or at least hoped to have made , by those contests which they have taken so much pains both to bring in , and to keep up among us : and methinks there should need no other argument to stir up every true friend to the name of protestant , to endeavour all he can to compose our differences , than this one thing , that we are sufficiently convinced who they are that we please , and whose interests we serve , by the continuance of them . let us add to this , what great obligations our holy religion lays upon us , to follow after those things that make for peace , and whereby we may edifie one another : how our saviour has set it down as the very badge of our discipleship ; by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye have love one to another : what exhortations his apostles have given us ; if it be possible , as much as in us lies , to live peaceably with all men . but especially with reference to the differences about religion , to mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which we have learnt , and avoid them . with what a scrupulous care did st. paul manage himself between the dissenting parties in my text ? what admirable rules did he lay down for them to walk by ? and with what an affectionate earnestness did he enforce them ? if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies , fulfil ye my joy , that ye be like-minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind . and may i not beg leave , tho not with the authority , yet with the charity of st. paul , to apply all this to those unhappy divisions that at this day rend in pieces the church of christ among us ; and beseech you , by all these endearing considerations , to pursue those things which may make for our peace ; and for the closing of those breaches , which the malice of our enemies too successfully begun , and our own weaknesse has too fatally kept up among us . never , certainly , was there a time , since our divisions first began , in which we had greater reason to consider of such a union , or , i hope , a fairer opportunity to promise our selves an accomplishment of it . only let us all be as careful to improve it , as i am perswaded we have all of us not only seem'd to desire , but have indeed earnestly long'd for it . let us shew the sense we have of that wonderful deliverance god has given us out of the hand of our enemies , by uniting our selves in the strictest league of friendship with one another . hitherto we have defended our church by our arguments ; let us now by our charity settle and establish it , against the like dangers for the time to come . this will indeed render both our selves and our religion glorious to the world ; and may be a happy augury that the blessed time so long wrapped up in sacred prophecy , is indeed now ready to be revealed : when the church of christ being purged from those corruptions that have so long defaced its beauty , shall again appear in its primitive purity . when all heresie and schism being every where abolished , and the mystery of iniquity laid fully open , and the man of sin destroy'd ; true religion and sincere piety shall again reign throughout the world ; god himself shall pitch his tabernacle among us , and dwell with us , and we shall be his people , and he shall be our god. o blessed state of the church militant here on earth ! the glorious antipast of that peace and piety which god has prepared for his church triumphant in heaven ! who would not wish to see those days , when a general reformation , and a true zeal , and a perfect charity , passing through the world , we should all be united in the same faith , the same worship , the same communion and fellowship one with another ? when all pride and prejudice , all interests and designs being submitted to the honour of god , and the discharge of our duty , the holy scriptures shall again triumph over the vain traditions of men ; and religion no longer take its denomination from little sects and factions , but we shall all be content with the same common primitive names of christians and brethren , and live together as becomes our character , in brotherly love and christian charity with one another ? and who can tell but such a change as this , and which we have otherwise some reason to believe is nigh at hand , may even now break forth from the midst of us , would we but all seriously labour to perfect the great work which the providence of god has so gloriously begun amongst us , and establish that love and unity among our selves , which may afterwards diffuse it self from us into all the other parts of the christian world besides ? but however , whether we shall ever see , i do not say , such a blessed effect as this , but even any good effect at all of our endeavours here on earth , or no ; yet this we are sure , we shall not lose our reward in heaven . when to have contributed , tho in the least degree , to the healing of those divisions we so unhappily labour under , shall be esteemed a greater honour , than to have silenced all the cavils of our enemies ; and even to have pray'd , and wish'd for it , and , where we could not any otherwise have contributed our selves , but to have exhorted others to it , shall be rewarded with blessings , more than all the stars in the firmament ; for number . now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus : that ye may with one mind , and one mouth , glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. to him be honour and praise for ever and ever . amen . finis . books published by the reverend mr. wa●● . printed for richard chiswell . an exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , in the several articles proposed by the late bishop of condom , [ in his exposition of the doctrine of the catholick church . ] 4 o. a defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the exceptions of mons. de meaux , late b of condom , and his vindicator . a second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the new exceptions of monsieur de meaux , late bishop of condom , and his vindicator . the first part : in which the account that has been given of the bishop of meaux's exposition , is fully vindicated , the distinction of old and new popery , historically asserted , and the doctrine of the church of rome , in point of image worship , more particularly considered . second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against monsieur de meaux and his vindicator , the second part . a discourse of the holy eucharist , in the two great points of the real presence , and the adoration of the host : in answer to the two discourses lately printed at oxford , on this subject . to which is prefixed a large historical p●eface , relating to the same argument . two discourses of purgatory and prayers for the dead . 4 o. a continuation of the controversie between the church of england and the church of rome , being a full account of the books that have been of late written on both sides . an historical treatise of transubstantiation written by an author of the communion of the church of rome ; rendred into english. with a preface preparation for death ; being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france , in a distemper of which she died . printed for william rogers . a discourse concerning the nature of idolatry ; in which a late author ( viz the bp. of oxford's ) true and only notion of idolatry , is considered and confuted . 4 o. the sum of a conference between dr. clagett and f. p. gooden , ab●ut transubstantiation . publish'd by this author . and to be added to dr. clagett's sermons now in the press , which will be publish'd this term. printed for richard chiswell , and william r●gers . an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants . in a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton court , may 26 1689. in the press , a sermon preach'd before the honou●ab●e house of commons , at st. margaret's westminster , june 5. 1689. being the fa●t day appointed by the king and queens proclamation , to implore the blessing of almighty god upon their m●jesties forces by sea and land , and success in the war now declared against the french king. other tracts by the same avthor . a sermon preached at paris , on the 30 th of january , s. v. 1684 / 5. the present state of the controversie . sure and honest means for conversion of all hereticks ; and wholsom advice and expedients for the reformation of the church . translated , and published with a preface . a letter from several french ministers fled into germany , upon the account of the persecution in france , to such of their brethren in england , as approved the king's declaration touching liberty of conscience . translated from the original french. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66185-e190 see ch . xiv . 1. acts xv . 1. — xxi . 20. acts xv . 19 , — 28. gal. v. 1. &c. gal. v. 1. rom. xi . 18 , &c. rom. xv . 1. ibid. verse 2. see theoderet , chrysost. theophylact , &c. in loc . prop. 1. acts xv . 28. gal. v. 2. rom. xiv . 6. h●st●ire des variations des eglises protestantes : par mr. l' evesque de meaux . the design of which , may be seen in the summary of his preface — les variations dans la foy preuve certaine de fausset é. — charactere des heresies d'estre variables . — ce charactere reconnu dans tous les ages de l' eglise . — charactere d'immutabilitè dans lay foy de l' eglise catholique . — que les variations de l' un des partis ( de protestans ) est une preuve contre l' autre , &c. praef. ad lib. de summ. p. t. 1. p. 592. ingoldstad . a. 1586. bellarm to . 1. p. 1377. de not. eccl. a. see mr. chillingworth , p. 99 , 100. bellarm. ib. p. 1378. b. prop. 2. john c. xvi . 2. — verse 3. joh. 13.35 . verse 1. — 7. prop. 3. rom. xv . 1. * see the petition of the archbishop and bishops to king james , for which they were committed to the tower. phil. ii . 6 , 7. 1 joh. iv . 11. rom. xiv . 19. joh. xiii . 35. rom. xii . 18. rom. xvi . 17. phil. ii . — 1. — 2. rev. xxi . 3. the case of the exiled vaudois and french protestants stated, and their relief recommended to all good christians, especially to those of the reformed religion in a sermon preach'd at st. james westminster, april 5, 1699, being the day of the publick fast / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1699 approx. 54 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66124 wing w232 estc r12313 13799283 ocm 13799283 101923 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66124) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101923) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 854:5) the case of the exiled vaudois and french protestants stated, and their relief recommended to all good christians, especially to those of the reformed religion in a sermon preach'd at st. james westminster, april 5, 1699, being the day of the publick fast / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [2], 29, [1] p. printed for r. sare ..., london : 1699. running title: a sermon preached at st. james westminster, on the day of the publick fast. "publish'd at the desire of the honourable the board of vestry, and of several persons of quality of the said parish." advertisement on p. [1] at end. errata: p. 29. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -matthew x, 42 -sermons. fast-day sermons. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of the exiled vaudois , and french protestants , stated : and their relief recommended to all good christians , especially to those of the reformed religion : in a sermon preach'd at st. james westminster , april 5. 1699. being the day of the publick fast. by william wake , d.d. rector of s. james westminster , and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . publish'd at the desire of the honourable the board of vestry ; and of several persons of quality of the said parish . london : printed for r. sare at grayes-inn-gate in holborn , 1699. matt. x. 42. whosoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones , a cup of cold water only , in the name of a disciple ; verily i say unto you , he shall in no wise lose his reward . our blessed saviour having spent the greatest part of this chapter in declaring to his disciples what troubles , and persecutions , they should undergo for his sake ; takes occasion from thence , in the verses before the text , to shew , how we ought to behave our selves towards those who should fall into any sufferings upon such an account ; and how great the reward of our so doing should be . he that receiveth you , says he , receiveth me ; and he that receiveth me , receiveth him that sent me. he that receiveth a prophet , in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward . and he that receiveth a righteous-man , in the name of a righteous-man , shall receive a righteous man's reward . and , whosoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones , a cup of cold water only , in the name of a disciple ; verily i say unto you , he shall in no wise lose his reward . i shall not trouble you with any nice enquiry into the distinction which our saviour , in these words , makes of those whom he therein recommends to our charity , and entertainment . three sorts of christians he manifestly refers to in them , and speaks of those in the text , as the least , and meanest , of them all. and yet even of these he tells us , that whosoever should give but a cup of cold water to drink , to one such christian , in the name of a disciple ; that is , should shew the least regard to him upon this account , that he belongs to christ ; he should in no wise lose his reward ; i. e. he should be very highly rewarded by god for it . now this being the occasion , and import of these words , i shall with relation to both , proceed to discourse upon them , in this following method ; i. i will shew you , that those who profess the gospel of christ , must expect oftentimes to meet with tryals , and persecutions , from wicked men , upon the account of it . ii. that it is the duty of every good christian , according to his ability , to assist and support those who suffer upon such an account . and , iii. that whatsoever charity we shall exercise towards such persons , upon the account of their sufferings , it shall turn to our great advantage in the other world ; where we shall be , in a singular manner , rewarded by god for it . i shall speak , but very briefly , to each of these points ; and so proceed to that application of them , which the present occasion requires of me. and , i. that those who profess the gospel of christ , must expect oftentimes to meet with tryals and persecutions , from wicked men , upon the account of it . this was what our saviour expresly declared to his disciples in this chapter ; and their own experience sufficiently convinced them of the truth of his prediction . if we look back to the first state of the church , before the conversion of the empire to christianity ; what are all its histories but the records of those tryals which its most eminent professors underwent for the sake of it ? what torments they endured ; what oppositions they met with ; and by what deaths they perfected all their other sufferings ? when , in the language of our apostle , every one who would live godly in christ jesus , was sure to suffer persecution . their religion was their crime : and there was no choice left them but to renounce it , or to resolve to suffer ; it may be , to die , for it . nor did the case become much better afterwards . 't is true , the pretence of the persecution was alter'd : men did not any longer suffer for the name of christ , as they had done before . but the truth of the gospel was still persecuted , tho' under another character : and the sufferings which christians have brought on their fellow christians , have not been at all less , than what had been inflicted upon them by their common enemies heretofore . it is indeed a most astonishing thing to consider to what a strange degeneracy the spirit of christianity has fallen in this particular . that a religion founded upon love and charity , and which breaths out nothing more than kindness , and gentleness , in all its precepts ; should yet have become the occasion of more cruelty , and barbarity , than ever any religion in the world , besides , had been . but that which is yet more amazing , as well as more deplorable , is ; that men should make it a matter of conscience to the principles of such a religion , to persecute one another : and think that they do god service , when they dye their hands with the bloud of his servants . yet to this degree of fury have some christians , in these later ages , arrived : and have thereby given us but too just a ground , still to continue the assertion i have laid down ; that those who will profess the gospel of christ , in the truth , and purity of it , must expect , even in christian countries , to fall oftentimes under the severest tryals , for the sake of it . how this barbarous , and bloudy spirit , first got admission into the church of christ , i shall not now enquire . certain it is , that as there is nothing more vnreasonable , in the nature of the thing its self , than to force conscience , and to persecute men into a right faith ; so is there nothing more contrary to all the rules of the gospel , than to propagate its interests by violence , and oppression . this the primitive christians , constantly objected to their heathen enemies . this all the best , and wisest men , have generally asserted ever since : and , even the most perverse , see the reasonableness of it , when it comes to be their own case ; and they are themselves in danger of suffering upon this account . and yet such is the strange partiality of mankind , that we hardly any of us know how to set bounds to this temper , when we have the power in our hands . we think we have all a right to persecute others , tho' none have any to return it upon our selves . and accordingly , we do all , in our several turns , both rail at persecution in matters of religion , and yet continue to set up for it . but as this temper has always been observed to prevail most on the worst side ; ( which is generally found to make up with violence , what it wants in argument : ) so of all kinds of christians never have any been more scandalously guilty of this barbarity than those of the church of rome ; that dishonour to the name , and scourge to the disciples of christ. whose religion as it has a great allay of paganism , in it ; so we ought the less to wonder if we see it wholly acted by a pagan spirit . and of the corruptions whereof i shall , at present , say no more than this ; that had we no other ground than this to reject it , even this alone would be enough to warrant us in our disowning of it ; that she has glutted her self with the bloud of the best-christians , and still continues to thirst for more : and openly avows that , principle , which i am now speaking against , as cruel and anti-christian ; that religion is to be propagated , and maintain'd by the sword. i shall not here enter on any particular relation of those persecutions , with which that church has filled the histories of the whole world , for some ages past : and of which not only europe , but asia , and america ; infidels , as well as christians , have been the spectators . blessed be god! neither her cruelties , nor her corruptions , are unknown to any of us. it shall suffice to say , that as our saviour christ from the beginning knew what would happen to his church to the very end of the world ; and foresaw as well , what the church of rome in these latter ages should do to it , as what the jews and heathens were at the beginning to bring upon it ; so we must conclude , that in this chapter , he referr'd indifferently to both : and designed no less to fortifie , and instruct us of these times , how to behave our selves under the persecutions of popery ; than to direct his apostles , and primitive disciples , how it would behove them to manage themselves , with relation to the heathen , and jewish , cruelty . let this then be our first conclusion , founded on the foreknowledge of christ , and the corruption of humane nature ; which hitherto we are sure has been , and we h●ve reason to fear , will always continue to be but too true ; viz. that those who profess the truth of christianity , and will hold fast to the purity of it ; must expect to meet with many tryals , and persecutions from wicked men , upon the account of it . i proceed , ii. to shew ; that it is the duty of every good christian , according to his ability , to assist and support those , who suffer on such an account . and that whether we consider them ( 1 st . ) under the common character of christians . or ( 2 dly ) under the more particular circumstance , of suffering for righteousness sake . ( 1 st ) if we consider them under the common character of christians ; even this alone will oblige us not only to minister to their wants , but to do it with a singular desire , and affection of mind towards them. god who has commanded us to do good unto all men ; has also commanded us to do it , in a more especial manner , to those who are of the houshold of faith. there is a brotherly love required of us by christ , towards one another , beyond what we are obliged to have for the rest of mankind : and which ought to dispose us not only to a more tender sense of , and compassion , for their needs ; but , with that , to a more bountiful supply of them . so that tho' a christian must love his very enemy ; and do good to those who despitefully vse him , and persecute him ; yet he must remember , that there is a difference to be made by him between a brother and an enemy ; and he must as much love , and do good to the one , above the other , as he is more nearly related to the one , than to the other . but this is the least part of our obligation in the case before us : which as it supposes the suffering to be for the sake of christ's religion , so will it , ( 2 dly ) oblige us , in a more particular manner , to relieve those , who fall into their distresses upon such an account . in such circumstances as these , not to assist our brethren , is to deny our faith : and the neglect we put upon them , will fall not so much upon them , as upon him whose disciples they are , and for whose sake they suffer . hence we may observe , in all the antient persecutions of the church , with what an officious diligence the other christians still attended upon their martyrs and confessors . how they ministred to them in their prisons , and bonds : went with them to their judgments ; and would not leave them at their very sufferings . with what zeal , and readiness , they furnish'd them with such things as they stood in need of : how they encouraged them in their conflicts ; and shew'd their earnest desire to partake with them in their sufferings , as they did in the cause for which they suffered . thus they confess'd christ , by owning of those who were persecuted for their confession of him : and thus ought every good christian to confess him still . in a publick war , if any one part of a country be destroy'd , it is but an act of justice for the rest , to bear their share in the loss ; and , to contribute towards the repair of the damage that was sustain'd by it . the case is , in reality , the same here . we are all members of the same common , catholic , church of christ. if persecution for the faith arises , which part soever suffers , 't is the church that is persecuted . and we ought to account our selves concern'd to bear our share in the evils which our fellow-christians undergo , for the common cause of the gospel ; as we hope to be one day made partakers with them , in the promises of it . here therefore is a duty , which not only christian charity , but even common-justice , and equity , oblige us unto . in this case , to desert our brethren , is to betray our faith ; and we shall , in effect , renounce the cause for which they suffer , if we refuse to partake with them in their sufferings . but to own and to receive them ; to cherish , and relieve them ; and that as suffering for the cause of christ ; this is openly to joyn with them in their confession : and , as our saviour here assures us , if we do communicate with them in their afflictions , we shall also be made partakers with them of their reward . which brings me to the last point i proposed to speak to ; iii. that whatsoever charity we shall exercise towards such persons , upon the account of their sufferings ; it shall turn to our great advantage in the other world ; where we shall be , in a singular manner , rewarded by god for it . there is hardly any virtue prescribed to us in the gospel , to the practice whereof so many promises have been made by god , as to this of charity . in the old testament , it pleased god to encourage the jews to a liberal exercise of it , by the hope of a present retribution that should be made to them for it . and tho' under the gospel , such promises as these are not to be expected ; yet has our saviour christ assured us , that a plentiful reversion shall be laid up for us in heaven , to reward every act of charity that we perform here upon earth . an eminent argument whereof we meet with in the account which he has given us of the last judgment : and in which he seems to make the whole issue of our acquittal , or condemnation , in a manner , to depend upon it . for having told us how he will then divide the sheep from the goats ; and set the one on his right hand , and the other on his left : he thus delivers the sentence which he will pass on both . he will say to those on his right hand ; come ye blessed of my father , inherit the kingdom , prepared for you from the beginning of the world. for i was an hungry and ye gave me meat ; naked and ye cloathed me ; sick and in prison , and ye ministred unto me . but he will say to those on his left hand ; depart ye cursed into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil , and his angels . for i was an hungry , and ye fed me not ; naked and ye cloathed me not ; sick and in prison , and ye ministred not unto me. these are the sentences , which our saviour christ will pronounce , upon the good and bad at the last day . and from which if we may not generally conclude , that our charity is the only thing that shall hereafter be enquired into , and and be either rewarded , or punished for ever ; yet thus much we may certainly infer , that it is one of the main things by which our piety shall be judged of : and that he who has a true love for his neighbour , and is upon all occasions ready to do all the good he can for him , shall hardly fail of being accepted by god , as he will be sure to be generally beloved of men , for his beneficence . but it is not only our charity that shall entitle us to a reward , in the present case ; tho' even that alone would be sufficient , to make good the promise of the text to us. he who relieves a persecuted christian , in the name of a disciple ; because he belongs to christ , and suffers for his sake ; shall be considered by god , not only for his charity towards his neighbour , but for his confession of christ too : and have a part in the reward , which the other is to receive upon the account of such his persecution . and this at once both ascertains , and encreases the retribution of such a charity . it renders it both more excellent in its self , and more acceptable unto god : who as he will , in the first place , reward those who suffer for his sake ; so will he in the next , consider those who own them in their sufferings , and extend their pious beneficence to them , upon the account of them . hence we may observe , with what extraordinary circumstances , our saviour christ delivers the promise of the text to this purpose . the person of whom he speaks , is one of the least of his disciples ; the meanest of any that should be called to suffer for his sake . the charity , in which he instances , is the poorest of all charities : a cup of cold water ; such as the most indigent person is able to give , and hardly any can be so far reduced , as to stand in need of it . and yet even this little , contemptible act of charity , if done to one of the meanest of christ's disciples ; in the name of a disciple , shall not lose its reward . so acceptable a thing is it to god to confess him , in any way , before men ! and so certainly shall he who do's it , be gloriously rewarded by him to all eternity . and here then let us stop ; and from the general consideration of the duty proposed , and of the great reward which it has pleased god to promise to the faithful discharge of it ; proceed to that application which his providence has call'd us , at this time , to make of it . in pursuance whereof , if the principles already laid down be admitted , as the true measure both of our duty and interest , in this particular ; then i shall need only to shew , that you have here a proper occasion presented to you , to practice the one , and to advance the other . and that i shall do in this following method . 1 st . i will shew , that the persons here recommended to your charity , are indeed the disciples of christ. 2 dly . that they do suffer for righteousness sake . and therefore , 3 dly . ought to be considered , and relieved by us , upon the account of such their sufferings . and 1 st . that the persons here recommended to your charity , are indeed the disciples of christ. this is a point that i should not have thought it needful to insist upon , had not the calumnies of our common enemies obliged me to it . but since they have thought fit again to revive the malicious slaunders of their ignorant , and prejudiced revilers ; and to set them off to the world with all the advantage that their wit , and language , enabled them to do ; it is necessary in justice to these poor , persecuted christians , to place their history in its true light ; and to express our charity towards them , as well by vindicating their reputation , as by ministring to their needs . to take then this matter from the beginning : the persons of whom we are now speaking , are a portion of the christians of the evangelical churches of piemont . the common name by which they are most known , is that of vaudois , or waldenses : so called not from peter waldo , as has commonly been supposed ; but from the place of their habitation ; the valleys under the alpes ; within three of which the churches we are now speaking of were comprehended . who it was that first planted the gospel in these parts ; or about what time it was done , we cannot certainly tell . but as our religion was propagated in the very times of the apostles , into the other parts of italy ; so is it most probable that it was , not long after , setled here too ; tho' by what evangelist , we are not able to determine . christianity being thus brought into these parts , and that , no doubt , in the same parity in which it was generally taught in those first ages ; continued in these churches , as it did in others , for some considerable time , if not free from all corruption ; yet at least , free from those dangerous errors , which afterwards began to creep into the world. but about the eigth century , the business of image-worship , added to some other more early superstitions ; began to disturb the peace of the church , and to enflame the zeal of the best christians to the opposing of it . great was the contention between the eastern and western churches upon this occasion : the one , with the 2 d synod of nice , ( by them accounted a general council ) standing up in the defence of images ; the other , with that of frankford , as stifly declaring against the worship of them. among those who , in these western parts , appeared in the defence of the christian truths , none was more eminent than claudius , the learned , and zealous bishop of turin ; in whose diocess these churches of the valleys lay . the point he began with , was this of images : but his piety , and learning , soon carry'd him farther ; and led him on both to the discovery , and the reformation , of several other abuses , that had privily crept into those parts . the invocation of saints ; the superstitious vse , and honour of relics ; but , above all , the groundless pretence of the popes authority ; were the chief points against which he declared his resentments : and the issue of his endeavours was , that tho' he met with much opposition , and rais'd to himself many enemies , yet he went on prosperously with his undertaking ; and laid the foundation of that purity of christianity in his diocess , which has ever since been preserved by these churches of the valleys , to this very day . thus early began the reformation of religion in those parts : but that which most contributed to the future security of it , was another accident which fell out not long after ; and of which it will therefore be necessary for me to give you a particular account . in the first times of christianity , so far was the bishop of rome from being thought to have a general authority over the whole church of christ , that his jurisdiction did not extend to the neighbouring diocess of italy its self . his authority was limited to a certain tract of land about the city , called the sub-urbicary region ; whilst the churches of italy were under another government , and acknowledged the bishop of milan for their head. it cannot be doubted but that this must have been no small grievance to the ambitious tempers , and designs , of the bishops of rome : who therefore omitted no endeavours to gain the bishop of milan to their side ; and to persuade him to yield to their authority . yet still that church preserved its liberty for near 1100 d. years after christ ; and then by artifice , and faction , was either forced , or perswaded to part with it . it happen'd about that time , that among other things , a controversy was raised between the clergy , and people of that diocess , concerning the marriage of their priests . to compose this , pope nicholas the iid . became a mediator between them ; and sent peter damian , as his legate , to manage the difference for him . and the conclusion was , that tho' with much difficulty , and at the hazard of his life ; the cunning legate carried his point , and perswaded the bishop to submit to him . scarce was this affair thus ended , and the legat well gone , before the bishop began to perceive the false step he had made ; and resolved , in the best manner he could , to recover himself out of the snare into which he had fallen . in order whereunto , he called a synod of his own province ; disannull'd all that the legat had done ; and asserted the rights of the marry'd clergy . from hence began an open schism in the church of milan . the one part adhered to the interests of rome : the other , with their arch-bishop , stood up for their own liberties ; and the rights of the clergy . and being for this deserted by the rest , they communicated by themselves in a place called pataria , and from thence were afterwards known by the name of patarines . to this party , as that which had the greatest right on its side , the churches of the valleys joyn'd themselves . and being thus broke off from the communion of the roman church , they kept themselves free from the corruptions of it ; and maintained themselves in so much the greater purity , by their constant , and earnest oppositions to it . it was not long after this , that peter waldo , of whom i before spake , began a reformation of religion at lyons : whose party being dispersed , many of them chose to retire for safety into the valleys ; and thereby gave occasion to the vulgar error , of his being the first founder of the evangelical churches there . thus were these churches both betimes reform'd ; and settled , and secured , in their pure profession of the gospel . it would be too long to relate , what great good was done , by their means , to all the other churches of europe . what colonies they sent out into france , germany , england , and even into italy its self ; to propagate the truth of the gospel . from these churches it was that our wicleff derived his faith , and knowledge . from these , the churches of bohemia were establish'd . here , in short , was the truth of religion both taught , and maintain'd ; till at last it pleased god to give it a free passage , and a larger dominion ; by the great reformation which was generally made in europe , about the beginning of the last century . anno. 1517. these then are the persons whom we now recommend to your charity . they are a part of the most antient of all the reformed churches of europe . who by breaking off betimes from the tyranny , and communion , of the bishop of rome , were never at all involved in the most part of those errors which that church abounds with ; and from the ninth century downwards , have stood clear of those , into which they were before fallen . i go on , 2 ly , to shew ; that what they now suffer , is for the sake of the gospel of christ. i have before observed , that it was about the middle of the xi th century , that the church of rome usurping upon the authority of that of milan , occasion'd a seperation of many of the italic churches from its communion ; and of these of the valleys among the rest . and if we look back into the ecclesiastical history of that province , we shall find that from thenceforth they never enjoy'd any rest from those violences , and oppressions , which the malice and interest of that proud , ambitious see , found means to raise against them . to pass by the bulls , the sentences , and excommunications which were continually thunder'd out from the vatican against them : and the effect of which many of these poor men sufficiently felt , in the time of pope alexander the iii. anno. 1180 * how terible was the decree of pope lucius the iii. against them ? who not content to excommunicate them for their heresie , and to invite the civil government to engage on his side against them ; obliged all princes to take a corporal oath to make search after them , and to use their utmost endeavours utterly to extirpate them out of their dominions . thus their tryals , and persecutions began ; but they did not stop here . for what lucius decreed , pope innocent the iii , took care to put in vigorous execution . he renew'd this order against them ; and caused diligent search to be every where made after them . and to strengthen the churches authority , pope honorius the iii , not only continued the same method , but obtain'd of the emperour * frederic the ii , that memorable edict , which is still preserved in the feudal law , against them . but above all the rest , most effectual was the course which gregory the ix . pitch'd upon , to destroy them . he setled the inquisition into an establish'd office against them : and so perfected that design which his predecssor innocent the iii , had set on foot , for their ruin. how those barbarous executioners of the iniquity of the romish see , proceeded against them , it were too long to recount . much they suffer'd , both by their secret proceedings ; and by their open violences . i shall rather observe , that when this method also proved too slow to answer the eager desires , and expectations of their enemies ; at length pope innocent the viii . bethought himself of a more compendious way of doing their business . he raised a holy war against them : and sent albert his legate into the valleys , at the head of 18000 men , all bent with zeal , and arms , to their destruction . but from this bloudy attempt also , it pleased god to deliver them : who in despight of all their endeavours , has continued them still monuments of his own mercy ; and for a reproach of the cruelty , as well as corruptions , of their roman persecutors . at last , another method was resolved upon ; and that such a one , as nothing but the miraculous hand of god could deliver them from . a congregation was erected , and fix'd at turin ( the capital city of the dukes of savoy , in whose territories the most considerable part of these churches were seated ) for the propagation of the faith , and the destruction of hereticks ; so its stile ran ; but which in truth was intended for the particular design , of ruining the churches of the valleys ; as the event has too plainly shewn . it was about the time of the last jubilee , that this design was unhappily formed against them ; and it was but a very little while before they felt the deplorable effects of it . their whole country being so utterly ruined in 1655. and their numbers so weaken'd ; that but for the present interposition of almost all the protestant princes , and states , of europe on their behalf , they must have fallen under a final desolation . but from this last disaster , that part of these churches which is now recommended to your charity , had the good fortune to be preserved : who having , some years before , been united to the french crown , as dependents on the garrison of pignerol , enjoyed thereby the protection of that state. what their condition since that time has been , the severe proceedings of that court against all the reformed churches of its dominions , may suffice to tell us. i shall only observe , that being forced by the persecutions they suffer'd from their new-masters , to retire to their brethren under the duke of savoy's government ; they accordingly bare their share in the great calamities which that prince brought upon the valleys in the year 1686. how their present circumstances stand , his majesties letters set out to you . they are banish'd from their country ; forced to abandon their houses , and lands ; their friends , and relations ; and to seek for refuge in such other places , as the providence of god , and the charity of protestants states , and princes , should provide for them. and here then let us stop , and take a short view of the miserable condition of these poor , persecuted christians ; and consider what they have suffer'd , during these last 600 years , upon the account of their religion . if 1 st . we respect the cruelty of their persecutors , what barbarous slaughters have they committed upon them ? the histories are still extant , and some of them in our own language , that convey the particulars to us : and they give us so lively an image of the true spirit of popery , that i cannot but wish they were in the hands of every sober , and charitable christian among us . thus much in general , i may venture to say ; that whether we regard the number of those who have suffer'd by their hands , or the nature , and quality of their sufferings ; scarce did the whole church of christ undergo more in the ten heathen persecutions , than these poor churches alone have undergone , from the more than heathen cruelty , and inhumanity of their romish enemies . nor has 2 dly : the injustice of their sufferings been less evident , than their sufferings themselves have been notorious . to say nothing of the strange paradox , of christians persecuting of christians , for the profession of the gospel of christ. to omit the inoffensiveness of their lives and manners ; and in which their very enemies themselves , after all the false pretences of some others of their party , have gloriously justified them. what can be more unjust ; than for a people dwelling as it were alone ; seperated by vast mountains from all their neighbours round about them ; content with what nature furnishes them withal ; and desiring only to live in peace with their neighbours , and in the quiet enjoyment of a good conscience towards god ; should , for nothing , be harass'd , and oppress'd : hunted like wild beasts ; persecuted with fire , and sword ; and treated as if they were not worthy to live upon the earth ? nay but this is not all : their enemies have not only thus persecuted them without a cause ; but against their own most solemn , and sacred engagements to the contrary . they have broken the publick faith ; violated their own treaties , and promises ; and effectually shewn how little truth they think themselves obliged to keep with those whom they call heretics ; whenever they can get a fair opportunity to destroy them . and had their fury , and their malice , been content to stop at their lives , and goods ; it might the more easily have been excused . but their cruelty , and their falseness , have carried them beyond these ; whilst to excuse their own proceedings , and bespatter their adversaries ; they have , 3 dly ; done , what in them lies , to murder the reputation of those whom they have persecuted : and to render them odious to the present age ; and infamous , and detestable , to all succeeding generations . witness those false accounts which they have industriously spread abroad in the world , of these poor men. if we enquire into their faith ; they are arians , and manichees : that is to say , monsters of men ; and not worthy the name , or character of christians . if we consider their manners ; their very publick meetings are full of lust , and debauchery : and they commit in them such sins , as ought not to be once named among the saints . and as for the proceedings that have been made against them ; they have been for their sedition , and rebellion . they have drawn the fury of war upon themselves , by their own unquiet behaviour ; and and may thank their own , undutyful demeanor to their princes , for whatsoever calamities they have suffer'd from them . these are the accounts which those of the roman communion have delivered to the world of these poor christians . i shall not need to say that in all this they only set forth their own falseness and malice ; and publish to the world not what these christians are , but what they would have men think them to be . this their own authors , have sufficiently already done . it is enough that we know who they are that give us these characters , to enable us to judge what credit is to be given to them : and that beyond the alps , among those of their own communion , we our selves are set forth in as black characters , both with respect to our faith , and manners ; as ever these distressed persons have been represented to us , on this side the mountains . the short of the matter is , that both they and we , freely declare against the tyranny , and corruptions of the church of rome ; and that is enough to warrant the worst that can be said , to blacken , and bespatter both them , and vs. but i must not insist upon these matters ; but having now more fully than i design'd , shewn , both who the persons are who ask your charity ; and how they come to stand in need of it ; shall proceed , 3 dly : and very briefly to represent to you , what just reason we have to succour , and assist them ; upon the account of these their sufferings . if ( 1 st . ) we consider either the cause , or authors of their persecution ; it will from both appear that we of the reform'd religion must support them ; or they must be left to sink under their afflictions : for we may be confident , that if we do not help them , no body else will. were the case here that of christianity in general ; did these poor men suffer by the hands of turks , or infidels ; one might then hope that the common love , and duty , we all profess to our blessed saviour , and his gospel , might move every church , however differing in other matters , yet to joyn together for their relief . but it is the misfortune those for whom we are now concern'd , that they are persecuted not by the common enemy , but by those who are called by the same name of christians . they suffer , not for the defence of the gospel , but for the maintenance of the truth , and purity , of it ; against those who have either mistaken , or perverted the faith of it . and if we , who in this are agreed with them , do not relieve them ; with what reason can we expect , that those whom they oppose , and by whom they are persecuted , should help them ? here therefore is a case , in which the argument of the text returns with a double force upon us. these persons are not only the disciples of christ ; but of the same particular faith and communion with our selves . they are our brethren not only as they are christians , but as they are reform'd too ; and which is yet more , they suffer for being so . they might have believed in christ , and yet have continued in the peaceable enjoyment of their country , and possessions . but they could not have continued reformed without quitting them ; and therefore they readily forsook both . and surely the least we can do to testify our concurrence with them in this profession , will be to extend our charity towards them : and thereby to shew that we do own their cause ; and account it such , as deserves to be suffer'd for . but ( 2 dly , ) it is not only a matter of charity , but of interest also to us , to help , and relieve them : and that is an argument , which where it is once received , seldom fails of prevailing with most men. it cannot be unknown to any among us , what endeavours have been used , and what projects have been laid , for these last forty , or fifty years , utterly to root the protestant interest out of europe . what progress has been made by our enemies to this purpose in piemont , hungary , bohemia , france ; shall i add , and here at home too , both in england , and ireland , is evident to all of us. and had the design succeeded , as it was verily believed and hoped it would have done ; i do not see what could have preserved the reformed religion from a general destruction . but blessed be god! who in most of these places has disappointed their designs : and we hope will , in the end , turn them , ( as he has already in part done ) to their own shame , and confusion . and has effectually convinced us , how necessary it is for us to unite together in interest and affection , against our common enemies ; if ever we mean to support our selves , and our cause , from ruine ; by their unwearied malice , and indefatigable endeavours against us. it is but a little time since we were called upon to receive those of the reformed church of france into our bosoms . by doing of this we have preserved so much of the protestant interest from sinking . and all that their persecutors have gained by their cruelties aginst them is but this , that they have forced them to change their country ; but have not at all lessened either their zeal for their religion , or their ability to defend it . we are now invited to preserve the remains of the same church , and of some of those of the vallies of piemont with them. a flock little in number , but of great worth : and such as we cannot suffer to perish , without fixing an eternal infamy upon our names , for our vncharitableness . whose turn it may next be to suffer in this cause , we cannot tell . this we know , that be it whose it will , our charity will have its reward with god ; and give a good example , and encouragement to the church of christ. we may , by what we do for these poor , persecuted men , prolong our own tranquility ; and so meet with a reward on earth . but though we should not ; yet this we are sure , that we shall hereby purchase to our selves an inheritance in heaven . our vnrighteous mamon , shall prepare for us an eternal habitation . what we now give for the sake of christ , and to his disciples , in his name ; he will one day return , as if we had done it unto himself : and verily i say unto you , ye shall in no wise lose the reward of it . errata . page 7. margin r. hebr. xiii . 1. p. 14. l. 15. r. purity . ib. margin l. ult . r. imagin . p. 22. margin l. 10. dele sir sam. finis . books printed for r. sare at grays-inn-gate in holborne . the genuine epistles of the apostolical fathers st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp , the shepherd of hermas , and the martyrdoms of st. ignatius , and st. polycarp ; written by those who were present at their sufferings ; being together with the holy scniptures of the new testament , a compleat collection of the most primitive antiquity for about 150 years after christ ; translated and published with a large preliminary discourse , relating to the several discourses here put together , 8 o. the authority of christian princes over their ecclesiastical synods asserted , with particular respect to the convocations of the clergy of the realm , and church of england . occasioned by a late pamphlet intituled , a letter to a convocation man , 8 o. an appeal to all the true members of the church of enggland in behalf of the kings supremacy , as by law established ; by our convocations approved , and our eminent bishops and clergy-men stated and defended , against both the popish and fanatical opposers of it , 8 o. a practical discourse concerning profane swearing , especially in the two great points of perjury and common swearing , 8 o. the principles of the christian religion explained , in a brief commentary upon the church catechism , 8 o. a sermon at the dorsetshire feast , 1690. before the queen at whitehall , may the 10th . 1691. before the lord mayor , november 26th , 1691. at grays-inn upon the death of the queen . at st. james's upon the thanksgiving . these ten by dr. wake . fables and stories moralized , being a second part of the fables of aesop , and other eminent mythologists , &c. folio . by sir roger l'estrange . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66124-e160 gal. vi . 10. heb. ixli . 1. 1 pet. i. 22 1 jo. iii. 16· mat. v. 44. matt. xxv . 32 , 33. — 34 : — 35 : — 41. — 42. monsieur de meaux's variations des egl. protestan . liv . xi . leger . hist. des eglises evangel . des vallees de piemont . liv . 1. cap. 2. allix . remarks , chap. xix . vide car. m. & synod . paris . script . de tmagin . catal. test. veri● lib. ix . in claudio . ion. aurel. de cult . imag 〈…〉 claud. t●u●i● bibl pp . tom. ●i● car. à s. paul geogr . s. lib. ii . ital. n. iv . vii.x . allix . remarks . chap. xiii . allix . remarks ch. xiv . baron annal. an. 1059 leger hist. des vaudoises l. 1. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vid. concil lateran iii. apud labb to. x p. 1504. & cap. xxvii . de haereticis . * ibid col. 1737. concil iv . late●an cap. 3. de haeret. add. la●b to xi p●g . 234. * frederic . ii . constit. sect. 5 , 6 , 7 , & const. feud . pag. 27 labb . to. xi col 334. leger . hist l. ii . c. 2. morland . l. ii . c. 1. leger . hist l. ii . chap. 6. leger . l. ii . c 9. &c. sir sam. morland . hist. of piem . l. ii . anno. 1633. memor . recond . di vittorio siri . vol. vii . p. 500. &c. see the account of that persecution publish'd at oxford . 4 o 1689. leger . hist. des sr. sam. v●udois . morla●d . hist. of the evangel . churches of piem . book ii . c. 6 &c. leger . hist. l. 1. c. 30. leger . hist. l. ● . c. 19.30 . allix . remarks c. 26. leger lib. l. 11. c. 10. &c. see leger . before . about 11500. persons . a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at white-hall, may the 4th. m.dc.xc. by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1690 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66358) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60633) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:29) a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at white-hall, may the 4th. m.dc.xc. by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [2], 36 p. printed for ric. chiswell ... and w. rogers ..., london : 1690. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -luke xvi, 25 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-12 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at white-hall , may the 4th . m.dc.xc . by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to their majesties : and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . published by their majesties special comand . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysost. conc. 2. de lazar. london : printed for ric. chiswell at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard : and w. rogers at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1690. luke xvi . 25. but abraham said ; son , remember that thou in thy life-time receivedst thy god things , and likewise lazarus evil things : but now , he is comforted , and thou art tormented . the words are part of a parable , in which our saviour christ sets forth to us the different methods of god's providence in his dispensations to mankind , with relation to the happiness of this life , and of the other . that however he may here seem to scatter his blessings at all adventures , upon the good and bad indifferently , and permit the wicked to triumph in their impiety ; yet there is a time coming when he will call them to a severe account for all their actions , and render to every man according to his works . there was a certain rich man , which was cloathed in purple and fine linnen , and fared sumptuously every day . and there was a certain beggar , named lazarus , which was laid at his gate full of sores ; and desiring to be fed with the crumbs which fell from the rich mans table : moreover the dogs came and licked his sores . and it came to pass that the beggar died , and was carried by the angels into abraham's bosome ; the rich man also died , and was buried . and in hell he lift up his eyes , being in torments , and seeth abraham afar off , and lazarus in his bosome . and he cried , and said , father abraham , have mercy on me ; and send lazarus that he may dip the tip of his finger in water , and cool my tongue , for i am tormented in this flame . but abraham said ; son , remember , that thou in thy life-time receivedst thy good things , and likewise lazarus , evil things : but now , he is comforted , and thou art tormented . it has been one of the oldest complaints that we any-where meet with against the providence of god in his managing the affairs of this lower world , that he so often permits the greatest sinners to be very easie and prosperous ; whilst better men are forced many times to encounter with all the difficulties and discouragements , not only of a poor and despicable fortune , but that too rendred yet more uneasie , by the injuries and oppressions which the wicked are suffered to bring upon him . if we look back into the state of the world before our saviour ; even then when it pleased god to make temporal blessings the encouragement to obedience ; yet we shall find nevertheless the best men very frequently both wondring at , and complaining of the inequality of this procedure . truly , says holy david , psal. lxxiii . 1. god is good unto israel , even to such as are of a clean heart : but as for me , my feet were almost gone , my steps had well nigh slipp'd : for i was envious at the foolish , when i saw the prosperity of the wicked . and job himself , thô so patient in his own sufferings , yet could not forbear to expostulate with god , about the flourishing condition of evil men ; job xxi . 7. wherefore do the wicked live , become old , yea , are mighty in power ? and the best account could then be given of this matter was ; that thô providence did permit them to flourish for a while , yet it commonly brought some severe judgment upon them at the last : and as the heathens themselves sometimes observed , therefore raised them up to a height of fortune extraordinary , that their fall might be the greater , and more remarkable . this was what the prophet david , after all his search , acquiesced in , as the best argument both to satisfy himself , and to vindicate god almighty . surely , says he , thou dost set them in slippery places , and castest them into destruction : how are they brought into desolation as in a moment ? they are utterly consumed with terrors : as a dream when one awaketh , so , o lord , when thou awakest shalt thou despise their image . and again , in another psalm ; he gives this as the reason , why we should not be troubled at the prosperity which wicked men seem sometimes to enjoy . fret not thy self because of evil-doers , neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity ; for they shall soon be cut down like the grass , and wither as the green herb . and solomon not only insists upon the same reason , but almost transcribes the very same words : prov. xxiv . 19. fret not thy self because of evil men , neither be thou envious at the wicked ; for there shall be no reward to the evil man , the candle of the wicked shall be put out . and the same was the reflection which the rest of the holy men in those times contented themselves with upon this occasion . they saw but little of a future state , and of that eternal retribution god will hereafter make of rewards and punishments , to every one according to his works : and therefore they sought out that punishment for sinners in this world , which they could not so certainly assign to them in the other . nor indeed was this any more than what the tenor of the law it self directed them to . for it having pleased god to set before them the promises of this present life , as the rewards of their obedience ; and by the threatnings of troubles and disappointments , of losses and afflictions now to be undergone , to affright them from sin : it was but natural for them to be surprised , when contrary to all this , they saw wicked men in great prosperity ; and to conclude according to what both the law of god , and the methods of his dispensations , and their own experience led them to do , that their happiness should not be of any long continuance ; but , as the psalmist expresses it , in the psalm i before mentioned , ps. xxxvii . 35 , 36. i have seen the wicked in great power , and spreading himself like a green bay-tree : yet he passed away , and lo , he was not ; yea i sought him , but he could not be found . such was the case even of the best men heretofore under the law : and i shall not need to say , how apt we all of us are , to complain of god's providence upon the same account even now . and if not with the sceptick , to take occasion from hence to dispute whether he has any concern at all for the affairs here below ; yet at least with jeremy to reason sometimes with him of his doings , jer. xii . 1. righteous art thou , o lord , when i plead with thee , yet let me talk with thee of thy judgments ; wherefore doth the way of the wicked prosper ? but the instance of the text explains the difficulty , gives a final satisfaction to all our doubts , and for ever silences our complaints ; and vindicates both the justice and goodness of god almighty . whilst drawing aside the vail which hung before their eyes , it gives us a clear prospect of a state of things , beyond the narrow bounds of this present world. a state where all these seeming irregularities shall be set to rights : where the sinner shall be divested of all his present happiness ; and the greatness , the riches , the pleasures he now enjoys , expire into the sad result of that sarcastick concession , which solomon once made to the wicked in his days ; rejoice , o young man , in thy youth , and let thy heart cheer thee in the days of thy youth ; walk in the ways of thy heart , and in the sight of thine eyes : but know thou , that for all these things , god will bring thee to judgment . nay , but the text carries us yet farther : it not only sets before us the different state of the poor despised lazarus , and the rich voluptuary , in the other world ; thô that had been sufficient to justifie the providence of god , both for all the good which the one had received , and for all the evil which the other had suffer'd here on earth : but seems in great measure to represent to us their several conditions in this life , as the very ground and reason of their different portions in the other . son , remember , that thou in thy life-time hast received thy good things , and likewise lazarus evil things ; but now he is comforted , and thou art tormented . he does not tell him of the abuse he had made of his riches , in employing them only upon his pride and sensuality . he reproaches him not with his uncharitableness , that could let this poor man lie and perish at his gate , and not take so much notice as his very dogs did of him . no ; he represents to him only the happiness he sometime enjoyed whilst he was in this world ; and the grandeur and jollity in which he lived in it : as if a continued state of prosperity in the present life were almost incompatible with the blessings and glories of the other . and however i shall not presume to be so rash , as to make a general rule of this remark ; that those who are great , and rich , and honourable now , are not to expect any further portion hereafter : and , god be thanked ! have instances at this time before my eyes , that i am perswaded , would be sufficient to confute the uncharitableness of such a conclusion : yet thus much i may take leave to observe from it ; that such persons as these , shall of all others the most hardly be saved . and therefore that we ought to be so far from censuring god's providence for dispensing so large a share of these blessings to them , or from envying of them upon any such account ; that we should rather pity their danger , who are beset with so many more and so much greater temptations than other men ; and must therefore take a great deal more care and pains , be much more watchful over themselves , and zealous in their duty ; or else what we falsly call their happiness , may prove their ruin to all eternity . it was a severe censure which our saviour once pass'd upon the riches , and i fear i may extend it to all other the like advantages , to the honours , the power , the pleasures of this world ; mat. xix . 23. verily i say unto you , that a rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdom of heaven . and again , ver . 24. i say unto you , it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle , than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven . and when his disciples thereupon began with some amazement to ask of him , who then can be sav'd ? we do not find him at all moderating his reflection . he tells them , that it was indeed possible for such a one to be saved : but it was like removing a mountain , or raising a dead man to life . a work to be done only by a miracle of god's grace ; not after the ordinary manner of other men , but by that mighty power which makes nothing impossible to a divine agent : jesus said unto them , with men this is impossible , but with god all things are possible . and this is that which i shall now endeavour both from the remark and the example of the text , more particularly to represent to you . i am sensible that i am now speaking to persons of a more than ordinary fortune and character in the world. and i know how much harder it will be , without great care , for such to be saved , than for those of an inferiour degree : and therefore how necessary it is , that they should be fully convinced and persuaded of it . and i am not in the least apprehensive , that i shall at all discourage their piety by such an undertaking . it is the honour of great and generons minds to be brave and daring . the difficulties that would affright others , serve only to animate and encourage them the more to overcome them . and this promise they have from god almighty , that as their task is more difficult than other mens , so shall his grace be dispenced to them in a greater and more plentiful degree . so that if they benot wanting to themselves , he will not fail to assist their endeavours : he will bless them with an extraordinary measure of his grace now , and will crown them with a more exceeding and eternal weight of glory hereafter . for the better clearing of all which , i shall observe this method : i st . i will shew , how much more difficult it is for those who are great , and rich , and powerful , to be saved , than for other men ? and upon what grounds it is , that it becomes so ? ii dly . i will consider what influence such a reflection ought to have upon all sorts of men , 1. upon the one , to stir them up to a greater care of their future happiness . 2. upon the other , to engage them to a patient acquiescence even in the meanest condition . and , i st . i am to shew , how much more difficult it is for those who are great , and rich , and powerful , to be saved , than for other men ? and upon what grounds , and for what reason it is that it becomes so ? now this will appear from these two considerations ; 1st . of that obligation which those who enjoy these advantages lie under , to a more strict and careful discharge of their duty , than other men . and 2dly . of those temptations which these very things many times bring along with them , to the ruining of such persons : whilst instead of ministring to their piety , and so encreasing their reward , they serve rather to expose them the more to danger ; and in the consequence thereof , become oftentimes the greatest occasion of their eternal destruction . for if such persons as these have a larger and more comprehensive duty to fulfil , upon the account of these advantages , than other men ; and if these very things which thus encrease their duty , are also at the same time apt to prove the greatest lets and hindrances to them in the performance of it ; nay perhaps become even snares and temptations to them to draw them aside from it : 't is then a plain case , that their condition must be more dangerous than that of ordinary christians , who neither lie under such engagements , nor are exposed to such temptations . and 1st . that those to whom god has given these advantages above other men , do thereby become engaged to a more strict and careful discharge of their duty than others . for proof whereof i shall need go no farther than that great evangelical rule of our blessed saviour , luke xii . 48. that unto whomsoever much is given , of him much shall be required ; and unto whom men have committed much , of him they will ask the more . he was speaking in the verse before , of the difference which god would make in his exactions hereafter , according to the different degrees of mens knowledg and capacities now . that servant which knew his lord's will , and prepared not himself , neither did according to his will , shall be beaten with many stripes ; but he that knew not , and did commit things worthy of stripes , shall be beaten with few stripes . and the same is the case in all other advantages whatsoever : whether they be the internal assistances of grace and knowledg ; or else the external blessings of honour , riches , authority , and the like ; whatever the instance be , whereby it pleases god to enable us to do more good , and make a more plentiful return of duty and service to him than other men , our account shall be required in proportion thereunto , and to whom god has committed much , of him he will ask the more . so that now then to prove that there is a greater and more extensive duty incumbent upon such persons as these i am now speaking of , than upon the ordinary sort of christians , i shall need only to shew , that god has given them a greater capacity of doing good ; and that by consequence it must be their own fault , if they do not make a return , in some measure at least , proportionable thereunto . 1. and the first advantage that i shall mention is that of time : and which however i fear at present but little regarded by many of us , is yet without question not only a very valuable thing in it self , but such a blessing as whatever we do now , yet the hour is coming when we shall all begin to put a just estimate upon it . and when i consider the great business a christian has to do in this world , what duties to fulfil ? what lusts and passions to overcome ? how many difficulties and temptations to encounter with ? and then think , how short our life at the best is ? what accidents may arrive to throw us the next moment into the grave ? how much of our time the necessities of our nature deprive us of ? how much more is stollen from us by the unavoidable obligations which the business and conversation , and too often the ceremonies and impertinence of the world lay upon us ? to say nothing now of our very vanities and sins ; which yet i fear in all of us have their share , and in many of us a very large one too , to their service : i must confess there is nothing wherein i could sooner chuse to envy the happiness , of those above me , than in this one advantage ; tho' such as most of them seem to put the least value of all upon , and suffer very little occasion to deprive them of . and for the opportunity which such persons hereby have the better to improve their piety , and pay a more constant and regular attendance upon the offices of religion ; it is so very evident , that i shall not need to say any thing in proof of it . whilst being freed from those necessities under which others labour ; and the supplying whereof not only fills up the greatest part of their time , but too much possesses their very hearts and affections too : which being forced to converse so much with the affairs of this world , become thereby not a little indisposed to entertain themselves with the joys and blessings of the other ; they are infinitely more at liberty , as well as exceedingly more engaged to lift up their minds and desires to heaven , and to bless that god who has so highly favour'd them above the rest of mankind ; and to spend that time in the more excellent pursuits of the glories of their future state , which they have no need to do in a solicitous care for the support of their present condition . but i must go yet farther : for such persons as these have not only more time , & so a greater opportunity , as well as higher engagements to serve god , and work out their salvation , than the ordinary sort of christians ; but they have moreover better capacities , and larger abilities to do good , than other men. for , 2dly . if we consider them in themselves , and their personal qualifications only , there is often seen another kind of spirit in them , than what we find in the common and vulgar race of mankind . whether it be that from the begining they are accustomed to a more generous sort of life , and bred up with other maxims and notions of things , than those of an inferior order : or that it pleases god , to their greater opportunities of serving him in all other respects , to give a better and more excellent capacity too , to these than to other men : but this is plain , that something there is in the very temper and disposition of those of a higher rank , more generous and excellent than what we ordinarily meet with in those below them . their thoughts are more elevated , their desires more noble , their reason more improv'd ; and by standing upon a higher ground , they see further than commonly others do , whose very hearts and minds are many times as mean and groveling as their fortunes and their employments . and to all which if we add , what such persons for the most part have , the great happiness of a better and more ingenuous education too : it cannot be doubted but as this must needs put a very great difference in all other respects between those of a higher quality , and the common crowd of mankind ; so does it at the same time exceedingly better fit them for the service of god , and for more high and extraordinary attainments in the ways of piety and religion . it is indeed very sad to reflect how small a sense too many of the meaner sort of the world seem to have of religion . and one would almost wonder how persons bred up in a church where the gospel of christ is so duly and plainly preach'd to them ; where the holy scriptures are read to them in their own tongue , and put into their hands for their own private use and meditation ; should nevertheless so many of them remain as ignorant of the first principles of their religion , as if they had never enjoyed any of these opportunities of being instructed in it . but then there is this to be said for it ; that neither their parts nor their education enable them , nor will the necessary affairs of their lives permit them to have so distinct and thorough a knowledge of the mysteries of the gospel ; of the love of god , and the merits and satisfaction of our redeemer ; of the terrors of the final judgment ; and what the glories or miseries of another world import ; and what mighty obligations all these things lay upon us to live well , and to depart from all iniquity . and yet even among these , we may find many who are zealous for god's service beyond what one could almost have expected from them . that improve every opportunity , suffer no occasion to slip them that they can possibly steal from their present employments , to encrease their knowledge , and to exercise their piety . how much more ought those to whom god has given so many more and better opportunities to do this ; whose souls are more raised , whose understandings more enlarged , who know the mysteries of christ's kingdom , what promises god has made to assist our piety , and what blessings he has prepared for ever to reward it , to be in an extraordinary manner careful of themselves : and not suffer these poor souls to rise up in the judgment against them and condemn them , for that being so much better fitted , to discharge their duty , and having so much more liberty to do it than they ; they have nevertheless so grosly neglected their souls , and taken no care to exceed , or it may be even to equal them in well-doing . but 3dly , such persons as these , have not only more time , and a better capacity , than those of a lower degree ; but what is yet more , they have in many respects , a greater ability too of doing good , and of promoting the interests of piety and religion . and that especially upon these three accounts , ( 1st ) of their riches . ( 2dly ) of their authority . and in the consequence of both these , ( 3dly ) of their very example . ( 1st ) if we consider them as persons of larger fortunes , and more plentiful estates , than other men ; how many advantages will this one thing minister unto them for the better advancing the service of god , and the interests of christianity ? what influence will this give them not only over their own houses , but over multitudes abroad who some way or other depend upon them , and need only their encouragement to become religious ? to pass by all other benefits , and offer but one instance instead of many . it cannot be doubted but that the more it has pleased god to dispense to any one of these things , the more he not only is able , but ought in duty to lay out in the exercise of that most excellent vertue of charity and beneficence ; and than which i know not whether there be any more acceptable to god , or more advantageous to our eternal salvation . and though there is scarce any state so mean as to be utterly exempt from all discharge of it ; yet they are the rich and wealthy ; those to whom providence has been free and liberal no less to set them an example what they ought to do to others , than to enable them to do it ; whom we are to look upon as the chief stewards of heaven , and dispensers of its blessings to the poor and needy . and therefore s. paul , though he recommends a christian charity to all , and passes by none in his exhortations to it ; yet we may observe that they are such as these whom he bids timothy in a particular manner call upon not to be wanting in it : charge them that are rich in this world — that they be rich in good works ; ready to distribute , willing to communicate ; laying up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come , that they may lay hold on eternal life . for the next instance , ( 2dly , ) that of power and authority : i shall not need to say what a mighty advantage this also gives to such persons of doing more than ordinary good , by obliging others to become so . and indeed i cannot tell whether there be any more truly beneficial ; but sure i am , a more noble and worthy use there cannot be made of any power or authority we may have committed to us , than for the promoting the glory of god , the salvation of mens souls , and a publick sense of piety and religion in the world. and how those to whom god has given so glorious an advantage as this of serving him , in a more than ordinary manner , will be able to excuse themselves at the last day , if they do not especially employ it to this best of ends , i must confess i do not see : nor can i perswade my self , that a private piety is all god will exact of such persons , in whose power it was in some measure to have reformed the age ; and if not to have made it good , yet at least to have kept it from being openly and scandalously wicked . nay , but ( 3dly , ) and to close this point : should those whom we are now speaking of have no such advantages as these , in point either of riches or authority ; which nevertheless i believe but few of them want : yet still the very influence of a great mans example is beneficial . it not only strikes mens eyes , but for the most part , i know not how , charms their very hearts and affections into a love first , and then into an imitation of it . there is nothing more ordinary in the common practise of the world , than for those of an inferiour rank to take their measures from such as are above them. 't is this makes sin its self become reputable , when countenanced by the examples of the great and honourable : and the commands of god , and all the terrors of eternity are too weak to prevail against the power of vice , when got into credit and custome among such persons . how much more might we hope to see piety and religion revive among us , would the princes and nobles of our israel seriously resolve to set the example : and make vertue as necessary to a good esteem , and interest , and reputation with men , as it is to gain the love of god , and the blessings and glories of eternity ? and thus have i consider'd very briefly a few of those advantages which oblige persons of great authority , and fortune and quality in the world , to a more strict and careful discharge of their duty than other men . let us see , 2dly , what the effect of all this generally is . and whether these very things at the same time that they thus lay a greater obligation upon such persons , are not apt , considering the evil inclinations of corrupt nature , to be perverted to a quite contrary purpose ; both to tempt them first , and then to enable them to be more highly criminal than other men ? in speaking to which point i presume no one will so far misunderstand me , as to think i have any design to make an apology for the sins of great men , by shewing what extraordinary dangers and temptations their very condition often times exposes them to . for though where there is a sincere desire , and an hearty endeavour to live well , this consideration perhaps may , and i doubt not shall prevail with god to make greater allowances for the slips and infirmities of such persons , than of those who have not so many difficulties to encounter with ; yet cannot this be any excuse for those who by this means suffer themselves to be utterly drawn away from their duty , and engaged in a course and habit of sin : but on the contrary , will aggravate their guilt the more ; for that knowing their danger , they nevertheless neglected to look to themselves , and to take that due care they ought to have done to preserve their innocence . and 1st , for the first advantage , that of time : i have before observed , that this is a benefit which such persons seem to put the least value of all upon , though one of the most considerable ; and i must now add , that being thus neglected by them , it proves for the most part a snare and a temptation to them : and this is one of the chiefest causes of their sin and ruine . the man who lives by his industry , and in the sweat of his brow eats his bread ; he wants indeed the opportunity of paying that constant attendance which others may do , upon the solemn exercises of piety and devotion . his thoughts are taken up with the affairs of this present life , how to carry on his business , and supply his needs . and this hinders his soul from having its conversation so much in heaven ; whilst his concerns after the things of this lower world renders him very often unable , i had almost said unfit to contemplate the joys and glories of the other . but though he cannot therefore be so active in the more immediate service of god almighty , yet he spends his time in serving the order of his creation . he is honest and innocent ; and his business , though it hinders him from rising so high in religious attainments , as those who have greater leisure may ; yet at the same time keeps him from their temptations too , and from falling into any great and dangerous irregularities . whilst those who have more time for the discharge of their duty , and whose thoughts and considerations have no need to be thus employ'd upon an anxious sollicitude after the things of this world , are yet oftentimes far enough from raising them up to those of a better . they are idle and lazy : they look upon it to be one part of their birthright , indeed the great priviledge and characteristick of their condition , to have nothing to do ; and then the tempter never fails to stand ready for them : and experience shews how easie the transition is , from the doing of nothing , or that which is as good as nothing , to the doing ill. 2. for the second benefit , that of quicker parts , and a more ingenuous education ; it is indeed an advantage not so apt to prove a snare to men as the other ; but yet such as may be abused to very wicked purposes . and the church has in all ages had but too many instances of this kind , to shew how much more capable men of a brisk wit , and a comprehensive knowledge , are of being eminently wicked , and doing a great deal of mischief to religion than other men. what is it but this that has given birth to most of those satyrs and pasquils , wherein we find not only the mysteries of christianity , but even the practice of all religion exposed to scorn and ridicule ? i shall not need to send you back to julian and porphyry , and the like profess'd enemies to the christian faith for witnesses of this . our own age , and even our own country , has bred up those who at the same time that they have call'd themselves by the sacred name of christ , have nevertheless bid defiance to his gospel ; and esteem'd it a piece of wit and gallantry to burlesque scripture , and laugh the greatest articles of religion out of countenance . who have employ'd their parts only to find out some new colours for scepticism and infidelity : to free themselves from the practice of religion now , and to harden themselves against the fears of damnation hereafter . but shall not god visit for these things ? shall not his soul be avenged on such wretches as these ? yes , the time is coming when he shall turn all their laughter into mourning , and bring those evils upon them they now pretend to scoff at the very name of . and give them a sad and eternal conviction how much they were mistaken in their notions , when they thought profaneness to be sense ; and to make a mock of sin and damnation the only sure and approved evidence of a man of depth and knowledge : and that when all is done , what job so long since observed is indeed the very truth ; behold , the fear of the lord that is wisdom , and to depart from evil that is understanding . and when thus even mens parts and education , those best advantages to vertue and piety , may be turned into a snare and a temptation ; much more , 3dly , will those other benefits yet remaining , of riches , and power , and greatness , be found to fall under this reflection ; which are both infinitely more easie to be abused , and not at all less able to minister to their greater guilt , and in the consequence of that , to their more certain destruction . the truth is , whether we consult our reason or our experience ; what use such persons commonly do make of these things ; or what , without a great deal of care , they will be apt to make of them ; we shall find but too much cause to conclude what i am now asserting to be most true : that if on the one hand , riches , and greatness , and power , and advantages that both enable and engage those who have them , to do much more good in their generation than other men ; yet they may , and without very great heed , will be apt to expose them to many temptations too ; and instead of rendering them more excellently good , make them only more exceedingly wicked , than otherwise they either would , or could have been . and i shall not need to spend the time in a solemn proof of that which our saviour thought to be so very plain , as to make it almost a general rule , a kind of aphorism in christianity ; that a rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdom of god : and of which , if you please , we will take the instance of our text for the application ; son , remember , that thou in thy life time receivedst thy good things , and likewise lazarus evil things ; but now , he is comforted and thou art tormented . and now to conclude this first point : is it thus evident , as we have seen , that persons of a greater quality and higher station in the world , do lie under much greater obligations , and have an higher and more difficult duty to fulfil than other men ? and have we so much reason to believe , that those very advantages which encrease their obligations , are at the same time but too apt to prove their greatest lets and hindrances in the fulfilling of them ? it must then remain , that either such persons as these must take a great care of themselves , or they shall more hardly be saved than those of an inferiour rank : whose duty is more easie , whose temptations are much fewer ; who have neither so great a task to fulfil , nor so many difficulties to encounter with in the fulfilling of it . which being so , let us consider , ii dly , what influence therefore this reflection ought to have upon all of us : 1. upon those who are great , and rich , and honourable in the world , to stir them up to an extraordinary care of their future happiness . 2. upon all others ; to engage them to a patient acquiescence even in the lowest and meanest condition . i st , that the consideration of what we have now been discoursing , ought to stir up all such persons as these , to a more than ordinary care of their future happiness . this is a consequence , that if men believe any thing at all of another life after this , must be allow'd to be the natural result of what we have now been discoursing . for if both the duty of such persons be greater , and their temptations stronger than other mens ; if god expects a more excellent service from them than from the ordinary sort of christians , and yet they are certainly exposed to more lets and hindrances than others usually are , in the fulfilling of it : what then can we conclude but that it will undoubtedly concern them , as they tender their eternal welfare , to look very carefully to themselves , that they neither come short in their duty , nor are carried away by the strength and force of their temptations . but here therefore a difficulty will arise ; for if the case be such as we have now shown , and as indeed our saviour christ himself hath set it out to us : if such persons as these shall hardly be saved ; and again , it be easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle , than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven : will not this rather serve to discourage than to heighten their endeavours after it ? and lead them sooner to the epicure's conclusion , let us eat and drink , for to morrow we shall die ; than to the christian resolution of striving to enter in at the straight gate ; because many will seek to enter in , and shall not be able ? this indeed seems to be a very reasonable objection , and which ought to have a fair and satisfactory answer made to it . and therefore , i st , i reply : it is most certain , that were we to judge of this matter according to the power of corrupt nature , there might be but too much cause for such persons to give way to these kind of reflections , and look upon their condition as little better than desperate . and so much our saviour christ himself implies , mat. xix . 26. with men this is impossible ; that is to say , were we to look no farther than our own natural strength , without considering what the grace of god , and the power of his holy spirit is able to do , we might well reckon the difficulties that arise to hinder the salvation of a rich and great man to be insuperable . but with god , all things are possible ; he can make that which is thus difficult of its self , become easie to us , and remove all just cause not only of despair , but even of complaint from us , upon that account . and therefore , 2dly , i say , that such persons as these ought not to be at all discouraged from the prospect of any of these difficulties , because though their duty be indeed greater , and their temptations more dangerous than other mens ; yet if they do but add their earnest endeavours , god will give them such a measure of his grace , as shall be sufficient to enable them to overcome all their difficulties , and to fulfil the duty that he requires of them . jesus said , with men this is impossible , but with god all things are possible . as if he had said , to enable a rich man to despise his wealth in comparison of his duty ; to support him against the temptations it exposes him to , and to incline him to make that due use he ought of it : this is indeed a work which humane strength either could not at all , or not without some extraordinary difficulty , be able to accomplish . but let not this therefore discourage any of you ; for though humane strength cannot do it , a divine power can . and if there must be a double portion of gods spirit bestow'd upon such persons , or they cannot be saved : let them do their parts towards it ; let them pray fervently , and labour sincerely to discharge their duty , and they shall have a double portion , rather than they shall perish for want of it . god will give them an assistance suitable to their needs , and their grace shall be as much greater than that of ordinary christians , as their duty and difficulties are greater than theirs . nay , but this is not yet all : for , 3dly , our saviour not only assures us , that such persons shall have a measure of grace proportionable to their needs , though that had been sufficient to remove all grounds of despair from their minds : but to encourage them yet more to a carefulness in their duty , he has promised , that if they do thus heartily labour to fulfil it , they shall not only have a sufficient assistance from god to support them now , but a more glorious reward of their piety hereafter . ver. 27. where when st. peter remark'd to him , how they had despised all their present concerns to follow him , and become his disciples ; behold , we have forsaken all , and follow'd thee : what shall we have therefore ? he not only pronounces a blessing upon them for their piety , ver . 28. verily i say unto you , that ye which have follow'd me in the regeneration , when the son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory , ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel : but makes a general promise to all others , that should not suffer any of those things they now have to draw them away from his service , that they should receive a more exceeding reward for it , ver . 29. and every one that hath forsaken , not only that has actually left them , but hath in his mind so given them up , as to resolve not to value any of these things in comparison of his duty ; every one that hath thus forsaken houses , or brethren , or sisters , or father , or mother , or wife , or children , or lands for my names sake , shall receive an hundred fold , and shall inherit everlasting life . and now when this is the case ; when such persons as these have not only a promise , that god will endue them with a more plentiful portion of his spirit than other men , and so render their duty , though so much greater in its self than that of others , yet to them as easie as our lesser engagements are to us ; who as we have not their difficulties , so neither have we the promises of such an assistance , as we see they have , to support us : but are moreover assur'd , that their piety shall receive a proportionable reward ; they shall as much out shine in us in the firmament of glory hereafter , as they now exceed us in their power , and riches , and in what is yet more valuable , their ability of doing good : it must certainly be very much their fault , and what will doubtless render them exceedingly more inexcusable than other men , if they be not in some measure as careful of themselves , and as zealous in their duty as all these excellent advantages engage them to be ; and as for other mens sakes as well as their own , we ought to beseech them that they would become . but this is not yet all the use we are to make of these reflections ; which ought not only to encrease the piety , and inflame the zeal of those above us : but at the same time , 2dly , to teach us , whom it has pleased god to place in a lower , but if we knew our own happiness , a no less blessed estate ; to be perfectly contented with our condition , though it should chance to be never so low and mean in the world. for , since this present life is but a time of tryal , a state in which we are not to continue very long , and then whatever our portion here may be , if we do but manage our selves as we ought in it , we are sure we shall be exceedingly happy in the other world : wherefore should we murmur or repine against gods providence ? as if eternal glory were not a sufficient recompence for a little trouble and misery in the pursuit of it . i confess , i am not so great a sceptick , as to go about to perswade you , that there are not some advantages in a plentiful portion of the good things of this present world : or that it is all one , whether a man be poor and despised , or else rich and honourable in it . but yet this i may affirm ; that to him who is accustomed to think , and has a quick and lively apprehension of the happiness of the other life , the wants of this will be very supportable . and while we can lookup to heaven , and there see the poor lazarus in abraham's bosome , we shall be able to find an argument not only of contentedness , but even of comfort too in the reflection ; though we should chance for the present to lie , as he once did , at the rich mans door , and feed on the crumbs that fall from his table . and , oh! that it would please god , we might all so seriously meditate on these things , that whatever our portion now be , we may have a blessed reversion in heaven ; where alone true happiness is to be expected by us . consider , i beseech you , the time is coming , it cannot be far off , when we must all lie down in the grave : when the rich and mighty shall as certainly die as the poor and miserable ; and carry none of their state and grandeur along with them . when all titles and distinctions shall be forgotten ; and the greatest monarch stand with as little advantage before the judgment-seat of christ , as the meanest of his vassals . and what will it then avail any of us , that we have been , it may be , great or honourable on earth , if we must be from henceforth miserable to all eternity ? how shall we then begin to envy the blessed fortune of those men , whom we were wont to despise heretofore ? we thought their condition poor and miserable . we esteem'd them neglected of god , the scorn of men , and out-cast of the people . but alas ! now we see the difference ; and how much more fortunate a poor good man is in the meanest estate , than the sinner in all the heighth of his most flourishing condition . and may we then every one of us so effectually ponder all these things , that whatever temporal blessings we now enjoy , yet our portion may not be in them : nor that be ever objected to us , which abraham here called the rich man in our text to consider ; son , remember , that thou in thy life-time hast received thy good things , and likewise lazarus evil things ; but now he is comforted and thou art tormented . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66358-e240 vers. 19. psal. lxxiii . 1 , — 2 , — 3. job xxi . 7. psal. lxxiii . 18 , — 19. — 20. psal. xxxvii . 1 , — 2. prov. xxiv . 19 , — 20. psal. xxxvii . 36. — 37. jer xii . 1. eccles. xi . 9. mat. xix . 23. — 24. — 25. — 26. luke xii . 48. verse 47. 1 tim. vi . 17. — 18. — 19. gen. iii. 19. jer. v. 9. job xxviii . 28. mat. xix . 23. 1 cor. xv . 32. luke xiii . 24. mat. xix . 26. — 27. — 28. — 29. a sermon preach'd before the honourable house of commons, at st. margaret's westminster june 5th. 1689 being the fast day appointed by the king and queen's proclamation, to implore the blessing of almighty god upon their majesties forces by sea and land, and success in the war, now declared, against the french king / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1689 approx. 54 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66335 wing w263 estc r4808 12376548 ocm 12376548 60631 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66335) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60631) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:28) a sermon preach'd before the honourable house of commons, at st. margaret's westminster june 5th. 1689 being the fast day appointed by the king and queen's proclamation, to implore the blessing of almighty god upon their majesties forces by sea and land, and success in the war, now declared, against the french king / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [4], 34, [2] p. printed for ric. chiswell ... and william rogers ..., london : 1689. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fast-day sermons. sermons, english -17th century. great britain -history -1689-1714. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr. wake 's sermon before the house of commons . june 5th , 1689. jovis 6 o die junii 1689 resolved , that the thanks of this house be given to mr. wake for the sermon he preached before them yesterday ; and that he be desired to print the same . ordered , that mr. grey do give him the thanks , and acquaint him with the desires of this house accordingly . paul jodrell , cl. dom. com. a sermon preach'd before the honourable house of commons , at st. margaret's westminster june 5th . 1689. being the fast day appointed by the king and queen's proclamation , to implore the blessing of almighty god upon their majesties forces by sea and land , and success in the war , now declared , against the french king . by william wake , chaplain in ordinary to their majesties , and preacher to the honourable society of gray's-inn . london : printed for ric. chiswell at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard , and william rogers at the sun over against st. dunstan's church in fleet street . 1689. joel , ii. 12 , 13. therefore also now saith the lord , turn ye even to me with all your heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning . and rent your heart and not your garments , and turn unto the lord your god , for he is gracious and merciful , slow to anger and of great kindness , and repenteth him of the evil. though the time of this prophecy be uncertain , so that neither the jewish rabbins , nor christian antiquaries are able to give us any tolerable account of it , yet is the design plain , and the words of my text a most proper and pathetick enforcement of the great duty of this day , to turn unto the lord our god with all our heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning , — for he is gracious and merciful , slow to anger and of great kindness , and repenteth him of the evil. if we look into the foregoing chapter , we shall there find an astonishing account of the great evils that were just ready to befall the jewes for their sins . but that which is yet more surprizing , is , that though all this was about to come upon them , yet were they nevertheless insensible of their danger , nor took any the least care to prevent their utter desolation . to awaken a stupid and inconsiderate people , a nation dead in sin and security , in the beginning of this chapter he prepares a lofty and magnificent scene . he sets before them a prophecy of yet greater dangers than any they had hitherto experimented , and that in a manner so unusual , with such a pomp of words , and in such triumphant expressions , as carry a terror even in the repetition of them . blow ye the trumpet in zion , sound an alarm in my holy mountain ; let all the inhabitants of the land tremble , for the day of the lord cometh ; for it is nigh at hand : a day of darkness and of gloominess ; a day of clouds and of thick darkness ; as the morning spread upon the mountains ; a great people and a strong , there hath not been ever the like , neither shall be any more after it . a fire devours before them , and behind them a flame burneth : the land is as the garden of eden before them , and behind them a desolate wilderness . the earth shall quake before them ; the heavens shall tremble ; the sun and the moon shall be dark ; and the stars shall withdraw their shining . whatever be the import of these phrases ; whether by the mighty and terrible host here spoken of , we are only to understand that swarm of a locusts , and other insects , that we are b before told were utterly to devour all the fruits of the land : or whether under the character of these , we shall c with most interpreters , comprehend the numerous and mighty armies of the chaldaeans and babylonians , which at divers times brought such desolations , as we read of , upon the jews : this is plain , that we have here the denunciation of some judgment worthy of god , and great as the sins and incorrigibleness that occasion'd it . and now , who would not here expect the final desolation of such a people as this ? but behold , god even yet in his anger remembers mercy ; and tho they had hitherto neglected all the calls and invitations of his holy prophets to repentance , yet he resolves once more to try , whether they would now at least in their dangers hearken to his admonitions : he raises up joel at once both to set before them his judgments , if they continu'd still impenitent ; and to encourage them , by repenting , not only to prevent their ruine , but to assure themselves of his favour . that though they had so long neglected him , yet if they would c now , even now at the last , return with a true zeal , and a sincere affection to their duty , they should not fail to meet with a favourable acceptance from him : therefore also now saith the lord , turn ye even to me , with all your heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning : and rent your heart , and not your garments , and turn unto the lord your god : for he is gracious and merciful , slow to anger , and of great kindness , and repenteth him of the evil . it is not my intention to seek a parallel of all this , either in the sins , or in the danger of our own countrey . i would willingly hope , that neither our guilt , nor our incorrigibleness have been so heinous as theirs , nor shall any such deplorable judgment as this , ever , i trust , be made the punishment of what our iniquities have indeed but too justly deserved . no , blessed be god , who by a wonderful concurrence of great and singular mercies , seems rather to call upon us to celebrate his goodness , than to deprecate his judgments ; to praise his name in hymns of triumph and eucharist , than to weep between the porch and the altar , in melancholly litanies to avert his anger , and implore his mercy . but yet since the goodness , as well as judgments of the lord , are designed to bring us to repentance , and that whether we look back into our own particular actions , or consider those publick and national transgressions , whereby we have so long and loudly call'd to heaven for vengeance ; we must with shame and indignation confess our selves some of the greatest of sinners ; i cannot but think , both the solemn occasion of this day , and the design of my text , to be a most proper and seasonable admonition to us , to turn unto the lord our god , and to implore his blessing upon our present enterprises , that those vile insects , the locusts and caterpillars , that have so barbarously consumed our neighbours round about us ; our worse than assyrian or babylonian enemies , may not be able to prevail against us . and indeed , however it has pleased god , as at this time , to give us some encouragement to trust in his mercy ; yet we cannot so soon forget , that we have also born the punishment of our sins . for not to repass upon the things that are at a greater distance from us ; let the instances still fresh in all our memories , speak to us : what just apprehensions did we but very lately lie under of our lives , and of what is yet dearer to us than our lives , our liberty , and our religion ? how did our enemies not only project our ruin , but as , if it were already accomplished , begin to say in their hearts , nay , they began freely to speak it out to us ; aha! so would we have it : persecute them , and take them ; for there is none to deliver them . and if now we are no longer exposed to those dangers that so lately threatned us ; if god has begun , upon our late more serious concern for religion , and more general return to him , to give us some testimony of his gracious designations towards us ; this certainly ought to be so far from lessening our solemn humiliation at this time , that it should rather engage us to be the more forward in perfecting our repentance , the greater encouragement we have to hope , that it shall be accepted at our hands . and i must now beg leave , with so much the more earnestness , to enforce the duty of my text : therefore also now , saith the lord , turn ye even to me with all your heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning : and rent your hearts , and not your garments , and turn unto the lord your god. by how much i hope i may with the greater assurance propose to you the promise of it for your encouragement : for he is gracious and merciful , slow to anger , and of great kindness , and repenteth him of the evil . i have already pointed out to you the two great parts of my text ; and which must therefore be the subject of my discourse upon it ; viz. i. the address of the holy prophet to his country , and in that the exhortation ; which i am earnestly in the name of god to recommend unto you this day ; to turn unto the lord your god with all your heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning . ii. the great encouragement which he offer'd to induce them , and which ought to be of no less a force to stir up all of us to a serious and diligent performance of it . for he is gracious and merciful , slow to anger , and of great kindness , and repenteth him of the evil . i begin with the former of these , the exhortation of my text : i. to turn unto the lord your god with all your heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mouring . and here i presume i shall not need to tell you , that all this is but a larger paraphrase of what i may in other words call a general and national repentance , of those publick and national sins which had provoked god almighty to send down so many judgments upon them , and to threaten them with yet greater , if they continu'd still in their impenitence . and indeed , what could be more reasonable , than by such a solemn and universal acknowledgment both of the evils they had committed , and of the judgments which they deserved , and of the sorrow they were now touch'd with for their offences , to appease god's anger for that general incorrigibleness , by which they had so long exposed both his goodness and his justice to contempt , among the heathen round about him ? for however it be very certain , that all the outward pomp and solemnity of repentance , the fasting , and the weeping , and the mourning , are at best but a form of godliness , empty and unprofitable , unless there be also added to these that true and inward change of mind , in which alone consists the power of it ; yet there may be such circumstances and cases put , wherein this duty must pass beyond the heart and the closet , and the humiliation will be imperfect , if it be not as publickly set forth to the eyes of men , as it is sincerely perform'd in the sight of god. and such especially must be the repentance for national sins . where mens transgressions have been open and notorious , there their return also must be no less solemn and evident ; that so the honour as well as justice of god may be vindicated in their forgiveness ; and some sort of reparation made not only for the guilt which they have contracted , but also for the scandal which they have given to his honour and religion in the world. now 't is this which at once both declares the piety , and commands the publick humiliation of this day . c and for the due discharge whereof , i must intreat you to go along with me in these following reflections . 1st . that though , as i have just now shewn , there must be the publick marks of sorrow and humiliation in our publick repentance , yet we must by no means stop in these ; nor think that this is all that god requires of us in order to our forgiveness . this was indeed the vanity of the jews heretofore , and is too much the folly of some misguided christians now . their indignation against their sins , and against themselves for having committed them , was spent especially in the outward appearance of sorrow . they rent their cloaths ; and put on sackcloath ; they wept , and fasted and went softly ; and then they supposed they had done their business ; though it may be their souls were not yet humbled ; nor their hearts at all broken with any true contrition for their sins . and so among those of the church of rome at this day . if we may believe some of their greatest casuists , an external worship is sufficient to carry a man to heaven , without the trouble of the true inward devotion of the soul : he may repent without contrition ; may fast with a full meal : nay , and if the pope pleases , d may obtain a plenary remission of his sins , se ancho non fosse confesso ne contrito ; though he has neither confess'd them to any priest , nor finds in his own heart any manner of contrition for them . i shall not need to say how many new ways of salvation of this kind they have found out ; by wearing a leathern girdle about their loins , or scapularies over their shoulders ; by listing themselves into such or such certain fraternities ; by dressing of altars , and going on pilgrimages ; by holy water , and agnus deis : and all which , and infinite more of the like kind , if , as our late masters tell us , they are not authorized by their church , yet i am sure are publickly recommended by their greatest men , and generally practised too , without any censure or contradiction among them . this is certain , that all these , and whatever artifices of the like kind , men may please either to flatter themselves , or to delude others withal , without a true contrition , and a serious reformation they are all but vanity ; they make a shew of piety in the eyes of men , but they avail nothing to our forgiveness with god. i will not dispute of what use some of these external performances may be to assist our repentance , and render our sorrow for sin the more solemn , and so in some cases , as i have before observed , the more pleasing to god. i know well enough that st. paul has told us , that bodily exercise , where 't is discreetly order'd , does profit a little , though it be not like godliness , profitable for all things . but then as 't is plain , that the greatest part of those follies so much magnified and recommended in the church of rome , are but vain and ridiculous impositions to cheat the silly and superstitious multitude ; so 't is certain that the best of these things are neither in themselves meritorious , much less satisfactory for sins , as they pretend them to be , nor otherwise of any value at all with god , than as they are attended with that true repentance , which alone can either incline his mercy or obtain our forgiveness . if we will therefore make our solemn e humiliation this day acceptable to god , and available to our selves , our country , and our religion , we must take the method of the prophet in our text : we must turn unto the lord our god with all our heart , and then our fasting , and our weeping , and our mourning shall indeed be pleasing unto him . we must rent our hearts and not , i. e. rather than our garments ; must humble our souls first , and then the violence we do our bodies will be consider'd by him . when jonah denounced gods judgments against niniveh , we read in his 3d. chapter , that the people of niniveh believed , and proclaimed a fast , and put on sackcloath , from the greatest of them even unto the least . f but was this therefore that repentance for which he spared them ? no , it is not so much as once mentioned among the reasons of it . it was the reformation of their lives that tied up his hand , and sheathed his sword , ver . 10. and god saw their works , that they turn'd from their evil way ; and god repented of the evil that he said he would do unto them , and he did it not . 2. and this brings me to a second remark for the farther clearing of this great duty ; viz. that not only these outward marks of penitence are not sufficient to the discharge of it , but though we should to these add a true and real sorrow of heart for the sins we have committed , even this would not be sufficient to purchase our forgiveness . now by true sorrow , i do not mean that little imperfect sorrow , which looks rather to the danger of our condition , than to the heinousness of our offences ; and bewails our transgressions more out of an apprehension of those judgments that may be the consequence of them , than out of any real regret that we have sinned against a most gracious and merciful god. for however those of the other communion , out of their great tenderness to sinners , have declared such a sorrow as this , if accompanied with confession , to be sufficient for mens salvation ; and therefore have resolved , that true contrition or a sorrow for sin comitted , with a purpose of sinning no more , is not necessary to the sacrament of pennance , after the commission of mortal sin , but that attrition is sufficient , though a man knows it to be no more ; yet i suppose it needless in this place to obviate any such gross error , however otherwise of very great danger , in the practice of this duty . be the sorrow for sin never so sincere ; and our resolutions thereupon no more to return to the commission of it never so firm and well grounded , yet if instead of making good these resolutions we shall stop here , we are but half penitents ; we yet want that change of life , which alone is able to compleat the nature , and render the practice of our repentance acceptable unto god , and available to our forgiveness . 3. in short , thirdly , if we will truly discharge that repentance , to which we are here called , we must do it not by being sorry for our sins , or by resolving against them , but by an effectual forsaking of them ; i. e. as our text speaks , by turning unto the lord our god. this is that which alone can implore his favour , and commend us to his mercy . and this was what i before observed in the case of niniveh : when god saw their works that they turned from their evil way , then he repented him of the evil that he had said he would do unto them , and he did it not . nay , but it is not any turning unto god that will suffice neither : we must turn * even unto him , and with all our † heart : words very emphatical , and which offer to us two great conditions , which are absolutely necessary to render our conversion every way such as it ought to be . first , that it must be hearty and sincere : there must be nothing of the hypocrite mix'd with it ; our souls must go along with our outward performances ; and these penitential appearances be the true declarations of that real inward sorrow which we feel in our hearts for our offences . for god is not a man that he should be mocked . he sees into our very souls , and knows the secrets of all the children of men. and secondly , that it must be intire and without reserve : as we must be sorry for every sin we have already committed , so we must resolve against ever committing any for the time to come ; for god is of purer eyes than to behold the least iniquity ; and if our repentance be sincere , so shall we be too . the same piety which moves us to hate any evil , will equally fill us with an aversion against all . and if we desire to continue but in one offence , it is because that we do truly repent of none . so that now then if we will answer the design of this day : if we will render our fast such as the lord has chosen , and has promised to reward with the blessings both of this life , and of that which is to come ; we must not think it enough that we comply with the outward ceremonies and shew of repentance , but we must indeed resolve to bring forth the fruits of it . whilst we address our selves to god for pardon , we must take heed to dispose our souls in such a manner , that we may be fit to receive it . and if we thus improve the great solemnity of this day , we shall not fail to meet with a favourable acceptance at the throne of grace . god will be jealous for his land , and pity his people : he will perfect the great deliverance he has begun for us , and once more render us the fear and the terror of all our enemies round about us . our faith which has so often triumph'd over all the arguments of its adversaries , shall now no less triumph over all their black designs to root it out and to destroy it ; and shew to all the world , that though for our tryal god may sometimes permit the winds to blow , and the flouds to rise , and the storms to beat against our church , yet has he founded it on that rock that shall never fail ; nor shall the gates of hell , either the power of france or the cunning of the jesuit , or the malice of both , ever be able to prevail against it . and this brings me to the other thing i am to speak to : our encouragement to this duty . ii. for god is grciouas and merciful , slow to anger and of great kindness , and repenteth him of the evil. it is not at all needful for me to enter on any particular explication of all these gracious attributes , and shew what arguments every one of them affords to engage us to repentance . two things in general there are , which will at first sight arise from them to excite us to it , viz. 1st the goodness and mercy of god to the greatest sinners upon their repentance . god is gracious and merciful , and of great kindness . 2dly his unwillingness to pronounce any judgments at all against them , and his readiness to recal them , if they repent . he is slow to anger , and repenteth him of the evil. and 1st of the goodness and mercy of god to the greatest of sinners upon their repentance . he is gracious and merciful and of great kindness . when god proclaimed his own name in the midst of the people of israel , we read in the xxxiv . of exodus , that he chose to do it not so much in the terrible attributes of his majesty and power , as in the soft idea's of his mercy and goodness , the lord , the lord god , merciful and gracious , long-suffering and abundant in goodness and truth ; keeping mercy for thousands , forgiving iniquity , and transgression , and sin . and if we look into all the following representations which he makes of himself , whether by his holy prophets under the legal , but especially by our blessed saviour and his apostles under the christian dispensation , we shall find there is no character he so much delights in as this of being good and gracious , not willing that any should perish , but that all should come to repentance . 2 peter iii. 8. and now what more forcible encouragement can any one desire to bring him to repentance , than to be thus assured of the goodness and mercy of god to the greatest of sinners , if they repent ? that he will not only forgive him upon his return , but will even assist him with grace and strength in the doing of it . that he desires not the death of the most profligate offender , but rather that he should turn from his wickedness and live . in a word , that he has promised forgiveness , without exception , to the most wicked men upon their repentance ; so that if they will but yet break off their evil course , and keep his statutes , and do that which is lawful and right , they shall surely live , they shall not dye . ezek. xviii . 21. many are the ways , and excellent the methods that god has taken to convince us of his mercy , and the time would fail me to enter on a particular consideration of them . sometimes he declares not only that he is ready to pardon us if we repent , but that he even desires we should repent that he may forgive us . and least his word should not be sufficient , he confirms that desire with an oath , ezek. xxxiii . 11. as i live , saith the lord god , i have no pleasure in the death of the wicked , but that the wicked turn from his way and live : turn ye , turn ye from your evil ways , for why will ye die o house of israel ? sometimes he expostulates with us in the way of reasoning , to see if by that means he may be able to bring us to consider his love and affection to us . isai. i. 16. wash ye , make ye clean , put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes ; cease to do evil , learn to do well . — come now and let us reason together , saith the lord : tho your sins be as scarlet , they shall be white as snow ; though they be red like crimson , they shall be as wooll . if he exhorts us to repentance , he always does it upon this promise , that he will pardon us if we repent . if we turn from our sins , iniquity shall not be our ruine . if he threatens judgments , yet still he keeps a reserve for mercy to triumph over judgment ; and will rather be thought inconstant in his most peremptory decrees , than inexorable to repenting sinners . thus he commanded jonah to go to niniveh , and to pronounce an utter destruction against it . he fix'd the very time too , yet fourty days and niniveh shall be overthrown . but what now was the issue of all this ? why , the city believed , and feared god , and turn'd from their evil way : and god repented of the evil that he said he would do unto them , and he did it not , jonah . 3. and what must the consequence of all these reflections be , but to engage us not to dispise the goodness of god , whereby he thus graciously invites us to repentance ; but to conclude with holy david , psal. cxxx . 3. if thou lord shouldst be extream to mark what is done amiss , o god who may abide it ? but there is mercy with thee , therefore shalt thou be feared . and what i have now said of gods mercy in general , will yet more hold in the other part of this character , wherein is set out to us in particular . secondly , his great unwillingness to pronounce any judgments at all against sinners , and his readiness to recal them upon their repentance . he is slow to anger , and repenteth him of the evil. and because i would now , were i able , speak not so much to your reason , as to your sense and experience , to your consciences and affections ; i will for the proof of this no more lead you back to the israelites in this prophecy ; to past-times , and unknown countries ; but will rather desire you to consider your own times , your own country , and if you will allow me freely to add it , your own souls . which of all these will not afford me an evident demonstration of the patience and long-suffering of god ? and speak him in the words of the text , to be a god slow to anger , and that repenteth him of the evil ? that after so many sins , as we have every one , the very best of us committed , we are yet alive this day , whereas god might , if he had pleased , long since have cut us off in the midst of our sins : that after so many calls and invitations as he has sent to bring us to repentance , he is still pleased to call and to invite us to it : that notwithstanding we have so far abused his goodness and long-suffering , as to improve that which above all things should have the most engaged us to our duty , into an encouragement to go on the rather in our sins ; he nevertheless still continues to us the offers of pardon and peace , if we will even now in this our day consider the things that make for our peace : what is all this but a most demonstrative , as well as a most affectionate proof , that god is indeed slow to anger , not willing that any should perish , but that all should come to repentance ? that he has deliver'd us out of so many dangers , in which , but for his providence over us we must long since have perish'd : that he has smitten us in mercy , not in judgment ; to correct and admonish , not to ruine and destroy us : that upon our deprecating his anger , he has at any time heard our prayers , and answer'd our desires : what is this but a plain evidence that he smites not willingly , nor loves to afflict the children of men : and so is a god repenting him of the evil that he is at any time forced either to threaten us with , or to bring upon us . and if we look into his dispensations towards us in the common concern of our country and our religion ; how slow must that god have been to anger , who after so many years attendance , nevertheless still calls upon us , as at this day , to turn from our evil way , and from the violence that is in our hands , that our iniquity may not be our ruine ? and for his repenting him of the evil , which we have sometimes forced him by our continual provocations to send upon us : let the instances which we our selves have known suffice to tell us , how unwilling he has shewn himself to bring us to an utter desolation . when it pleased god for our iniquities , to despise , in his indignation , both the king and the priest ; and by the deplorable judgment of civil confusions , had proved and exercised us about twenty years ; with what a miracle of mercy did he turn again the captivity of sion , and restore to us both our government and religion , as before ? when this would not do , but our sins and our prosperity return'd together ; so that we were again in a very few years become ripe for judgment ; he called forth a destroying angel ; he put a new sword into his hand , and commanded him to slay his thousands and ten thousands in our streets . the plague consum'd our strength , and hardly was that pass'd , when another vengeance , a devouring fire , such as scarce any age or country has ever heard of , burnt down our dwellings . and had not the hand of god wonderfully interposed , we must have been as sodom , and we should have been like unto gomorrah . and yet how did he then cover us with his hand in that day of his displeasure ? he neither suffer'd our enemies to invade us from abroad , nor any domestick quarrels to embroil us at home . he preserved us in peace ; he sent again the blessings of plenty and prosperity among us , and our city is risen more great and glorious out of its ashes . what shall i say to the fears and jealousies we have labour'd under since , from a restless party , enemies to the name of protestant , and by principle conjured , if they can , to root it out of the world ? in how many dangers has god delivered us ? and how many designs , for ought we know , may he have prevented , which have not yet been brought to light ? and when at last , either to awaken us the more effectually to a repentance of our sins , or it may be to accomplish the number of their iniquities , he deliver'd us over for a little while into the hands of our enemies ; and to convince the most incredulous among us , what the true spirit of prevailing popery is , suffer'd them with such an inconsiderate fury to pursue our ruine , that no ties , either of god or man , were sufficient to restrain them ; but all obligations , whether of justice or conscience , were equally trampled under their feet : how did it then please our almighty defender to assert his character of being a god repenting him of the evil that he had brought upon us , in a manner that is the wonder and astonishment of the present , and , that i am perswaded , shall be the praise and triumph of his church in all succeeding generations ? he raised us up a deliverer out of the house of his servant david . he touch'd his princely heart with a generous sense both of the evils which we had suffer'd , and of the greater that we apprehended . his honour and his zeal enflamed him to do somewhat worthy himself ; and that might answer the mighty hopes god had prepared us to conceive of him. he meditated the great work of delivering our countrey from oppression , and our religion from destruction . and by the blessing of god , he accomplish'd it , in a manner , so extraordinary in all its circumstances , as , i think , should not suffer us to doubt from whose providence it was , that this redemption was sent to us . this was the lord's doing , and , whatever it is , i am sure ought to be , marvellous in our eyes : and may , i think , be a final , i hope it shall be an effectual confirmation to us of this great engagement of our text , to turn to him with all our hearts ; viz. that he is a god repenting him of the evil ; and therefore whose mercy , if we now truly do so , we may securely depend upon both for the forgiveness of our sins , and for our deliverance from those dangers which our sins have so justly exposed us to . and now what remains , but that having all these great encouragements , such promises , or rather , such an earnest of god's favour to us , we resolve , every one of us , seriously to comply with the great design both of this day and of this discourse ; and by our sincere repentance for our past offences , obtain that blessing we so much desire both for our countrey , and for our religion . never was there a time wherein we had greater reason to hope for god's acceptance than at this day ; and such an occasion as this , to implore his favour , there may not perhaps again occur in the course of many ages . for indeed what is it that we are now assembled to recommend to his mercy , but in effect the preservation of our selves , our laws , our liberties , and our religion , against the violence of those who have long conspired both their and our destruction . that he would preside in our councils , and go forth with our armies ; and so direct the one , and prosper the other , that we may again enjoy the blessings of peace and security ; that there may be no decay , no leading into captivity , and no just complaining in our streets . and this he will do , if we be not our selves wanting to our own preservation . only let us act as becomes good christians , and true englishmen ; let us do all things for the glory of god , and for the safety , honour , and welfare of our country : in the words of joab to his brother alishai , upon an occasion not much different from our own at this time ; let us be strong , and of good courage , and let us play the men for our people , and for the cities of our god ; and then he will not fail us , nor forsake us . but if instead of pursuing the things that make for our peace , we shall still go on to precipitate our own destruction : if when we are call'd this day to turn unto the lord our god with all our hearts , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning ; we shall instead thereof fast only for strife and for debate : if when we should be here prostrating our selves before the lord , to implore the completion of that great deliverance he has begun to work for us ; we shall , on the contrary , continue ungratefully to murmur against his providence , and be ready almost to implead his justice for what he has already done ; and with those repining israelites of old , be looking back again to our egyptian bondage , when we are brought even within prospect of the promised land : in a word , if when we should be uniting our selves against the common enemy of our country and christendom , we shall suffer a spirit of faction and sedition , of mutiny and discontent ; of private interests , and unseasonable resentments , to distract our councils , and divide us against one another ; what can we then expect , but that god should at last give us over into the hands of our enemies , and make those that hate us to rule over us . wherefore now , arise o ye worthies , ye chosen , and counsellours of our israel ; consult , consider , and resolve : and may the god of heaven ; the god before whom we are here assembled this day ; he who has , and does , and we trust will still deliver us ; our rock , and our defence against the face of our enemies , so direct and prosper all your consultations , that the children which are yet unborn , may rise up in their generations , and call you blessed , when they shall enjoy the benefits of that peace , that security , which we trust shall descend to them , through your wise and vigorous resolutions . behold this day the eyes not of your own nation only , but of all the nations round about us , fix'd upon you : the fortunes , i do not say , of every single person among you , though that were somewhat ; nor of your own country and religion only , which ought to be much more valued ; but what is yet more considerable , the fortunes of all the reformed churches , and distressed countries of europe , depending on the success of our present enterprizes . this is the fatal crisis , that must secure or ruine both them and us for ever . may the consideration of all these things , inspire every one of you with a spirit suitable to that great trust that is here committed to you : a spirit of wisdom and understanding ; a spirit of prudence and discretion ; a spirit of charity and moderation ; but above all with a spirit of piety and unity ; that being endu'd with all these excellent qualities , ye may become the repairers of our breaches ; the restorers of our almost lost and trampled liberties ; the defenders of our faith ; the support of your country ; the avengers of your barbarously abus'd allies ; the scourge and terror of the universal enemy of truth , peace , religion , nature : in short , of all the common laws and rights of god and of all mankind . may your councils be govern'd with such a calmness and temper , as may settle and compose all the unquiet and dissatisfied spirits ( if there be any ) yet remaining among us ; and suffer none to regret our wonderful preservation , but those only whose fury had once prompted them to attempt , and whose principles still carry them on , to desire our destruction . may your resolutions be as speedy , as the publick necessities are pressing ; and their execution be accompanied with a fidelity and success that may equal not only our expectation , but even our very hopes and our desires . and for the accomplishment of all these blessings , and whatever else may serve to make these kingdoms happy . may we all this day , fast the fast which the lord has chosen ; to loose the bands of wickedness , to undo the heavy-burdens , and to let the oppressed go free . let us confess our wickedness , and be sorry for our sins . let us turn to the lord our god with all our heart ; and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning . let us deal our bread to the hungry , and bring the poor to our houses . then shall we call , and the lord shall answer ; we shall cry , and he shall say here i am . our light shall break forth as the morning , and our righteousness as the noon-day . god shall come , and shall not keep silence : he shall save us from our enemies , and put them to shame that hate us . he shall arise , and all our adversaries shall be scatter'd ; they also that hate us shall flee before us ; like as the smoke vanisheth , so shall we drive them away ; terror and dread shall fall upon them . so shall all our mourning be turned into laughter , and our heaviness into joy ; and we shall yet sing the song of moses and of the lamb , when he shall have given us rest from all our enemies round about us ; salvation and glory , and power , and praise , and thanksgiving , be to him that sitteth upon the throne , and to the lamb for ever and ever . amen . finis . books published by the reverend mr. wake . printed for richard chiswell . an exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , in the several articles proposed by the late bishop of condom , [ in his exposition of the doctrine of the catholick church . ] 4 o. a defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the exceptions of mons. de meaux , late bishop of condom , and his vindicator . a second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the new exceptions of monsieur de meaux , late bishop of condom , and his vindicator . the first part : in which the account that has been given of the bishop of meaux's exposition , is fully vindicated , the distinction of old and new popery , historically asserted , and the doctrine of the church of rome , in point of image worship , more particularly consider'd . second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against monsieur de meaux and his vindicator , the second part . a discourse of the holy eucharist , in the two great points of the real presence , and the adoration of the host : in answer to the two discourses lately printed at oxford , on this subject . to which is prefixed a large historical preface , relating to the same argument . two discourses of purgatory and prayers for the dead . 4 o. a continuation of the controversie between the church of england and the church of rome , being a full account of the books that have been of late written on both sides . an historical treatise of transubstantion . written by an author of the communion of the church of rome ; rendred into english. with a preface . preparation for death ; being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france , in a distemper of which she died . printed for william rogers . a discourse concerning the nature of idolatry ; in which a late author ( viz. ) the bp. of oxford's true and only notion of idolatry , is considered and confuted 4 o. the sum of a conference between dr. clagett and f. p. gooden , about transubstantiation . publish'd by this author . and to be added to dr. clagett's sermons now in the press , which will be publish'd this term. printed for richard chiswell , and william rogers . an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants . in a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-court , may 26. 1689. a sermon preach'd before the honourable house of commons , at st. margaret's westminster , june 5. 1689. being the fast-day appointed by the king and queen's proclamation , to implore the blessing of almighty god upon their majesties forces by sea and land , and success in the war now declared against the french king. other tracts by the same author . a sermon preached at paris , on the 30th of january , s. v. 1684 / 5. the present state of the controversie . sure and honest means for conversion of all hereticks ; and wholsom advice and expedients for the reformation of the church . translated , and published with a preface . a letter from several french ministers fled into germany , upon the account of the persecution in france , to such of their brethren in england , as approved the king's declaration touching liberty of conscience . translated from the original french. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66335-e400 joel ii. 1. — 2. — 3. — 10. a judaei putant in diebus joel tam innumerabilem locustarum super judaeam venisse multitudinem , ut cuncta complerent , & non dicam fruges , sed ne vinearum quidem & arborum cortices , ramosque dimitterent , ita ut omni virore consumpto arentes arborumrami , & sicca vinearum flagella remanerent . hieron . in joel i. v. 6. b ch. i. 4. c see among the ancients , st. hierome . loc . cit . drusius in joel i. 1. grotius in joel i. 5. theodoret in cap. 1. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . v. pl. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ver . 12. psal. lxxi . 9. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrys. hom. ad pop . aniooch . 3. 2 sam. iii. 31. 1 king. xxi . 27. d this passage is so very extraordinary , that i ought to give some account of it . pope boniface ix . having granted a large indulgence at rome , whether the lombards , by reason of the wars they then had , could not go to gain it , at the prayer of john galeas , visconte of milan he grants the same indulgence to milan he had done at rome , viz. that all the subjects of the said galeas , though they had neither confess'd their sins , nor were contrite for them , should yet be absolved of all their sins ; only for visiting a few churches , and paying the sum of money prefix'd by the said bull : — cioè ( says their own historion ) che ciasciascuno nel dominio del visconte , se ancho non fosse contrito , ne corfesso , fosse assoluto di ogni peccato . bern. corio nella sua hist. di milan . terza part . pag. 629. ed. venet. 1565. see dr. brevints saul and samuel at endor . crasset devotion veritable envers la st c. vierge . part . ult . 1 tim. 4. 8. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrys. hom. ad antioch . 3. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. chrys. ad antioch . hom. 3. conc. tr. sess. xiv . cap. 4. * veraciter integraliter . lyr. mercer . † revera , ex animo , non simulatè . drus. seriò ac bonâ fide . grot. psal. xliv . 21. 1 chron. xxviii . 9. rom. viii . 27. habac. i. 13. joel . ii . 18. deut. ii . 25. matt. xvi . 18. exod. xxxiv . 6 , 7. isaiah 1. — 16. — 17. — 18. ezek. xviii . 30. jonah . iii. 4. — 10. lam. iii. 33. ezek. xviii . 30. lam. ii . 6. psal. cxxvi . 1. isaiah i. 9. psal. cxliv. 14. 2 sam. x. 12. isa. lviii . 4. isa. lviii . 6. psal. xxxviii . 18. joel . ii . 13. isa. lviii . 7. ● — 8. — 9. psal. l. 3. psal. xliv . 7. psal. lxviii . 1. — 2. exod. xv . 16. a sermon preached upon the xxxth of january s.v. 1684/5, at paris in the chappel of the right honourable the lord vicount preston, his majestie's envoy extraordinary in the court of france wake, william, 1657-1737. 1685 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a71251) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56982) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 881:15 or 1134:9) a sermon preached upon the xxxth of january s.v. 1684/5, at paris in the chappel of the right honourable the lord vicount preston, his majestie's envoy extraordinary in the court of france wake, william, 1657-1737. [8], 46, [2] p. printed for moses pitt ..., london : 1685. running title: a sermon upon the thirtieth of january, 1684/5. attributed to william wake. cf. bm. epistle dedicatory signed: w.w. advertisement: p. [1]-[2] at end. this work appears as wing w262 at reel 881:15 and as wing w151 (number cancelled) at reel 1134:9. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -joel ii, 15-17 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached upon the xxx th . of january s. v. 1684 / 5. at paris in the chappel of the right honourable the lord vicount preston , his majestie' 's envoy extraordinary in the court of france . london , printed for moses pitt , at the angel in st. paul's church-yard , 1685. to the right honourable richard lord vicovnt preston , his majestie 's envoy extraordinary in the court of france . my lord , had i no other consideration in the publishing of this discourse , than to make an open acknowledgment of my duty to your lordship , ( and not be silent at a time when the applauses of the most indifferent persons declare their satisfaction at your continuance of that character , which none can better sustain , nor has any ever born it with greater honour and fidelity , than all men must confess your lordship to have done it ) i should think it sufficient to outweigh all those censures , which perhaps may pass , with security enough , both upon me and it. [ it was not to be doubted , but that a prince so wise to understand , so gracious to reward the services of the meanest of his subjects , would have a particular regard to a merit and loyalty great as your lordship 's ; and not so soon part with a minister , whom he knows to have been such , as others promise they will be . it is the vanity of most men to speak great things , it is your lordship's honour that you do them : and i may without danger of any censure , but your own , truly say , that in a station which affords , if any other , tryals and opportunities to exercise the highest abilities , you have exceeded not only your own promises , but even our hopes , and given us an assurance that there is nothing now remaining that can equal the greatness of your mind . permit me , my lord , to render this short testimony to your vertues , so far from flattery , that those who know your lordship , will confess it to be hardly the truth ; and if you please pardon my presumption in this address , i believe as unexpected to your lordship , as i can justly say it was undesigned by me . ] but , my lord , it has been thought fit to give your lordship this satisfaction , that whilst you are rendring your obedience to his majestie 's commands in england , we have not been less careful , both to shew our selves , and to exhort others to be as firm to their loyalty here : and since we could not have the honour of your presence to compleat the utmost solemnity of this day amongst us , by this address at least to joyn you in our service , and return our acknowledgments for that opportunity we have had under your protection , to remember the captivity of zion in a strange land. the only thing that might justly have deterr'd me from this attempt , was the meanness of the performance , did i not consider that saints and martyrs ( like that god before whom they stand ) are not so much taken with the elegant composures of their votaries , as with their piety and sincerity ; and accept him who brings an honest heart , rather than an accurate discourse to their memories . and this , my lord , were the sermon it self silent , yet the honour i have to belong to your lordship , would undoubtedly confirm to as many as have ever known your character . may your lordship long have the happiness to continue your services to his sacred majesty and the royal family , and encrease every day those applauses that are so justly paid to your great vertues ; whilst i still endeavour by all the duties of my employ , more and more to deserve that title i most desire , of being , with all humble duty and respect , my lord , your lordship 's most faithful and most devoted chaplain and servant , w. w. eccl . joe● . ii. 15 , 16 , 17. blow the trumpet in zion , sanctifie a fast , call a solemn assembly . gather the people : sanctifie the congregation : assemble the elders : gather the children , and those that suck the breasts : let the bridegroom go forth of his chamber , and the bride out of her closet . let the priests , the ministers of the lord , weep between the porch and the altar , and let them say , spare thy people , o lord , and give not thine heritage to reproach ; that the heathen should rule over them : wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? so contrary is the mournful appearance of this day , to those triumphs and rejoycings wherewith our primitive predecessors were wont to celebrate the memories of their martyrs , that either the spirit of christianity seems very much decayed in us , or something must be thought to have been defective in that saint , whose death we thus lament , instead of magnifying his conflicts , and glorying in his victory . indeed had we only to commemorate the merits of the martyr , the innocence and piety wherein he lived , and the constancy and magnanimity with which he died , these funeral obsequies would be very unbecoming the solemnity of out remembrance : and we might esteem it a crime to let our hymns and our praises fall any thing short of the most celebrated festivals of the saints of old ; when both the excellence of the cause , and the resolution of the person , and the barbarity of his sufferings , so far exceeded the most of theirs . and this perhaps the generations to come may think themselves obliged to do : but alass ! the return of this day brings with it another , and sadder remembrance to us ; and when our tongues would speak the glories of this martyr , our consciences confound us with horror to consider , that we our selves were his persecutors . had the death he suffered been the sin of some other hand , had an infidel nation risen up against him , or had the chance of war cut him off in our own , we might have regretted the loss of so royal a defender , but should soon have turned our sorrow into joy , and have giving him a name superiour to the chiefest of those hero 's that fabulous antiquity can boast of . but that we who were obliged by all the ties of god and man to obey him , should destroy that life , for which we ought not to have refused any hazard of our own ; that we who were certainly his subjects , and who pretend to be christians too , should violate all the rights of majesty ; trample under foot all the commands of that gospel , by which we are called ; and imbrue our hands in royal and innocent bloud , after so barbarous a manner , that no antiquity can afford a parrallel ; this raises those clouds that obscure so bright a day ; and instead of appearing at his monument with songs of eucharist for his victory , calls us here , between the porch and the altar , to confess our own sins . spare thy people , o lord , and give not thine heritage to reproach ; that the heathen should rule over them : wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? and here , would to god the sincerity of our repentance might in some degree , answer the heinousness of our sin . that out piety this day , might as effectually contribute to the appeasing , as the violence committed on it has too fatally concurred to the kindling gods anger against us. that as our church , so far from being involved in the guilt , that she partook in all his sufferings , has nevertheless provided , by an annual return of this day , to remember that sin , which neither we , nor our posterity , shall ever be able sufficiently to lament ; so may we as sincerely observe , as she has piously established the fast ; and speak at least our detestation of the sin , if we cannot attone the greatness of the guilt . it is not necessary that i should enter on any curious enquiry into the occasion of this prophecy , to apply it to our present assembling at this time : that which may be seen of it at the first view is sufficient to approve my choice , that the jews by their sins had provoked god's anger against them , and had already felt in great measure his punishments too . the famine consumed them ; the drought burnt up their ground ; the remainder of their increase the worm and the caterpillar consumed . in a word , they were brought down to the very brink of destruction , and had only remaining this solemn manner of repentance , to appease his anger , and to prevent their ruin . i hope there is no one so little sensible of those evils , our own nation has laboured under , that i need enter on a remembrance so fresh and so ungrateful . the wounds are scarce yet closed , which our own hands have given us ; and the repose we even now enjoy , seems rather an interval lent us by heaven to see if we will yet repent , than any firm and established peace . our fears have again been awaked at new attempts , and we have had but too just cause to apprehend , if not joel's famine of bread ; yet what is infinitely worse , amos's famine of the word among us : let us therefore as we have transcribed the example of these jews , both in our sins and in our punishments , so take now the advice of the prophet , as spoken to our selves ; it may be yet to redress and to secure all . blow the trumpet in sion : sanctifie a fast , &c. our text naturally resolves its self into these three heads of discourse , and every one so proper to our present consideration , that i shall not be able to pass by any . first : the nature of that fast , which the prophet here proposes to be observed by us ; blow the trumpet in sion : call a solemn assembly . secondly : the manner how we ought to prepare for it ; sanctifie the fast. thirdly : the method of celebrating of it ; let the priests , the ministers of the lord , weep between the porcb and the altar , and let them say , spare thy people , o lord. i begin with the first of these ; i. the nature of that fast , which the prophet here proposes to be observed by us ; blow the trumpet in sion : call a solemn assembly . so exactly correspondent is the establishment of this holy day to the prescription of our text , that it might almost be imagined , that our church had taken not only the authority of the prophet to establish the fast , but even the particulars of his advice for her direction how to do it . if first we consider the original of this fast ; ours , as well as his , is established by publick authority . the trumpet has sounded from zion , and the voice of it is gone out into all the corners of our israel . 't is our obedience to this call that draws us from our closets to the congregation , and makes our mourning now as publick and solemn , as both our own piety , and the sad occasion , would otherwise have rendred it great and sincere . secondly , for the extent of it , ours , as well as his , is universal : no quality , no sex no age exempt : not the bridegoom excepted in the days of his feasting ; nor the bride to accomplish the week of her rejoycing . from the elders of our tribes , to the least child in our houses , all are called to this fast , and 't is to be hoped that every one will be as ready to obey their call , as our governours have been carefull to proclaim it to us . lastly ; for the uniformity and solemnity of this fast , we have our form too prescribed wherein to keep it ; and though our offering be more large , and extended to those particulars , which our sins have occasioned , yet is the summ of all the very same , which the holy prophet commanded the priests , the ministers of the lord , to weep between the porch and the altar ; and say , spare thy people , o lord , and give not thine heritage to reproach ; that the heathen should rule over them : wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? such is the parallel of this day , with the pattern of that fast which the prophet joel prescribed in our text ; and sure nothing could have been more applicable to the circumstances of our own . first , for the authority of its establishment ; what could have been imagined more proper to appease the anger of heaven for faults committed by an usurped and pretended power , than so solemn a repentance prescribed by the lawful and true one ? long had the trumpet been blown to war and to rebellion ; the church become militant ; and our pulpits , instead of setting forth the gospel of peace , spoke nothing but wars , and seditions , and tumults to the people . it became us certainly at last to sound it to some other blast ; and remember , that god had appointed the priests a more proper use of the trumpet , to assemble the congregation to serve the lord , than always to give the alarum to the battle to destroy their enemies . this publick testimony of sorrow , was the only act that could have been opposed to the iniquity of those ordinances , that so many years involved us in ruin and confusion . and our courts of justice , in which such numbers of loyal and innocent persons have heretofore been condemned , though they can never make us a satisfaction equal to their crimes , yet seem at least in the establishment of this day , to speak their repentance for it : and by the authority they have given to this publick sorrow , would appear not only to beg it of us , but even to intreat us to intercede with heaven too for their forgiveness . secondly , for the universality of this fast ; what less could have been done , than when all the nation were involved in the guilt , to join them all in the repentance for it ? i shall not need to say , that they were our pretended representatives at least that were the authors of this murder , and that they did it too in the name of the people of england . and however so notorious was the violence , that not only the open royalist , but even many of their own faction , secretly regretted the villany they committed ; yet still , so many consented to it ; of the rest , so many did nothing , or at least not so much as they might , and ought to have opposed it ; and even those who most attempted to prevent it , yet by their sins and their impieties , fought so much more powerfully against their soveraign , than all their arms could do to promote his cause , that even they may too much be charged as the authors of our misery ; and so all of us seem to have conspired to have made the crime of this day , in the utmost propriety of the phrase , a national sin. lastly ; for the form prescribed , wherein to speak forth our sorrow and to implore our pardon ; as it was the piety of our governours , that with one voice , as well as one heart , we should all join in this great rogation ; so may it appear too no improper manner for the solemnity of this day above all others , that the priests , the ministers of the lord , should by the uniformity of a set and well composed liturgie , at one for the rudeness and irreverence , i wish i could not say for the rash and almost blasphemous offerings of those uncommissioned teachers ; who by the unpremeditated nonsense of their prayers , no less profaned the honour of god , than by the pulpit wildfire of their sermons , they ruined both the peace of his church , and the majesty of his anointed . and now when such has been the piety of our governours , to establish the fast , and our own engagements are so great to join in the observation ; 't will be time for us next to consider , how we are to do it ; that as they have blown the trumpet in zion , so may we provide to sanctifie the fast. this therefore brings me to the second part of this discourse , ii. the manner how we ought to prepare for it ; sanctifie the congregation , &c. the word in the original , which our text twice renders to sanctifie , in its own nature seems to signifie no more than to prepare : and in that great passage of exod. xix . when god commands moses to sanctifie the people against the third day , that he intended to come down among them upon mount sinai , v. 10. we find by the execution of his commission , that it implied only a solemn declaration that they should be ready to meet the lord , v. 14 , 15. and moses , went down from the mount , and sanctified the people , and said , be ready against the third day . and the same no doubt was the design of the prophet joel in this place , where addressing himself , as is plain , to the elders of the jews , to them to whom the authority belonged , to blow the trumpet in zion : call a solemn assembly , i. e. to appoint the fast , that they should sanctifie the congregation . his meaning must be , that they should command the people to be ready against the day of the solemnity to lay aside all other business , and attend the service of the lord in the congregation . but though this therefore be the literal import of this phrase ; and perhaps all that was required of them to whom the prophet spoke , the rulers and governours of the people ; yet both the design of this warning , and the particular explication of the expression , almost always understood of that special sort of preparation , which consisted in cleansing and purifying themselves , call upon us , not only to be ready to assemble our selves on the day of the fast , but so to prepare our selves too , that we may be fit for the celebration . it was the great care of god almighty under the law , that upon all such solemn assembling as this ; the people should be sanctified before they came to the congregation , and then at least be free from any present guilt , when they met to implore the forgiveness of their past sins . hence we find what strict charges they had to purifie themselves , to wash or to change their clothes , to abstain even from lawful pleasures in which there might only seem to be a pollution ; and when this was done , what care the priests took to sanctifie the congregation , i. e. to reconcile the people , by their solemn forms of expiation to god. and sure our care to prepare our selves ought to be no less , because we are now no longer under the pedagogy of these ceremonies . and if the prophet joel here requires it , even of the jews themselves , that they should , though not omit the other , yet rather be careful to make that preparation of a spiritual holiness , which these shadows typified ; we certainly much more must resolve at this time to lay aside every accursed thing , and rent our hearts and not our garments , and turn unto the lord our god. so that here then it will be our business diligently to reflect , how we are prepared this day to sanctifie the fast. have we seriously repented of those sins that once provoked the justice of heaven to appear , as on this day , to our confusion ; and which , if our piety does nothing to prevent it , will again return to our greater desolation ? is there any one amongst us , that by the malignity of his nature , the desperateness of his fortunes , or a misguided zeal , has been actually concern'd in this great guilt , or otherwise partaken in the crime of it , by assisting , or encouraging , or even approving the doing it ? is there any one now present , who though unconcern'd in that black parricide , is yet involved in any of those principles that led to it ? has assisted , approved , or encouraged those new rebels , the progeny of the same old cause , that have again so lately endeavour'd to crown the son with the like glory their ancestours did the father ? let me beseech them either to sanctifie the fast with us , or not to joyn in the celebration : let them here sacrifice this day all such villainous thoughts , these practices , and these principles : let them offer up all those interests and resentments , that ever have , or ever may involve them in so great impiety . and having thus washed their cloths , by a repentance for what is past , let them to compleat the sanctification , here engage themselves for the time to come , actually to joyn in the contrary duties of loyalty and obedience to their king ; resolving evermore to disown all such men and such principles , as shall ever hereafter endeavour to engage them in the like detestable conspiracies . without this all our fasting and humiliation will stand us in little stead ; our assemblies , even this solemn meeting will be so far from appeasing , that it will kindle god's anger to a yet higher degree against us . in vain shall we cry every man to his god , whilest such jonases are imbarked in the same cause with us . but let us cast out the man for whose sake all these evils are come upon us ; let us examine ours souls that no accursed thing may remain in them ; then shall the storms of our civil confusions cease , when we have sacrificed these enemies to heaven and our own peace : religion and loyalty shall revive amongst us ; our country shall again flourish as a city that is at unity within it self ; peace shall be within our walls , and righteousness within our palaces ; then shall the tribes go up , the tribes of the lord , and shall worship in his house with a holy [ and united ] worship . the throne of judgement shall be established ; even the throne of the house of david for ever and ever . thus shall we render this great solemnity truly such a fast as the lord hath chosen ; our weeping and our mourning shall come up before him as the incense , acceptable in his sight : he will receive our confessions with favour , and mercy , and answer our requests with peace and security . i shall say no more to the second particular , the preparation with which we ought to sanctify the fast : our last business now to be considered , is , iii. being thus prepared , how we ought to keep the fast. and for this it is certainly impossible to pursue any better method , than that form of confession the prophet joel has here proposed to the jews ; viz. to implore the favour and mercies of heaven . 1. for the forgiveness of this great sin : spare thy people , o lord. 2. that our miseries may never be turned by the application of wicked men ; either , 1. to the scandal of god's people : and give not thine heritage to reproach : or , 2. to the ruin of our church or state : that the heathen should rule over them : or , 3. finally , to the reproach of god's providence : wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? 1. we must implore the favours and mercy of heaven for the forgiveness of this great sin : spare thy people , o lord. and here we are arrived at the proper business of this day ; to implore the pardon of a crime which my soul trembles to remember , and which i should doubt had exceeded the power of any repentance to expiate , had not the apostles left us an example , by exhorting the jews to labour for a forgiveness even of their crucifying the lord of glory . for indeed , what flouds of tears can ever be sufficient to wash off the stain of so much innocent and royal blood , as our late civil confusions have brought upon us ? is it possible for our sorrow ever to equal those violences and oppressions , those ruines and devastations , the murders , the sacrileges , those sins which our eyes have seen , and which it may be our hands have acted ? how shall i recount the most flourishing of states brought to desolation ? a church , the envy and hatred of hell , the delight of its friends , and terrour of its enemies ; so pure and orthodox its canons and confession , so learned the pens , so exemplary the lives of its professors , and when the fiery tryal came on , so firm and constant their sufferings , that the most primitive christians could not have desired any thing more conformable to their own piety ; persecuted , profaned , thrown down by enthusiastick zeal , and a thorough reformation : in a word , a king , so primitive too , that he seem'd to have revived some constantine , or theodosius , or marcian again among us ; so just and brave , that he was worthy to have ruled , though he had not been born to empire : cut off by the villainy of his own subjects ; a martyr to his religion , a sacrifice to his country , and the everlasting reproach as well as guilt of both . this is but a light description of that sin , which we are here assembled to commemorate and to lament ; and i must beg leave to add yet more ; for however it will easily be imagined that all this wickedness could not be accomplished but through innumerable crimes , which neither can any tongue express , nor any thoughts conceive , yet such unusual villainies then acted us ; which antiquity never knew , nor will posterity believe ; that we might well be esteemed to fail in that duty which this fast requires , should we not make some more solemn and particular remembrance of them . through what treachery did our anointed first fall into their nets ? when those perfidious men , to whose trust he had committed his sacred person , contrary to all the laws of nature and nations as themselves , whilst not yet villains enough to commit so black a treachery , confess'd contrary to all the sentiments of honour , and dictates of religion , sold him into the hands of his enemies , who even then design'd his destruction ? with a supplication indeed for his security , but such as a popish inquisitor uses when he delivers the poor heretick to the secular power , intreats for a life , which he both desires may not , and which he infallibly knows shall not be granted . and accordingly , how soon did all things conspire to his destruction ? when the violence of the faction broke off those treaties that had almost restored us to our peace : the lower house , that had usurped the power of the government it self before , now becomes its self reformed ; and to accomplish a villainy , which an ordinary malignant's conscience was not thought proof enough to go through with , only a few confiding men were to be trusted with so desperate a design ; a court of justice was erected , and majesty arraigned to answer for treason committed against his own rebels . how shall i recount the wickedness of their process ? a tryal only to make the condemnation the more grievous for being the more solemn and publick . in which their king was not allowed that liberty of defence which every ordinary subject claims as his right , and which they themselves enjoyed , for this notorious , this undeniable conspiracy : nay in which their president durst plainly tell his sacred majesty , that he was now in a court where reason was not to be heard . with what noise and insults was all the action carried on ? when the clamours of the people for justice first , and then for execution , was the only voice that was heard in our streets : and as if with our loyalty all sence both of religion and humanity had been lost too , some spit in his royal face as he past by ; others press'd upon him with the smoak of their tabaco , for which they knew he had a particular aversion , and even threw their pipes in his way : the least expression of reverence to him , was punished with all the violence a populer fury could execute ; and one , who , more compassionate than the rest , only wish'd him well , was kill'd upon the place for his unseasonable piety . when at last the fatal sentence was pronounced ; how hardly were they brought to allow him any assistance to prepare him for his death ? his prayers continually disturbed by the rudeness of those guards that intruded upon his most secret retirements : his last thoughts diverted with propositions to save his life , which they knew neither honour nor conscience would permit him to receive . what shouts , what acclamations , when the cruel stroke was given that finished the tragedy ? how greedily did they thirst after his blood , when some plunged their hands into his wound ; others dipt their staves in it . the very block on which he rested his sacred head cut in pieces , that every one might satisfie his cruelty with some memorial of their villainy ; and even the very boards and earth stain'd with his blood , distributed as a mark whereby to triumph over his fall . and here one would have expected a conclusion of their guilt , and that they should at least have desisted to pursue him now he was dead , and no longer in a condition to oppose their designs . but alas ! their malice extended beyond his execution ; and as they had condemned him for a malefactour ; so they resolved he should not even in his burial be honoured as a king. how small was the expence they prescribed for his interment : with what privacy was it transacted ; and he who had been the most zealous defender of the rights and ceremonies of the church in his life , not allowed the least usage of them at his funeral now he was dead . and here then , let our own consciences speak ; or if we fear they may be too partial , let the censures of the world tell us ; was there ever villainy like unto this guilt with which it pleased god to punish the sins of his people ? let us search the records of antiquity , let us ask of the generations that are past , and let us ask from one end of the heaven even to the other , if ever any thing was committed amongst them that can parallel this impiety . that a christian kingdom should break through all those bonds of duty and obedience , which the more righteous heathens have reverenced as sacred and inviolable . that so many oaths , and vows , repeated with that frequency , taken with that solemnity , should all be insufficient to preserve our fidelity . that religion and reformation , two things , than which none can be more excellent in themselves , nor are any more easily and more dangerously abused , should be able to cheat us into wickedness , which the barbarous scythians never heard of , and which when it was told them they were scandalized at the report . lastly , that not only the honour of god should be pretended for the motive , but even his assistance be desired , and even affirm'd to have been received in the execution of all this great sin . this is that circumstance which raises our crime to the highest pitch of guilt , and makes us even afraid to look up to heaven for the pardon of this sin , whose assistance we have so often , and so impudently implored to the commission of it . yet since it has pleased god to draw us at last out of the blindness our fury had involved us in , let us take this blessing for our earnest , that he has not yet totally forsaken us , but as he has delivered us from the evil , so if even now we return unto him , he will free us from the guilt too of our sins . only let our repentance be as sincere , as our crimes have been provoking ; who can tell but he may yet repent , return , and leave a blessing behind him ? but it is not only this pardon , which we are this day to implore at his hands : our text carries us on to yet other petitions ; that being justified before god , we may also prepare the way to take off the reproach of man , and clear our selves in the sight of both together . this brings me to the second part of the holy prophet's prayer , give not thine heritage to reproach . 2. that this great sin may never turn , by the application of wicked men , to the scandal and reproach of us or our religion . how necessary this part of the petition is to us , i could wish the publick declarations of the whole world did not too loudly speak . the monuments are still extant rhat shew us , how we were become a scandal and a proverb to all the nations round about us . nay that nothing might be wanting to illustrate the horrour of this villainy , it scandalized even our own selves too ; and those very factions , that brought their king to his ruin , by the secret orders of heaven , themselves lamented his fall , and confessed the impiety . how loudly did his praises now sound from those pulpits , that had bid defiance to him and his party heretofore ? the covenant its self was taught to change its voice , and from a band of rebellion to destroy the government , was shewn to be a league of loyalty to preserve the king. scandalous no doubt was the sin , and that villainy detestable indeed to all good men , which thus forcibly stagger'd the consciences of these separatists , by nature formed , by principle bred up to faction , and now by above eight years practice , one might have thought sufficiently instructed in rebellion , not to startle at a guilt they had themselves so zealously pursued . and how shall we escape the common reproach , who have been so unhappily united in a country and society , that has produced such monsters ? blessed be god who has left us a mark of distinction to prevent so great a slander : and amidst all our regret for the fatal villainy of this day , we cannot but joy and glory in this , that not any of our church was involved in this guilt , or ever possibly can be in the like . let the actions of our predecessors speak our innocence for what is past . their sufferings are as known , as the violence of their enemies has been notorious . their loyal writings , in the midst of a prosperous rebellion , still shew us , not only the righteousness of their cause , but even their readiness to assert it in defiance of danger . and our own assembling at this time , to detest the principles , no less than to bewail the practices , of those conspiratours , declares that we are not at all degenerate , but still maintain the same opposition to that faction , who under the cloak of reformation , have scandalized the very name of protestant , and by a sad experience taught us , that kings may be proscribed in other places besides rome , and that a fanatick has as strong an arm to lift up against a prince's life , as the stoutest jesuit or jacobin can boast of . let our principles be examined ; let the most accurate inquisition pass upon our writings ; let the solemnity of our piety for the death of our late soveraign , and the firmness , we have again had opportunity too much to shew , of our zeal and loyalty to our present king : and if all this be not sufficient , let the malice of those men who acted this villainy , that in those days involved the church in the ruin of its ▪ defender , and hath again endeavoured once more to put down her that they might come the more advantageously to strike at him ; let these shew that we have no part nor inheritance with them : only that as the royal martyr of this day , not only commanded his son with his last breath to forgive them , but himself prayed for their conversion ; so will we never cease as faithfully to execute his will , as that son has done it ; and with the same piety that he has pardoned the fact , beseech god to bring them to repentance too for it . these are our prayers , such our affections towards them ; may the god of heaven answer our requests , and give us at last both the satisfaction and the security of beholding their conversion . but if the greatness of their sins prevent the effect we so much desire of our present offerings , we must then beg leave to go on with our text , to another address to secure our selves ; the third particular now to be spoken to , and give not thine heritage to reproach , that the heathen should rule over them. 3. that our own sins at least , may never bring us to the like ruin , either of our church or state ; nor evermore permit these men , as they have heretofore done , to prevail against us . and this too is a petition no less proper to our present circumstances , than the preceding requests have been but too applicable to the memory of our past evils . our sins , which called down that last vengeance upon us , are still as hainous and universal to provoke a new one . our divisions are yet greater ; and and that fertile brood of factions , which that unnatural war produced , and which no country or antiquity ever heard of before , still continue more fatally , and more dangerously to distract us . we have again seen the government divided against it self : the people have been blown up into a new ferment ; the bishops and councellours have again been resolved to be popishly affected ; nay , the very militia has been once more attempted , and they were no doubt confiding men too into whose hands it should have again been put . and when all this would not do , new designs have been laid to seize that government by violence , they could not gain by petition . how was his sacred majesty almost caught in their traps ? the destruction so well laid , that it had been impossible to have escaped it ; and providence was forced to act almost a miracle to prevent it . and now when our danger has again so nigh overtaken us , certainly he must be very unsensible of the former evils , that can think himself unconcerned at such a time as this , to pray against the future . let the miseries that we suffered , and the sins that were committed in those days , when the heathen , i. e. these enemies to our church and state , ruled over us , be remembred : was there ever sorrow like unto our sorrow , wherewith the lord afflicted us in those days of his fierce anger ? i have before given you some general prospect of our calamities at this time , and your own knowledge will save me the regret of repeating to you any more . how did our cities become solitary , that were full of people ? our country , once great among the nations , how did she become tributary , even to her own vassals ? our king , the anointed of the lord , fell by their hand ; our princes were led into captivity ; our churches , the places of our assemblies , were profaned ; the solemn feasts and days , were forgotten in our zion , and god in the indignation of his anger , despised both the king and the priest. and all this we have had but too great cause to fear , may again return upon us . yet since it has pleased the almighty to stop the vengeance , and command the destroying angel to suspend the blow , if not to sheath his sword , and give us still longer respite to repent , and secure our selves ; let the consideration of this danger provoke us not to neglect the opportunity . let our repentance at this time be so sincere , that it may not only obtain our pardon for past offences , but prevail with heaven to prevent our impending dangers . let us no more give our enemies this advantage against us , to force the almighty to withdraw his presence from amongst us , and leave us again to engage them upon equal terms : but let our lives and our prayers both join in the request , to save and to defend us , spare thy people , o lord , and give not thine heritage to reproach ; that the heathen should rule over them : wherefore should they say among the people , where is there god ? this is the last consideration , which the method of our text now calls us to conclude with . 4. that neither the miseries we have suffered , nor the dangers and confusions we yet labour under , may by the censures of wicked men ever turn to the reproach of god's providence , any more than of our own church or cause . wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? it is not to be doubted but that this sarcastick exprobration was that reproach , which joel had before pray'd that god would not suffer his heritage to be exposed to . he had promised in his law to supply them with plenty of food , and to bless their victuals with increase : that their houses should be full of all manner of store ; their fields also should stand so thick with corn , that they should laugh and sing . well therefore might they fear the reproach of the heathen , when instead of this plenty , they should be forced to go and seek for necessary nourishment of them , whom they excluded from these promises ; who no doubt would be forward enough to make a by-word of them , and insult over their pretences , as if their god either could not , or would not relieve them . is this the people that hath the lord for their god ? behold , is not the meat cut off before their eyes ? their vine laid waste ? and the branches of their figtree made white ? their seed is rotten under their clods , their garners are made desolate , the barns broken down , because the corn is withered . how do the beasts groan because they have no pasture ? for the rivers of water are dried up , and the fire hath devoured the pastures of the wilderness . where is now their god to pity them ? and where is the lord to be jealous for his inheritance ? this was their reproach , the scandal of themselves , and their religion , which the prophet so much feared , and so earnestly exhorted them to pray against : and would to god we our selves this day had not too great cause to fear the like . witness , o ye pious and excellent souls , what scornings and reviling to your selves and your religion did ye then bear , when being forced from that plenty and tranquility you once enjoyed ; you become scattered abroad among the heathenand underwent their reproaches , more grievous and sensible than all the other miseries and calamities of your cruel exile ! but what need i look back to the times that are past when our own continue to afford us so plain an application . how far both our late calamities , and our present destractions have given occasion to the enemy to triumph in our misfortunes , as if they were not only the mark of our own sins , but even an argument of the common illness of our cause too , this alone may be sufficient to shew , that the romanists not only hope from them , to see this ferment one day settle among us into down right popery again ; but even at this day make this the great , and indeed it must be confessed the strongest , prejudice against the reformation , that since we have thrown off our obedience to that church , we have run so many and different ways of errour , and are yet at such distance from one another , as plainly shew there is no truth nor certainty to be found for us , but only in our return to them again . i shall not here enquire into the goodness of the consequence , but must needs say i could wish , there were not too much truth and scandal in the premises : and who can tell whether , since any lesser judgements have been ineffectual to reclaim us , god may not at last punish us with this blindness , and whilst we refuse to submit to the easie and lawful power of his church and his anointed , bring us once more under the intolerable yoke of that usurped authority , from whose slavery both our country and our consciences are now so happily asserted . this i am sure we have too much deserved , and may therefore justly have but too great cause to fear . only my hope is , that whatever our own demerits are , yet the innocence of our church shall still provoke god's providence to defend her : and that our deliverance , as at this time , from our enemies , shall always disappoint such fatal expectations , and convince them , that though we have sinned , yet are we his people ; that he chastises us as children , not punishes us as his enemies ; and is still our god , though angry and provoked . how great is the demonstration of his mercy and loving-kindness , that we even now continue a church and people , as at this day ? what miracles did he work to turn again the captivity of our zion , and deliver both us and our king from those usurpers that so long had triumphed over both ? has not the almighty shewn himself in our defence , who but so lately has delivered us both from popish and fanatick conspiracies ? let them ask where is their god , that have not known by what singular and unexspected means these designs were both discover'd and disappointed ? and though it pleases god still to leave these men like the canaanites in the land , to try , and to prove us , and which indeed but too much fulfil their character of being scourges to our sides , and thornes in our eyes : yet has he set bounds to their designs , which they have not been able to pass , and which we trust they never shall exceed , to ruine and destroy us . yet since both our peace and security are still in such danger through their rage and their devices ; let us endeavour not less by our piety than our policies , to countermine them . let us engage the assistance of heaven by the excellency of our lives , as well as the justice of our cause , to oppose their attempts : let us exceed them as much in the sincerity of our righteousness , as they have done all others in the outward pretences and hypocrisie of theirs . let us keep this day the fast which the lord hath chosen ; to break the bonds of wickedness ; to have pity on the distressed ; and to execute judgement and justice in the gates . let us turn unto the lord our god with all our hearts , with weeping , and with fasting , and with mourning ; and let us rent our hearts , and not our garments , and let us say , spare thy people , o lord , and give not thine heritage to reproach ; that the heathen should rule over them : wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? then will the lord be jealous for his people , and awake for his inheritance : he will restore us our judges as at the first , and our councellours as at the beginning . zion shall be redeemed with judgment , and her converts with righteousness : they shall be ashamed and confounded that seek her destruction : but for his church and his anointed , they shall be preserved for evermore . which god of his infinite mercy grant , for his dear son jesus christ's sake . amen . books sold by moses pitt at the angel in st. paul's church-yard . in folio . bible for churches with cronology and an index . the english atlas vol. 1st . containing the description of the north-pole , as also muscovy , poland , sweden and denmark . the second vol. of the atlas containing half the empire of germany . the third vol. containing the other half of the empire of germany . the fourth vol. containing the 17 provinces . catalogus impressorum librorum bibliothecae bodleianae in acad. oxon. historia universitatis oxoniensis duobus voluminibus comprehensa . autore antonio a wood. marmora oxoniensa , ex arundelianis , seldenianis , aliisque conflata , &c. cum notis lydiati & aliorum . per humph. prideaux . iamblicus chalcidensis de mysteriis aegyptiorum , graec. lat. interprete t. gale. a short view of the late troubles in england from the year 1637. to 1660 by sir william dugdale kt. garter king of arms ( this book was presented the queen's majesty by the university of cambridge when they entertained the king and queen in the year 1681 ) . gaulteri charletoni m. d. onomosticon zoicon , editio secunda , priori longe auctior . websters display of witchcraft , wherein is affirmed that there are many sorts of deceivers and imposters . 1677. theses theologicae variis temporibus in academia sedanensi editae , & ad disputandum proprositae . authore ludovico le blanc , verbi divini ministro & theologiae professore . in quibus exponitur sententia doctorum ecclesiae romanae , & protestantium . 1675. price 20 s. taverneirs travels into persia , the east indies , tounquin , &c. vol. 2. in quarto . several english bibles with the liturgie , apocrypha , singing psalms and cronology . common prayer-books . theophilus and philodoxus , 4 controversial dialogues , of prayer in an unknown tongue . the half communion . the worshipping of images . the invocation of saints . by gilb. cole d. d. historia jacobitarum in aegyto , lybia , nubia , aethiopia tota , & parte cypri insulae habitantium . per jos. abudacnum . a view and survey of the dangerous errors to church and state in mr. hobbs his book , intituled leviathan . by edward , e. of clarendon . votum pro pace christiana . autore an. sall. d. d. history of tythes , by john selden . london , 1618. dr. pell's introduction to algebra . 7. s. dr. wallis opera mechanica . 22 s. jer. horrocii . angl. opusc. astron. 1673. in octavo . tho. lydiati canones chronologici , nec non series summorum magistratuum & triumphorum romanorum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a71251-e280 num. 10. 2. gen. 29. 2● num. 10. 3 , 7. v. 9. jos. 3. 5. 7 , 13 &c. exod. 19. v. 10. v. 14 , 15. levit. 23. 28 , 30. exod. 29. v. 33 , 36 , 37 , &c. num. 11. 18. exod. 19. 14 , 15. genes . 35. 2. num. 19. ver. 13. isai. 1. 13. jon. 1. 5. jos. 7. 13. psal. 122. 3. 7. 4. v. 5. joel 2. 14. lam. 1. 12. lam. 1. 1. lam. 2. 6. exod. 33. 15. deut. 28. psal. 65. 13. joel . 1. 16. 7. 17. joel 1. 18. psal. 126. 1. jos. 23. 13. joel . 2. 12. joel . 2. 18. isa. 1. 26 , 27. a sermon preach'd before the queen at white-hall, may the xth. m.dc.xc.i by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1691 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66371) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60635) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:30) a sermon preach'd before the queen at white-hall, may the xth. m.dc.xc.i by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [2], 37 p. printed for richard sare ..., london : 1691. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -hebrews iv, 1 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preach'd before the queen at whitehall : may x th . m. dc . xc . i. by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to their majesties , and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . published by her maiesties special command . london , printed for richard. sare , at grays-inn-gate , next holbourn , 1691. hebr. iv . 1. let us therefore fear , lest a promise being left us of entring into his rest , any of you should seem to come short of it . these words are the application of the apostle's discourse in the foregoing chapter . he had there entred on a parallel betwixt moses and christ ; between the promises which the one made of a temporal inheritance to the jews heretofore , and the assurance which the other has given of an eternall reward to us now . but as they notwithstanding those promises , yet by their sins and their infidelity came short of them and perished in the wilderness , so may this be our case too . god has indeed called us to a glorious hope of everlasting happiness . he has given us all the security we can desire that we shall . one day be made partakers of it . but yet there are conditions required on our parts too , both to qualifie us for this happiness , and to intitle us unto it : and if we neglect to fulfil them , we shall as certainly fail of ours , as ever they did of their expectations . let us therefore fear , lest a promise being left us of entring into his rest , any of you should seem to come short of it . for the inforcing of which exhortation , i shall observe this method . i st . i will shew , that god has left us a promise of entring into his rest ; a promise enough to satisfie all our desires , and to engage our heartiest endeavours after it . ii dly . that nevertheless we may by our own fault come short of this promise . iii dly . that therefore we ought to be very fearful and sollicitous lest we should do so . iv thly . that the best way to secure this promise to our selves , is to take the advice of the text , and live in a continual fear of coming short of it . and i st , that god has left us a promise of entring into his rest ; a promise enough to satisfie all our desires , and to engage our heartiest endeavours after it . this is that great fundamental principle upon which not only the present exhortation , but in effect the whole gospel of christ is built . whatsoever our blessed saviour either did or suffered whilst he was on earth himself , or commanded us to do or suffer after his example ; all the precepts , all the revelations of the gospel , are but one continued argument to convince us of this truth . insomuch that what st. paul once said to the corinthians concerning that other great article of our creed , the beginning of our hope , and preparatory to our glory , the resurrection of the body ; i may no less apply here to this other of the life everlasting consequent upon it : if there be no such thing as another life after this , wherein we shall either receive the everlasting reward of our piety , or suffer the eternal punishment of our sins ; then is our preaching vain , and your faith also is vain . the whole business of religion is a meer cheat and illusion ; let us eat and drink , for to morrow we die. but blessed be god who has not left us the least room to doubt , in a matter of such importance as this is to us : but has given us such noble descriptions , such repeated assurances of our future happiness , as may abundantly suffice both to satisfie all our scruples concerning it , and to ravish our souls into the most earnest longings and desires after it . and tho' neither the weakness of our capacities , nor the method of the present discourse will permit me to speak either very much , or very clearly concerning it : yet i shall endeavour at lest to give such an account of the rest here spoken of as may serve to answer the design of the argument . i have undertaken ; and shew with what good reason the apostle here exhorts us to fear lest such a promise as this being set before us , we should any of us be so unhappy as to come short of it . now two things there are that will be necessary to be consider'd by us in order to this end : ( 1st . ) the greatness , and ( 2dly . ) the certainty of our future reward . that the promise which god has left us of entring into his rest is as excellent in it self , as it shall be most surely made good to us , if we live so as to render our selves worthy of it : and therefore ought , upon both these accounts , to engage us to use our utmost diligence not to come short of it . ( 1st . ) for the former of these , the greatness of that reward which god has promised to us in the gospel : it is a subject worthy indeed of all our consideration , but impossible ever to be fully comprehended by us , till we our selves shall come to the enjoyment of it . even st. paul himself , though admitted to the nearest contemplation of it that ever any man was , yet could not find out any expressions that would serve him to communicate his idea's of it to us . he tells us that being caught up into paradise , he heard words unspeakable , and which it is not possible for a man to utter 2 cor. xii . 4. and all he could do was but to declare with isaiah on the like occasion , 1 cor. ii . 9. that neither eye has seen , nor ear heard , neither have entred into the heart of man the things which god hath prepared for them that love him . and indeed it is , i think , none of the least commendations of the glories of the other world , that they are not possibly to be comprehended by us in this . that their excellency so far transcends all the notions of happiness we have ever been acquainted with here , that we cannot from thence take any measure whereby to judge of our eternal reward . but that after all our most enlarged thoughts , when we shall have given the utmost scope to our imaginations ; have ranged through all the highest instances of innocent and un-mix'd felicity that we have ever heard of in this life : nay , when we shall have done yet more , shall have indulged our very fancies and desires to invent some new happiness beyond whatever any one could possibly have enjoyed in this imperfect state of mortality ; we may even then venture to say , that what god has prepared for them that fear him is somewhat exceedingly beyond all this : tho' what it is we are no more able particularly to declare , than we are to measure omnipotence ; or to define what an infinitely good and great god is able to do for them that love him , and whom therefore he both loves , and will bless and glorifie together with himself to all eternity . but then as in speaking of god himself , tho we cannot comprehend his nature , yet by putting together the highest idea's that we have of infinite perfection , we do endeavour to raise up our souls into some suitable apprehensions of it : so here , it has pleased god to give such general descriptions to us of the glories of the other world , as may suffice to let us into some imperfect knowledge of it ; and be more than enough both to raise our desires , and to quicken our endeavours after it . for 1st . we are told that heaven is a place free from all trouble and misery ; from all those hopes and fears , those dangers and disappointments , in a word , from all those evils and calamities that continually disturb us here , and render our highest enjoyments very flat and insipid to us . this is what our apostle insinuates , when he calls it by the name of a rest : let us fear , says he , lest a promise being left us of entring into his rest , any of you should seem to come short of it . and again , verse 19. there remaineth therefore a rest for the people of god. but st. john more expresly , revel . xxi . 4. where speaking of the new jerusalem , our city which is above , he tells us that there god shall wipe away all tears from our eyes , and there shall be no more any death , neither sorrow nor crying , neither shall there be any more pain , for the former things are passed away . here we live in a vale of misery , exposed to tryals , and encompassed with troubles on every side . he who is the most fortunate among us , is yet forced to measure his happiness rather by the frequent intervals he enjoys of comfort and satisfaction , than by any absolute freedom from all evil and misery . we come into the world with a cry , and go out of it with a groan , and the time we pass from the one of these periods to the other , is for the most part fill'd up with little else than a melancholy series of sighs and tears , of doubts and uncertainties ; of uneasiness at what is present , and fearful apprehensions of what is to come . so that were we to look no farther than the present condition of mankind , one might almost be tempted to ask with job , ch. iii. 20. wherefore is light given to him that is in masery , and life to the bitter in soul ? which look for death and it cometh not , and dig for it more than for hid treasures ? who rejoyce exceedingly , and long when they can see the grave ? there the wicked cease from troubling , and there the weary be at rest . there the prisoners rest together , they hear not the voice of the oppressor . but when we come to heaven , there we shall find a perfect deliverance out of all our troubles . no pains or diseases , no weakness or infirmity shall disturb our bodies ; no lusts or passions , no irregular appetites or desires shall discompose our souls , there shall be nothing to interrupt or lessen our enjoyments . heaviness may endure for the night of this world , but when the blessed morning of eternity shall spring forth , then pure joy , and an un-mix'd felicity shall spring up with it ; and nothing remain but the memory of our former troubles , the more to increase our comfort and satisfaction in that absolute deliverance we shall then have obtain'd from them . this is the first part of that character which the holy scriptures have given us of our future state , it is a state free from all evil and misery : and how considerable a blessing this is , if the sense of our present evils be not sufficient to inform us , i shall leave it to the authority of st. john to tell you , revel . xiv . 13. where he makes use of this as an argument to strengthen the christians of those times in the enduring of any tryals that could fall upon them for their religion , that they should in a little time be perfectly deliver'd from all their miseries ; i heard a voice from heaven , saying unto me , write , from henceforth blessed are the dead which die in the lord ; yea , saith the spirit , for they rest from their labours , and their works do follow them . but this is not yet all , for 2dly ; when we come to heaven we shall not only be set free from all other evils , but from that which is the great source and foundation of all our miseries , from sin too : and from all those consequences of it which now fill our souls with so many sad reflections , and make all our present enjoyments a meer dream and a vision , the appearances of happiness , rather than any real and solid satisfaction , viz. the fear of death , and the apprehension of damnation . here we live in a continual state of war and danger : difficulties and temptations encompass us on every side ; and when we think we stand the most securely , yet even then we cannot tell how soon , or how dangerously we may fall . the flesh and the spirit , those contrary principles of which we are composed , still dividing us between our desires and our duty ; and forcing us often times when we the most stedfastly resolve , and the most earnestly endeavour to live well , yet to encounter no small difficulties in the doing of it : and in the sense thereof to cry out with st. paul , rom. vii . 24. o wretched men that we are , who shall deliver us from the body of this death ! but heaven is a place innocent as it is glorious : there all these conflicts shall have an end. no lusts or passions , no dangers or temptations , shall either draw us from our piety , or put us to the least pain for the fulfilling of it . but it shall be our meat and drink , the desire and bent of our affections to live innocently : and what david once said of himself , be much more perfectly accomplish'd in all of us , psal. xl . 8. our delight is to do thy will o god! yea , thy law is within our hearts . it is one great part of that account which st. john every where gives us of the blessed in heaven , that they spend their whole time in little else than a continued exercise of piety and devotion . in praising god , and admiring his perfections , and celebrating his goodness . but especially , in the most elevated returns of love and gratitude , of joy and thanksgiving to him for the great work of our redemption ; and for all those miracles of mercy by which they have been delivered from sin and hell , and translated to such a blessed state of happiness and glory . and indeed what wonder if this shall be the great business of our lives there , when as the same st. john tells us we our selves shall be made like unto him . pure and holy , enemies to sin , and to all those temptations that have heretofore been wont to lead us into sin. and being thus made like unto god in holiness , we shall become like him in happiness too . for then death and hell shall be destroy'd ; they shall be cast into the lake of fire , revel . xx . 14. and we shall sing for ever that triumphant song of st. paul , 1 cor. xv . 55. o death , where is thy sting ? o grave , where is thy victory ? — thanks be to god who hath given us the victory through our lord jesus christ. but 3dly , and to go yet farther ; we shall not only then be set free from all our troubles and miseries , from whatsoever is any way grievous or afflicting to us in this world : but we shall in stead thereof be blessed in a full enjoyment of the most perfect happiness that our condition shall then be capable of , and that is a great deal more than we are now able to conceive . for , 1st . our bodies , which here are the weight and burden of our souls , neither to be supported without care , nor kept under without trouble , and which when we have done all that we can , will yet many times afflict us with pains and diseases , weaknesses and infirmities : sometimes expose us to grievous temptations , and too often betray us into the greatest sins ; to be fure always so clog and depress us , that we shall at best be able to rise up but to very imperfect discharges of our duty , shall then be glorified , and rendred a habitation fit for so divine a spirit to dwell in . so our apostle tells us , 1 cor. xv . 43. this corruptible , says he , shall put on incorruption , this mortal , immortality . we shall not only receive our bodies again out of the dust , but we shall receive them in greater beauty and perfection , than ever they were before . they shall rise out of their graves , as the sun arises from beyond the mountains of the east ; bright and shining : or rather as the body of our blessed saviour when he appeared to st. paul on his way to damascus , acts ix . and in comparison whereof the very sun it self seem'd to be but dim and obscure . and as , our bodies shall be thus glorified , so our souls , and all the powers and faculties of them , shall be no less enlarged . now we know in part , and see as through a glass darkly : he that is the wisest amongst us , and has made the best progress in learning , is yet ignorant of a great deal more than he knows , and in what he thinks he understands the best , is often times mistaken . but then we shall see face to face , and know even as also we are known . all the mysteries of our faith , and the secrets of our redemption shall be laid open to us : and those disputes which now so unhappily divide the church , and disquiet the minds of the best christians , be for ever determined ; not by force , but conviction , not by canons and definitions , but by an evident light , and a clear and distinct perception . this shall be the state of our understandings in the other world , nor shall our wills be any less perfected . there shall be no repugnancy to the service of god ; no passions or appetites to cross or encounter in the fulfilling of it . we shall be all flame , and love , and devotion : shall flee to our duty with the ardors of seraphim , and shall feel such new and unspeakable joys arising in our souls from the performance of it , as now we are not able to conceive . only perhaps some pious votary may now and then have felt some antepasts of them ; when having either overcome some great and violent temptation , or else fulfilled some noble instance of duty , he finds in himself such a serenity of mind , such sweetness and satisfaction of spirit proceeding from the consideration of it , as exceeds all the sensual pleasures of the most exquisite voluptuary : but which alas ! are as far short of that perpetual joy and comfort we shall then live in , as the best of our performances here , are exceedingly inferiour to what the constant discharges of our piety shall be there . and being thus prepared for a full draught of happiness , we shall not fail to enjoy the largest portion that we can even wish for of it . what the particular ingredients of our future felicity shall be , i am not able to say . but this we know , that we shall live in the presence of god , in whose presence there is fulness of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . we shall converse with angels , and be translated to the general assembly and church of the first born , and to the spirits of just men made perfect . there we shall meet with all those great and wise , those holy and excellent persons who in their several ages have made up the glory and ornament of the church militant on earth , and now shine as stars in the church triumphant in heaven . whose vertuous lives and patient sufferings , we have either read or heard of with so much wonder and satisfaction . by whose learning we have profited ; whose disciples we have professed our selves ; and whose examples we have look'd up unto , both for our imitation and our encouragement . there we shall again be restored to our friends and our relations , whom we have here left with so much sorrow and bitterness . there we shall behold the blessed apostles of our lord and saviour , and all the rest of that noble army of martyrs and confessors by whose constant labours , and patient sufferings , the gospel first became publish'd to the world ; and to whom therefore as fellow-workers with christ , we our selves have in part been indebted for our own salvation . and lastly , to compleat all ; there we shall meet with the blessed jesus himself , the great shepherd of the sheep , the author and finisher of our faith , by whose bloud we were redeemed , by whose grace we have been sanctify'd , and by whose merits and intercession we shall have then attain'd to all this glory . this is that company to which we shall be translated , when we come to die . and then , think if you can what an unspeakable happiness it must needs be to us to pass from the vain conversation of a peevish , and wicked world , to such an admirable society as this : from the follies and disorders of sinful and frail men , to the wise and innocent and endearing conversation of saints and angels . i shall not for the farther improving of these reflections trouble you with any uncertain conjectures , of the rare discourses , the glorious entertainments , the sincere friendships , we may there expect to meet with . what new transports of joy shall fill our souls , when we shall begin to consider the temptations we have overcome , the dangers we have escaped , and the various troubles we have pass'd through in our pilgrimage here on earth ; and compare all these with that peace and glory we shall then enjoy in the kingdom of heaven . but one thing there is that must not be pass'd by , and that is , that being now instated in all this great felicity , we shall at the same time become secure of an everlasting enjoyment of it : that our glory shall be eternal , and our reward no man shall take from us. for tho' this be but a circumstance , and so do's not enter into the nature of our happiness , yet it is such a circumstance , that heaven it self would hardly be compleat without it . but the greater our enjoyments were , the more it would trouble us to think that the time was coming when all this mighty treasure should be exhausted ; and we should either altogether cease to be , or which is worse , should be divested of our present happiness , and become again as poor , and sinful , and destitute , and miserable , as once we were , or rather to speak more sensibly , as we now are . whereas now , we may without all anxiety freely rejoyce in the blessings we shall enjoy , and take no thought for the future : being assured that our felicity is founded upon the rock of ages ; permanent as eternity ; firm and stable as that god from whom it flows ; in whom there is no variableness , neither shadow of turning , and with whom we also shall continue for ever and ever . this is that rest of which our text speaks : and of this ( 2dly . ) we shall most certainly be made partakers , if we live so as we ought to do . for god being not only most true and faithful in all his promises , and therefore uncapable of deceiving us , but most powerful too , and therefore able to do whatever he pleases for us ; it cannot be doubted but that what he has promised , shall most assuredly be made good to us : and therefore that if such a rest as this be indeed set before us by him , we may and ought to depend upon it as a faithful saying , and worthy of all men to be received . now that the holy scriptures have encouraged us to expect such a rest is so very plain , that i do not see how any one can have the confidence to doubt of it . they have not only assured us that there shall be a final judgment , and an irrevocable sentence of happiness or misery pass'd upon all mankind , according to what they shall have done , whether good or evil : but they have moreover declared to us , that it was for this very purpose that our blessed saviour came into the world , that he died and was buried , and rose again from the dead , that he might both purchase this great reward for us , and receive full power and authority to confer it upon us . either therefore we must say that all this is meer fable and romance ; that the whole business of christianity is but an idle story , that has nothing of truth or reality in it : or if we think the gospel to deserve any credit , we must conclude that this promise shall stand firm and immutable as that god who made it , that if we live according to the rules of our religion , we shall receive the reward of it ; that eternal rest of which our text here speaks , and which i have now been endeavouring to describe to you . it remains then that there is without all doubt a blessed expectation reserved for us in another . life : but then , ii dly . it is as certain , that we may by our own fault come short of it . for the promise of this rest is not absolute , but conditional . it depends upon a covenant in which there are duties to be fulfill'd on our part , as well as a reward to be made good , on god's : and if we fail in the one , there is no reason to expect that he should perform the other . when our saviour sent forth his disciples to preach these glad tidings of salvation to the world , we read in st. mark that their commission ran in these terms , mark xvi . 15. go ye into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature : he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved , but he that believeth not , shall be damn'd . and what it is we are there to understand by believing , we may see in the parallel place of st. matthew , ch. xxviii . 20. go ye and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost ; teaching them to observe all things whatsoever i have commanded you . and from both which the conclusion is very plain , that if we mean to be saved , we must not only enter our selves into the church of christ by baptism ; but being so admitted , must believe and do whatsoever he hath required of us : and without which we shall be so far from having any right to these promises , that we shall incur the greater damnation for our sins . but this is not yet all ; for if the case be so as i have now shewn it to be , if the promise of this rest be conditional , and we are no otherwise intituled to the blessings than as we are careful to fulfil the duties of the gospel : then i must add , that we may not only by our own fault come short of it , but that without a great deal of care we most certainly shall do so ; and therefore ought the more to fear lest we should fall from such divine and glorious expectations . the righteousness of the gospel , and that universal obedience which it requires of us in order to our salvation , is not a work of common and ordinary attainment . it calls us to a great deal more than many of us , i fear , are aware of , i am sure than most of us practise . to a piety that has startled the consciences of the most perfect votaries ; and once made even the apostles themselves cry out , who then can be saved ? those severe duties of mortification and self-denyal , of taking up the cross , and following christ , were never designed for meer pomp and shew ; only to exalt the credit of the gospel , and make it the more admired in the world : but as helps and assistances , to conquer our passions , to confirm us against all the temptations of a wicked world , and to raise us up to the utmost degree of piety , that our condition would admit of in it ; for the tryals of our faith , and the exercise of our patience , and in short , to fit us for heaven , before they carried us to it . men may live as they please , and content themselves with a formal and superficial piety ; and think it very well that they stand in the same rank with the generality of the world , and have as good pretences to heaven as their neighbours . but the commands of god are not to be evacuated by the wickedness of men. god has plainly set before us the terms of our salvation ; what we are to believe , and what to do , if ever we mean to attain unto it . and if notwithstanding this , men will be careless and negligent in their duty ; scepticks in their faith , and atheists in their practice : if they will scoff at the revelations , and despise the morals of christianity ; laugh at the divinity of our saviour christ and the holy ghost , and live so as if they did not believe there was any god at all : let them applaud themselves , if they please , in their profane drollery , and strengthen one another in wickedness ; but let them know assuredly that there is a time coming when neither their number shall defend , nor their sophistry excuse them ; but for all these things god will bring them to judgment . seeing then we not only may , but without great care we most certainly shall come short of that rest which god has prepared for us , it will i think very much behove us all iii dly . to take the advice of the text , and fear lest we should chance so to do . this is the apostle's own inference in the words before us , and such as i think naturally arises from the foregoing considerations . for since it has pleased god to call us to such a great and precious promise , as i have before shew'd the rest here spoken of to imply ; to a perfection of glory and happiness which neither any tongue can utter , nor any thought conceive : what can be more reasonable than that we should make it our utmost endeavour , the great business and concern of our lives earnestly to aspire after it , and by all means to qualifie our selves for the obtaining of it ? the truth is , were we to discourse of this matter only upon the principles of right reason , and according to the common bent and inclination of our natures , without any regard to the practice of mankind ; one might justly think that instead of arguing with men upon this subject , we ought rather to apologize for the absurdity of making that an exhortation , which every man must do whether he will or no. happiness is that which all men desire , and therefore must needs endeavour to attain unto . and to exhort men to be happy , to pursue that which is to raise them to the highest pitch of felicity that their condition is capable of : what is this , but as if one should go about to argue with a covetous wretch not to neglect a fair opportunity of growing rich , or with a loose voluptuary , to eat and drink , and fill his soul with sensual satisfactions ; that is , to endeavour by reason to incline them to that , which their own appetites , beyond all the reason in the world , hurry them on to . and yet tho' all this be most certainly true , that we do all of us naturally desire that which will make us happy ; and it cannot be doubted but that 't is this rest , this eternal reward , in which above any thing the felicity of man does consist : i know not how , there is scarce any thing which men generally so much neglect , or so little seem to trouble themselves about as this. as if the whole business of religion were indeed no more , than what some profane men have call'd it , a piece of state-contrivance , a device to keep fearful and superstitious people in awe : and the gospel-promise of a future-state , a refinement only upon the old poetick hypotheses of elysian fields , and i know not what other dreams of happiness , no where to be found but in their numbers . tell a man how to establish his present fortunes , shew him the way how he may accomplish his ends in what he aims at in this world ; and tho' perhaps the utmost of his ambition be but to gain some little estate , or honour , or advancement , which can neither reward his pains , nor satisfie his desires ; yet you shall not fail to meet with a very ready attention from him. he will receive your instructions with greediness , and if they carry but never so little a probability with them , you shall need no perswasives to put him upon the practice of them . but now speak to the same person of the vast concerns of heaven and eternity ; exhort him to consider how short and uncertain his life here is , how fast it runs away , and in how little a time the whole stock of it will be exhausted ; and that then he must appear before the judgment-seat of christ , to receive the things done in the body according to what he shall have done whether good or evil : and tho' by an affectionate application you may chance to warm him for the present , or even force him , with felix , to tremble at the thoughts of a judgment to come ; tho' your arguments be strong , and his own conscience concurs vvith you to satisfie him that these things are so as you represent them to him ; yet all the effect shall be but this , that he vvill grow vveary of the admonition , and be uneasie till he can get away from you ; and no sooner is he at liberty , but he begins presently to think how he may shake off those dull and melancholy apprehensions your discourse has raised in his mind ; and then he becomes the very same man that he was before , goes on again in his sins and debauches , and never considers that the end will be that he shall perish for ever . now this being the general neglect and security in which men live , it cannot certainly but be very proper , not only to exhort them sometimes to a greater care ; but if it be possible , to convince them too of the grounds they have to fear , whither such an incogitancy as this will carry them ? and i st . if their indifference in this matter proceeds from a real belief that there is no such thing as another life after this , nor any account to be given to god of all our actions ; that there is neither any such eternal portion of happiness to be enjoy'd , or of punishment to be undergone , as we have been told there is : this i confess will make their neglect the more rational ; and we ought not to wonder , if they are not afraid of coming short of a reward , which they do not believe was ever to be attain'd by them . but then at least they ought to be very sure that their belief , or rather infidelity , as to this point is well-grounded , before they venture the everlasting welfare of their souls upon it . for not to say any thing of those assurances which the gospel has given us of our future state , and the authority whereof is founded upon such strong and convincing arguments , that we see the greatest part of the wisest men in all ages have thought there was no reasonable exception to be made against it . do they believe that there is a god ? that this world was not made without some cause to produce it , nor is now govern'd and preserved without some superiour power to overlook and order the affairs of it ? this i am sure the gentiles themselves have generally acknowledged , and i much question whether there was ever any man so void of all reason , as to be able seriously to make a doubt of it . but if there be a god , and if his providence does overlook the affairs of men , there must needs be a future judgment , some day of account in vvhich he will render to every man according to his works ; and those vertues shall be rewarded , and those vices punish'd in some other life , which we see oftentimes but little regarded in this . do they believe that they are themselves endued with rational souls ; that they are not meer machines , a little mass of clay , stamp'd with the figure of a man , but by some purer principle , raised above the condition of the other creatures that are below them ? but then let them consider what these souls are , and whether they may not possibly be of a spiritual substance , capable of existing by themselves , when the body falls into the dust : and if they may , then let them think a little farther , whither they are to go , and what is to be done with them ? in short ; do they believe their own sense and experience ? let them then tell us why it is their consciences so often check them for the sins they commit , and force them many times to start and tremble at the thoughts of them : and especially then when they are nearest their end , and past all danger of punishment in this world , unless it be , that their own hearts then begin to misgive them , and force them at least to fear the judgment of the other . but 2dly ; it may be , tho' they are not absolutely certain , that there is no such thing as a future state , yet neither are they sufficiently satisfied that there is , and this makes them the less sollicitous about it . now if this be the case , then i must confess that here again there may be some reason why they should not be so vigorously concern'd for the business of religion , as those who without all doubt expect a glorious reward of their labours . but yet still , seeing they are not sure , but that there may be another life after this , and an eternal state of happiness or misery , as we say there is ; it must certainly be the wisest way not to be too secure , nor expose themselves to so great a hazard , as either to come shert of this rest , if there should be such a thing , or to be lost and damn'd for ever , as they must be , should god chance to call them to an account for their sins . and if such persons as these , notwithstanding all their scepticism as to this matter , ought nevertheless to consider and fear , and do no more wickedly ; much more , 3dly , should we who have no doubt at all of this reward , be very careful not to come short of it , nor suffer any present interests or temptations , to deprive us of our eternal glory . it is the great disadvantage of the point before us , that in discoursing of the happiness or misery of the other world , we talk to men of somewhat at a great distance from them ; of blessings not to be enjoyed till after they are dead , and that they hope shall not be yet a while . now this makes them for the most part so very careless in their provisions for it , and so little apt to be troubled with any fears about it . but yet , since we are sure we must die , and we cannot tell either how soon , or in what manner we may be cut off , and that should vve chance to be surprized , and taken away out of our present state , before we have made any due provision for the future , it will be impossible for us ever to retrieve our neglect : certainly all these considerations ought to engage us not to let any time pass in securing of so great a stake ; nor give any rest to our souls , whilst we have any just doubts remaining what shall be our final portion for ever . such reason therefore have vve all to be very fearful and sollicitous about our future happiness : and the more to excite us thereunto , let us consider , iv : that the best way to secure to our selves the promise of this rest , is to take advice of the text , and live in a continual fear of coming short of it . and that upon these two accounts : because ( 1st ) this will be the most likely to engage our own care : and ( 2dly ) to entitle us to god's favour . ( 1st ) this will be the most likely to engage our own care. for fear where it is not a slavish terror arising in the mind from an apprehension of punishment for sin committed , but a concern for the discharge of our duty , lest otherwise we should offend god , and deprive our selves of that reward he has call'd us to ; naturally puts men upon the strictest guard over themselves , and care of their duty . and therefore solomon who very well understood the advantage of it , sets it forth to us as the first step to a religious life , prov. ix . 10. the fear of the lord , says he , is the beginning of wisdom : as on the other side , david , when he would describe to us a sinner of whom there was no hopes , could not find out any better character for him than this , that he had no fear of god before his eyes , psal. xxxvi . 1. and the reason of this is plain ; because where-ever there is such a fear , it shews the person who has it , to be endued with a just sense both of his duty and of his danger , of the necessity there lies upon him to live well , and of the great hazard he shall run if he neglects to do so . nay it shews yet more , that such an one is not only sensible of all this , but does moreover in the consequence of it resolve to be very careful and diligent in the offices of religion ; to serve god , and discharge his duty towards him , that so he may obtain the reward of it . and where there is such a disposition as this , it is hardly possible that a man should fail of accomplishing his desires . for if we look more narrowly into this matter , and consider what it is that keeps so many christians in such a strange security with relation to their future state ; we shall find it to proceed from one of these two causes : either they are not sufficiently sensible of their obligations to piety , and of the necessity there lies upon them to live well ; or else they flatter themselves in their own righteousness , they think they are in a very safe way already , and need not aim at any higher attainments . but now he who has this fear continually upon his mind , will not easily be deluded with either of these : but as he will be truly concern'd for his salvation , so he will be always afraid that he is not so secure as he ought to be of it . and this will naturally put him upon yet farther endeavours to get some new and greater victories over himself ; to grow in grace , and come up nearer to perfection , that so he may encrease in hope too , and have still more full and more comfortable assurances of god's mercy to him through christ jesus . ( 2dly ) as such a fear will be sure to engage our own care , so will it be the best means to entitle us to god's favour . for 1st : this will above any thing qualifie us for the gracious assistance of his holy spirit , to strengthen us in our endeavours , and to enable us to discharge that duty which is required of us. for god resisteth the proud , but giveth grace to the humble . to the humble , that is , to those who are fearful and jealous of themselves ; conscious of their own weakness and infirmity , and supported only with the hope of god's grace , to help them in time of need . and therefore st. paul upon this very ground exhorts the philippians to work out their own salvation with fear and trembling ; because if they did so , then god would not fail to bless them in it , and to work in them both to will and to do of his good pleasure . 2dly : such a fear , as it will the best dispose us for the grace of the holy spirit to help us in our duty , and to fortifie us against those temptations that may chance to arise to draw us away from it ; so will it the best dispose us for the pardon of those sins , which when we have done all that we can , we shall still continue more or less to commit . because he who thus fears , will either never willingly fall into any sins , and then there can be no doubt but that he shall find a very ready pardon of his involuntary offences : or if he should be at any time so unhappy as to be led away by the deceitfulness of sin , yet this fear will soon awaken him , and bring him both to a true sense , and a deep abhorrence of it . here therefore , if ever , will be an object fit for god's mercy . an humble , contrite , penitent christian : a man who in his heart truly loves god , and above all things both the most desires , and the most endeavours to please him : and is never so sensibly concern'd , as when he does any thing that he thinks was contrary to his duty to him. and having thus put a man into a state of grace , this fear , 3dly , to complete all , will be the surest means to enable him to persevere in it unto the end. whilst keeping him still under the same concern for his salvation , and in the same apprehensions of coming short of it ; it will by consequence keep him also in the same pious care to live so that he may not miscarry at the last , and lose all the benefit of his former piety , for want of going on and continuing in it . and now when so many considerations engage us to the practice of this duty ; when the reward proposed to us is so great , and the danger of missing it so fatal , and one of the best ways in the world to secure it to us , is to live always in a warm concern for it , and under a due apprehension of coming short of it : methinks i could almost flatter my self that all this shall be sufficient to prevail with you thus to fear , lest any of you should be so unhappy as to fail of it . nor let any one think this an improper exhortation for this place . fear is , i confess , in general but a slavish passion , and such as i can easily believe the greatest part of this assembly to be but little acquainted with . but yet there are some things which the philosophers themselves could tell us the bravest men both might and ought to be afraid of : and sure , if any thing , the wrath of god , and eternal damnation , may well be allow'd to fall under such a character . never was there a prince endued with a truer personal courage than king david i need not tell you through how many dangers he passed , with how many difficulties he encountred , and how great and intrepid he appeared in all his tryals . and yet notwithstanding all his bravery , this great king thought it no reproach to him to own such a fear as this which i am now recommending to you , psal. cxix . 120. my flesh , says he , o god , trembleth for fear of thee , and i am afraid of thy judgments . where was there ever a race of men that despised , i do not say death , but what is worse than death , disgrace , reproaches , torments , more than the primitive martyrs and confessors of the christian church did ? so terrible were their conflicts , that it almost chills our blood to read the accounts of those cruelties which they with an admirable patience and constancy underwent . the relations of their sufferings look more like romance than history : they seem to describe not so much what any men ever really underwent , as what the writers of their lives thought sit to invent , to magnifie their courage , and honour their religion . and yet now these are the men who in their very sufferings shew'd what a fear they had of offending god , and losing their own souls . it was their apprehension of this that inspired them with that bravery we now so much admire ; and made them dare to suffer any evils in this world , rather than run the hazard of perishing for ever in the other . in short , our religion which exhorts so much to fear in this one case , yet by this very fear inspires us with the highest gallantry and resolution in all others : whilst setting before us the hopes of a better state , it teaches us not to value any dangers or difficulties in this. it shews us how to be valiant upon a wise and rational foundation : and whosoever follows the dictates of it , he may indeed be more temperate in the use of his courage , and place it upon better objects , and reserve it for more worthy and more justifiable occasions than men are now a days wont to do ; but he need never fear he should ever become the less a brave man , for being a fearful and obedient christian. i shall conclude all with that great precept of christian magnanimity , luke xii . 4. and which as it is a short summary of all i have now been speaking , so may it , i think , be enough not only to direct , but to try the courage of the stoutest among us : fear not them that kill the body , and after that have no more that they can do . but i will forewarn you whom you shall fear ; fear him which after he hath killed , hath power to cast into hell : yea , i say unto you , fear him. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66371-e160 1 cor. xv . 14. — 32. 1 jo. iii. 2. see acts xxvi . 13. 1 cor. xiii . 12. psal. xvi . 11. heb xii . 23. james i. 17. 1 thess. iv . 17. 1 tim i. 15. mat. xix . 25. eccles. xi . 9. 2 cor. v. 10. rom. ii . 6. 1 pet. v. 5. phil. ii . 12. — 13. aristot. eth. nicom . lib. iii. c. 6. a sermon preached in the parish church of st. james, westminster, april xvith, 1696 being the day of the publick thanksgiving for the preservation of his majesty's person from the late horrid and barbarous conspiracy and for delivering this kingdom from the danger and miseries of a french invasion / by william wake. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1696 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66392 wing w270 estc r23585 07840569 ocm 07840569 40131 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66392) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40131) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1218:7) a sermon preached in the parish church of st. james, westminster, april xvith, 1696 being the day of the publick thanksgiving for the preservation of his majesty's person from the late horrid and barbarous conspiracy and for delivering this kingdom from the danger and miseries of a french invasion / by william wake. wake, william, 1657-1737. 29 p. printed for richard sare, london : 1696. "publish'd at the desire of the honourable the board of vestry and of several other persons of quality of the said parish." reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -psalms xxviii, 7 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -sermons. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached in the parish church of st. james westminster , april xvith . 1696. being the day of the publick thanksgiving , for the preservation of his majesty's person from the late horrid and barbarous conspiracy ; and for delivering this kingdom from the danger and miseries of a french invasion . by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to his majesty , and rector of st. james westminster . publish'd at the desire of the honourable the board of vestry ; and of several other persons of quality of the said parish . london : printed for richard sare at grayes-inn-gate in holbourn . 1696. psalm xxviii . 7. the lord is my strength and my shield ; my heart trusted in him , and i am helped : therefore my heart greatly rejoiceth , and with my song will i praise him. tho' it be difficult to say what the particular occasion was which moved the royal psalmist to compose this psalm ; yet there is more than enough , in the very subject of it , to shew , how suitable it is to that great deliverance which we are now assembled to offer up our thanksgivings unto god for . if first , we consider the author of it ; the inscription will tell us that it is a psalm of david . and if we look to the character which he attributes to himself in the words following the text ; we shall find , that when he composed it , he was king of israel : and designed it as an acknowledgment to god for some signal favour which he had received from him , after his advancement to that high dignity . if secondly , we enquire into the subject of it ; it is evident from the whole series of the psalm , that it was intended for a thanksgiving to god , for some eminent deliverance which he had vouchsafed to him . for this he praises god in the verse before the text : blessed be the lord , because he hath heard the voice of my supplications . and in the words of it , declares the joyful sense he had of his own preservation : the lord is my strength and my shield ; my heart trusted in him and i am helped ; therefore my heart greatly rejoiceth , and with my song will i praise him. but this is not yet all : for , thirdly ; if we look to the circumstances of that deliverance , we shall find it to be still more agreeable , to the occasion of our own thanksgiving . for ( 1st . ) the danger to which the psalmist was exposed , was not only a design against his person , but such as extended to his very life . he had cruel and merciless men to deal with ; and had not god seasonably interposed his hand , he had fallen a sacrifice to their rage and malice . so the first verse of this psalm tells us ; unto thee will i cry o lord my rock , be not silent to me ; lest if thou be silent , i become like them that go down into the pit. and in the psalm immediately foregoing ; and composed , not only about the same time ; but , as is reasonably conjectured , upon the same occasion too , with this before us ; he represents his adversaries as so many savage beasts , that had designed to tear him in peices , and to glut themselves with his blood : verse 2. when mine enemies , and my foes , came upon me to eat up my flesh , they stumbled , and fell. ( 2dly . ) the persons who had conspired against him , were not only a sort of merciless , and bloody men ; but they were as false , and treacherous , as they were barbarous and cruel . they spoke him fair , at the same time that they had resolved to stab him to the heart . they had long endeavour'd by calumny and mis-representation , to alienate the affections of his people from him : and when they saw that this would not do ; then they resolved , at once , to make an end of him. and for this we have , again , the psalmist 's own words , in both these psalms ; who therefore upon this very account prays to god against them : draw me not away with the wicked , and with the workers of iniquity , who speak peace to their neighbours , but mischief is in their hearts . deliver me not over unto the will of mine enemies ; for false witnesses are risen up against me , and such as breath out cruelty . but ( 3dly . ) tho' the design of these barbarous men , was chiefly against the person of king david ; yet it did not stop there . no ; they resolved to extend their malice to all that adhered to him : and not to leave , till they had compleated their vengeance , in the utter ruine both of the one , and of the other . it was this gave occasion to that conjunction we meet with both of his and their deliverance , ver . 8. the lord is their strength ; and he is the saving strength of his anointed . and drew from him that prayer with which he concludes this psalm ; ver . 9. save thy people , and bless thine inheritance ; feed them also , and lift them up for ever . and as such was their design against david , and his followers ; so if we enquire ( 4thly . ) what may have been the cause of so inveterate a malice against both , we shall be able to give no other account of it than this ; that god had wonderfully raised up the one , to the throne of judah , and the other thought themselves obliged in conscience to submit to him , and to support his authority . this is what the psalmist again declares to us , in the 4th . and 5th . verses of this psalm : where he ( for this very reason ) either fore tells , or prays for , their disappointment : give them according to their deeds , and according to the wickedness of their endeavours ; give them after the work of their hands ; render to them their desert : — because they regard not the works of the lord , nor the operation of his hands : that is to say , those evident marks of god's singular providence , which were so plainly to be seen , in his raising him up to be king of israel . in the words before us , there are these four things to be consider'd : i. the deliverance it self for which david , in this place , blesses god ; i am helped . ii. the author of his deliverance ; it was the lord . iii. the motive which induced god to deliver him : the lord was his strengh , and his sheild ; his heart trusted in him , and therefore , he was helped . iv. and lastly . the return which the royal psalmist made to god for his deliverance : therefore , says he , my heart greatly rejoiceth , and with my song will i praise him. these are the several parts which my subject leads me to consider : and i shall do it , all along , first ( but very briefly ) as they relate to king david , and his people ; and then , more fully , as they may be applied to our own royal sovereign , and to that wonderful deliverance , god has been pleased to afford us , out of the hands of our enemies . and , first : let us consider the deliverance it self , which is to be the subject of our present thanksgiving ; i am helped . what the particular blessing was to which david here refers , we cannot tell : but as the whole tenor of this psalm assures us , that it was some very signal danger from which god had rescu'd him ; so , i have before observ'd , that the occasion of it was owing to that implacable malice which some few wicked men had conceived against him , for his being made king of israel ; notwithstanding the visible marks of god's hand , which appear'd in the whole progress of that affair . it is , indeed , an astonishing thing to consider , that after so many , and such plain assurances as god had given of his pleasure , in this particular ; yet still such numbers should continue not only , not to regard his work , but even to bid defiance to his providence ; and to set themselves up against one , whom they could not but see , he was resolved to exalt . that samuel was a true prophet , and appointed by god to deliver his will to that people ; none among them ever doubted . he was the person whom god employed to introduce the kingly government among them : and it was upon his credit , that saul himself was received by them for their king. and yet it was this same samuel that publish'd god's decree for taking the crown from saul ; and that so openly , and in such a solemn manner , that it was not possible for any among them to have been ignorant of it . nay , but this was not all : samuel not only made known to them the decree of god concerning saul ; but shew'd them the very person whom god had chosen for them in his stead . he anointed him , for this very end , in bethlehem ; and commanded the jews to look upon him , and receive him as their king. this was so notorious , that even saul himself knew of it : and jonathan , saul's son , and heir apparent to the crown , not only knew the same thing , but consented to it ; and used his utmost endeavour to promote the will of god in it . and now , when all this was so plain , as i have here represented it to you , and as you all know that it was ; who could have imagined , that there should ever have risen any doubt , whether the jews were to stick to the house of saul ; or to lay that aside , and without any more ado , submit to david , as their king ? yet so we see it proved : for abner , saul's general , no sooner saw that his master was slain , but he took ish-bosheth his son , and made him king in his stead ; and eleven of the twelve tribes of israel , acknowledged his authority . it would be too long a story to recount to you , what unhappy divisions this threw that people into ; and through what a multitude of dangers , god , at last , brought his anointed to the full possession of that power which he had allotted to him. i shall only observe , that so generous , as well as innocent , was the conduct of the holy david , in the whole course of this affair ; as shew'd him to have deserved the crown , tho' god had not bestow'd it , in so singular a manner , upon him. tho' saul several times endeavour'd , by the foulest means , to destroy him ; and god , ( as if it had been on purpose that he might make him a retaliation ) twice put saul himself into his hands ; yet this brave prince not only scorn'd to take the advantage of him , but would not consent that any of his party should touch him . and when , ( tired out with the confusions they had lain under , and convinced of the will of god , to set david upon the throne ) two of the chief officers of his army treacherously slew ish-bosheth their master , and brought his head to king david ; that excellent man , did not only not shew any favour to them ; but as he had before done to the amalekite , who slew saul , ( tho' at his own desire , and meerly to keep his enemies from doing of it , ) he punish'd them according to their desert : he cut off their hands and their feet , and hang'd them up in hebron ; and gave an honourable burial to the head of that unfortunate prince , whom they had so basely and barbarously murder'd . but tho' god had therefore in so eminent a manner set david upon the throne , and david himself had appear'd , in all respects , so worthy of that dignity : tho' never any prince more generously exposed himself for the publick safety , or came off with greater honour , or put things into a better posture , than he did that country ; yet was not all this sufficient to quiet the minds , and to reconcile the affections of some perverse tempers to him : but they were still ready , upon every occasion , to assault his person ; and to do , what in them lay , to subvert his authority . and which may be a sufficient demonstration to us , that some mens resentments , are not only without bounds , but beyond conviction too : and that we ought not to wonder if no rational considerations can take place with those , whose passions and prejudices are so violent and infatuating that we see a prophet could not ; and it may al , most be question'd , whether an angel from heaven would have been able to perswade them . such was the case of the jews heretofore ; and i would to god , i had no cause to say , that the same is our case at this very day . but what then means our solemn assembling at this time ? why are we here met together to bless god for the preservation of our royal sovereign , if neither his person was in danger , nor his authority invaded ? to recount the several steps by which it pleased god to bring our david to his throne ; and shew you what just reason an injured people had to look to themselves , and not suffer their liberties to be subverted , and their religion destroy'd , without taking any due care to preserve either ; would divert me too far from the subject before me , and to which i desire now particularly to apply my self . i shall therefore only say thus much as to this matter ; that if ever it may be lawful for any people to provide for their own safety : if the constitution of a limited monarchy , be not a meer notion , that has neither meaning , nor priviledge in it : if a nation govern'd by laws of its own approving ; and that never engaged to obey any sovereign , but what mutually obliged himself to rule according to those laws ; has as just a right to the legal government of the prince , as the prince has to the legal obedience of such a people : in short , if it be absurd to say , that a whole kingdom may have a right to its laws and liberties , and yet have no right to defend them , tho' they should never so apparently , or in such considerable instances , be broken in upon ; tho' such things should be enterprized , as all men must see were design'd , and if not prevented , must end in a total dissolution of the constitution : then had this kingdom also reason to stand up in defence of its laws , and its religion , establish'd by those laws : and to lay hold on the happy opportunity of the desertion of a king , who was resolved rather not to rule at all , than not to rule in his own way . whether this were our case , as to matter of fact , whether our constitution was really in danger of being subverted , and our religion , laws , and liberties were invaded ; this must be left to every ones own conscience to judge of . but if they were , and if our monarchy be in the very frame and constitution of it a limited monarchy ; and establish'd not upon the imperial laws of a few visionary politicians , but upon the fundamental laws of its own making , or allowing : then i must solemnly profess that either i am uncapable of judging what sense and reason is ; or it must follow , that an absolute monarch , a prince not bounded by law , but governing only by the arbitrary motions of his own will , is no king of our acknowledging : our constitution knows no such monarch , nor did we ever oblige our selves to obey such a one. and now having thus truly shewn you how our case stood when it pleased god to send our royal deliverer to us , i shall need say very little to convince you , that he did not come without a particular providence attending him in the whole course of our deliverance . and tho' success when it stands without any other support , much more if it be contrary to justice and equity , is but a very bad argument of the divine approbation ; because god may permit what he does not allow of : yet where a whole kingdom is manifestly injured , oaths are broken , laws despised : where the religion of a nation is endeavoured to be subverted ; and a free people to be subjected to the intolerable yoak of an arbitrary power , and an idolatrous worship ; and god visibly appears on their behalf , in such extraordinary instances of his providence , as scarce any age can parallel : it must be obstinacy and perverseness not to see that his arm has brought salvation unto them ; or seeing it , not to be persuaded , with all thankfulness , to accept of it . for not to say any thing of those many deliverances we have heretofore assembled to bless god for : how great was the mercy that saved us from our present danger ? how evident was the hand of god , in every circumstance of it ? that men , neither the most religious , nor compassionate of any in the world ; enemies to our religion , and ( if it were possible ) somewhat worse than enemies to our present government ; should yet be so strook with the regret of an enterprize , which alone could give them any just hopes of succeeding in their designs against us , as to become themselves the discoverers of their own wicked undertakings ; is certainly very strange : and what can hardly be accounted for , without acknowledging some extraordinary impulse of conscience in it . that having discovered it ; those who suffer'd for it ; and whose concern for their own reputation , if not for the common cause , one would think , should have prompted them to leave the credit of such an attempt as much in doubt , as was possible ; should yet joyn their own testimony , to the witness that had before been given of the truth of it ; this is yet more wonderful : and what neither the principles , nor politicks of the church of rome , usually allow their proselytes to do . that to strengthen both the witness of some , and the confessions of others , as to this matter ; so many foreign proofs should be sent us from all parts abroad , and shew that to have been publish'd before-hand almost to all europe , which ought , if possible , to have been concealed even from those who were to be actors in it ; this must be the effect of a more than ordinary infatuation : and cannot be reconciled to the usual caution , and closeness of those , who were the great contrivers , and abettors of it . in short ; that when such a time was taken to invade us from abroad , as ( had our own measures succeeded ) we must have been left utterly destitute of any possibility either of preventing , or opposing it at home ; he who governs the wind and the sea , should so order matters , that it was not possible for us to send away those ships , on which our safety was to depend : this is , above all the rest , an evident instance of god's favour to us ; and ought to be as wonderful in our eyes , as it has been astonishing in those of our enemies . so plainly was god pleased to shew himself on our side , in every circumstance of this deliverance . and that we may the better know what returns we ought to make for it , give me leave to offer you , a very few observations , with reference thereunto . and , 1st . if we consider it only in that part of the design which was the first to have been put in execution ; god has prevented the murder of our king : of that king whom he had chosen to be the instrument of our preservation ; and in whose safety our very enemies themselves account our welfare to consist . and god forbid ! we should have a less esteem of our royal sovereign , than those who the most hate him , shew us that they have . 2dly : this murder was to have been follow'd with a foreign invasion : an invasion from that prince who has already fill'd most of the other parts of europe with ruin and desolation . and , particularly , has shewn himself so irreconcilable an enemy to the protestant religion , as to be resolved ( if it were possible ) to root out the very memory of it from off the earth . and here then let us consider , what a confusion and desolation this must have put our unfortunate country into ? when we should have seen , our houses in flames about our ears ; our land destroy'd ; our friends and relations slaughter'd before our eyes : the best and greatest of our nation , those from whose courage or conduct , from whose counsel or interest , we might have especially hoped for help , secretly cut off , in the very beginning of our disorders . in short , when our land being become a seat of war ; we should have beheld , and suffer'd all those miseries , and calamities , which we tremble to hear of , tho' at the greatest distance from us. oh! how happy would those have been , who should have had the priviledge of being first destroyed ? rather than to have outlived the fortunes of their country , their own peace , and their churches establishment . but , blessed be god! who has graciously deliver'd us out of their hands ! and thereby given us a new earnest of his favour to us : and manifested to the world , that in vain are all the counsels of men to destroy those , whom he has resolved to help and support . and thus have i shewn you , not only what our deliverance is ; but withal , which was my iid . point ; to whom we are to ascribe the glory of it . for tho' god be , indeed , the sovereign dispenser of all our fortunes ; and , as such , must be recurr'd to as the final author of whatsoever good we enjoy : yet in some cases he is pleased in a more particular manner to discover his hand in the blessings which we receive from him ; and therefore ought in a singular manner to be look'd unto , as the donor of them . so he did in davids deliverance ; and so he did in our late preservation . it was neither our hand , nor our counsel that saved us : neither the strength of our armies , nor the cunning of our contrivance , that disappointed the designs of our enemies against us. but it was the arm of the lord that defended us : he was our strength and our shield ; and therefore we were helped . which being so let us go on , iiidly , to consider , what it was that induced god to deliver david heretofore ; and for which we may justly presume he was pleased , in so wonderful a manner , to preserve us now : my heart trusted in him , says he , and i am helped . there is nothing more frequently taken notice of by the royal psalmist , throughout this whole book , than this one thing ; that he was therefore so often , and in so signal a manner , protected by god , because he put his trust in him. it is upon this ground that he sometimes prays to god for help : psal. vii . 1. o lord my god! in thee do i put my trust ; save me from all them that persecute me , and deliver me. and again , psal. xv . 2. o my god! i trust in thee , let me not be ashamed , neither let mine enemies triumph over me. and when god heard his prayer , and preserved him from his enemies ; it is to this that he ascribes his doing of it : i have trusted in the lord , therefore i shall not slide , psal. xxvi . 1. and again , psal. xxi . 7. the king trusteth in the lord ; and thro' the mercy of the most high , he shall not be moved . it is this that he recommends to all others , as the best means they could use to secure to themselves the favour of god , and the protection of his good providence . trust in the lord , says he , and do good ; so shalt thou dwell in the land. they that trust in the lord shall be even as mount zion , which may not be removed , but standeth fast for ever . and , lastly , not to mention any more particulars ; it is this that makes him speak so often of god , as the particular defender of such persons : the lord , says he , redeemeth the souls of his servants ; and none of them that trust in him shall be destitute . psal. xxxiv . 22. and again , psal. xviii . 30. he is a buckler to all those that trust in him. now this being the benefit of such a trust , even with respect to our present welfare ; it cannot but be a matter of great consequence to us to know , wherein the nature of this trust do's consist ; and how we may intitule our selves to the benefits of it ? and here , 1st . i must observe , that we ought not so far to mistake either our duty , or our interest , as to imagine that because we are commanded to trust in god , therefore we must take no farther care of , nor make any suitable provision for the success of our affairs . this would be not so much to trust in god , as to presume upon him : to expect that he should work miracles for our sakes ; and do all to save those , who will do nothing to save themselves . on the contrary we see how even david himself , amidst all his trust in god's help , yet still took care to make the best provision he could for his own safety . and when the israelites before , were sent by his own peculiar commission , to kill and take possession ; and were assured of victory , before they went into the field : yet still they were required to act with as much art and cunning ; to contrive as wisely , and to fight as resolutely , as if the whole success of their enterprizes were to have depended upon their own courage and conduct . and so must we do now : god has , 't is true , in a wonderful manner , deliver'd our king , and discover'd the designs of our enemies against us. he has shewn us what kind of men we have to do with ; and from whence our danger is likely to arise . and it must be , in great measure , our own fault , if we do not prevent it . but yet , if because god has done thus much for us , we shall from henceforth grow careless and secure : if while our enemies threaten us from abroad , and we are beset with a discontented , designing party at home ; we shall neither be careful to discover what their strength is , nor to consider how to fortifie our selves against them : we must blame no body , but our selves , if we shall at last fall into their snares , and sink under those attempts , we have now so narrowly escaped . but 2dly . tho' we may , and ought to use our best endeavours to provide for our own security ; yet we must not place our dependance upon them : but when we have done all that we can , must still look up to god , for deliverance and success . and this is truly to trust in him ; and will furnish us with a clear notion of the nature of that great duty which is required of us on all these occasions . to provide for our own safety , and to take those measures that seem the most likely to promote the publick welfare ; this is not only very lawful , but is reasonable and necessary . nor shall we ever be secure , without doing of it . but yet , when all is done , 't is neither our arms , nor our counsels ; neither our strength , nor our policy , that we must depend upon : but we must still recur to god for help ; and put our whole trust and confidence in his mercy . so david did ; and it was this that crown'd his enterprises with honour and victory . i will not trust in my bow , says he ; neither shall my sword save me. thro' thee will we push down our enemies ; thro' thy name will we tread them under , that rise up against us . psal. xliv . 5 , 6. and in another psalm , he makes this wise , and pious remark , upon the different conduct of his enemies , as to this matter ; and how it succeeded with them accordingly : psal. xx . 7 , 8. some trust in chariots , and some in horses ; but we will remember the name of the lord our god. they are brought down and fallen ; but we are risen and stand upright . for men to look only to the number of their forces ; the exactness of their discipline ; and the cunning of their management ; and then boast of their enterprises as certain and infallible ; and exalt themselves in their own imaginations , as if no disappointment could happen to them : this is not only to shew too great a contempt of god's providence , but too little a reflection upon the state of the world ; and those numerous accidents to which the greatest and wisest undertakings are exposed . and i am pretty confident , our enemies themselves begin , by this time , to be sensible of their own folly in this particular : and to perceive how vain a thing it is to lay great designs , and build up mighty expectations upon them ; and not consider all the while , that there is a god who ruleth in the kingdoms of men , and whose counsel , when we have done all we can , shall stand. but above all , 3dly : as we must not trust in our own strength or policy for success , and security : so must we take heed not to engage in any wicked courses , either to promote our interests , or to prevent our danger . for this will be plainly to forsake god ; and to trust in our own devices , even in defiance of his ability to controul , and disappoint us. there is a certain justice to be observed even against an enemy : and war its self has its laws , from which the more upright heathens thought it , not only evil , but scandalous to depart . and much more ought we christians to do likewise . and tho' to a weak mind , and a bruitish policy ; it may appear a very wise method of proceeding , to endeavour , by secret treachery , to cut off a dangerous enemy ; and do that by a suddain stab , or a deadly draught , which cannot without much hazard be accomplish'd in a fair engagement : yet there is a god above , who as he abhors himself , and has taught us to detest such barbarous undertakings ; so do's he for the most part bring them to nought : and leave the projectors only to the regret of having been disappointed in their designs ; and to the hatred and contempt of mankind , for having ever engaged in them. thus god did do in the case of david , whom saul so often endeavour'd , and hoped to have destroy'd : and thus has he done for our royal sovereign . he has deliver'd him from the secret practices , as well as from the open violence of his enemies . and continued him to be , as he is this day , a living monument of his own mercy ; and of the un-christian , un-manly designs of those , who are great only in treachery and deceit : in endeavouring basely to destroy those , whom they never yet durst meet in the field of honour ; nay , to whom they would rather tamely yield up , if they had it , the empire of the world , than let the sword decide it between them , to whom it should belong . and let them rejoice , if they please , in their inglorious proceedings . let them raise armies , and train up forces , not to fight , but to countenance the treachery of their proceedings . let them buy victory ; and corrupt those , whom they would be thought to engage : and fancy , after all , that they are great and honourable ; because they are able to command panegyric's , and to reward the mercenary authors of them . but posterity will know the baseness of their proceedings ; and god , in a little time , will judge them for them. in the mean while it will be our parts to provide , the best we can , against their wickedness : and having so done let us not doubt , but that god will turn their devices to their own confusion ; and not suffer us to fall by them , whilst we continue to put our trust in him. and now , it remains only that i conclude all with the ivth and last point , which i proposed to speak to , viz. the return which the royal psalmist made to god for his deliverance : therefore my heart greatly rejoiceth , and in my song will i praise him . in which words we have these ( 2 ) things represented to us : 1st . the inward sense which david had of god's mercy to him : his heart greatly rejoiced . and , 2dly . his outward expression of it ; in my song will i praise him. these two together made up the return of that holy man ; and both of them must concur in our thanksgiving ; if ever we mean to render it pleasing and acceptable to god almighty . 1st . we must entertain a worthy , and grateful sense of our deliverance . and this , one would think , every one should do , who is capable of understanding what it was ; and from what a deluge of miseries , we have reason to believe , we are freed by it . were the mischief , design'd against us , to have reach'd no farther than to the death of the king ; yet sure we cannot have so soon forgot , how much we owe to him , as not to account our selves , in an eminent manner , concern'd for his preservation . he who in the time of our greatest danger ventured his own life and fortunes , to secure ours ; and when our enemies seem'd to be in their full career , trampling both our laws , and religion under their feet ; stept forth into the gap , and bravely withstood the torrent , which would otherwise have born down all before it : as he must needs deserve our most grateful acknowledgment for so seasonable an interposition ; so shall he , i hope , be always consider'd by us , as the repairer of our breaches ; the supporter of our state ; the defender of our liberties ; and the preserver of the true religion among us : and in whose safety , we therefore ought , as we do , most heartily to rejoice . but this is not all : the very danger he was exposed to , was meerly for our sakes ; and upon the account of that protection which he continues to afford us , against the fury of our enemies . nor would they ever have thought of destroying him , had he not been so zealous to save us. the truth is , if we will consider the design of our enemies aright ; we must look upon our solemn rejoicing at this time , to be not so much upon the account of our royal sovereigns preservation , as of our common deliverance . our country ; our families ; our estates ; nay our very lives themselves : the constitution of our monarchy ; the laws by which we are govern'd ; the religion in which we serve god now , and thro' which we expect to be saved hereafter ; all these were struck at : and , had their attempt succeeded , must all have fallen together with the great defender of them . nor can any one excuse himself from a grateful resentment of this happy deliverance , without declaring himself thereby a publick enemy : an enemy , not only to his prince's safety ; but to the peace , the welfare , nay to the very establishment of the church and government under which we live . we were appointed as sheep for the slaughter ; our land to have been made an akeldama , a field of blood : the fury of war , always very dismal , and no where more , than where the french tyranny has the fortune to prevail ; was to have been doubled upon us. whilst we should have been exposed not only to the rage of those abroad , ( and who by the treatment they have given their own countrymen , have sufficiently shewn , what all others , of a different religion , must expect from them ; ) but to the particular resentments of our own domestick enemies . or to speak all in one word ; we should have been laid open to all the cruelty that a false zeal , and a persecuting church could inspire into the minds of men ; who would have set no bounds to their rage ; as they know no measure of their hatred , and malice , against us . oh! the horrour and confusion , the shreiks and the lamentations , that would have been seen , and heard in all our streets ! how often should we in vain have wish'd to die , rather than live to behold and suffer such evils , as would , before this time , have come upon us ? as the horrour of a shipwreck at sea , or of an earthquake at land ; as a city taken by storm ; as if the day of judgment were coming upon the earth ; such would the case of this miserable country have been . but , blessed be god! who has not given us over for a prey unto their teeth . our soul is escaped , even as a bird out of the snare of the fouler ; the snare is broken , and we are delivered . nay , we are not only saved from our present danger , but are , i hope , in some measure awakened to provide for our future safety : and effectually convinced what canaanites we have among us ; and how much it will concern us to beware of them . and , i would to god ; they did not give us , every day , more and more reason so to do . for even since the discovery of this horrid , barbarous , base design ; where is almost the man , that has given us any good assurance of his abhorrence of it ? that he is asham'd of the undertaking ; that he detests those who were engag'd in it : or is indeed concern'd for any thing of it , unless it be for this one thing , that they succeeded no better in the execution of it . but such is the power of passion and prejudice ; and so unaccountable are the working of some mens consciences ! for sure , otherwise , one would think it should be somewhat more than infatuation , to imagine , that to call in a french power is a likely method to secure english liberties : or that those who have been so zealous to roct out the protestant interest at home , will yet be so good natured , as to establish it abroad . i hope there is no one will so far mistake my design in insisting upon these matters ; as to think that i desire hereby to raise up any storm , against the quiet and conscientious part of those who differ from us , in point either of religion or government . on the contrary , i freely profess , that i love , and value , a sincere and upright christian , let his opinion be never so contrary to what i take to be the right : and for the whole world i would not , willingly , be the occasion of the least evil , to such a one . persecution for matters of opinion , is what , i thank god , i have ever abhorr'd : and i hope i shall never be so far transported in my zeal for any cause or party , as to give the least encouragement to it . but then i must beg leave to observe withal , that true religion , is first pure , then peaceable ; it is humble and charitable ; it thinketh no evil , nor wisheth any ; it rejoyces not in iniquity ; but desires the welfare and happiness of those , who are at the greatest distance from its own perswasion . and if instead of maintaining such a character , men will be peevish and morose ; turbulent and unquiet : if they will not only shew an implacable hatred towards all such as differ from them , but will , upon every occasion , publickly censure and revile them too : if they will rejoyce in their harm , and be concern'd at their welfare ; and resolve at any rate to procure their ruin , though they were sure to perish together with them : in short , if such be their conscience , that they can without remorse consent to have a king murder'd ; their country invaded ; their religion and liberties given up into the hands of those who are the profess'd enemies of both : i cannot but think , that then it is high time for us to look to our selves , and to have a care of such zealots ; and to consider , the rather , how to prevent our ruin , for that it is become a matter of conscience , with some men , to do all they can to destroy us . and now if , from what has been said , it appears , that our hearts ought greatly to rejoyce at this deliverance ; then i am sure i shall need add very little to perswade you , 2dly . to let your tongues declare the sense of them . for the expressions of the mouth , naturally follow the disposition of the mind : and when the one is full of a grateful resentment of god's mercies ; the other will break out , into songs of praise and thanksgiving for them . now this we have , in some measure already done ; and shall again go on , with the church , to do . but we must not let our thanksgiving stop here ; nor think that the acknowledment of one such solemn meeting , is a sufficient return for so great a preservation . rather , we should teach our very children to speak of this mercy ; and deliver the memory of it down to succeeding generations . that the ages yet to come may know what a deliverance we have received ; as well as enjoy the benefits of it . and by more and more instances be convinced , how impossible it is to reconcile a popish power , to the interest of a protestant church and kingdom : and that they ought rather , to expose themselves to any hazards , and to undergo any burdens ; than be brought again under the yoak of it . thus then let us rejoyce in the blessing we have received , and thus let us speak of it in all our gates . and may that god who regardeth the heart , and knoweth the secret thoughts of every one of us ; approve our sincerity , and accept of our thanksgivings ! and ever more preserve us , from the treachery , and violence of all our enemies ; but , especially from the tyranny of the great oppressor . may he incline those to consider and praise him , who are yet to be convinced of the justice of our cause , and the happiness of our deliverance : nay , who perhaps break in upon the solemnity of this day , with murmurings and repinings against god for preserving us . and as for those who are true and steddy to the publick interest of their country and religion ; may he every day render them more useful , and serviceable to both ! may they be active and vigorous ; firm and resolute ! neither afraid to own a good cause , though reviled by those who wish ill to it ; nor unwilling to venture themselves , and all they have , for the support of it . may they to the sacrifices of their lips , add the piety of their lives : and by a general reformation of manners , and union of hearts and affections among us , remove the only obstacles that seem any way likely to prevent our common happiness ! and having thus disposed our selves for his blessing ; may that god who has sent this great salvation to us , multiply more and more his favours upon us ! may he direct our counsels ; animate our resolutions ; and give success to our undertakings ! but especially ; may he preserve our royal sovereign from all the treacherous designs of his enemies against him ; and from the hands of those who delight in blood ! may his arms be prosperous ; and his reign happy ! may he finish all his enterprizes with honour , and victory : and may we consider more and more , how much our safety depends upon his welfare ; and with what zeal we ought to unite together against all such , as by seeking his destruction , shall give us the highest , and most fatal demonstration that can be given , of their desire to promote our common ruin. i shall conclude all , with the words of our royal psalmist , when god had given him rest from all his enemies , and had delivered him from the hand of saul , psal. xviii . 46. the lord liveth , and blessed be our rock ; and let the god of our salvation be exalted . he has deliver'd us from our enemies ; he has lifted us up above those that rose up against us ; he has deliver'd us from the violent man : therefore , will we give thanks unto thee o lord among the heathen , and sing praise unto thy name : salvation and glory , and honour and praise , and thanksgiving ; be unto the lord our god , for ever and ever , amen . finis . books printed for r. sare at grays-inn-gate in holborn . the genuine epistles of st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp , the sphepherd of hermas , and the martyrdoms of st. ignatius and st. polycarp . translated and published with a large preliminary discourse , by w. wake , d. d. 8 o. a practical discourse concerning swearing , especially in the two great points of perjury and common sw earing : by w. wake , d d. 8 o. fables of aesop and other eminent mythologists , with morals and reflexions . folio . the visions of don francisco de quevedo . 8 o. seneca's morals , 8 o. tully's offices , 12 o. erasmus's colloquies . 8 o. bona's guide to eternity . 12 o. all six by sir roger l'estrange . compleat sets , consisting of eight volumes of letters , writ by a turkish spy , who lived forty five years undiscovered at paris , giving an impartial account to the divan at constantinople , of the most remarkable transactions of europe during the said time . 12 o. humane prudence , or , the art by which a man may raise himself and fortune to grandeur . the sixth edition . 12 o. moral maxims and reflections in four parts . written in french by the duke of rochfoucault . now made english. 12 o. epictetus's morals , with simplicius's comment , made english from the greek . by george stanhop , late fellow of king's college cambridge . 8 o. the parson's councell or ; or , the law of tythes . by sir simon degge . 8 o. of the art both of writing and judging of history , with reflections upon antient as well as modern historians . by the learned and ingenious , father le moyne , 12 o. an essay on reason . by sir george mackenzie . 12 o. the unlawfulness of bonds of resignation . 8 o. the doctrine of a god and providence ; vindicated and asserted by tho. gregory late of wadham-college , oxford ; and now lecturer near fulham . 8 o. some discourses on several divine subjects . by the same author . death made comfortable , or the way to die well . by john kettlewell , a presbyter of the church of england . 12 o. dr. gregory's divine antidote against john smith , a socinian writer . 8 o. dr. gregory's sermon upon the thanksgiving day , for his majesties preservation from the intended assassination . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66392-e160 psalm xxviii . 3. psalm xxvii . 12. 1 sam. viii , &c. 1 sam. x. 12. 1 sam. xv . 10. &c. 1 sam. xvi . 13. 1 sam. xx 31. xxiv . 20. lb. xxiii . 17. 2 sam. ii . 8 , &c. 1 sam. xviii . 10 , 25. xix . 11 , &c. 1 sam. xxiv . xxvi . 2 sam. iv . 6. 2. sam. i. 15. 2 sam. iv . 12. ps. xxxvij . v. 3. psal. cxxv . 1. dan. iv . 32 prov. xix . 21. psal. cxxiv 6 , 7. jam. iij. 17. colos. iij. 12. 1 cor. xiij . 5 , 6. a sermon preached before the queen at white-hall, april 2, 1690 being the fifth wednesday in lent / by william wake. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1690 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66338) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41196) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1243:10) a sermon preached before the queen at white-hall, april 2, 1690 being the fifth wednesday in lent / by william wake. wake, william, 1657-1737. 36 p. printed for ric. chiswell and w. rogers, london : 1690. "publish'd by her majesties special command." reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -timothy, 1st, v, 22 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached before the queen at white-hall , april 2. 1690. being the fifth wednesday in lent . by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to their majesties : and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . publish'd by her majesties special command . london : printed for ric. chiswell at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard : and w. rogers at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1690. 1 tim. v. 22. lay hands suddenly on no man , neither be partaker of other mens sins . saint paul having planted a christian church at ephesus , and being called by his apostolick charge to preach the gospel to other places also , settles timothy there to supply what was yet wanting to the full establishment of it ; and not long after his departure , sends him this epistle to instruct him how he should behave himself in the house of god , and fulfil that great trust which was committed to him therein . in the verses before the text , we find him directing this holy man , how he should proceed in inflicting the censures of the church upon offenders , viz. that he should first admonish them openly , in the presence of the whole congregation ; that so both they who had sinned , might be the more earnestly moved to repent themselves of it ; and that others being terrified thereby , might have the greater care how they fell into the like sins , least they also became exposed to the same correction , v. 20. them that sin , rebuke before all , that others also may fear . 2dly . that he should proceed in these judgments uprightly and sincerely , without partiality , without fear or favour to any , v. 21. i charge thee before god and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou observe these things ; that is , that thou proceed according to these rules , in exercising the discipline of the church upon offenders ; without preferring one before another , or as our margin reads it , without prejudice , doing nothing by partiality . lastly , that having tied any man by the censures of the church , he should have a care not to make too much hast to loose him again , and restore him to the communion of it ; but should diligently enquire into , and prove his repentance : least by his easiness in receiving sinners into favour , he should lessen their fear and apprehension of sinning , and so bring upon himself the guilt of those crimes which such an unwarrantable lenity would be like to encourage wicked men to commit , when they should see how little it would cost them to expiate their sins , and satisfie the church for them , v. 22. lay hands suddenly on no man , neither be partaker of other mens sins . it is a difficulty that has somewhat divided both the ancient and modern interpreters of this passage , to what it is that the laying on of hands here spoken of is to refer ? whether to the admitting of persons into holy orders in the church ; or , as i have before explain'd it , to the receiving penitents into the communion of it ? for in both these cases the ancient christians made use of this ceremony of laying on of hands . if we understand the exhortation of the text with reference to the former of these , the meaning of it will be this : that he should have a care diligently to examine the faith , and to enquire into the lives and manners of those whom he admitted into any holy office or function in the church ; and see that they were duly qualified for it , according to those rules which he had before so largely given him for that very purpose . but tho i shall not presume to censure this account of these words , yet i must confess i think the latter interpretation of them which i before gave , as it equally agrees with the expression of st. paul , and with the primitive custom of laying on hands upon those whom they received again into communion after having fulfil'd the penance impos'd upon them for their sins ; so does it seem to me somewhat better to agree with the rest of the apostle's exhortation in that place . and the consideration which he lays before him to engage him to this care , is no other than what we find from hence transcribed sometimes into the penitential canons of the ancient church ; namely , lest by his remisness in this particular , he should have other mens sins imputed to his account , and be responsible to god , for all those crimes which he neglected to punish with that severity he ought to have done . but which soever of these two be the true meaning of st. paul's charge in the former part of the text , lay hands suddenly on no man : the reason of it in the latter will be in both the same ; namely , that timothy by his negligence in either of these cases would have render'd himself guilty of other mens sins , and therefore ought to be very careful and circumspect , that he might not do so . and this is the use which i shall now make of these words . it is a matter of sad and serious consideration that we who labour , the very best of us , under so great a load of our own sins , should yet as if that were not sufficient to ruine us , add every day a number of other mens to them , to encrease our account , and aggravate our condemnation . there is i believe but seldom a day passes , wherein we do not some of us render our selves guilty in this particular . i speak not now with reference to those , who not only live in an habitual commission of the most heinous sins themselves , but take a great deal of satisfaction , and even make it their daily employment , to draw as many others as they can into the commission of them . as if they meant to emulate the impiety of those whom st. paul has characterized , or rather branded in holy scripture , as the most desperate and diabolical of any in the world , rom. i. 32. who knowing the judgment of god , that they who commit such things are worthy of death , not only do the same , but have pleasure in those that do them . no , a man need not rise up to such a heigth of villany , to render himself guilty in the sight of god , of other mens transgressions . he may be so at a much lesser rate ; and that i fear upon such accounts , as the best of us all shall hardly be able utterly to clear our selves of it . i shall therefore make it my endeavour in a few reflections to shew , i st . what those circumstances are whereby we may be most likely to render our selves partakers of other mens sins ? from whence it will appear , ii dly . how careful we ought to be , of our selves and our actions , that we may keep our selves from being so . i st . what those circumstances are , whereby we may render our selves partakers of other mens sins ? for the better clearing of which point , i shall in the first place lay down this as a principle out of all doubt ; that no man becomes a partaker of the sins of another , but by his own act , i. e. by somewhat which himself does to involve his soul in the guilt of it . for else , as a great man among the heathens themselves very well argued , another mans wickedness might be my evil , which , says he , god would not have , that it might not be in another mans power to make me unhappy . 't is true indeed so great was the care of god heretofore to restrain the jews from an idolatrous worship , that he threatned for this sin to visit the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation ; i. e. upon those who could not possibly have been in any manner accessary to their impieties . but besides that there is a great deal of difference , between being partakers of other mens sins , and being visited , or punished upon occasion of them ; and that too only with some temporal evils , such as their own sins had very well deserved : we are plainly assured by god himself , ezekiel xviii . that even this complaint should be taken away ; the children should no more bear the iniquity of their fathers , neither the fathers of their children , but the soul that sinned it should die . and in all the accounts we meet with in the new testament of the judgment to come , we are expresly told that every man shall receive according to his own works ; or as our apostle has phrased it , gal. vi . 5. every man shall bear his own burden . it remains therefore that no one either becomes partaker of the guilt of another mans sins now , or shall be punish'd for them hereafter , any farther than he has by some circumstance or other render'd himself accessary thereunto . and our present business must be to enquire how many ways a man may do so ? now those are in general these three : ( 1 st . ) by giving occasion to other mens sins , ( 2 dly ) by approving of them when committed . and ( 3 dly ) , by neglecting to hinder them from committing them when we might and ought to have done it . ( 1st ) , a man may become a partaker of other mens sins , by giving occasion to the committing of them . this is in general so very clear that i do not know that it has ever been deny'd or doubted of by any . but now how many ways a man may become so far the occasion of anothers sin , as to render himself thereby a partaker in the guilt of it , i shall not undertake precisely to define . i will offer some of those that are the most obvious , and particularly reflected on as such in the holy scriptures . and first , he who contrives the commission of any sin , and either by his authority over any other commands , or else by his arguments and insinuations persuades him to commit it ; it is not to be question'd but that such a one does undoubtedly thereby render himself partaker of it . this was the case of david in the business of uriah , 2 sam. chap. xi th & xii th : when having committed adultery with bathsheba , and not knowing otherwise how to prevent the scandal of it ; he order'd joab , who then commanded the royal army before rabbah , to set uriah her husband in the fore-front of the hottest battel , that he might be smitten and dye ; and so he might take bathsheba to be his wife . but tho joab therefore executed the command , and the enemy slew him as he had projected it ; yet god charges neither the one nor the other of them with his death . he lays the whole guilt of his bloud at the king's door , who had been the occasion of it ; 2 sam. xii . 9. wherefore , says the prophet , hast thou despised the commandment of the lord , to do evil in his sight ? thou hast killed uriah the hittite , with the sword : — thou hast slain him with the sword of the children of ammon . and then he goes on in the next verses to pronounce judgment against him upon the account of it ; now therefore the sword shall not depart from thy house : behold i will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house ; and i will take thy wives before thine eyes , and give them unto thy neighbour , and he shall lye with thy wives in the sight of this sun : for thou didst it secretly , but i will do this thing before all israel , and before this sun . and immediately upon this admonition we find david himself confessing his sin , and imploring god's forgiveness , v. 13. and david said unto nathan , i have sinned against the lord . and in that great penitential psalm , psal. li. composed on purpose to be a standing memorial in the house of god , of his humiliation and repentance for this very sin , he particularly acknowledges himself guilty of the murder of uriah , and deprecates god's anger upon the account of it , v. 14. deliver me from blood-guiltiness , o god! thou god of my salvation , and my tongue shall sing aloud of thy righteousness . the truth is , such a one as this , is for the most part more guilty of the sin committed , than he who was either over-aw'd or perswaded into the commission of it . for tho every man ought to have such a care of himself , and such a concern for his duty , as not to suffer either the authority of the greatest person , or the insinuations of the dearest friend in the world , to be able to prevail with him in a matter where the glory of god , and the salvation of his own soul are at stake : yet there is a certain easiness and tenderness in our natures , that not only too much exposes us to be overcome by such persons as we have either a very great value for , or have otherwise been very much obliged to , and do what we ought not , out of a false and unreasonable regard to them ; but does also render us many times extremely pityable , tho not excusable , in the doing of it . whilst he who thus executes the office of the devil ; projects the villany , and prompts us to the execution of it , must remain utterly inexcusable both in the sight of god and man , for his impiety . but secondly , a man may be the occasion of anothers sin , and so become partaker of it , tho he does not in so eminent a degree as this concur to it ; if he does but in any other manner truly and effectually assist him in the committing of it . now this may be done many ways : as , 1 st . by contributing a helping hand to the doing of it : upon which account it was a constitution of the roman law , that if one committed a theft by the assistance of another ; as for instance , if one set a ladder ready , or left a door open , that another might go in and steal his neighbours goods ; he was adjudged thereby to be partaker of the crime , and stood liable to the same punishment that the other did , who committed the robbery . and the same must be said , 2dly , of him who counsels and advises another to any sin ; and thereby puts him upon the execution of it : as if , for example , a man should persuade another in necessity , to supply his own wants by stealing or defrauding his neighbour of his goods . and especially , 3dly , if he not only in general advises him to do this , but in particular , points out to him a fair occasion , to put his advice in execution . as if , for instance , he should not only counsel him in general to steal , but should moreover tell him where a good booty was to be had ? how he might get into his neighbours house ? what time would be the most proper for it ? and in what part of the house he should find what he went for ? nay but 4thly . tho a man should not go so far as this , nor be at all guilty of helping or advising his neighbour to do evil ; yet if he gives his consent to it ; if he encourage him in the performance , and approves his doing of it ; he does even by this render himself partaker of the guilt of it . 't is upon this account that st. austin charges st. paul with the death of the blessed steven . he was none of the witnesses against him , nor did he throw one stone at him . but he was standing by , and consenting unto his death ; and he kept the raiment of them that slew him . and by doing of this he rendred himself no less guilty than the most zealous of those that appeared against him . others cast the stones at him ; but st. paul slew him by their hands . the sum of this second remark is in short this : that whatsoever the means be by which any one assists another in his wickedness ; if he knows the thing to be evil , and yet still goes on to promote and encourage the execution of it ; he sins thereby against his own soul , and shall render an account to god for every such crime , as any other shall have committed by his help and assistance . but i must go yet farther : for , thirdly , a man may be adjudged by god to be the occasion of other mens sins , and as such to partake in them , tho' he do's not thus directly contribute to the execution of them . and that especially by these two ways : * by his wicked doctrine ; and , * by the scandal and influence of a bad example : and by either of which , if another be led into sin , we find the person who conduced but even thus far towards it , nevertheless charged by god as partaker of it . first , he that advances any wicked doctrine , whereby either to deceive men into the commission of sin , or to strengthen them in it , do's thereby render himself partaker of their evil-doings . it was a sad complaint which god once made against the prophets of old , ezek. xiii . that they prophesied falsly in his name , and seduced his people , by palliating their vices , and sowing pillows under their arms , and not suffering them to see their danger ; saying still peace , peace , and there was no peace . but god denounces a terrible judgment against them for their so doing , at the third and following verses : thus saith the lord , wo unto the foolish prophets that follow their own spirit , and have seen nothing . who say , the lord saith , and the lord hath not sent them . therefore thus saith the lord god ; my hand shall be upon the prophets that see vanity and that divine lies , and i will accomplish my wrath upon them , to wit , upon the prophets of israel , which prophesie concerning jerusalem , and see visions of peace for her , and there is no peace , saith the lord god. it would , i fear , be a melancholy reflection to consider , how many of these kind of prophets there are at this time among us , who by false principles and mistaken notions of christianity , that i do not add , and by their open profaneness too , by their new systems both of faith and morality , fall under the same censure , and thereby involve their souls in a greater destruction . but indeed , what other account can we give of all those principles and doctrines , whereby some extenuate the danger , others cover over the very nature of sin ? some lead men ignorantly into it , by teaching them that what is indeed unlawful , may innocently be done by them ; others let them see and know what they do , but then tell them they run no great hazard in the doing of it : a little sorrow and confession at the last , and all is secure . or should the worst that can happen , yet alas ! hell is no such dreadful place as 't is commonly misapprehended to be : it being unreasonable to think that god should punish a few temporary sins , with everlasting torments . in short , that 't is but to die , and perish , and enjoy nothing ; and why then should a man trouble himself with the dull formality of religion now , when he has so little to apprehend and be afraid of hereafter ? but let such men as these know , that it is not a light offence that they commit in all this . there is a time coming when they shall render a severe account for these their delusions : and undergo a punishment not only proportionable to their own sins , but to all that deluge of evil which by such principles as these , has broke in upon the world in these latter days . it was one of those great evils for which god pronounced that severe denuntiation against the jews heretofore , isaiah v. 20. that they call'd evil good , and good evil ; they put darkness for light , and light for darkness ; bitter for sweet , and sweet for bitter : that is , they confounded the natures of things , destroyd all distinction betwixt good and evil , vertue and vice ; they ran down piety as a vain practice , and recommended profaneness , as true gallantry and bravery : therefore as the fire devoureth the stubble , and the flame consumeth the chaff , so their root shall be rottenness , and their blossom shall go up as dust ; because they have cast away the law of the lord of hosts , and despised the word of the holy one of israel . secondly , a man may become the occasion , and so partake of other mens sins , not only by his evil doctrine , but by the scandal and influence of a bad example . and that , not only if he thereby designs to lead them into sin , but tho' he should not have the least desire , much less intention so to do . for sin being always scandalous , and apt to give offence , he who do's any thing that he ought not , and thereby leads his brother from his duty ; must answer to god not only for the evil that he did , but for all the consequences of it , to the deceiving of any other into the like offence . and thus the holy scripture not only condemns jeroboam for making israel to sin , upon the account of the calves that he set up in dan and bethel , on purpose to draw them away from the true worship of god : 1 kings xii . 28. it is too much for you to go up to jerusalem ; behold thy gods , o israel , which brought thee up out of the land of egypt : but represents st. peter to us as guilty of leading the gentile converts into error ; tho' by complying as he did with the judaizing christians he design'd only to condescend to their weakness , and not to give any the least cause of offence to the others . the case was in short this : there were in those first times many among the jews who tho' they readily embraced the gospel of christ , yet could not presently perswade themselves that they ought to abandon all the rites and ceremonies of their own law. with these therefore the apostles thought fit to bear for a while , and to permit them to observe their former customs , as far as was consistent with the nature of christianity so to do . but for the gentile converts , those who had never been at all subject to the law , to them they preach'd a gospel liberty , and exhorted them not to submit themselves to any such burden . st. peter being at antioch , in a church which st. paul had establish'd of this latter sort , freely for a time communicated with them ; not making any distinction of meats or drinks , nor at all observing the law of moses in any of those things . but it happen'd whilst he was there , that certain brethren came down from the church of jerusalem to him , who were still zealous for the law ; and in compliance with these , he began whilst they were with him to alter his manner of living , and no longer to use his former liberty , but to live again after the manner of the jews . he withdrew , says st. paul , and seperated himself , fearing them of the circumcision . this example of his led many of the jewish converts , who before had lived in all freedom with the gentiles , into the like abstinence ; insomuch that barnabas himself was carried away with the dissimulation ; and so began to raise some doubts and disturbances in that church . but st. paul reproved him openly before them all : he charged him that he did not walk uprightly according to the truth of the gospel : he withstood him to the face , and tells us plainly he was to be blamed : and that for compelling the gentiles to live as do the jews ; i. e. for encouraging them to it , and perswading them falsly by his example , that it was necessary for them so to do . it is in the case of sin now , as it was in that of an involuntary injury under the law. if a man open'd or digged a pit , and neglected to cover it , and another man's oxe or ass fall therein , tho' he made it only for his own use , and had not the least design of doing thereby any prejudice to his neighbour , yet because he did not take due care to fence it , and prevent all occasion of harm from happening by it , he was to repair his neighbours dammage , and give money to him for the oxe or ass , and the dead beast was to be his . and so here : if a man do's any thing that may be apt to lead another into sin , and takes not that due care he ought to prevent his being deceived by it , and another be thereby encouraged to do evil , he shall answer for his neglect : and if his action was not only scandalous but sinful too ; evil in its self , as well as apt to draw others into sin ; he shall be called to an account before god not only for his own but also for his neighbours soul ; and his sin shall be required yet one fold more of him for the occasion it gave to his brother to do wickedly . there is yet one way more whereby a man may give occasion to , and so partake of other mens sins , and which comes yet nearer to the case of timothy in the text , than any i have hitherto named ; and that is , fourthly ; by advancing evil men to places of trust and power , and thereby giving them opportunity to do much more mischief , than they could have done in a private capacity . i need not say how great a part of the calamities under which the world now labours might be prevented , were none but men of great integrity , and abilities suitable to the station to which they are called , ever permitted to have any rule or authority , either in civil or religious concerns . such as these , would not only not do any hurt themselves , but would in a little time either by their influence and example , or else by a due severity against offenders restrain others from doing it . but when the blind lead the blind ; when they who should teach , and make others good , are not good themselves ; what wonder if we see so little sense of piety among the people , when there is so little of it among those that should set them an example ? it is therefore certainly a great care that those ought to have , whose concern it is to provide that none but honest and worthy men be admitted into such stations , where if they are inclined to be evil , they may do a great deal of mischief to those below them . and if instead of having such a care , as far as is possible , not to suffer any wicked and profligate persons to receive any favour or countenance from them , they shall either take no care at all , or it may be , ( which has sometimes happen'd ) be well-enough contented that the vilest wretches should be the most honour'd and promoted by them ; what less can they expect than to answer for those sins , which such men by their means have had the opportunity to commit ? when jeroboam , whom we before mention'd , had set up his two calves in dan and bethel , and exhorted the people no more to go up to jerusalem , but to worship the gods which he had made for them ; we read , 1 kings xiii . 33. that for the better carrying on his design , he provided priests for them of the lowest of the people ; such as he thought fit for his purpose , that would be ready for any thing he should command them to do ; whosoever would he consecrated him , and he became one of the priests of the high-places . and how heinously god resented this , we may see in the very next verse ; and this thing became sin unto the house of jeroboam , even to cut it off and to destroy it from off the face of the earth . but because the great aggravation of jeroboam's sin was that he admitted such fellows into the priest hood on purpose to debase religion , and confirm the people in the idolatry which he design'd to establish among them ; we will look farther to the instance of the text , where neither of these things can be supposed . here the only fault we can imagine timothy was capable of being guilty of , must have been the not being so careful and circumspect as he ought , in trying and examining such persons as he admitted into any holy office in the church . and yet st. paul having exhorted him to this care in the former part of the text , if we take his words in that sense in which they are more generally understood ; lay hands suddenly on no man ; makes use of this consideration to enforce it upon him in the latter , that otherwise he should be responsible to god for all that mischief which should accrue to the church by the means of such persons as he admitted into the government of it , without that due caution he ought to have used in a matter of such importance ; neither be thou partaker of other mens sins . i shall conclude this point with that advice which the heathen orator once gave to his friend : if you should ever come to be in authority , says he , employ no wicked person in any of your affairs ; for whatsoever faults he commits , the blame will be sure to fall on you . and this may serve for the first way whereby we may become partakers of other mens sins , viz. by giving occasion to the committing of them . the ( 2d . ) is , by our approving of them when committed . and this too is a circumstance which renders a man not only partaker of anothers sin , but oftentimes more heinously guilty than he who committed it . a man may fall into sin by ignorance or surprise ; may be hurried on by his passions , and carried away in such a manner by the violence of temptation , as not to be able to command himself , and to withstand the force of them . and this tho' it will not altogether excuse , yet will lessen and extenuate a mans guilt ; will render him tho' not innocent , yet not extremely ill : he may commit the sin , and yet be so far from being pleased with it , that he may abhor himself for committing of it . but there can be no excuse for any one to justifie and approve what he knows to be evil. here is no room for passion or surprise : in short , it must be the evidence of a soul harden'd in wickedness , not only to do what is evil , but to take pleasure in it ; and to applaud and encourage the practise of it . now two ways there are whereby we may declare our approbation of anothers sin : and by both , but especially by the former of which , we shall be sure to render our selves partakers of it . 1 st . by making some advantage to our selves by it . 2 ldy , by justifying and applauding of it to others . 1st . by making some advantage to our selves by it . this was the case of ahab in the business of naboth , and for which god charges him with all the murder and oppression , that without his knowledge or direction had been committed in it , 1 kings xxi . he desired by any means to have purchased naboth's vineyard , and he was much discontented be cause he could not perswade him to part with it he laid him down upon his bed , and turned away his face , and would eat no bread ; but it does not appear that he at all design'd by any unjust violence to ravish it from him. but his wife wrote letters to the elders of his city , and commanded them saying ; proclaim a fast , and set naboth on high among the people : and set two men , sons of belial , to bear witness against him , saying , thou didst blaspheme god and the king ; and then carry him out , and stone him that he may die . this they did , and put him to death accordingly : and then the queen first made her husband acquainted with what was done . but what then was ahab's crime ? why , he received the news with satisfaction ; he was pleased with what had pass'd ; and he rose up from his bed , and went down to take possession of the vineyard . and for this god charges him by elijah with all the violence that without his knowledge had been before committed . thus saith the lord , hast thou killed and also taken possession ? therefore , in the place where dogs licked the blood of naboth , shall dogs lick thy blood , even thine . the truth is , so great is the equity of this proceeding , that we find even the positive laws of most cuntries , to observe the same measure . he that conceals a thief , and receives what is stollen , and partakes with him in his booty ; shall , if discovered , be look'd upon as if he had committed the theft : and therefore solomon says of such a one , prov. xxix . 24. that he hateth his own soul , that is , he puts his life in danger by it . and for what concerns the conscience , is even by the heathen moralists themselves adjudged as much a thief as the other . and the reason of this is clear , because by joining with the sinner at the last , and partaking with him in the advantage for which the villany was committed , instead of correcting him for it himself , or bringing him forth to a publick punishment ; he plainly declares his consent to what was done , and both preserves him , and encourages him to do the like again . nay but , 2 dly , tho' we should not make any advantage to our selves by the sins of others ; yet our very justifying and applauding of them , would of themselves be sufficient , to render us partakers of them . the malignity of sin lies not so much in what we do , as in the affections of the heart , the will and intention with which we do it . the outward act may accidentally add indeed to the aggravation of our guilt : but 't is the heart and the affections of that to which god principally looks ; and for which we shall either be acquitted or condemn'd at the last day . a man may do that which is in its self very innocent , and yet commit a great sin by doing it , if he thought it to be evil , and yet did it . and on the other side , there are such circumstances wherein what is in its self unlawful , may yet without sin be done by us , if a man were invincibly , and therefore excusably , ignorant that it was so . he that loves any evil , and wishes for an opportunity to commit it , and would be sure to embrace it if he had , is already guilty of it , tho' he should never find the opportunity he desires for it . thus in the instances which our saviour christ himself gives us , matth. v. he that looks upon a woman to lust after her , has already committed adultery with her in his heart : he that is angry with his brother , and would do him a mischief if he could , is already a murderer , though he never should be able to strike his ponyard into his breast . and therefore in the case before us ; if when a sin is done by another , we are pleased with it , we commend the fact , and so declare our selves to be in our hearts consenting to it ; we evidently thereby , as far as concerns our will and inclinations , bear a part in it , and shall accordingly be accounted in god's sight to have a share in the guilt of it . hence it is that we may observe , how studious good men have always shew'd themselves , in flying the very conversation of sinners : as if their keeping company with evil men , should seem to some an approving of their evil actions . it was the resolution of holy david , psal. ci . that he would not suffer any wicked man to stand before him , to dwell in his house , or receive the least favour and countenance from him . and in the cxix th psalm , v. 115. he makes it the consequence of his own resolving to be good , to drive all such from him as would not be so in like manner with him : depart from me ye evil-doers , i will keep the commandments of my god. and the same was the advice which st. paul gave to the corinthians , 1 ep. v. 11. he bids them not to keep company with a wicked christian : if any man , says he , that is called a brother be a fornicator , or covetous , or a railer , or a drunkard , or an extortioner , with such a one no not to eat . and again , in his 2 d to timothy , c. iii. having set down a large catalogue of sinners that should rise up in the latter days ; he bids us , ver ▪ 5. from such turn away . and st. john in his 2 d epistle , having given the same advice to the person to whom he there writes , that if any of those who had deny'd the faith of christ , after having been once made acquainted with it , should come to her , she should not receive them into her house , nor bid them god speed ; subjoins this very thing as the reason of it , for he that biddeth them god speed , is partaker of their evil deeds . and tho' i should be very unwilling to pronounce any thing rashly in a matter of such a nature , and am sensible there are many cases ; some wherein a man cannot avoid having to do with wicked men , as in the common concerns and affairs of this world : others in which a man may worthily keep company with them , as our saviour did with the publicans and sinners heretofore , the better to gain some opportunity to reclaim their manners , and convert them from their evil ways : yet i cannot but think it worth the while of a christian to consider with himself , how he will otherwise be able to excuse himself hereafter to god almighty , that he has received , loved , embraced the most profligate sinners ; shewn his favour and countenance to the most daring rebels against piety and religion ; and delighted in the conversation of those now , whose portion he deprecates , and whose companion he would be very unwilling to become at all adventures hereafter . nay perhaps has done yet more than this : has loved them for their very vices ; been pleased with their prosaneness and debauchery ; and smiled sometimes at those sins in others , which he would have been ashamed to commit himself . but i must not insist upon all these things : and therefore , 3dly , and to conclude this whole matter ; the last circumstance , whereby we may become partakers of other mens sins , is , by neglecting to hinder them from committing them , when we might , and ought to have done it . now tho this be a circumstance which seems more especially to regard those whom god hath set up as watchmen over the house of israel , yet is there no one that must think himself altogether unconcern'd in it . we all of us i hope have , i am sure we all of us should have the same zeal for the glory of god , and the same charity for the salvation of one anothers souls . and tho' god has indeed in a particular manner appointed some certain persons to watch more than others for your salvation , and to call upon you to look to your selves , and not give way to the tempter : yet whosoever he be that sees another about to do that which he knows will be odious to god , scandalous to good men , and without a timely repentance ruinous to his own soul , and has an opportunity to admonish him of his sin , and to hinder his committing of it , and yet neglects so to do ; let him fear , lest what god once denounc'd against the prophet ezekiel heretofore , be finally verified in himself ; c. 33. 8. when i say unto the wicked , o wicked man , thou shalt surely die , if thou dost not speak to warn the wicked from his way ; that wicked man shall die in his iniquity , but his blood will i require at thy hand . but though we are therefore all of us obliged , as we tender our own souls , to do what we can in our several capacities to save others ; and in order thereunto should hinder them from sinning , whenever it lies in our power so to do : yet it is not to be doubted , but that such persons as either by nature or friendship , or any the like engagement , ought to have a more particular concern than others , for their neighbours welfare ; or else by their place , and business , and character , are engaged in a more especial manner to watch over them , should be more than ordinarily careful as to this matter , and will have much more than others to answer for , if they be not . and two waies in general there are , whereby such persons must labour to hinder men from sinning , as ever they mean to clear themselves from being partakers in their iniquities . first , by discouraging sin all they can before it be committed : by setting forth the folly and unreasonableness of it now , and the great danger that shall certainly be the consequence of it hereafter : by shewing the vanity of all those little pretences , in which wicked men are apt to put their trust ; and not leaving them any hopes of impunity , either in this world or in the next , without a true repentance of their sins , and a reformation from them . secondly , by a severe enquiry into , and punishment of it after . this indeed is what the great temper and moderation of our present discipline , that i do not say some defect in it , permits not us , as st. paul here commanded timothy to do . we cannot call sinners publickly into the church , and lay open their crimes to them , and rebuke them before all , that others also may fear . but the civil magistrate has great opportunities of supplying this defect ; and no doubt god will require it so much the more at their hands , in that it is now no longer in ours . there is indeed a mercy to be remembred and shewn in judgment ; and our own frailty ought to admonish us to make great allowances for other mens infirmities . but there may be an excess even in good nature it self ; and whatever the consequence be , care must be taken that neither the honour of god be profan'd , nor his laws despised ; that neither virtue be run down , nor vice encouraged : and to that end men must be kept from open and scandalous sins at least , if they cannot from others ; and be punish'd even in mercy now , that if possible they may be reform'd , and so not perish for ever . and let us then 2ly , which was the other general point we proposed to consider ( the consequent application of all these reflections ) be perswaded to endeavour what in us lies to prevent both our own and other mens sins . instead of approving and encouraging any in their wickedness . let us , as our apostle advises , heb. 10. 24. consider one another to provoke unto love and to good works . instead of giving them any occasion , or laying any stumbling-block in their way , whereby to lead them into sin , let us by our good example both teach them what they ought to do , and if possible , make them in love with it . and let us look upon our selves to lie under the same engagement to god for one another , that judah once took upon himself for his brother benjamin , gen. 43. 9. of my hand shalt thou require him ; if i bring him not unto thee , and set him before thee , then let me bear the blame for ever . i am sensible that i am now exhorting you to a duty but very little , if at all , consider'd by most men. we think it to be enough for us to search out our own souls , and account with god for our own miscarriages : and may perhaps be ready to complain of this as some new contrivance against your liberty , to call upon you to repent for other men's sins . but if the case be indeed so as the text plainly implies , and as i think i may presume to say , i have in some measure made it appear to be : if there be many waies by which we may , and by some or other of which it is probable the very best of us have rendred our selves partakers of other mens sins : then i am sure it must remain , that we have a concern to look beyond our own particular offences ; and to enquire to how many sins of others we may have contributed by any of these means i have before mentioned ; and the less we have been wont to do this heretofore , it will argue the greater , not lesser necessity for us to set very seriously about it now . it is indeed an amazing reflection to sit down and think , how much more guilt we may possibly contract by every sin that we commit , than we are any of us willing to believe , or it may be able to comprehend . for not to say any thing at all of those common aggravations , which we are every where taught to examine our selves about : such as sinning against knowledg , against the checks of our own consciences , and the motions of god's holy spirit to the contrary : sinning against often repeated promises , against the most serious resolutions , against the most solemn and sacred vows of obedience : in a word , sinning against many providential admonitions ; such as trouble , afflictions , losses , sickness , and the like ; sent by god on purpose to reclaim us . let us consider only this one thing now before us , how many men our sinning may be the ruine of ? how many souls may , for ought we know , perish by our means ? and what a desperate increase this must add to our own guilt ? for if he who converts a sinner from the error of his way , and so is instrumental to the saving but of one soul from death , shall for that cover a multitude of his own sins : o! then , how fatally must we multiply evil against our selves , when by our neglect of our duty we lead perhaps multitudes into error , and involve their souls in everlasting destruction . if we have therefore hitherto neglected so serious a consideration ; if our repentance has been only for the sins we our selves have committed , without any regard to the mischief we may have done our brother by them ; let us now at least be perswaded to think that we have yet one great part of our humiliation still behind ; to deprecate god's wrath not only for our selves but for others too ; and implore his forgiveness of all those sins which have ever by our means been committed by any in the world , and that he would not impute them either to their , or our damnation . this if we do with that affectionate earnestness as becomes so great an aggravation , i am perswaded we shall not only very much increase our contrition , and so perfect our repentance for what is past ; but may also by the grace of god , establish our selves the better against returning to our evil waies for the time to come . and our desires not to partake in other men's sins , be improved into one motive more , to keep us from continuing in our own . i shall conclude this discourse , after the same manner , and almost in the same words that s. basil once did his canonical epistle to amphilochius , upon the occasion of that very reflection we have now been making . let us , saies he , consider the terrible judgment of god , and the day of his appearing , and let us fear lest we perish in other men's sins . let us call to mind the admonitions of god to us ; what evils we have been exposed to , what calamities we have suffered : and let these convince us , that for the iniquities of our lives we have been forsaken by him . our people have been led into captivity , our brethren dispersed far and near ; because those who profess the name of christ , have yet lived so contrary to their profession , but if after all this men will not understand , that for these causes the wrath of god is come upon us , wherefore should we after this have any thing more to do with them ? nevertheless , let us not cease day nor night , in publick and in private , to intreat and beseech them to consider these things ; but let us not be drawn away with their wickedness . let us wish and pray , that if it shall please god we may yet gain them at the last , and deliver them out of the snares of the devil : but if this we cannot do , yet at least let us save our own souls , thô we cannot theirs , and not partake with them in their sins , lest we also partake with them in their destruction . now to him that sitteth upon the throne , and to the lamb ; be ascribed as is most due , blessing , and glory , and wisdom , and thanksgiving , and honour , and power , and might , for ever and ever : amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66338-e210 1 tim. iii. 15. 2 cor. ii . — 6. chrys. hom. xv . in 1. tim. gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chap. iii. 5. marc. ant. l. viii . sect. 53. ●d . com. ezek. xviii : 2 sam. xi . — 15 — 17. 2 sam. xii . — 9. — 10. — 11 — 12. — 13. psal. li. 14. inst. l. iv . tit. 1. sect interdum . serm. de sanctis . i , iv , v. acts xxii . 20. ezek. xiii . 3. &c. isaiah v. 2● . isaiah v. 24. gal. ii . — 12. — 13. — 14. — 11. — 14. exod. xxi . 33. — 34. 1 kings xiii . 34. is●er . ad dem. ● 30. chrysost. in rom. hom. v. pag. 46 , 47. 1 kings xxi . 4. — 9. — 10. — 11. — 15. — 16. — 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phocyl . mat. v. 28. — 22. 2 ep. jo. 7. — 1● . 2 ep. jo. 11. james v. 19 , 20. bevereg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom . ii. p. 367. of our obligation to put our trust in god, rather than in men, and of the advantages of it in a sermon preached before the honourable society of grayes-inn, upon the occasion of the death of our late royal sovereign queen mary / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1695 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66214) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60624) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:27) of our obligation to put our trust in god, rather than in men, and of the advantages of it in a sermon preached before the honourable society of grayes-inn, upon the occasion of the death of our late royal sovereign queen mary / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [2], 38 p. printed for r. sare ..., london : 1695. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mary -ii, -queen of england, 1662-1694 -sermons. trust in god -sermons. death -sermons. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of our obligation to put our trust in god , rather than in men , and of the advantages of it . in a sermon preached before the honourable society of grayes-inn : upon the occasion of the death of our late royal sovereign queen mary , by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to his majesty , and preacher to the same society . published at the request of several of the masters of the bench , and others , that heard it . london : printed for r. sare at grayes-inn-gate in holbourn , 1695. psal. cxlvi . 3 , 4 , 5. put not your trust in princes , nor in the son of man in whom there is no help . his breath goeth forth , he returneth to his earth ; in that very day his thoughts perish . happy is he who hath the god of jacob for his help , whose hope is in the lord his god. if ever any people had a just occasion given them to enter upon those reflections which these words naturally present to us ; and to consider , how little dependance is to be placed upon the * best or greatest among the children of men : i may with confidence say , that we of this nation , have at this time , a most eminent occasion given us by the divine providence so to do . it has pleased god , within these few days , to deprive us of a most excellent princess ; under whom , we had flatter'd our selves , that we should have long enjoy'd , a more than ordinary portion , of happiness and prosperity . a person she was , as by the greatness of her character qualified beyond most others to have become a national blessing ; so by the many incomparable endowments , god had bestow'd upon her , in a singular manner disposed so to be . and as this raised our hopes into some more than ordinary expectations from her ; so that firmness of constitution which she enjoy'd , accompanied with a yet early and vigorous youth , seem'd to promise us , that we should be many years blessed under the influence both of her authority and of her example . but alas ! how suddainly are all these hope 's cut off , and our expectations brought to an end ! and nothing left us but the sad reflection , how grievously mistaken we were in our opinion of our own happiness ; and how little trust is to be put in any , but that god , who alone enjoys a certainty of being , and therefore can alone with safety be depended upon . in the words before us , there are these two things that naturally offer themselves to our consideration : first , that it is a vain thing to put our trust in any man , be his rank or condition never so great ; upon this double account , ( 1 ) that his power to help us , is very small : ver . 3. and , ( 2. ) his continuance short and uncertain , ver . 4. and therefore to trust in such a person , must be to repose our confidence in one , who oftentimes cannot help us ; and , in a little while , will fail us . secondly , that he who will place his trust upon a sure foundation , must place it upon god ; who alone is always able , and will always continue in a condition , to help and defend us . and , first , that it is a very vain thing to put our trust in any man , be his rank or condition never so great ; because both his power to help is very small , and his continuance short and uncertain : and therefore to trust in such a person , must be to build our hope upon one who oftentimes may not be able to help us ; and very probably , in a little while will fail us . this is a consideration , both so certain in its self , and so obvious even to the meanest capacity ; that did we not see men every day overlook it in their practice , one might think it hardly needful to offer any arguments , either to illustrate , or to confirm the truth of it . if ( 1 ) we consider the power , of the greatest persons , to help us ; alas ! how little is it at the best ? and , for the most part , how useless to us ? in how many cases does it surpass their power to do us any good ? and even in those in which it may seem the most in their power to assist us ; yet how many accidents may there fall out , to prevent us from being at all the better for it ? it may be they are unwilling to grant us what we desire of them . perhaps they are disposed to do somewhat for us ; but they will not be perswaded to do so much as our needs require : and so spoil all the advantage we hoped to have reaped from their kindness to us , for want of making their supply suitable to our occasions . it may be they are willing to do all that we desire of them , but not presently : they put off the time ; till at last , by their delays , their favour comes too late to us . or lastly ; it is possible that in a little while they may change their minds , and with them , their affections towards us . and so where we thought to have found a friend , we meet an enemy : one who is disposed rather to do us a mischief , than to lend any help or assistance to us . so impotent ; so trifling ; so uncertain , and dis-ingenuous a creature , is man ! and then , what a vanity must it be for any one to place his trust upon the interest or authority , the love or favour of such a one ? who in the chiefest of our needs , cannot help us at all : and in those , wherein he is able to relieve us , will be apt either altogether to fail us ; or else to mix so much of humane frailty and infirmity with his favour , as shall render it of very little use and value to us . nor let any one think that there is any order of men exempted from the force of these reflections . even the greatest persons lye open to them , no less than those of a lower degree . their power indeed is greater , and they can do much more for us than other men. but yet still it is far short of our wants ; and cannot answer one half of those exigencies , in which we shall stand in need of some one to help and assist us . their minds are mutable no less than other mens : and they are by so much the more likely to change in their affections towards us , by how much the more they are exposed to the delusions of those about them ; who are still envious of such as they take into their particular favour ; and will therefore be still endeavouring , by all imaginable ways , to bring us into disgrace with them . their favours are , generally , the longest in coming , and the hardest to be obtain'd : whilst the very formality which attends the dispensing of them , oftentimes , costs so much , and causes such delays ; as is utterly inconsistent with many of those wants , wherein we might otherwise promise our selves the most considerable advantage from their favour and affection towards us . and from all which we must therefore conclude , that it is a very vain thing to place any confidence in man upon this first account , viz. that the power , even of the greatest persons , to help us is exceeding small ; exposed to so many casualties , and attended with such inconveniencies , as renders it of very little use , and of no dependance at all to us . but ( 2dly ) were the case quite otherwise ; were there any order of men so perfect , in all other respects , that they could supply us with all that we should ever be likely to want , and would give us whatsoever we should desire : and were their inclinations towards us so fixt and immutable , that we might depend upon them that they would never forsake us , but be at all times ready to grant us whatsoever we should ask of them : yet still their life is so uncertain , and , at the best , so short ; that it would be a very vain thing for us , after all , to set up our trust and confidence upon them . for alas ! where is the man so great and self-sufficient , that can secure himself the next hours breath ? and in the heighth of all his fortune presume to say , that to morrow shall not lay him equal with the dust , and return him to the earth from whence he was taken ? it is an extraordinary character which the holy spirit gives to some persons , psal. lxxxii . 6. i have said that ye are gods , and that ye are all the children of the most high. and yet what follows immediately upon it ? a sad , but certain truth : nevertheless ye shall die like men. this is the conclusion of all ; the common end of the greatest , as well as of the meanest , persons . here they may seem to be a sort of gods upon earth : may dispense the fortunes of men as they please ; set up , whom they will set up ; and pull down , whom they will pull down . they may be honour'd too as such , by those who know no religion above their interests ; nor think any divinity more worthy of their regard , than those who have it in their power to promote them to riches , and honour , and authority . but death observes none of these formalities . when that strikes , the crowned head falls as surely before it , as he who had not where to lay his head , till the grave afforded him a place for it . all the difference is , that as such persons are exposed to more dangers , and subject to greater hazards , than lesser men ; so are their lives more uncertain ; and , generally speaking , more short too . a cottage may , and oftentimes do's afford us an example of a vigorous old age : but this is a sight which the palaces of princes are seldom blessed with ; nor can it reasonably be expected they should often enjoy it . and when this is the case , what a folly must it be to build our hope upon such protectors ? who are so far from being able to help us , that alas ! they are not able to help themselves , in those instances , in which both they and we , the most , stand in need of assistance . whose breath is not their own : who live by the meer favour of another : who to day appear in glory and honour ; and to morrow go down into the grave , and yield to the fate of other ordinary men. so foolish a thing is it , in point of reason , to put our trust in man ; be the place , the power , or authority which he enjoys , what it will. and for a yet more sensible confirmation of this great truth ; give me leave , but briefly , to illustrate it to you , in that fatal evidence it has pleased god at this time to give us , in the person of our late royal soveraign ; how little dependance is to be placed upon any human support ; upon the best , or greatest of the children of men. if , first , we consider her with respect to her power and dignity ; she was queen of a mighty and renowned people : endued with the highest authority that a crown could give her ; and in that with the largest capacity that any creature could pretend to , of doing good. her opportunities were many , and her advantages very great for such a purpose . much was expected from her ; and we must , with gratitude , acknowledge , that much she did do. for indeed , 2ly ; her will was not at all less , nay i may venture to say , it was much greater than her power . nor did she value any thing so much in the eminence of that station to which it had pleased god to raise her amongst us ; as that it put her in a condition of extending the exercise of her vertues a great deal farther , than it had been possible for her to have done in a lesser fortune . never was there any in so high a place , more free and easie of access , even to the most ordinary persons : more desirous to oblige all , or that better knew how to do it . insomuch that i believe it has seldom been known that any ever applied to her , but what have gone away easie and contented from her : and either obtained what they wanted , or not known how to complain , if they have not . the truth is , she was a person in whom nature and grace seem to have concurr'd , to make up one great master-piece of excellency and perfection . her natural disposition was free and generous ; open and sincere . she had a sweetness of temper , finish'd and heightned with a large mixture of christian charity and compassion : such as never loved to see any in misery , otherwise than as it gave her an opportunity thereby of doing somewhat for them to make them easie. thus was she fitted to do good : and a singular dexterity she had in the doing of it . she knew what was fit to be done for every one ; and after what manner ; and at what time. and seldom did she vouchsafe a favour to any , but the very way that she bestow'd it in , doubled the obligation ; and made a deeper impression upon the mind of him who receiv'd it , than the benefit it self did . in short ; so great was her comprehension ; so correct her judgment ; so easie her dispatch , of whatever came before her ; that god seemed to have fitted her soul to her place and character : and to have given her a capacity as far beyond that of other common persons , as she was in rank and dignity above them. such good reason had we , upon all those accounts , to expect some more than ordinary blessings under her government ; and to put a greater trust and confidence in her , than was almost fit to be placed in any creature . and the more to encourage us so to do , it had pleased god to all his other endowments , to add such a vigour of body , and firmness of constitution , as seem'd to equal the vivacity of her mind : and promised us almost an age of happiness yet to come , under the influence of her conduct . and now , when so many circumstances concurr'd to encourage our relyance upon her ; who could blame us for being willing to flatter our selves , that such a queen was certainly raised up by god to do some extraordinary good for that church and kingdom to which he had given her ? but alas ! a sad experience has shewn us that we ought not to have put our trust even in such a person . and if such a person may not be rely'd upon , we may then safely conclude , that we must look beyond this world for our support : and not place our confidence on any but that god who alone , both can do all things for us ; and will continue , for ever , to help and defend us. which therefore brings me to the other point i proposed to speak to ; secondly , that he who will place his trust upon a sure foundation , must place it upon god ; who alone is able to succour us in all our exigencies , and will always continue in a capacity so to do. and 1st . that god is able to succour us in all our exigencies ; is evident from hence , that he is able to do whatsoever he pleases both in heaven and earth . * that he has no equal , much less any superiour power , to controul his will ; and to hinder him from bringing whatsoever he purposes , to the end which he designs . * that as he is the first being , and author of all others ; so was there nothing before him to confine , or limit his perfections . he received not his power from any ; nor has he therefore any restraint upon it but what proceeds from himself , and is subject to his own will. man , as he was created by god , so was he limited too by him in his state and condition , to a certain degree of perfection , beyond which he cannot go , nor raise up himself above it . and therefore , whatsoever power he has , is confined within those bounds which the divine wisdom has thought fit to set to it : nor can he go , the least tittle , beyond what god has permitted him to do. but god himself is free and without constraint . with him nothing is impossible , but what is sinful ; and that is not an instance of true power , but of impotency and infirmity . so that if we would then trust in man , we must do it with those restrictions which his nature requires us to limit our trust withal : and depend upon him as one whose power may fail ; whose mind may change ; nay , whose very life may be taken from him . but with god we shall need none of these referves . he is absolutely able , in every thing , to help and succour us : and in all such cases wherein it is fitting for him to do it , he will help us , if we do but duly apply our selves to him , and depend upon him. and when such is the advantage of god , in this respect , above any of his creatures ; much more above man , the lowest of all the rational kind in power and dignity : well may the psalmist pronounce him blessed , whose wisdom and piety have taught him to fix his trust there , where nothing can hinder it from being beneficial to him , but his own neglecting to seek for help as he ought to do. i say nothing now of the many other arguments that might be offered to encourage us in this trust , and to shew the happiness of that man who has placed his hope upon it . such are , * the infinite wisdom of god , in judging what is best for us , and after what manner it will be most for our interest to be helped by him . * his infinite knowledge , for the discovery of our wants , oftentimes long before we our selves are sensible of them . * his power to relieve us , not only in all our exigencies , which i have before observed ; but to do it in a moment , at the very minute that it will be most seasonable for us to have it done . and , not to mention any more ; * his ability to prevent evils from coming upon us , no less than to free us from them , or to support us under them , when they have overtaken us. and in all which the wisdom and power of man can either do nothing at all , or nothing comparable to what god is able to do. but one consideration more there is , which neither the express words of my text , nor the occasion of the present discours , will permit me to pass by : and that is , 2dly . that god is not only thus able , as i have shewn , to help us in all our needs ; but will continue for ever in a capacity to save and defend us. for god is eternal in his duration , as well as infinite in his power ; and as he never had a beginning of being , so neither can he ever come to an end of it . now how far this sets him up above all earthly benefactors , i have already shewn you ; and the mighty loss , we have just now sustain'd , does but too plainly declare . when one of our earthly benefactors dies , not only all his good dispositions towards us perish together with him , but all his power too of putting them in execution , from that instant , ceases . and we from thenceforth become as destitute and forlorne , as if we had never had any such friend or patron , to rely upon . in such a trust therefore there is no certainly : nothing on which to build any lasting hope ; any wise and comfortable expectation . but god endureth for ever , and therefore his help can never fail us . he will be our god unto death ; nay , and even after it too , will save and deliver us. the grave it self , which puts an end to all things else , cannot take us out of his hand , nor deprive us of his protection . but in that melancholy place and state , tho' we know but little else of what relates to it ; yet this we are sure of , that our souls continue under his care : and that , after a certain period of time , our very bodies themselves shall again be restored to us ; and so we shall be for ever with the lord . and thus have i shewn you , what the advantages of that god are , above all other supporters , in whom our text exhorts us to put our trust ; and pronounces him happy who has taken care so to do . and when such are his advantages above any of his creatures , in this respect , as well as in all others ; what resolution can we better take up , than that which is pointed out to us in that exhortation of the evangelical prophet , isai. 26. 4. trust ye in the lord for ever ; for in the lord jehovah is everlasting strength . and this may suffice for the two points i proposed to speak to : i shall only draw a few plain consequences from what has been said , and so conclude this discourse . and , first , since such is the vanity of putting our trust in any humane help ; let us resolve to take off our hearts from all such dependencies : and not build our hope on such a foundation , as we are sure in a little time will fail us , and we cannot tell how soon it may do so . i do not deny , but that as god orders the affairs of mankind by the ministry of second causes ; so we may , without incurring any just censure for it , look to them as the instruments which he makes use of in his dispensations towards us . nay , we may put some kind of trust too in them : provided that it goes no farther than the nature of such causes admits of ; and that we still take care to look beyond them , to that god who employs them to our interest and advantage . but yet , when all is done , our last and highest dependance must be placed upon god only ; who alone is able , and will always be so , in all our exigencies to help and deliver us. it cannot be doubted but that we of this country , and especially we of this church , have indeed received as great a loss , as could well have happen'd to us , in the unexpected death of our late royal sovereign . a princess she was , such as this nation never before had , nor was it now worthy of her . to draw her character , and set her out to you with all the advantage that her real worth deserves , is a task too difficult for me to presume to attempt : though this security i should have in the doing of it , that let me say what i could , no one would accuse me of flattery in ir ; a vice ever odious , and i think no where more so than in the pulpit . for howsoever 't is impossible to speak of her , and not say great things ; yet very hard it is to speak , but a small part , of what all must allow might justly be reported of her. let it suffice , at present , to say ; that if a queen so vertuous , that her very example was enough to convert a libertine , and to reform an age : so courteous and affable , as to be the wonder and delight of all that knew her : so great a lover of her country , and the interests of it ; as to be willing to hazard what , next her conscience , she the most valued , her good name , and good opinion in the world , for the preservation of them : so firm and constant in her mind , as not to have once known , no not in death it self , what it was to fear : so happy in business , as to astonish , rather than satisfie , those who were the best versed in it : i say , if to have been deprived of such a queen as this ; and that at such an age , when our expectations were at the highest from her , be a loss above the power of words to express ; then such is our loss : the greatness of which we are so far from being able sufficiently to declare , that perhaps we cannot yet make a just estimate of it . but yet , were we not hereby too much convinced , how little we ought to depend upon such kind of helps ; i might presume to say , to the glory of god , and to our own comfort , that we had still enough of these remaining , to suppress all disorderly fears , and undue repinings at that which we have lost . god has , 't is true , removed our queen from us : but he still continues his sacred majesty to us , notwithstanding all the dangers to which he has been exposed . he has deprived us of the benefit of her conduct : but he has left us him , under whom she herself grew up in that wisdom and courage , we so much admired in her. and even beyond this , we have the prospect of a yet farther succession to fill the throne ; and to support the interests both of the church and state amongst us . but yet when all is done , 't is not upon these fair and promising expectations that we must place our trust , or account the fortune of our publick welfare to depend : but it is that god , who has so long and wonderfully defended us , that must still be our support ; or all these helps nothing to us . indeed these are the persons by whom we justly may , and therefore accordingly do hope to be protected and defended . and a singular happiness it is to us , that we have such a fair succession of the royal family before our eyes . but yet when all is done , 't is from the blessing of god in preserving these persons to us , and prospering their endeavours , that we must look for safety : and god , even without any such helps , could , if he pleased , secure and protect us . but , secondly , as these considerations should move us , not to put our trust in any humane help ; so should they keep us from being very much surprised , if at any time such kind of helps shall chance to fail us . it was a great expression , and argued a worthy mind , in him anciently , who being told of the death of his son , pass'd it off with this only reflection ; that he always knew that he was mortal . and the same should be our consideration upon these occasions . we know that all humane helps are transitory and uncertain : and why then should we stand amazed , as if some strange thing had happen'd to us , when we come to be deprived of that , which we always knew we had no security of . i am not so unsensible of the loss we have now received , as not to think that we ought to pay a very just regret to it ; and to consider seriously with our selves , for what sins of this nation especially it is , that god has taken away from us our royal defender . but yet i cannot think that it ought to be any great surprize to us : unless it be some new calamity to see a mortal die , and to find that to have happen'd to one , which happens to thousands every day . nay , but thirdly ; we ought not only not to be surprized at the failure of such kind of helps , but neither should we be immoderately concern'd and cast down at it : because god is never the less able to preserve us for the loss of these ; but can either raise us up new supporters , or save us without any , if he rather sees fit so to do. i am verily perswaded that we have at this time received as sensible a blow , in this respect , in the loss of our royal sovereign , as could have befallen us in any one life , excepting that of his sacred majesty . but yet far be it from me so far to despond , or to distrust the providence of god , as to think we must needs be ruined , because our queen is taken from us . this were certainly to confine too much the power of god , and to give too great an advantage to our enemies ; who because they earnestly wish our ruine , are therefore ready , upon every occasion , to flatter themselves that the time is coming which they so much desire to see . but to shew you how little reason either we have to be dejected , or they to exalt their hopes , on any such account ; let us suppose the case to be as bad as the most melancholy mind can fansie , or our most bitter enemies could desire it to be . that we were indeed left naked and destitute of all humane help ; and had no prospect remaining of any succour , much less had so good a one , as i have before shewn ; and as it is evident to all the world that we have : yet still i say that all this would not be enough to warrant us to distrust god ; but rather , fourthly , we should then more especially rely upon his help , when all other supports do the most fail us . it is too common a thing with most men , when their affairs go smoothly on , and all succeeds according to their expectations ; to attribute too much to their own power and policy ; and to forget that god ; without whose help all their own endeavours would be to no purpose . and therefore to prevent this , god is pleased oftentimes to suffer men to fall into great difculties , not that he designs their ruine , but only to make them sensible of their own weakness ; and to draw them back to him who is their only sure defence , the rock of their salvation , in whom they ought to trust . it were an easie matter for me to confirm the truth of this remark in a multitude of instances ; from whence it may appear , that god has in all ages then especially exerted his power in the delivery of his servants , when their enemies have thought themselves the most secure of their destruction . but i shall content my self with a few examples ; tho' such as i am perswaded , may abundantly suffice to shew , how false a conclusion men make , when they presume to determine ; that because god deprives any people of the present , visible means of deliverance , therefore he designs to give them up to destruction . when haman projected the universal extirpation of the whole people of the jews ; and was come so near to an accomplishment of it , that the order was signed , and the command gone forth for a general massacre of them ; who could have imagined any other , but that the final ruine of that poor nation was at hand . and yet by what a strange concurrence of unexpected events were they delivered from his danger , and the mischief turn'd upon his head who had contrived their destruction ? nor was their preservation afterwards less remarkable , when caligula sent petronius into syria , to set up his statue in the temple at jerusalem ; and the jews resolved , every man of them , to perish , rather than submit to so abominable a profanation of that holy place . it were too long for me to relate to you , how far petronius insisted upon the putting of this command in execution ; and what he did in order thereunto . it shall suffice to say , that his army was drawn together , and all just ready to come to the last extremity : when the governour considering how sad a thing it would be to root out a whole nation for so small a matter , stopp'd his souldiers , and wrote the emperour an account both of what he had done , and how averse he found the jews to his design ; and therefore intreated him not to pursue his attempt any farther . but in vain was this delay ; nor could any of these remonstrances alter the emperour's resolutions . but on the contrary , he renew'd his orders yet more peremptorily , of having the jews destroy'd for opposing his will ; and commanded petronius himself to be murdeed with them , for deferring so long the execution of his orders . and now , what could be expected by that miserable people , but ruine and desolation ? when behold ! god took their cause into his own hand : and so disposed matters , that before this second command could reach syria , the news of the emperour 's own murder flew thither ; and saved both the governour and them from that destruction , which was just ready to break in upon both. so able is god , when things seem to be at the very worst , to interpose his hand ; and to save those who trust in him , not only without any visible means , but against all humane appearances . and for yet fresher instances of this , let me only desire you to reflect how strangely god has preserved , for several ages together , those ancient reformed churches in the valleys of piedmont ; notwithstanding all the power and malice of their enemies to root them out . it is but a very little while since we saw them reduced to so wretched an estate , that we accounted them to have been dispersed beyond all hope of any future restitution . their own prince , supported with the power , and led on by the example and encouragement of a mighty neighbouring monarch , had resolved upon their ruine . sorrow and distress encompass'd them on every side , and from whom to expect a deliverance they could not tell . and yet , lo ! these very churches are again already restored to their ancient splendor : and to encrease the wonder , are now protected by that very power that before destroyed them. but what need i lead you into foreign countries for instances to shew , that god is not confined , in his workings , to humane appearances : but oftentimes is then the most ready to support his servants , when all other helps the most fail them. our own country , and our own church , ever since the reformation ; has been more or less a continued evidence of the truth of this remark . how melancholy was the prospect which our forefathers had , at the untimely death of that most excellent prince , king edward the sixth ? when queen mary being set upon the throne , nothing was to be expected by them , but an utter extirpation of all that seemed in any wise to favour the purity of religion among them. what she did , and how far she went , in a few years , to blot out all the memory of her brother's piety , i shall not need to say : the history is still fresh in all your memories . yet in the midst of all their trouble ; when the hope of their enemies , and their own fears were at the highest ; it pleased god upon a sudden to take off that queen , and put such an end to their dangers , as nothing else could have done . but though by this means therefore we were secured against their open violence , yet god still permitted them to endeavour , by secret treachery , to carry on their designs against us : and has by that means furnish'd us with yet more engagements to relie upon his protection ; who has so often , and wonderfully delivered us from their devices . witness the many subtle and barbarous attempts , that were made by them upon the life of queen elizabeth : the open force , and domestick disturbances which they raised up against her. and yet in all these they miscarry'd ; and in many of them so signally , as plainly shew'd the hand of god was against them . when that queen was gone , and king james settled upon the throne , it was but a little while before they return'd to their old malice , but in a new way ; and that such , as all the cunning of hell had never before contrived ; i mean that of the gun-powder conspiracy . and that too was discovered after a most wonderful manner , and at a most critical juncture , when all was just come to the point of execution . i might add to these examples , the happy restauration of our church and government , after the fatal murder of king charles the first . their frequent disappointments since ; but especially that of the last reign . but i think i have already given you instances enough to convince you , that were we now left in as bad an estate , as blessed be god! we are in a very good one : yet still whilst we held firm to our holy religion , and continued our trust in god , there would be no cause for us to despond : seeing god can defend us without any humane help ; and , as i have now shewn you , has often done it , when we could have been protected by none but him. and this brings me to the next thing i have to observe from the foregoing discourse ; and that is , fifthly ; that we should therefore be sure never to depart from our trust in god , and then we may be confident we shall not be forsaken by him. for god loves to be depended upon ; and has seldom been known to fail those , who have constantly stuck to him. a notable example of which we have in the history of the present psalm , and which the antients tell us was this . when cyrus had given leave to the jews to return to jerusalem , and to rebuild their temple , and restore the worship of god in it ; the samaritans , a sort of mix'd people , half jews , and half idolaters , so wrought with their adversaries , that little was done in it , notwithstanding all the favour that was shewn them by that great monarch . no sooner was cyrus gone , and cambyses placed upon his throne ; but all hope seemed utterly lost to them , of either restoring their temple , or regaining any part of that liberty they had before been encouraged to expect . but what then was their behaviour on this occasion ? did they distrust god ; and give way to such fears as the insolence of their enemies , and their own circumstances , did indeed but too much expose them to ? on the contrary , it was at this very juncture of time , that those two great prophets , haggai and zechariah , composed the psalm we have now before us : and exhorted the people not to consider the ill-prospect which , according to humane appearance , their affairs were in ; but to trust in god , who whenever he pleas'd , could turn all things to their advantage , and no doubt in his due time would do so . and what was the issue of this excellent advice ? why in a very few years cambyses died , and darius came into the throne ; and in despite of all that either their half brethren , or their open enemies could do to hinder it , so encouraged the work , that both their temple and their city were re-built ; and themselves restor'd both to their liberty and to their religion . and if to trust in god be able to work such wonderful effects as these ; how much more may we promise our selves from it , who have so fair a prospect before our eyes ; if we do but firmly rely upon him , and not suffer any thing to shake our confidence of his mercy . but then , sixthly ; and to close all : that our hope may be sure to have its due effect , let me add finally ; that we must not think it enough barely to trust in god ; but must take care withall to live so , that we may be , in some measure , worthy of his protection . we must to the purity of our religion , add the reformation of our manners ; and then we may securely defie our greatest enemies to do us any mischief . and because examples , in these cases , are not only more instructive than precepts , but more apt to perswade too ; and that this is all that now remains to us of that noble pattern , which was wont to shine so brightly in all our eyes ; to reflect upon her piety , and by that to learn how to improve our own : i will conclude all with a few remembrances of what our late blessed sovereign did , to shew you what we ought to do. and , first , since good-nature is , i think , by all allowed to be one of the best preparations to the divine grace ; i shall in the first observe it as a singular part of the felicity of her sacred majesty , that she enjoy'd all that is properly understood by that phrase , in as high a perfection , as , it may be , any person in the world ever did. her temper was naturally sweet and chearful ; easie to her self , and acceptable to all others . and if that old rule of the jews be true , that the holy ghost loves to dwell in a quiet and comfortable breast ; i may be bold to say that her soul was always in a disposition for that blessed spirit to descend upon it , and to abide in it . to improve this excellent temper , she had a greatness and generosity of mind , equal to her rank and quality : free from jealousies and suspicions , as she was from fear of any . in a word , clear of all those passions which agitate lesser souls , and keep them in a continual hurry and distraction . thus was she prepared by nature for that extraordinary progress which she afterwards made in christian piety and vertue . and as st. luke tells us to those , to whom st. paul preached the gospel heretofore ; that as many as were ordain'd to eternal life , believ'd ; that is , such as were in their tempers and dispositions fitted and qualified for the reception of what he deliver'd to them : so may it no less truly be said of her sacred majesty that she was , in like manner , ordained to eternal life ; and therefore made such vast attainments in all those graces that were necessary to bring her to it . but , secondly : to this first advantage , it pleased god to add as great an eminence of , what we usually call , good parts ; as i believe has ever been known in any of her sex. her apprehension , was quick and piercing ; her judgment , deep and correct : nor could any thing almost be propos'd to her , but she was presently ready with all clearness to receive it , and with no less accuracy to pronounce and determine concerning it . and when such was her capacity , it is not to be wonder'd if she soon came to a right apprehension of the design and end of christianity : and was thoroughly convinced of the mighty concern which there lay upon her , to live in an exact obedience to its commands . but this was not all the advantage she had in this respect : for though her parts were such , as would , with a very moderate exercise , have carried her into a perfect knowledge of her religion ; yet she did not rely upon them : but to her natural abilities , added such a care and diligence , to improve her understanding , and to enflame her affections , in all such things as seemed any way to referr to it ; as few in a lesser station have ever done . to pass by her constant attendance upon the publick service of god , and those opportunities of instruction which she provided for , on all the more solemn returns of it . to say nothing of her frequent and useful conversation with those who ministred unto her in holy offices . what a large proportion of her time did she every day spend in her own private retirements ? and of which no business , no ceremonies , much less any vain pleasures or avocations , could ever deprive her. what vast numbers of excellent books did she there read ? and that not lightly , or superficially , but with the severest care and reflection ? and how cautious was she , if any difficulty chanced to arise to her in her reading , which she could not presently resolve to her own satisfaction , to be sure to call in some of those who attended on her , to clear it to her ? nor did she in her reading run lightly off from book to book ; the common method of empty and unsettled minds ; tho' she read over a great many . but when she met with any discourse that seem'd particularly to affect her , or otherwise to come up in any peculiar manner to her own circumstances ; she stuck closely to it : and by so doing , evidently shew'd that piety and instruction were indeed the ends she aim'd at in this exercise : that she read for profit , not curiosity ; and sought for use , not diversion , in it . such was her care to get instruction : and the same excellent disposition that moved her thus diligently to inform her self in all the parts of her duty , engaged her yet more , thirdly , to desire with all imaginable sincerity to be made acquainted , with the true and genuine measures of it . it is the folly of many , but especially of great personages , that they cannot endure correction ; nor will bear to have the truth spoken freely to them , in such instances as are contrary to their own carnal desires and affections . and therefore it is that they seldom know either themselves , or their duty ; either what they ought to do , or what their state and cdndition is with relation thereunto . but this was not the case of that admirable person of whom we are now speaking : she knew how dangerous an instrument of the devil flattery is , and how fatally her station exposed her to it : and she took care for nothing more than to secure her self against the danger of it . i shall never forget with what weight of reason , and sincerity of concern , i have sometimes heard this great queen represent the danger which princes , above all others , are apt to run in this respect . and with what earnestness she has exhorted those about her , to deliver to her the plainest truths ; and with all freedom to tell her if they had observed any thing amiss in her conduct , that she might amend it . o wonderful condescension ! a sincerity of piety beyond exception ! and that in a place where there are usually but too many temptations to pride and self-opinion : and it must therefore be an argument of a more than ordinary wisdom and integrity , to be able to withstand the force of them . but yet still all this is only the preparatory , tho' indeed a very good one , to that which i am especially to observe to you , and that is , fourthly , her sincere piety and religion . and for that , give me leave to say thus much ; that if a constant attendance upon all the offices of devotion both in publick and private : if such a behaviour at them , as shew'd her soul to be wholly fix'd on what she was about ; and was enough to have raised a spirit of piety in all that beheld her : if the influences of this devotion upon her whole life and conversation , and those so eminent as to speak her not only good but excellent ; an ornament to the court , and an honour to her religion : if all this may suffice to shew a mind wholly consecrated to the service of god , and the discharge of her duty ; then was the soul of this blessed princess unquestionably so ; and that , for ought i know , beyond any that at this day remains behind her. but for the clearness of her conscience in the discharge of her duty , besides what we saw and admired in her ; two arguments there are that may especially be offer'd , and i think ought not to be passed by . first ; that while she lived , she was always easie in her own mind : and which since it could not proceed either from any ignorance of her duty , or unconcern'dness for it ; we must conclude it did arise from a full perswasion , that she did live according to the tenour of it . and , secondly , that when she came within the prospect of death , and knew how near she was to it , she still appear'd unconcern'd at it : and thereby gave a finall evidence that she accounted her self prepared for it , and therefore was not afraid of it . i should too far exceed the bounds i am here confined to ; should i enter upon the consideration of those particular vertu 's , which seemed to shine in a more especial manner , above all others , in her. bur two there are which i must not overlook ; and those are , her true humility , amidst all the temptations of a court and crown to the contrary ; and her extensive charity : such as sometimes deprived her even of the means of exercising of it ; and might have abundantly satisfied any mind but hers , who knew no end of doing good ; but has , after all , been seen sometimes , even with tears , to regret , that she could do no more . but i must restrain my self ; and set some bounds to my reflections , tho' my subject is beyond any . and for the rest content my self with satisfaction to remember , what i was wont with wonder to behold . and , oh! that it would please god that both you and i might so effectually meditate upon these things , as to form our lives according to her example ! and become now the disciples of our great queen , as we have hitherto been her subjects ! this will be the best offering we can pay to her memory , who while there is any sense of goodness remaining amongst us , must never be mentioned without honour . this is that improvement of our great loss , which our religion expects from us ; what our souls call for : and what , if she has yet any knowledge of what is done here below , our royal soveraign will , above all things , be the best pleased withall . and if we thus improve the memory of her vertu 's , we shall be even gainers by her departure . such a demonstration of our love and honour to our royal mistress , will do more to establish our tranquility , than any human conduct or prudence could have done without it . it will engage god on our side : and , if god be for us , we need not fear who can be against us. let us then , as we have now paid our just sorrow to the loss of this blessed saint , so from henceforth resolve to make this farther improvement of it . let us thank god , that tho' he has removed one great supporter from us , he has yet left us another ; and , our present circumstances consider'd , the more necessary one to us , in the person of his sacred majesty . let us strengthen his hands both by our piety towards god ; and by our duty to him : by uniting now all that affection and obedience in him alone , which we before paid to both their majesties . let us consider his courage ; and as far as either piety or prudence will allow us , let us trust in his fortune : that is to say , as far as any human help may be trusted in . but yet still let us remember , that our last dependance must be upon god : who as he has hitherto preserved us , so will he still go on to save and defend us ; if we do but firmly adhere to him , and prepare our selves for his favour , as our duty requires ; and as i have now shewn you , in a most illustrious example , we may and ought to do it . finis . advertisement . the genuine epistles of the apostolical fathers , st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp . the shepherd of hermas , and the martyrdoms of st. ignatius and st. polycarp , written by those who were present at their sufferings . being , together with the holy scriptures of the new testament , a compleat collection of the most primitive antiquity for about ci. years after christ. translated and published with a large preliminary discourse relating to the several treatises here put together . by w. wake , d. d. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66214-e140 * so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 3. imports . * psal. cxxxv . 6. psal. ix 7. cii . 12. psal. xlviii . 14. 1 thes. iv . 17. psal xviii 2. lxii . 7. &c. esther iii. 6. 12 , 13. chapters v. vi , vii , viii . joseph . ant. l. xviii . c ▪ 11. de bell. jud. lib. i. cap. 17. see their history written by gilles , leger , morland , &c. see dr. burnet's hist. of the reform . see foulis 's popish treasons , l. vi c 4. l. vii . c. 3. ad finem . see foulis , ib. l x. c. 2. 2 kings xxii . 28 , 29 , 41. so the lxx . and syriac , and other ancient versions , in the title of this psalm . vid. r. d. kimchi , in 1 sam. x. 5. & 2 kings iii. 14 , 15. acts xiii . 48. dan. 4. 27. rom. 8. 31. the false-prophets try'd by their fruits being a sermon preached at st. james's westminister, november vth 1699, in which it is shewn, that the principles, and practices, of the church of rome, with relation to those whom they call hereticks, are not only destructive of civil society, but are utterly irreconcileable with the gospel of christ / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1700 approx. 60 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66207 wing w246 estc r39410 18398900 ocm 18398900 107487 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66207) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107487) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1134:13) the false-prophets try'd by their fruits being a sermon preached at st. james's westminister, november vth 1699, in which it is shewn, that the principles, and practices, of the church of rome, with relation to those whom they call hereticks, are not only destructive of civil society, but are utterly irreconcileable with the gospel of christ / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 34, [2] p. printed for richard sare ..., london : mdcc [1700] "published at the request of the gentlemen of the vestry, and several others, who heard it." errors in paging: p. 33-34 misnumbered p. 31-32. errors in paging: p. 33-34 misnumbered p. 31-32. advertisement: p. [1]-[2] at end. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -apologetic works. catholic church -doctrines -controversial literature. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the false-prophets try'd by their fruits : being a sermon preached at st. james's westminster , november v th . 1699. in which it is shewn , that the principles , and practices , of the church of rome , with relation to those whom they call hereticks ; are not only destructive of civil society , but are utterly irreconcileable with the gospel of christ. by william wake , d. d. and rector of st. james westminster . publish'd at the request of the gentlemen of the vestry , and several others , who heard it . london : printed for richard sare , at gray's-inn-gate in holborn . m d c c. mat. vii . 15 , 16. beware of false prophets , which come to you in sheeps-cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves : ye shall know them by their fruits . these words are a caution given by our blessed saviour to his disciples , to have a care what persons they admitted to be their guides , and instructors , in things pertaining to religion . that they should not blindly follow every one who should pretend to lead them , but should first diligently prove , and examine them : and know whether they were indeed the true ministers of christ ; or whether they were not rather false-prophets , whose design was not to instruct , but to deceive ; beware of false-prophets , which come to you in sheeps-cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves : ye shall know them by their fruits . in my discourse upon which words , i shall i. endeavour to give you a clear account of the true meaning of our saviour in them. and having done this , i will proceed , ii. to shew you what vse we ought to make of them . ( 1 st . ) in general ; with relation to all such as shall at any time pretend to preach the gospel of christ to us . ( 2dly . ) in particular ; as they may be more immediately applied to the subject , and solemnity , of this day . and , i. let us enquire , what is the true meaning of that caution , which our saviour here gave to his disciples : beware of false-prophets . in order whereunto , i shall distinctly consider these two things : 1st . who they were whom our saviour intended to represent to them , under the name , and character , of false prophets ? 2dly . what those fruits are , by which he directed them to discover , and to avoid them. 1st . as for the former of these , the persons whom our saviour here design'd to represent to his disciples , under the name , and character of false prophets ; they may be reduced to these two kinds : either , 1 st , such as shou●d pretend to set up themselves as men commissioned by god , in an extraordinary-manner to reveal hi● will to mankind , tho' indeed they were never sent by him : or , 2 dly , such as should pretend only to teach , and expound the common doctrine of christ ; but yet under the colour of that , should deliver their own imaginations ; and so preach themselves , and not the lord jesus . of the former of these , our saviour spake to his disciples mat. xxiv . 11 , 24. when he told them , that false christs , and false-prophets should arise , and should deceive many : and therefore warn'd them not to be deluded by them . of the latter kind are all those who in the several ages of the church , have preached in the name , and pretended to deliver only that pure doctrine of christ , which was deliver'd by him to his apostles ; and by them communicated to the church ; but yet have mingled their own errours together with it : and by means thereof have brought in damnable heresies 2 pet. ii . 1. scandalous to christianity , and dangerous to the souls of all those who have unhappily suffer'd themselves to be mis-led by them. now that those of this latter kind , no less than those of the foregoing , are truly comprehended under the name , and character , of false-prophets , the language of the new testament will not suffer us to doubt . where to prophesy , do's commonly denote to preach the gospel of christ : and to be a prophet , signifies no less to be a teacher of the doctrine already revealed , than to be a publisher of such things as were before unknown ; and , for the confirmation of which , he who did so , was therefore to be , in an extraordinary manner , both commissioned , and inspired by god. the truth is , tho' the former of these significations of the word prophet , was the more common under the old testament ; when such kind of persons were wont to be frequently sent by god to mankind ; yet this latter seems to be the more proper , and standing import of it , under the new. and the additional character which is here given to those of whom our saviour spake , that they should come in sheeps-cloathing , that is to say , under the habit , and appearance of disciples ; in the name of christ , and as pastors of his flock ; plainly shews that they were not to be the publishers of any new doctrine ; but to pretend , at least , to teach that old-religion , which our blessed lord , the great shepherd of the sheep , once for all , deliver'd to the saints . jude 3. so that however then i would not exclude the other signification of the word prophet from having been , in part , intended by our saviour , in the caution before us ; and according to which , it is certainly our duty to beware of false-prophets ; that is to say , of such as shall go about to preach a new religion , totally different from that of the gospel ; ( which was , in effect , the case of some of the most early hereticks , in the first ages after christ ; and of that great impostor mahomet afterwards : ) yet i cannot but look upon the more general design of our blessed lord to have been , to caution us against those , of whom we have commonly more need to beware ; i mean , the ordinary preachers of the gospel . and concerning whom it is without controversy our duty , and should be our care too , to take heed that we do not suffer our selves to be mis-led by them : whilst instead of delivering to us the pure doctrine of christ , they teach only their own inventions ; and , by so doing , both corrupt our faith , and ( without gods infinite mercy , ) expose us to everlasting ruine and destruction . and this may suffice to shew , who the false-prophets are , of whom our lord in the text , requires us to beware . let us consider , 2dly . by what marks we may discover , and so be enabled to avoid them . now the rule laid down by our saviour in order hereunto , and again repeated by him , ver . 20. is this ; ye shall know them by their fruits . and those may be of two kinds : either , 1st . the doctrine which they preach , and would impose on those to whom they deliver it , for the true doctrine of christ ; whether with respect to faith , or manners ; to what we are to believe , or what we are to do , in obedience to his gospel . or , 2dly , by their fruits , we may understand , the efficacy of their doctrine on the minds , and consciences , of those who are guided by them ; and the natural tendency which it has , either to promote that piety which our saviour came into the world to teach ; or to lead men into any wickedness contrary thereunto . these are the fruits by which we may judge what the prophet is who comes to us ; whether he be indeed a true-prophet , and as such to be received by us ; or whether he be only a woolf in sheeps-cloathing , and of whom we are therefore to beware . and from all which we may now lay down these three rules , as containing the summ of our saviour's advice to us , with relation to this matter . first : that whosoever , in matters of faith , shall preach any doctrine contrary to , or otherwise different from , that doctrine which was taught by christ to his apostles , and by them deliver'd to the church ; ( and the substance of which is fully , and clearly contained , in the writings of the new testament ; ) is a false prophet ; and to be avoided by us as such . secondly : that whosoever , in respect of manners , shall preach any doctrines which are inconsistent with the piety of the gospel ; or otherwise apt to corrupt the morality of it ; he do's also thereby shew himself to be a deceiver , and an impostor ; and it is our duty to beware of him as such . thirdly ; if such a prophet shall deliver this false-doctrine , ( whether in the business of faith , or manners ) not of his own motion , but as commission'd by some church , or society of men , calling themselves a church , so to do ; then that church , or society of men , which do's commission him , must be look'd upon to be a corrupt , and erroneus church ; and be no less avoyded by us than he who is so sent , or commission'd by it . and thus have i endeavour'd to give you a clear account , of the direction of our blessed saviour in the words before us : i go on now to the use i proposed . ii. to make of this caution ; ( 1 st . ) in general ; as it respects all those who shall , at any time , pretend to be our guides in matters of religion : and , ( 2 dly . ) in particular ; as it may be , in a more especial manner , applied to the solemnity of this day . ( 1 st . ) of the general use we are to make of this caution ; as it respects all those who shall , at any time , pretend to be our guides in matters of religion . and here , 1 st . if it be our duty to beware of false-prophets ; and if the way of discovering of them be , to know them by their fruits ; that is , as i have now shewn , by the doctrine which they teach , and the practises which they allow of ; then it must follow , that it is not only lawful for us , but our duty , in obedience to this command , to examine the doctrine which our spiritual guides propose to us ; and to compare it with that of christ , and his apostles : and either to receive them as true , and lawfull pastors , if what they teach be agreeable thereunto ; or else to reject them as false-prophets , if it shall appear to be otherwise . and indeed , however some , the better to maintain their usurped authority over the consciences of men , have set up another method ; and told us , that the prophet is to give credit and authority to the doctrine , not the doctrine to the prophet ; and , in consequence thereof , have forbidden men to examine what is deliver'd by them , and made them believe that it is sufficient that they have it from such hands as can neither mistake themselves , nor mis-lead others : yet not only our reason directs us to a contrary procedure , but the holy scriptures themselves every where exhort us to examine what is proposed to us ; and not take any thing , at all adventures , in a matter of such vast concern , as it must needs be to us , to be guided a-right in those things which regard the glory of god , and the salvation of our immortal souls . hence it is that we are commanded , sometimes not to believe every spirit , but to try the spirits whether they are of god ; because many false-prophets are gone out into the world , jo. iv . 1. at other times , to search the scriptures , jo. v. 39. and of our selves to judge the things that are right , luke xii . 57. and as for what concerns the authority of any man , or company of men , to the contrary ; are told by st. paul , gal. 1.9 . that tho' they ( the apostles of christ ) or an angel from heaven should preach any other gospel unto vs , than that which we have received , they should be accursed . and if an angel from heaven , or an apostle should he rise from the dead , and preach to us , must not be received any farther than what he delivers shall appear to be agreeable to the gospel of christ ; much less ought we not either without all examination to receive , or against the plain authority of holy scripture to submit to , the pretensions of designing men ; who the more they set up their own infallibility , and decline the tryal of god's word , the more ought they to be suspected by us ; and the more narrowly to be enquired into , that we be not deceived by them . but , 2 dly . since our saviour deliver'd the caution of the text , not to his apostles only , but to the whole company of his disciples ; to all those who came to him , and offer'd themselves to be instructed by him ; it will follow farther , that this right of examining what is proposed to us , in matters of religion , is not any special privilege of the pastors , or governours of the church ; but is the common right , and duty , of all christians whatsoever : who as they are all concern'd to be secure in what they believe and practise , in such cases as these ; so are they all required , in order thereunto , to beware of false prophets , and to try them by their fruits . and this may serve yet farther to shew the little regard we are to give to their pretences who tell us , that the judgment of these things belongs only to the church ; that is , as some of them interpret it , to the pope , as successor of st. peter , and if ( we will believe them ) head of the church : as others understand it ; to the bishops and chief pastours of the church ; and to them not separately , and alone , but convened together into a synod ; and that , again , not in any particular church ; but in the catholick ; to them , or their deputies , lawfully met together , in a general council . for tho' it is not to be doubted , but that what is fairly debated , and orderly concluded upon , in such an assembly ; ( where it is fully assembled , and permitted freely to judge , and determine , according to the holy scriptures ; ) must needs be of more authority ; and probably may be more sure , than what is resolved by every single christian apart : yet , when all is done , as every particular person is to answer to god for his own soul , so he must examine , as far as he is able , both what he believes and how he practises ; and upon what grounds he do's both ; and not follow any assembly , tho' of never so much seeming authority , contrary to that which is of much greater authority than any humane assembly whatsoever can be , i mean , the word of god. and it may as well be said that all the other parts of christian piety , delivered by our saviour , in these chapters , belong not to single persons , or to ordinary christians at all , but only to the whole church , or at least , to the pastors and governors of it ; as that this command of taking heed of false prophets , and of knowing them by their fruits , is the business of such only , and not the duty of every private person . but , 3 dly ; and to conclude these general reflections . if such be the case , that it is not only lawfull for , but the duty of , every christian to search the scriptures , and to examine what is proposed to him ; and to satisfie himself whether it be the true doctrine of christ or no : then it will follow farther , that if upon such a proof of what is tender'd to us by any person , or church , whatsoever , we should chance to be clearly , and evidently convinced , that they have departed themselves , and would draw away us , from the pure faith of christ , deliver'd to us in the holy scriptures ; it is our duty to take heed that we do not follow them in their apostacy ; but resolve rather to forsake them , than to abandon that gospel , which both they , and we , are commanded to adhere unto . that it is possible for men either by interest to be corrupted ; by prejudices to be byass'd ; or thro' infirmity to be deceived ; and by any , or all of these means , to fall away from the purity of the christian truth ; both the condition of humane nature assures us ; and the very caution of the text , do's evidently suppose . that by a careful attention , and diligent enquiry into the doctrine deliverd to us in the holy scriptures , we may be able to discover when they do so ; and to distinguish between truth , and falsehood ; right and wrong , as to these matters ; not only our saviour's command to do this ; but the plainness wherewith most of those things are delivered , which make up the summ of what is necessary for us to believe , and do , in order to our salvation , effectually shew . but then to what purpose should we trouble our selves to search the scriptures , and to understand our religion , and to know that we are dealt fraudulently with , by our guides , in it ; if after all , there is no remedy : but we must follow our church , and the pastors of it , whether they teach us the true doctrine of christ ; or whether they lead us into damnable hereresies , destructive of the very fundamentals of it . and yet how confidently do some men here also , rise up against us : and tell us , that we must believe them before our own reason ; nay , and ( in effect ) before god himself ? that 't is schism , and heresie , and i know not what besides , to doubt of , or differ with them , in any thing that they require us to believe . and that much better were it for us to shut our eyes altogether , and go on blindfold under their conduct ; than to follow the clearest light that scripture , reason , or even sense it self , can give us , in opposition to their errors . but let them assume what authority they please to themselves , and raise what clamours they can against us ; when all is done , this conclusion will remain firm as heaven , and clear as any first principle of science ; that if the scriptures be , as we all agree that they are , the word of god ; and were written for our instruction ; then we must follow the conduct of them : and hold fast to the truth which they deliver , tho' not only a company of assuming men , calling themselves the church , ( but upon what grounds , no body could ever learn , ) and pretending to infallibility ; ( in despight of the grossest errors ; ) but the whole world should conspire together , to oppose us in it . and thus have i shewn you , what that general vse is , that we ought all of us to make , of this command of our saviour , to beware of false-prophets ; and , to know them by their fruits . i proceed , ( 2 dly ) to that more particular application which i proposed to make of it , to the subject of this days solemnity . i shall not need to tell you , that we are now met together to bless god for those wonderful deliverances , which he has twice afforded us of this nation upon this very day , from the designs of those who are the professed enemies of our religion ; and who have never ceased , from the first beginning of the reformation among us , to do what in them lies to subvert that , and to destroy us , upon the account of it . but of all the measures that were ever taken by them in order thereunto , never was there any more remarkable than that which was intended to have been executed on this day ; had not god , by a miracle of his providence , discovered , and disappointed it . a design it was , so black , and horrid , that we find many among themselves ashamed to own it . and therefore , they either altogether deny that there was ever any such plot carried on by those of their communion : or else , pretend , that it was onely a private attempt of a few-desperate men of their religion ; censured , and condemn'd for it , by all the better , and more sober members of their church . and indeed , far be it from me to charge the whole body of our english papists , either with the knowledge of this conspiracy heretofore , or with the approving of it since . i am sensible that several among them have not only declared their abhorrence of the design its self ; but of the very principles on which it was founded . but yet when all is done , certain it is that both the doctrine on which it was established ; has been * confirm'd by those of the highest authority in the roman church : and that their greatest men have not only given their approbation to such attempts ; † but have favoured those who were the principal actors in them. here then let us fix our selves , and try the cause between them , and us. if the doctrines of the romish church with relation to those whom they call hereticks , and their practices towards them ; be agreeable to the gospel of christ ; let us allow them to be , thus far , true prophets , and approved by their fruits . but else , if neither their doctrines nor practices , in this case , can be reconciled with the spirit of christianity ; we must then pronounce them to be false-teachers , and conclude that they have been justly rejected by us as such . and 1st , as for the doctrines of those of the church of rome towards such whom they call hereticks , they are to this effect . * that theirs is the catholick church , with which all christians are bound to communicate ; to which alone all the promises of the gospel do belong ; and out of which there is no salvation . * that all who differ from them , and forsake their communion , are schismaticks , and hereticks ; enemies to god ; and apostates from the church , and faith of christ. ** that this church has , therefore a right to pronounce a sentence of excommunication against them as such : and that being , by that means , cut off from the body of christ , they are , in the next place , to be cast out of all civil society too ; and be put to death , unless they shall abjure their heresie , and return again to their communion . † that this excommunication the pope has power to pronounce , not only upon private persons , but upon whole cities and countries , upon kings and subjects : and that this being done , they also may be prosecuted with the sword , and be rooted from off the face of the earth . * that for the better effecting hereof , his holiness ( as they call him ) has power to absolve princes from their oaths of government to their subjects ; and subjects from their obligations of fidelity to their princes : to dispose of kingdoms ; and transfer them from one state , or family to another . and that having done this , that person , or state , to whom the pope shall have given such an heretical kingdom , has from thenceforth a just right to enjoy it , and may lawfully endeavour by any means to make themselves masters of it . lastly : that if this cannot be done by open force , and it be for the interest of their religion that some other course should be taken ; any king , or prince , so excommunicated , as is aforesaid , by the pope , may lawfully be kill'd by any private person ; or otherwise , be deposed from his government : and another set up to defend their religion , and to extirpate , what they call heresie , out of that country . this is the substance of what is taught by those of the church of rome , with relation to such as they call hereticks : that is to say , in other words , to all those who are not of their perswasion . and 2dly , for their practices , in conformity thereunto , tho' you are but too well able of your selves to recount them , yet i will call to your remembrance a few particulars , that may suffice to represent them to you . i should perhaps be thought to look back too far , should i relate to you the † barbarous butcheries committed by them about the xiiith century , at the preaching of that * bloody monk , their now glorious st. dominick : and the greatest of whose merit , seems to have been this , that ( as the histories of those times inform us , ) he preached above an hundred thousand innocent men out of their lives . a most apostolical preacher no doubt ! and worthy of the honour , which in acknowledgment of his merits they thought fit to confer upon him ; that for the good service he had done in that cruel mission , the inquisition , then begun by him , ( that most lively pattern of hell upon earth ) should be entrusted to the monks of his | order ; and who , in the management of it , for the most part , do not at all degenerate from the fiery zeal of their anti-christian founder . if from those we pass on to the protestants of france , it is hardly to be said what infinite numbers of them , in a very few years , fell a sacrifice to the romish fury . to which if we add the persecutions they have since undergone , within our own memories , to the utter ruine of their religion in that country ; we shall need no other evidence to convince us , what the true spirit of popery is ; and what we are to expect from it , if ever it should happen to prevail any more among us. what havock has been made of the evangelical churches , in the other parts of europe , and that within these few years , is too fresh in your memories to need a repetition , as for our own country ; not only the laws still extant shew us , what severe acts were pass'd against the reformed , ever since the time of king henry the fourth ; but our histories tell us , with what rigour they were put in execution . and the short period of queen mary's reign , shall i hope be a lasting , as it was a burning , and shining monument , of what our fore-fathers underwent ; and of what we ought to fear , should they ever come to have the same power in their hands , that they then had , to destroy us. but to leave these vulgar instances of the romish cruelties , and come to those of a higher nature ; in which princes have been concern'd and for whom , if they chance to oppose their interest , they have as little regard as for the meanest of the people . it would engage me on too large a subject to speak of the several emperours , and kings , who were either murder'd , or deposed by the pope , and his faction , before the time of the reformation . let the histories of europe speak this to you : scarce a country of which is destitute of some instance or other of this nature . i shall only point out to you a few particulars , of many , since that time ; and those such as are no more to be denied , than they are to be excused , by them. * when that desperate wretch james clement , undertook the murder of king henry the third of france ; not only the prior of his convent encouraged him in it , and gave him the very knife with which he did it ; but when the news of this horrid fact was brought to rome , ** pope sixtus the fifth , in an open consistory approved the deed , and in very extravagant terms applauded the doer of it . and when , afterwards | john chastell atempted , in like manner , to assassinate king henry the fourth , and was justly condemn'd by the parliament of paris for it ; their procedure was so heinously resented at rome , that they caused their * sentence to put into their catalogue of prohibited books ; that is to say , of such as they thought not fit for any member of their communion to read. but i will not look any farther abroad for the examples of such villanies , as our own history affords us , but too great a plenty of at home . king henry the eighth had his private quarrels with the popes of his time . he saw himself trick'd and abused by them ; and he bravely resolved not to suffer a foreign bishop , any longer to insult it over an english king. and tho' in all other respects he continued to his dying day a zealous papist , yet for this one piece of rebellion only against that proud prelate , was he excommunicated by pope paul the third ; his subjects were absolved from their oath of allegiance ; and commanded to vse their utmost endeavours to depose him , and expel him out of his dominions . what paul the third did to king henry the eighth , pope pius the fifth renewed against his daughter , queen elizabeth . he declared her to be an heretick and a favourer of hereticks : and therefore , deprived her of her crown ; absolved her subjects from their allegiance ; and forbade them to obey her , on pain of excommunication . and all this he did meerly on the account of her religion . for before that time ; ( which was the twelfth year of her reign ) not one ** papist had suffer'd on the account of his religion : when * felton for fixing up this bull against the bishop of london's gate , and justifying the fact , was the first of that party , condemn'd , and executed for it . being thus encouraged by the popes authority , the romanists of those times were from thenceforth scarce ever out of some contrivance , or other , to destroy her. parry , one of the chief of those , who undertook to murder her , had not only the popes consent so to do ; but , in consideration of it , had his holiness's blessing sent from rome to him ; with a plenary indulgence for all his sins ; and the assurance of an extraordinary crown of glory in heaven , for the barbarous villany he had undertook to commit on earth . this enterprise failing ; they next resolved upon a forreign invasion : and the king of spain was perswaded , by pope pius the fifth , to engage in it . but that also miscarrying , their private attempts were again renewed : and still some priest or other , in every one of them , to encourage , and sanctifie the assassination . it would engage me in too long a discourse to speak particularly of the treasons of arden , and sommerville ; of hesket , and lopez ; of cullen and york ; of squire and babington : of the designs of the duke of norfolk ; the earl of westmorland , and many others ; who either by sword or poison ; by private attempts , or publick insurrections , endeavoured to deprive her both of her crown and life . i will only observe , that what the other popes had in vain attempted here in england ; | pope gregory the xiiith , and clement the viiith , no less encouraged in ireland : by not only abetting the rebellions which were raised there , but engaging the king of spain , once more , to endeavour her destruction . whilst the queen of scots lived , who was a zealous papist , * the pretence for several of these attempts then was , ( | as their excuse has been since ) that she had the better title to the crown of england . but that unfortunate princess being gone , and queen elizabeth now grown old ; † all possible endeavours were made by those very persons , ( with the pope at their head , ) to exclude the son , who would be thought to have had so much zeal for the mother . in this first attempt the jesuits seemed unwilling to engage : but then , to do them right , i must observe , that it was not out of any checks of conscience , any dislike they had to such an enterprize ; but because they had another design of their own in hand ; which , it seems , was this of the gun-powder conspiracy . a treason of so horrid , and dismal a complexion , that the transcendent cruelty of it not only stagger'd some of the conspirators themselves , but proved the happy means of our deliverance from it . whilst the desire of one among them to save his friend from that deadly blow ; by the providence of god , discovered the whole design , and saved both the king and the parliament with him. we ought not to wonder , if the better to conceal such a conspiracy as this , but | few were admitted to a particular knowledge of it : * tho' it was generally discoursed among the whole party , that something was in agitation for the interest of their cause ; and to which they were to be ready to lend their utmost assistance , as soon as matters should be ripe for it . yet even among those few who knew of it , † father garnet , the provincial of the jesuits was one ; and that not in confession as some now pretend , but by way of consultation , as himself ( at last ) ingenuously acknowledged . | that several others of the society were acquainted with it , may from undoubted proofs be made appear . give me leave to add , what * some have farther affirm'd ; that fawks himself , the villain who was to have executed the treason was , not long before , at rome , in conference with some considerable persons there ; and had three bulls ready to have been publish'd , had the design succeeded ; but that this failing they were suppressed . and here then let us stop , and not proceed to any following instances of their cruelty , and perfidiousness : but from what has been already alledged , both of their doctrines , and practices , as to these matters ; go on , finally to consider , whether such principles , and such actions , can ever be reconciled , either with the spirit , or rules of christianity . and , 1st . let them tell us , if they can , where in all the scriptures of the new-testament , either the title , or promises of the catholick church , are appropriated to the roman church ; or indeed to any other particular church , or society of christians , whatsoever : or what reason can be given for that fundamental arrogance , on which all the best of their pretences are built , why they , any more than we , should be called , or accounted , christ's catholick church upon earth ? the truth is , it is a contradiction in terms , for either of us to assume to our selves such a character . the catholick church , is the whole church ; of which every particular church , ( as the church of england , the church of rome , &c. ) are parts . and to say that any one of these , exclusive to all others , is the catholick church ; is to say , that a part is the whole ; which , i think , is as plain a contradiction as can well be affirmed by any . nay , but what if the church of rome be so far from being the catholick , or vniversal church , that it is not so much as a catholick , that is , any sound , or orthodox part of the church of christ ? let me not be thought , to speak any thing with a design to raise in your minds a wrong notion against any : but for the sake of truth , and out of the concern which i have for your immortal souls , i must freely declare ; that , after the best examination i have been able to make into her principles , and constitution ; i do , in my conscience , believe the roman church , as it is at present established , in matters of faith , worship , morals , and government ; to be by far the most corrupted of any christian church , that i know of , in the world ; and in which salvation can the most hardly , if at all , be obtain'd . but 2dly . were the church of rome all that she pretends to be ; and our church all that ever it has been call'd by it : yet how comes this to give them a civil authority over us ? christ meddled not with mens temporal interests : he taught no doctrines of cruelty and uncharitableness . he founded no dominion in grace : nor ever pretended to depose kings , and give away kingdoms . on the contrary , we know , how he would not so much as arbitrate in a private controversie : luke xii . 14. but declared freely , that his kingdom was not of this world ; jo. xviii . 36. nor were his disciples to expect any thing beyond other men , except it were troubles , and losses , and persecutions in it . mat. x. luke ix . 23. jo. xv . 20. xvi . 2. &c. hence we read that when upon the account of his adherence to the temple of jerusalem , ( which was plainly a religious concern ) a certain village of the samaritans deny'd him the common humanity of a nights lodging ; and some of his disciples were so hot upon it , as to desire him to revenge himself by fire from heaven for the affront ; all the answer they got was this reproof , which one would have thought might alone have been sufficient to answer all these kind of pretensions for ever , that they knew not what manner of spirit they were of ; luke ix . 55. for , says he , the son of man came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . but 3dly . our saviour christ , has not only no where encouraged any proceedings of this kind , but has every where delivered such doctrines , as are utterly irreconcileable with them. that we must be subject to principalities and powers , and obey magistrates . tit. iii. 1. that we must do this , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake : rom. xiii . 5. that we must love our enemies ; must bless them that curse vs ; do good to them that hate vs ; and pray for them that despightfully use vs , and persecute vs. mat. v. 44. that we must not avenge our selves ; but leave that to him , of whom it is written , vengeance is mine , i will repay saith the lord . rom. xii . 19. that we must not root up the tares before the time , but suffer them to grow till the harvest ; and that the separation shall be made by god , and not then by vs. mat. xiii . 29 , 30. that we must bear with those who are weak in the faith ; must instruct them in meekness ; and endeavour to convert them from the error of their way , that they may be saved . rom. xv , 1. galat. vi . 1. 1 thess. v. 14. 2 tim. ii . 24 , 25 , 26. jam. v. 19· these are the doctrines of the gospel : and accordingly we know how our religion conquered the world , not by doing , but by suffering . not by disturbing kingdoms , and overthrowing of governments ; but by patiently submitting to all the evil that the rage of men , or malice of the devil , could bring upon the professors of it . and when this is so , what can we conclude but that certainly either the holy scriptures have given us a very wrong account of the doctrine of christ ; and that neither the apostles , nor those who were instructed by them , understood their own rights , and what authority their ecclesiastical character gave them over princes , and countries ; ( at least in order to religion : ) or that , if they did , then these men in teaching , and acting as they do , in these matters , must have utterly departed from the truth of christianity ; and have only the name of prophets ; the cloathing of sheep ; whilst in reality they are ravening woolves . which being thus resolved , i do not see what other conclusion we can draw from these premises , than that which our saviour , in the text , recommends to us ; which is , to beware of them. and indeed so we have all the reason in the world to be , whether we consider our souls , or bodies ; the interests of this present life , or the hope of that which is to come . for , first , as to the concern of our future state ; if it be possible for any errors to destroy salvation , which are not expresly contrary to the fundamentals of christianity ; tho' in the natural consequence of them , they do plainly overthrow the chiefest of them ; then i am perswaded that the errors of the church of rome , will , of all others , be found the most likely so to do . and , for the other thing mentioned , our present interests ; how far they must be affected by the return of popery again among us ; both the encroachments it *⁎* formerly made upon our civil rights and liberties ; and the pretensions it * still keeps on foot against us , more than against any other country , or people , besides ; not to say any thing of its common principles of tyranny and slavery , ruinous to societies , as well as dangerous to private persons , and families ; may suffice to convince us. let us then , upon all these accounts , heartily bless god , who ( upon this same day ) has twice delivered us out of its hands : and let us earnestly beseech him , that he would still continue to defend us , from ever falling any more under the power of it . and tho' the petition has too long been left out of our liturgy , yet let it never depart out of our minds , but be often the subject of our private supplications to almighty god , both for our religion , and for our country's sake . from the tyranny of the bishop of rome and his detestable enormities : good lord deliver us. finis . books printed for richard sare , at gray's inn-gate in holborn . the genuine epistles of st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp , the shepherd of hermas , &c. with a large preliminary discourse . 8 vo . a practical discourse against profane swearing . 8 vo . the authority of christian princes over ecclesiastical synods , in answer to a letter to a convocation-man . 8 vo . an appeal to all the true members of the church of england , on behalf of the king's supremacy . 8 vo . a sermon at the dorsetshire feast . 1690. before the queen at whitehall , may 10. 1691. before the lord mayor , nov. 26. 1691. at grays inn , on the death of the queen . at st. james's , on the day of thanksgiving . the church of rome no guide in matters of faith , in answer to a late letter from a nephew to his uncle : containing the reasons why he became a roman catholick , and why he now declines any farther disputes or contests about matters of religion . 8 vo . pr. 6 d. the principles of the christian religion explain'd , in a brief commentary on the church catechism . 8 vo . pr. 2 s. these 11 by the reverend dr. wake . fables of aesop , and other eminent mythologists , with morals and reflexions . folio . fables and stories moralized ; ( being a 2d part of the fables of aesop , and other eminent mythologists , &c. folio . both by sir roger l'estrange . mr. collier's view of the stage . his defence . his essays upon several moral subjects . maxims and reflexions upon plays ; ( in answer to a discourse printed before a play , called , beauty in distress ; ) written in french by the bishop of meaux ; with an advertisement concerning the author and book . by mr. collier . an answer to all the excuses and pretences that men ordinarily make , for their not coming to the holy communion . to which is added , a brief account of the end and design of the holy communion , the obligation to receive it , the way to prepare for it , and the behaviour of our selves , both at and after it . price but 3 d. for the encouragement of such persons as are willing to give them away , for the promoting of piety and devotion . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66207-e210 2 cor. iv 5. mark xiii . 22. act. xx . 29.30 . 1 tim. iv . 1 , 2 , 3. mat. vii . 22. x. 41. xx . ii . 34. luk xi . 50. rom. xii . 6. 1 cor. xiii . 2. xiv . 22. &c. heb xiii . 20. 1 pet. v. 4. act. xxi . 28. joseph . antiqu . lib. xx . c. 2. de bell. jud. lib. v. c. 30 , 38. orig. contr. cels. l. 2. epiph. adv . haeres . lib. i. tom. 2. &c. gal. i. 8. eph. v. 6. coloss. ii . 18. 1 tim. iv . 1 , &c. 2 tim. iii. 5. &c. mat. v. 1. luk. vi . 17.20 . 11 thess. v. 21. 11 jo. iv . 1. mat. v , vi , vii , rom. xv . 4. 2 tim. iii. 16. 2 pet. 1.19 papists apology , p. 31. ( with the answer ) comp. p. 34. calendar . catholicum , an. 1662. 5 th nov. hen. morus , soc. jesu provinciae anglic. hist. l. 7. sect. 19 , 21. see widdrington contr . suarez . pag. 12. & 153. * concil . lateran . 3. can. 27. concil . lateran . 4. can. 3. concil . lugd. 1. lab. tom. 11. col. 640 , &c. concil . constant . sess. 45. mart. pp . bull , &c. p. 259. tom. 12. lab. see more below . † as tesmond & gerrard , who were both concern'd in the powder-plot . widdrington contra schulken , p. 151. * concil . constant. sess. 45. decretal . de haeret. l. 5. tit . 7. c , 13. ** concil . lateran . 4. can. 3. see foulis popists treasons , book 2. c. 6. sect. 13. the bull of p. paul iii. against k. henry viii . bellarm de laicis . l. 3. c. 21. decretal . de haeret. lib. 5. tit . 7. c. 13. vid. bullam . coenae dom. † sanders . de visib . monarch . p , 730 , 734. parry 's confession , out of allen 's book , p. 17. thuanus 's hist. lib. 135. p. 1206. c.d. becanus contr . angl. p. 120. add ; pope pius the fifth's bull against qu. eliz. &c. decretal . de haeret. l. 5. tit . 7. c. 13. concil . avenionens , an. 1210. bellarm. resp , ad ap●log . pro juram : fidel ; p. 9 , 10. * see this proved at large from their own authors , by foulis hist. of popish treasons , book ▪ 2. c. 1 , 2 , 5 , 6. du moulin 's answer to philanx . anglicus . cap. 4. bp barlow 's popish principles , pernicious to protestant princ●s ; to which , add the bulls of p. paul iii. against king henry viii . of pius v. against q eliz. decret . c. 15. qu. 5. cap ▪ nos . sanctorum . card. allen 's admonition to the nobility and people of england ; with his answer to stanley 's letter , an. 1587. becanus controv . anglic. c. 3. q. 2 , 3. suarez defens . fid . cathol . lib. 3. c. 23. cui titulus : pontificem summum potestate coercivâ in reges uti posse usque ad depositionem etiam à regno , l. 6. c. 2. sect. 7. bellarm. de rom. pont. l. 5. c. 6 , 8. idem de potestate summ . pont. contr . barclaium : in prolegomen . jul. caes. bullenger . hist. l. 6. p. 233. speaking of parry says , de theologis quaerit , an jure tyrannus pontificiis diris devotus , necari possit ? illi , posse , responderunt see card. como 's letter to the same purpose , below . suarez . defens . fid . cathol . lib. 6. c. 4. sect. 14 , 18. mariana de rege & regis institut . l. 1. c. 6 , 7. thuan. hist. l. 111. p. 517 , 518 , 520. † see usserius de christianarum eccles. success . c. 10. crackanthorp contra spalatensem , c. 18. sect. 19. mat. paris . ad an. 1234. says , the number that was slain was infinite . * whose severity the very inquisitors themselves boast of . ludov. à param . de orig. & progress . inquis . l. 2. c. 2. n. 4. limburg . hist. inquisit . l. 1. c. 10. | vid. leg. 1. fred. ii. apud limburg . hist. inquis . c. 12. l. 1. et hist. progres , inquisit . per totum lib. thuan. hist. ad an. 1572. popliniere hist. de france . liv . 29. d'aubigne hist. vnivers . part . 2. l. 1. c. 4. &c. mezeray hist. charles ix . &c. hist. des martyrs ; à geneve , 1619. l. 7. &c. an. 1557 , &c. l. 10. an. 1572. osiand . hist. eccles. ad an. 1557. 1560 , 1567 , 1568. lampadius m●llific . hist. par . 3. p. 475 , &c. 48● . see k. james 's apology for the oath of allegiance ; in his works fol. p. 272 , &c. becanus contr. angl. p. 144. edit mogunt . 1613. foulis romish treasons , at large , books 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. from all sorts of histories ▪ vid. platinam in vit . bonifacii viii . &c. bellarm. de potest . p. contr . barclaium . * see foulis popish treasons , l. 8. c. 6. histoire des derniers troubles de france , an. 1589. hist. d' aubigne , an. 1589. tom. 3. l. 2. c. 22. thuani hist. l. 95. et lib. c. iii. p. 520. ** see the whole speech in foulis popish treasons , book 8. c. 6. | see mezera 's hist. of france , an. 1594. histoire de troubles de france , an. 1594. see the sentence of the parliament against him , li● . at large . hist. d'aubigne , to. 3. l. 4. c. 4. vid. ib. inscriptiones pyramid . contra jesuit●s sceler●● authores . thuan. hist. l. iii. n. 1594. * titulo , arrestum contra joannem castellum : and again ; oratio m antonii arnaldi , &c. arrestum contra joannem castellum . see the bull : bullar . to. 1. p. 704. see the whole history related by sanders de visibil . monarch . p. 730. n. 2037. and by girolamo catena , in his life of pius v. p. 112 , &c. et append. p. 109 , &c. ** nor yet meerly for that , either b●fore , or after ; king james 's premonition , p. 336. not 30 priests in all q. elizabeth 's reign suffer'd for treason , and for religion not one. sir edw. coke 's speech at the arraignment of the gun-powder conspirators . * sanders de visib . monarch . p. 734. where he makes a felton a martyr . spondan . contin . baron . ad an. 1570. sect. 4. cambden . elizab. an. 1570. cambd. eliz. an. 1585. cardinal como 's letter , of jan. 30. 1584. le concede ( the pope ) sua benedictione , plenaria indulgenza & remissioni di tutti li peccati , assicurando si che oltre il merito che a havera in cielo , vuole anco sua santita constituirsi debitore , &c. and adds , metta dunque ad effetto li suoi santi & honorati pensieri ; i. e. to kill the queen . see fowlis popish treasons , book 7. c. 6. girolamo catena vita di pio v. in which the pope was so zealous , that he was for pawning the plate of the chu●ch , and coming himself in person , if need were , to further it . p. 117. cambd. eliz. an. 1588. watson . quodlib . p. 239 , 246. artic. 6 , 7. see watson 's important considerations , &c. reprinted , lond. 1675. 4 o. bristow makes them all martyrs ; 15 motive , p. 72. c. 73. for the historical part , see foulis 's popish treasons , book 7. c. 5 , 7. cambd. eliz. an. 1595 , 1598 , &c. 1602. | foulis pop. treasons , book 9. c. 3. cambd. eliz. an. 1578 , 1579 , &c. * catena . lettere de pio v. p. 329. | see the papists apology , ( the edit . with the answer ) 1675. p. 23. † clement . viii . see cambden . eliz. an. 1600 , 1602. doleman 's confer . about the next succession to the crown . tortur . torti . p. 188. &c. 197 , 278. thuanus , l. 135. p. 1205 , 1214 , a. king james 's apolog. p. 273. casaubon . epist. ad front. ducaeum . inter epist. p. 750. edit . 4 o. 1656. sir edw. coke 's plea. hist gun-powder treason . ( 8 o. lond. 1678. ) p. 92 , &c. see watson 's confession : casaub . epist. ad . front. ducaeum . p. 752 , 753. | about 20 , whereof 5 were jesuits . see popish apol. p. 34 casaub. ep. ad front. ducaeum . p. 755. * k. james 's premonition , p. 291. † thuanus ingenuously owns this : hist. lib. 135. p. 1213. d. and the publick acts of this conspiracy u●deniably confirm it . see king james 's praemonition , p. 334 , 335. bp. andrews at large proves it from garnet 's own confession , tortura torti , p. 281 , &c. 285 , 286. so does isaac casaubon . epist. ad front. ducaeum . p. 757 , 761 , 773 , 774 , 775. add sir edw. coke 's arraignment of garnet , p. 168 , &c. and the relation of his execution , ib , p. 225. | historia pontifical . part. 5. l. 1. c. 11. says , that fawks being in flanders , y descubrio s● empresa à personas ecclesiasticas y de su nacion , para hazer les ayunar y rogar a dios , que su fin llegasse a efecto . bulenger confirms it , hist. l. 12. p. 369. where speaking of winter and fawks , oeno jesuitae , says he , consilia aperiunt ; qui pietatis studium laudat . and p. 370. speaking of three others , among whom , garne● one ; says ; rex , cognito tres jesuitas — conjurationis hujus nefariae flabella fuisse . — thuan. hist. p , 1206. e. lib. 135. gerard the jesuit gave them the oath of secrecy ; and the sacrament upon it . tesmund confirm'd bates 's conscience in it : rei merito demonstrato : ib. p. 1207. c. see winter's confession about owen to the same effect : king james 's works , p. 232. add to this , my lord stafford's declaration , at his trial , to this effect , p. 53. mezeray 's h●st . of france , an. 1605. k. james 's praemonition , p. 291 , 335. bp. andrew 's tortura torti , p. 280. casaub. epist. ad front. ducaeum , p. 755. sir edw. coke 's arraignment of the conspirators , p. 96 , 104 , 105 , 113. his arraignment of garnet , p. 166. * foulis popish treason , book 10. c. 2. bishop andrews ad bellarm resp. c. 5. p. 113. *⁎* for which , see sir roger twisden 's hist. vindicat . of the church of england , &c. which largely shews it , chap. 1 , 2. * see card. bellarm. apolog . pro resp ad jacob. r●g . c. 3. where he affirms the pope to have a direct dominion over the kingdoms of england and ireland ; ita ut rex , tanquam secundarius dominus , holds his realms of him . — the same is affirmed by card. allen. in his admonition to the nobility : that without the pope's confirmation , no man can lawfully take the crown , or be accounted king of england . they both took it from the pop●'s own mouth ; who before his colledge of cardinals declared . that the king of england was his vassal ; nay , in truth , his slave . mat. paris , ad ann. 1253. see the first and second book of king edw. vi. in the litany . preparation for death being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france, in a dangerous distemper of which she died. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1687 approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 85 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66253 wing w253 estc r5512 12635776 ocm 12635776 64860 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66253) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64860) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 337:25) preparation for death being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france, in a dangerous distemper of which she died. wake, william, 1657-1737. [3], 155, [8] p. printed for richard chiswell ..., london : 1687. attributed to william wake. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng death. death -religious aspects. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion preparation for death . being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france , in a dangerous distemper , of which she died . numb . xxiii . 10. let me die the death of the righteous , and let my latter end be like his . london , printed for richard chiswell , at the rose and crown , in s. paul's church-yard . 1687. advertisement . could either my desires , or endeavours have prevailed for the suppressing of the following letter , it had been buried in the same grave with her to whom it was address'd . but being fallen into the hands of her relations after her death , many copies were dispersed before my return into england , and thereby a necessity put upon me either to publish it my self , or to have the dissatisfaction of seeing others do it , for me . this being the true account of the edition of this short treatise , i shall need the less apology , if there seem nothing in it for which it should be exposed to a publick view . it was writ as a private letter , to a person of more piety , than curiosity ; and without any prospect ; nay i may add more , upon an assurance that it should never come to any ones sight but her own . and therefore it ought not to be wonder'd if it appear with all the plainness and freedom , which an epistolary stile and character required . for the rest , as i can sincerely profess that it was no principle of vanity that led me first to write it , so much less does any such motive induce me now to publish it . it was to serve a greater and better end , i both then did , and now do design it : and if those who shall hereafter peruse it , do it but with the same piety that she did for whom it was composed , i am perswaded neither they nor i shall have any cause to repent us of our labour . paris april 25. s. n. 1684. madam ▪ the address i here make you , how meanly soever i have performed it ; is yet so suitable to your circumstances , and so well befits ▪ my character ; that i make no doubt but you will accept it with the same charity that i have designed it . and therefore instead of making apologies for my undertaking , i will rather send it to you with my hearty prayers , that those few directions i have here put together , may be as truly useful to you , as i do assure you they were really by me intended for your service . you are not , madam , to expect in this short draught any thing but what you have often already heard , and , i perswade my self , have long practised . religion is none of those things that change with the fashion , and accommodate themselves to the mode : and though we have of late met with some who have endeavoured upon the foundations of christianity to erect a new scheme of court-divinity , by making the way to heaven both broader and smoother than it is : yet both the projectors and those that follow them will sadly find themselves mistaken in the end ; when the one shall perish for betraying their master , and the others be condemn'd for not rejecting their innovations . but , madam , if you find nothing new in the matter , i am sure much less will you have any thing in the stile and method , but what is plain and easie . in such discourses as these , he seems to me to speak most properly , that expresses himself most clearly . some things indeed i should have added ; others have changed , and have dress'd the whole with greater care ; but i had little time , and much other business , which i am sure you know to be more than pretence . the rules yet i am confident are sound and useful , and may as they are , serve your devotion ; but if your abundance of better helps frustrate that design , yet at least you will be pleased to esteem it an undoubted testimony of that sincerity with which i am , madam , your most humble , and most obedient servant , w. w. introduction . there is nothing hath proved more fatal to that due preparation we ought to make for another life , than our unhappy mistake of the nature of this . we are brought into the world , children , ignorant ▪ and impotent ; we grow up in vanity and folly ; and when we come to be men , we are but very little more prudent and more considerate . the whole of our reflections terminates in this , what course we are to take to pass our time ; some to get , others to spend their estates ; and when interest or inclination , friends or fortune have determined the choice , we are then entred in , and our remaining business is to pursue this end to the best advantage , for our present ease and our future establishment . thus are our thoughts and our desires wholly tied to this world ; we vainly project a settlement in it , nor look we any farther than the little interests and employments thereof engage us . 2. i am sure , madam , i need not say much to convince you , who have had so many opportunities to settle this reflection upon your own experience , and who , i am perswaded , have so profitably employ'd them , that this is the just character of the far greater part of mankind : and for the unhappy influence of it to the decay of christianity , i think it is not to be doubted that 't is the tying of our affections so much to this world , that above any thing indisposes us to think of another . whilest we set up our hopes and our establishment here , we either altogether forget , or at least do not so vigorously consider , that god has provided another and better place for us , whither we shall in a very little time be transferred by him , and for which therefore the great affair of our whole lives now should be to provide . 3. is it possible to be imagined that we should see such numbers engage their lives and labours , some to heap together a little dirt that shall bury them in the end ; others to gain an honour , that at best can be celebrated but by an inconsiderable part of the world , and is envied and calumniated by more than 't is truly given ; most to pursue the pleasures ( as they call them ) of their natures ; which begin in sin , are carried on with danger , and end in bitterness ; and scarce one that troubles himself about the blessings of heaven , or at least lives as if he did so ; would men seriously perswade themselves that they have here no abiding place , no city to dwell in : but are only in their passage to the heavenly jerusalem , their city which is above , where alone true happiness is to be found , and upon which therefore their thoughts and their endeavours ought chiefly to be employed . 4. can we behold the vices and debaucheries of many ; the carelessness and irreligion of almost all ; and believe that the christian world is seriously convinced of those great truths their religion teaches them of a future life , and a vast eternity of rewards and punishments , according as we observe or neglect the duties it commands in this ? 5. how shall we believe that those men are perswaded of the true business of this life , that 't is the time of tryal , that god has thrown us into this world as into a circle , to exercise our selves in it , and receive the crown if we come off with victory , who so shamefully decline the combat ; and are so far from obtaining the victory , that we are scarcely to be brought but even to do any thing towards it . 6. in a word ; were it possible that the thoughts of eternity , but especially the near approaches of it , by a mature age , a crasy constitution , or a violent sickness , should amaze so many as we find it does , make them so unwilling to go to christ , and receive the reward of their labours ; had they ever truly considered all these things ; and not rather with old simeon sing their nunc dimittis , with comfort and assurance ; and cry out with s. paul , phil. 1. 21. to me to live is christ , and to dye is gain ; and again , v. 23. i have a desire to depart and to be with christ. 7. were i now , madam , to deal with any other than your self , these and the like considerations would engage me , before i entred on the following prescriptions , to dispose your mind to a reception of them , by shewing you the great interest we have in eternity ; that our lives are uncertain , to be sure cannot be long here , and that therefore we ought to hasten all we can , before it be too late , to examine our souls , and provide for futurity . that all the little objects we now pursue , for which our ease , our conscience , nay our very religion it self is sacrificed by us , are but vanities and trifles , neither worthy in themselves , nor satisfying in their enjoyment ; but , madam , your vertue , and your prudence , make all such preparations unnecessary formalities , and instead of opening the way to the following address by such insinuations , i ought rather to apologize for my indiscretion in the whole undertaking , which your piety prevents , and which your dayly ▪ practice shews you already to understand beyond any thing i am able to offer for your assistance . 8. nevertheless since it has pleased god to an excellent natural disposition to add yet other obligations , and by the troubles of this life to draw you to himself ; to shew you worthy of his favour , and i trust more highly to reward you in the next ; be pleased to give me leave this way to congratulate with you those evils , which so many are wont to lament , and which no one more sincerely wishes ( if it please god ) to see you free from , than my self ; and as you have done me the honour to command my attendance whilst you were with us here , pardon me if i intrude upon your meditations a few of my most serious reflections , to supply my absence ; and be a testimony of that real respect wherewith i honour you now in your retirement . chap. i. of contentedness under your condition . tho' i am infinitely distant from that excellent perfection which made the primitive christians glory in their tribulations , and st. paul rejoice in that sting in the flesh which god had given him as a peculiar blessing from above ; yet is it really some satisfaction to me , that i am not now wholly liable to that censure , which is so usually made on these occasions , that 't is easie for any man when he is well to give advice to them that are not . it hath pleased god , for the rashness perhaps of my usual discourse , to make it at present very uneasy for me to speak at all . i cannot but acknowledge his mercy in the admonition , and if it please him altogether to silence me , so , that i shall not only , as now , speak with difficulty , but wholly ▪ be disabled to open my mouth , to any articulate utterance , yet i hope he will give me grace even in my thoughts to praise him ; to consider the justice of his proceeding with me , and to implore his pardon of what my sins have justly deserved . 2. it cannot be deny'd but that this is an exercise of the most difficult nature , and the apostle himself confesses even where he most exhorts us to an acquiescence in it , that no chastening for the present seemeth to be joyous , but grievous ; yet considerations there are that are able to alleviate our greatest miseries , and make us , if not come up to the character of those who rejoyce in tribulations , yet at least satisfy the duty i am now recommending , of being patient and contented under our sufferings . 3. and the first of these both in our practice and this discourse ought to be , to look up to that hand that inflicts them . it is our great unhappiness when any calamities fall upon us , that we are uneasie and dissatisfied ; and our whole business and project is , how to remove them , not to consider from whence they come . sometimes indeed , if the cause be visible , we discourse of it as of a chance or a misfortune , but we stop at the instrument , and never pass on to him that directed it ; the second cause we know , but trouble our selves no further to recur to the first : whereas , would we seriously consider , * that the providence of god orders all the affairs of the world ; * that without his assistance we can no more get quit of our affliction , than but by his permission we first fell into it ; * that this unquietness therefore is a murmuring against his justice , a rebellion against his providence , upon whom alone we ought to rely ; and whose mercy we should by all imaginable submission implore ; we should then acquiesce in his dispensation , till it pleased his goodness to remove our evils ; cry out with old eli , it is the lord , let him do what seemeth him good : and as we dayly pray that his will may be done in earth , so by our submission shew that we truly desire it . 4. let us to this add , secondly ; that god delights not to afflict , nor ever willingly grieves the children of men. * it may be we suffer in our calamity the punishment of our sins , and then let us not murmur at that which is the just reward of our deservings . * perhaps god proves us in this life , that he may the more plenteously reward us in the next ; and how then shall we repine against his mercy , which makes these light afflictions that are but for a moment , work out for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory ; to be sure if we make that use of them which he intends , if we repent seriously , submit contentedly , and serve him faithfully , they shall turn to our advantage : tho' the passage be troublesome , yet is it secure , and shall in a little time bring us ease and quiet , and peace at the last . 5. for let us not mistake the goodness of god , nor imagine that because he smites us , therefore we are forsaken by him , but let us consider rather , thirdly ; that 't is the very condition of all his promises , through much tribulation to bring us to his kingdom ; that blessed place where all evils shall be removed , and there shall be no more any death , nor sorrow , nor crying , nor pain . we have a full account of this , heb. 12. a place so satisfactory , that i will transcribe only one passage , to engage you to recur your self to the rest ; my son despise not thou the chastning of the lord , nor faint when thou art rebuked of him ; for whom the lord loveth he chastneth , and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth . but , fourthly ; 6. let us look into the ages that have gone before us ; let us consult our own experience in the present ; we shall find the observation of our apostle ever to have been verified , that the best men generally fall under the severest pressures , our saviour christ was our forerunner in this trial , as well as in the reward that accompanies it : he began as we ought to follow after , and for the joy which was set before him endured the cross , despising the shame . which of his holy apostles escaped this trial ; what numbers of the primitive saints were under the perpetual persecution of the most malicious enemies that hell could raise against them , for many hundred years . they were stoned , they were sawn as under , were slain with the sword , they wandred up and down in sheeps skins and goats skins , being destitute , afflicted , tormented , and yet were these the men , of whom the world was not worthy , whom we ought with comfort to look up unto , and run with patience the race that is set before us . 7. these considerations , though i have ( as i ought ) proposed in general terms , yet i am sure , madam , you will not fail by a particular application to bring them home to your own concerns ; and for your easier performance i will go on if you please to make yet a reflection or two that may fortifie you in it . 8. in enquiring into the goods that you have lost , or the evils , you either fear or suffer ; i shall not trouble you with an enumeration of that which i know you despise , the flatteries , the courtship , the other vanities of the world ; the very loss of these is a happiness almost equal to what you undergo for it . and though that beauty , which yet others , i perswade my self , valued too more highly than your self , was a blessing which you owed much to heaven for ; yet the additional ornaments you have hereby the opportunity of making to your soul , will in the end give you a more solid satisfaction , and as much chain to you the affections of the good and wise , as the other attracted the eyes of the rest . 9. for your present distemper ; it is , god be thanked , neither so troublesome for the present , as to take you off from all satisfaction ; nor , i am willing to perswade my self , shall it prove so dangerous in its consequence , as to deprive you of all hope of seeing your self again in your former health , only disciplined and instructed , not utterly cut off by sickness . 10. however , let us suppose now , as well as fear the worst ; is there any thing particular in dying young ? do not thousands every day do it ? and have you known none in health and vigour , who have pitied your condition , and behold they are themselves gone before you , even since you fell into this distemper : and what is the harm then of this ? that you have fairer warning than others , who are unexpectedly cut off , and so have a better opportunity , as well as greater engagements , to cultivate your soul , and provide for your latter end ? to dye is no pain , to leave this world is only to get quit of a troublesome place , where you could never find any ease or quiet , any solid satisfaction and comfort . to go to heaven is to be transferr'd to that kingdom you have ever long'd for ; to enjoy all the glories of eternity , to become company for saints and angels , and behold the blessed presence of god , in whose presence there is fulness of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . 11. the truth is , the greatest part of your misfortune is founded on the opinion of the world : we fools esteem these things evils , and this makes others believe they really are so . but the good christian who considers them only as necessary passages to a glorious immortality ; that through this dark scene of fansied horror sees a crown and a throne , and everlasting blessings prepared for him ; joyfully receives his summons as he has long impatiently expected it : goes off out of the world as contentedly as the actor when the play is ended leaves the stage . his only concern is , whilst he appears upon it , so to demean himself , that he may have a plaudite at last ; and then 't is all one whether his part ended in the third act , or continues on to the very last scene . 12. such , madam , are your obligations to this first duty , and the performance of them will especially engage you to these three things ; 1. never despair either of gods blessings here , or of his reward hereafter ; but go on as you have begun ; fulfil your duty as he has commanded ; embrace his promises with faith and assurance ; and for the rest , leave it in his hands ; as in the hands of a most merciful saviour , who himself became man , and suffer'd death upon the cross for our sakes , and by that stupendious act of mercy , has taught us ever to rely in all things upon his goodness . 2. murmur not at your sickness , for thereby you will sin against god's providence and government ; but submit with peace to what you suffer , and pray for your deliverance . i do not say you should affect a rude insensibility : sighs and groans and mournful expressions , this is the sick mans proper language ; david roared for the disquietness of his soul ; our blessed lord himself in his last and sharpest pang of sorrow , cryed out with a loud voice , before he gave up the ghost . there is nothing in this but what is innocent ; and though too much of it may betray your weakness , yet whilst you keep still a resignation to god's disposal , it cannot be imputed to you for any sin . 3. take heed of that , which is the general fault of sick persons , and which a long disorder almost unavoidably brings with it , and that is peevishness . this will but render you uneasie to your self , and to those about you ; it troubles your repose , without doing you any good ; and is equally to be avoided both for the folly , and for the sin . 13. i shall close this reflection with one necessary remark , which i desire you to apply to all the following ; that in speaking thus to you , i am so far from charging you as guilty in this matter , that i can sincerely say , i believe the exhortation wholly needless , only it was my duty in so important a concern to omit nothing that might any way be thought necessary ; and it will be your satisfaction to see how far you are advanced in your duty ; and your engagement to pursue that very little , which you may perhaps find to be still wanting . chap. ii. that you ought not to be amazed at the fear of death . there is nothing in the world more generally dreaded , and yet less to be feared than death . indeed for those unhappy men , whose hopes terminate in this life , no wonder if the prospect of another seems terrible and amazing . hell is a place which the most resolute soul cannot but tremble to think of , how much more to enter into ? but for him who has lived well , and who therefore relies on god's mercies for an eternal salvation , to shew this concern , it betrays either much weakness or great doubt , and either his faith , or his hopes , or both , are less firm than they ought to be , he therefore that will not fear to dye , must first be careful to live well . 2. the stroak of death is nothing ; children endure it , and the greatest cowards find it no pain : but when to this we shall add the certain apprehension of its being the gate to an eternal life , then may we presume to say , we have wholly conquer'd this king of terrours , and sing the epinikion of st. paul , 1 cor. 15. o death where is thy sting ! o grave where is thy victory ! thanks be to god who giveth us the victory through our lord jesus christ. secondly ; he must take off his affections from this world . 3. it was the reflection of the son of sirach ecclus 4. 1. o death , how bitter is the remembrance of thee to a man that liveth at rest in his possessions , to the man that hath nothing to vex him , but hath prosperity in all things . whilst we please our selves with the vanities we enjoy here , we cannot expect but that it must needs be a trouble to us to be divorced from them : but let us only change the scene ; instead of these earthly , transient goods ; let us raise our souls to the heavenly and eternal : then shall we begin to think the time long , that we are divorced from them , and wish for that end , we before feared . tully tells us that cleombrotus was so taken with this speculation , that having only read in plato the conjectures of that great man concerning the state of the soul after death , he had not patience to tarry the tedious course of nature , but by a violent death cut the thread himself , that he might immediately enjoy what he so infinitely desired . 4. nor may we fortify our selves much less against the fear of death , thirdly , from the consideration of those evils it frees us from , than of that happiness it transfers us to . when the great emperor of persia wept over his army upon this consideration , that within the revolution of a single age , not a man of all that innumerable confluence would be left alive ; artabanus standing by , improved his meditation ; by adding , that yet all of them should meet with so many and great evils , that every one should wish himself dead long before that . it is the true character of our lives which job once gave . man that is born of a woman hath but a short time to live , and is full of trouble . it is the great blessing of heaven that as our lives are very miserable , so are they very short too , and what we usually complain of as our misfortune , we ought rather to congratulate as our happiness . had david died a little sooner , how much trouble had he escaped which now he endured , in the rebellion and death of his own son , and all the miseries of a civil war that was raised against him . let any man consult his own experience , and say , how many sorrows he had miss'd , had god called him to his rest but a few years before ; and therefore whether the promise he has made to deliver the just from the evils to come , ought not to be made our dayly prayer for its accomplishment , rather than fill our souls with terror at the apprehension . but fourthly : death do's not only free us from misery , but sin too . 5. the life of a christian is a continual warfare , full of dangerous conflicts and doubtful consequences : our lusts sollicit us , the world encourages , the devil tempts us ; we fall often , and are never secure . but death frees us from all danger , sets us safely on shore in our long-expected canaan , where there are no temptations , no dangers , no possibility of falling ; but eternal purity , and immortal joys secure our happiness for evermore . 6. there is yet an advice which may usefully be added here , and it is this , that since the time of our dying is uncertain , we should every day expect what every hour may bring to us : it is our great unhappiness in this matter that though we live never so many years , we are still surprized . we put the evil day far from us , and then it catches us at unawares , and we tremble at the prospect . but let us stand on our guard , let us live like those who expect to dye , and then we shall find these terrors very much lessen , and that we fear'd death only because we were unacquainted with it . philip king of macedon had a page constantly attending in his chamber to tell him every morning as soon as he awaked , remember , o king , that thou art mortal . 7. but to quit you wholly of this fear , and that ▪ i may close this point too with something particular , give me leave , madam , to desire you , instead of a thousand arguments , to recur only to your own experience ; you have already lookt death in the face , you are acquainted with it , what have you found so terrible in it as to disturb the repose of a good christian , i.e. of such a one as your self . i cannot without satisfaction remember the calm , the quiet , the peace you were then in ; when every hour seemed to tell you 't was your last . death is an enemy you have already met , and already conquer'd ; you have pull'd out his sting , by the preparation you have made for it , and you know he has nothing now remaining that can injure or affright you . only maintain your conquest , by securing your innocence ; and working out your salvation , and then you may with confidence undervalue that which so much terrifies the world , and which yet all , even those who the most dread it , must in a little time meet whether they will or no. chap. iii. that you ought to be careful to provide for another world. this is the great duty of our lives , and ought to be the chief business of us all every day of them . no man knows what the next hour may bring forth , and to put our salvation , and the hopes of eternity to so dangerous a hazard as we do , when we procrastinate ( though never so little ) our working of it out with fear and trembling , is to shew either a very unwarrantable presumption upon god's goodness , or a very light esteem of our own souls . 2. our lives depend on so many curious parts and organs , so many diseases assail them every moment , so many accidents may take them from us , that we can never say the next minute is our own ; and that he therefore who neglects his salvation to day , may without danger put it off to to morrows consideration . god has told us that his spirit shall not alway strive with man , but as he offers to every one a space to repent , so there is a time too ( if we omit that opportunity ) when there shall be no longer any space for it . and how can any of us tell that this hour is not the last wherein god will give us his grace for so great a work ; so that though we should live to see the next , yet that then our sentence shall not be found already pronounced , and we shall not be able to repent , though we never so much desire it . 3. such obligations therefore have we all immediately to consider our ways , and turn our feet to god's testimonies : but , madam , it has pleased his great goodness to lay more than ordinary ties upon you , to do this : he has taken you off , by a peculiar instance of his mercy , from the vanities and tempations of the world : he has disabled you from falling into many sins ; and calls upon you to watch against the rest ; he has brought you to an early knowledge of your self , and of him , at an age when most others are the servants of sin , and creatures of vanity . he has given you opportunity from the writings and conversation of the best men , to understand your duty , your danger , and your interest : and , madam , what you ought above all things to bless him for , he has given you a heart too , to receive instruction , and that is desirous of his glory ; and though after so many better means as you have had of informing your self how to proceed in this important business ; after the knowledge you have attain'd , and the progress you have made , there is little need for me to add any thing on this subject ; yet i know i cannot better satisfie your piety , or discharge my own duty , than by laying before you , in a short view , a prospect of your labours , through which you have so long been travelling , and are now so nearly come , to everlasting life . 4. at the first creation , when god created man upon the earth , he planted in him a law teaching him his whole duty , he gave him besides , a positive law not to eat of the fruit of the tree of knowledge ; and to perform this , he added a perfect strength and ability whereby he might for ever have lived without the least sin ; had adam done this , his perfection ( the knowledge and ability god created in him ) had still continued , and after a certain period of years , which god should have determined , he had been rewarded with an assumption to eternal felicity . 5. this is that which is usually called the first covenant , which adam fatally breaking by his disobedience , soon forfeited ; and came short of that glory which god had prepared for him : yet it pleased the lord to enter into a second with him , the tenour of which was , that the seed of the woman should bruise the serpent's head : i. e. that christ taking our nature upon him , and so becoming the seed of the woman , should perform that covenant of unsinning obedience which adam broke , and yet being faultless , undergo a shameful , and ignominious death for him and his posterity ; and so bruise the serpent's head ; i. e. deliver us from the power of the devil , who by this transgression had got the dominion over us . 6. and this is that covenant we now live under , the promises of which are * pardon of sins through the blood of christ ; * strength and grace to perform the conditions , * and eternal glory to reward our labours ; this is what god on his part has declared to us ; for the requisites on ours , what we must do to obtain these blessings , that is the great business of us all to know , and the peculiar design of this place briefly to consider . 7. where , first , i must lay down this for your encouragement , that we are no longer now tied to the heavy yoke of a perfect , unsinning obedience ; not to have committed any deliberate sin , nay or even to have persisted in a habit and course of it ; but it is , * a sincere endeavour to perform whatsoever god enables us ; * an unfeigned obedience to the whole gospel of christ : and * a hearty bewailing of our own infirmities , as often as we come short of it ; with * a real ▪ desire , and * true endeavour of doing better for the future . 8. to enter on a minute consideration of this would engage me to lay before you a summary of the whole gospel of christ : but , madam , this were to exceed the limits of my design , & you have abundant assistances for this knowledge , in those excellent books which you have chosen for the companions of your travels . only because certain it is that the very best of us come short of our duty , and stand in need of god's pardon , and forgiveness ; i will briefly lay before you the method you are to take to obtain this , in the particular consideration of those two great duties of faith and repentance . sect. i. of faith. tthere is scarce any duty which ha's been so obscured in the writings of learned men as this . i will not enter here into any of their disputes , but briefly say , what i think fit for your practice and performance of it . 2. faith then is an assenting to , or believing * the whole word of god , but especially of his gospel , and of the * commands & * threats and * promises therein contained . this is the nature of that faith which is required of us , and it is then perfect when it affords to every one of these that assent which is proportioned to it , viz. 1. a firm assent to whatever the gospel has revealed : 2. an obediential submission to the commands : 3. an humble fear and awe of the threats : and 4. a fiducial relyance on the promises of it . 3. to have the first of these you must in general firmly believe , that whatever god hath said , is infallibly true ; and though in particular , there be many revelations which you cannot it may be understand the possibility of ; as that god became man , was born of a mother still remaining a virgin ; that he suffered and died , and yet lives for ever ; yet must you undoubtedly conclude , that since he has plainly told you these things are so , you ought firmly to believe him , seem they never so repugnant otherwise to your apprehension . 4. to have the second , you must in general assent to god's commands , that they are most fitting , just , and righteous ; and that all men therefore ought diligently to fulfill them ; and in particular you must resolve that by the assistance of heaven you your self will. 5. for the third you must believe stedfastly that these threats shall certainly , as most justly they ought , be executed upon all those impenitent sinners against whom they are denounced , and that except you take care to work out your reconciliation , and get out of the number of these unhappy creatures , you shall certainly find your part in them . 6. for the last you are infallibly to believe what god has promised ; especially that he will give pardon of sin , and everlasting salvation to all humble and repenting sinners ; and for what refers to your own particular , you are confidently to rely upon his word , that if you perform your part , christ will never fail in his ; and that therefore you ought to fulfill those duties , which he commands , and to which alone this promise of reward is given . 7. it is a question which my little experience lets me know do's oftentimes trouble very good men , that certainly their faith in this last instance is not right , because they still find it accompanied with fears and doubts of their own salvation . but , madam , you must consider that the faith which god requires in this matter is only this , that he will certainly reward all those that believe in him , and obey his commandments ; this we are undoubtedly to assent to ; but now for the particular application of this faith to our selves , that deserves no more of our assent , nor can indeed warrantably have it , than what is founded on the serious consideration of our own performances . now though our conscience bearing witness to our sincerity , may give us great cause to hope we are in a state of salvation , yet is it no part of any man's faith undoubtedly to believe it ; nay rather some degree of fear and trembling mixt with it may be a good means to secure us in our duty ; whilst a confident dependance is very often ill grounded , and may create such a negligence as will certainly ruine us . 8. let your endeavour therefore be to fulfill god's commands , to repent as often as you fail of it , and to hope for pardon and acceptance of him . infinite reason you have for all this ; and this will be sufficient for your present comfort , and for your future acceptance . but if still , either * the greatness of the danger , or * glory of the reward ; * either your desires of becoming better , * or a true and humble sense of your own unworthiness ( which is almost the perpetual case of the best persons ) keep your soul under an awe and a concern , and will not suffer you to rise up to that confidence , which some men , i fear , unwarrantably themselves pretend to , i am sure unwarrantably require of others ; assure your self , that whilst you firmly acquiesce in the general belief , that god will reward all them that love him , and doubt of your self only because you fear whether you do this so well as you ought ; this doubting shall prepare you to receive the reward of your humility , but never bring you in danger of any punishment for your infidelity . sect. ii. of repentance . repentance is usually defined to be a change of mind , an absolute entire conversion of our souls from sin to god. it is not a thing to be done at certain times , as when we give an alms , we exercise a particular act of charity ; but 't is a state of life , and consists in a continual sincere practice of all those duties which god has required , and a hearty sorrow , confession , and resolution of better obedience , as often as we violate any of his commands . 2. the passage to it is difficult and uneasie ; it contains many steps which the habitual sinner will find it hard to overpass . i shall here consider only four of the more principal , and which are ever found in that christian who truly lives in a state of it . 3. the first is , to have a true sense of sin , of its odiousness , and of its danger . i.e. you must firmly be convinced that every sin you commit , sets you at enmity with heaven , and will ( if not forsaken ) render you uncapable of it : that to persevere in any evil course , is the way to make you unhappy in this life , and shall certainly throw you into everlasting torments in the next : of all this you must seriously perswade your self , and that not lightly and in general , deceiving your own soul ; but bringing it home to your particular concern in it ; affecting your mind , and engaging your utmost endeavours to avoid that evil , which is thus odious to god , and thus dangerous to your everlasting salvation . the second step to this duty , is , to have a hearty sorrow and contrition for your sin . 4. and this you must endeavour after , not by being frighted and terrified , and so upon that account troubled , as often as you reflect on those infinite evils your sins are like to bring upon you . there is no man living so wicked , but would do the same ; but , madam , you must really sorrow that you have ever sinn'd ; that you have provoked so loving and merciful a father ; that you have disobey'd so gracious a redeemer , and all to gratify your passions in some baser instance , which you ought to abhor upon these grounds alone , though there were no punishment awaiting your transgressions . 5. nor must this sorrow and contrition be only for the grosser evils of our unregenerate estate , but even when we live best we must repeat it as often as we transgress the divine command ; nay we should employ it too , even upon the weaknesses , the frailties , the pollutions of our natures : our very proneness and inclination to sin : for however these ( unconsented to ) are no actual transgressions ; yet are they matter of sorrow and grief to every true christian , and therefore ought to be part of his humiliation also . the third preparatory to this duty , is , confession . 6. and this so necessary to our pardon , that we have no promise of any forgiveness without it : to fulfill this you must not satisfy your self to acknowledge to god almighty in general , that you are a sinner ; but you must carefully remark , and particularly enumerate also , at least the several kinds of sin whereof you know your self guilty : you must shew your sense of them by aggravating them with all the unhappy circumstances , and heightning accidents of them ; and for the rest , you must comprise your unknown and lesser sins under some such general confession as that of the holy david , who can tell how oft he offendeth ? o cleanse thou me from my secret faults . 7. you will , madam , doubtless expect that i should here add somewhat of another sort of confession , which i have sometimes had the honour to discourse with you about ; i then told you that unless some accident rendred it so , i did not esteem it absolutely necessary . the expediency of it , i must confess , i ever much approved , and have often wish'd others would do so too ; and the reasons i have at large given you may be summed up into these : 1. that st. james has advised us to confess our faults one to another , chap. 5. 16. and pray one for another . 2. if we have injured another , then we ought to go and confess our fault to him , as ever we mean to obtain the forgiveness of god. 3. but if our sin belongs only to him , yet to confess to his minister is in some sort a fuller satisfaction to his justice ; it declares our greater detestation of that offence , for which we are content to commit this violence upon our selves . it gives us this comfort too , that thereby we get the opinion of our spiritual guide concerning the state of our repentance ; and his direction and assistance for the perfecting of it ; and if we desire his particular absolution , we must then make our confession to him before we can obtain it . what force these motives may have upon you , i cannot tell ; but for the present you are passing into a place where you will have little opportunity to practise it , and should therefore resolve to supply it , by a more due and careful performance of it to god almighty . the last thing preparatory to a true repentance , is , a firm resolution and vow of a new life . 8. that you will immediately quit all your sins , and all the occasions that are wont to lead you into those sins ; that you will wholly resign your self up to the guidance of christ ; and perform whatsoever you know to be his will ; and this do truly and sincerely all the days of your life . 9. and here , madam , behold in short the duties that are required of you : this is what you must do to inherit eternal life ; and if you have ( as i make no doubt ) already come up thus far , you are then firmly to persevere in it unto the end ; if you fulfil this resolution , though you * fall sometimes by infirmity ; * are betrayed by ignorance , * or surprized by some sudden , and dayly incurring temptations ; * nay , though you should be so unhappy as to fall into some greater act , even of deliberate sin , which you might have avoided , and which you presently retract by confession and amendment , you are nevertheless in a regenerate estate , you live the life of a christian here , and shall inherit the reward that is promised to him , in a glorious immortality hereafter . 10. i shall close this with my earnest desires , which not any doubts of your goodness , but my real concern for your welfare , extort from me ; that you will seriously consider your own state as to this affair ; flatter not your self , * neither a transient sorrow that you have sinned , * nor a wish that you had not , * neither a faint and general , god be merciful to me a sinner ; * nor an imperfect resolution not to be so any longer ; * not an observing , for the rest , the whole law , if you indulge your self but in any one habit of sin ; * not praying to god to give you his grace ; without your own sincere endeavours of using it ; nothing but a steady resolution brought to practice ; god's grace used , his commandments obey'd as far as your infirmities will permit , and his pardon begg'd where you have not ; this is that which alone must save your soul , and carry you on to that glorious immortality , which i beseech him to give you for his son jesus christ's sake . chap. iv. a consideration of some particular duties which i would more especially recommend to you . i thought , madam , here to have ended your trouble , and referr'd my self 〈◊〉 what may concern your farther practice , to those excellent and useful treatises you have so wisely provided for that purpose ; but they speak in general , and though i know the care you take to apply them to your self , yet i cannot but beg leave to add two or three considerations that may more immediately be accommodated to your particular circumstances . first , that you duely implore the blessings of heaven by your constant prayers to god almighty i need not tell you that you have * many wants to be supplied , * many blessings to receive , * many sins to be forgiven , and that there is nothing can obtain all these for you but your prayers ▪ or were you so all-sufficient as not to need the influences of providence to support you , yet would sure every day bring to your remembrance slips and infirmities to be confess'd to him , to be sure blessings and mercies to be gratefully acknowledged , in a perpetual return of praises and thanksgivings to the great donor . upon all which accounts there can never be any pretence for your neglect of that duty , which so many continual engagements oblige you to . 2. let me to this , add the great assistance it will afford you in the performance of all the rest of your duty ; whilst thus you have your conversation in heaven , all the little goods here below will seem poor and inconsiderable in your sight ; this will strengthen your patience in bearing your calamities , whilst with faith you contemplate the glorious end to which they lead ; it will raise in your soul the greatest care of fulfilling the divine will , lest you lose so excellent a reward ; in a word ; this exercise will call down the favour of heaven upon you , either to remove those afflictions you now labour under , from you , or you from them ; will bring you peace , and comfort , and satisfaction in this life , and an everlasting peace and repose in the next . 3. it has been the great discouragement of some christians in the exercise of this duty , that they do not find these great benefits of their devotion : that they are told indeed of the mighty influences of prayer : and have read how that by it joshua changed the order of nature , and made the sun stand still in the midst of the firmament ; elias tied up the windows of heaven that it rained not for three whole years in israel ; hezekias added fifteen years to his life ; the apostles gave feet to the lame , eyes to the blind ; and even life to the dead ; but themselves are so far from working such miracles , that they cannot so much as obtain the supply of those ordinary wants they very often labour under . 4. but , madam , we must not for all this think either that the arm of the lord is shortned , that he cannot , or his will alter'd that he should not hear us , as well as he did them ; indeed for such miraculous effects , we have now no longer need of them , and it would therefore be a fond presumption in us to expect them ; but for the rest there are two considerations which men would do well to reflect on before they charge god foolishly . 1. whether we do not very often receive the benefit of our prayers , when yet ungratefully we charge heaven with denying our petitions . 2. if our requests are really deny'd , whether the fault do's not ly at our own doors that they are so . 5. for the former of these we may very easily be mistaken , and i doubt very often are so : did we indeed perfectly know the state of our own condition , and what was most proper and convenient for us , we might then have some reason to conclude our prayers were not heard , if our desires were not answered : but now that such is our ignorance that though we are sensible enough of the evils that lie upon us , yet we cannot say either whether they are fit to be removed at all ; or when , or by what means ; or for what state ; we ought to be very wary in our thoughts of god's providence , and not rashly pronounce what we can never be sure of ▪ 6. should you now , for instance , your self , madam , pray to god for a recovery from this sickness ; how rash would it be to accuse god of not hearing your prayers , because you found your disease to continue still ? * it may be he sees it has not yet perfectly wrought in you all those good effects he intends ; that if you should at this time recover your health , it might occasion your return to the sins and follies of your age . * it may be he intends yet longer to prove your vertue , that so he may afterwards more plenteously reward it ; * perhaps he punishes your sins by it in this life , that he may spare you in the next . now if these or the like are the causes of your affliction , certainly you could not have a greater injury done you , than the removing of your distemper : and those prayers you make for a recovery are to be lookt upon as best heard by god , and best answer'd for you , if they move him to a longer continuance of your sickness . again : * though god does not answer your requests in the very removal of your distemper ; it may be yet he shews their efficacy in supporting you with strength and patience to bear it ; infinite are the methods of his providence , and impossible it is for us to trace them all , and though we are not able to point out the very mercy which our devotion has obtained , yet this god has promised , and we must therefore firmly believe and rely upon it , that if we ask , we shall , we do , receive . 7. but here my other consideration must come in , st. james , speaking of the ineffectualness of some mens devotion , tells them , ye ask , and receive not , because ye ask amiss ; and that i fear is too often our condition ; and therefore that you may be able both to know and avoid this , i will beg leave , madam , to give you only a short catalogue of what qualifications seem to me more immediately requisite to render your devotion prevalent . 1. take heed that the things you desire be such as are fit for god to give , and you to receive ; let not any instances of sin defile your requests ; and even in the most innocent matters , rather beg in general the blessings of god which he knows requisite , whether for your soul or body , than descend too much to the particulars your self , and prescribe to him , who so little understand your own wants . secondly before you pray , clear your soul from all those sins which you know displeasing to god almighty ; for till that be done he regards you as his enemy ; and you cannot therefore expect that he should reward you as his servant . thirdly prepare your soul with all those necessary graces that are more immediately requisite to this performance : with humility and resignation ; with faith in his power and hope of his mercy , with love and charity towards god and towards your neighbour ; all which will infinitely dispose him to give , and prepare you to receive . fourthly , when you pray , let it be with attention , with fervency , with perseverance ; to which end i should think it better that your prayers were short and frequent , than over long ; which only make them tedious and uneasie to you in your present state , but never the more acceptable to god ; who delights not in mens words , but requires their hearts ; and hears the shortest ejaculation , as certainly as the longest prayer . fifthly , in a word : having pray'd , leave the issue contentedly in his hands : let it satisfy you that you have his promise for your security , and that if thus you make your requests to him , you shall sooner or later most certainly find that your labour has not been in vain , in the lord. a second duty , that i must more particularly recommend to you is charity : a grace that has more promises annext to it than any other moral or theological vertue , st. paul prefers it even to faith it self , 1 cor. 13. and could we have every other vertue which the gospel enjoyns in the highest perfection , yet he plainly assures us that without this , they would all avail us nothing . 2. charity taken in its largest extent is nothing else but , the sincere love of god and our neighbour : the former of these requires not only your highest esteem of him , your desires of going to him , and filling your self with his goodness ; but also a sincere endeavour to please and obey him , to fulfill his commands , and hate all those things that he dislikes , and may any way set you at enmity with him . 3. the latter engages you to a universal love of all men , even your very enemies ; to retain no malice nor hatred against any ; to be ready to do them all the kindness you are able , by reproving the vicious , instructing the ignorant , relieving the poor ; for all which , you have the peculiar promise of god for your engagement ; and shall receive the pardon of your sins , and everlasting glory for your reward . i must now hasten to a conclusion , and therefore will presume to add only this one caution more , i thirdly , that you would take an especial care how you employ your time . it is not , madam , for me to divine what opportunities you may have for this , nor can i therefore advise you any thing in particular : only let me beg you to lose no occasion of doing all the good you can ; which whatever the issue of your present sickness be , is to be sure your duty , and shall prove your blessing either in this world or another . 2. i need not desire you to spend the hours you may have for your friends and your diversion innocently , but if i may presume to speak my thoughts in a matter of no great importance , i should perswade you not only to do this , but even to deny your self somewhat of that full liberty which others do usually allow themselves ; the wise man has told us , that mirth is not proper in the time of sorrow ; since it has pleased god to lay his inflictions upon you , you ought so far ( i had almost said in civility to him ) to comply with your circumstances , as to be a little more reserved than otherwise were needful , and though not to fly ▪ to the other extreme ( which , i rather ought to disswade you from ) yet to keep in such a temper , as may both speak you sensible , as you ought , of your condition , and yet not discontented at god's dispensations . 3. but , madam , whatever your employs be , let no day pass without some time to retire into your self , and either by reading , meditating , or some other pious exercise to feed your zeal , and confirm your devotion . 4. lastly , in your most busy occupations , when you are never so much taken up with other affairs , yet steal now and then a minute to the thoughts of heaven , send up an ejaculation to the god of your salvation ; this is a piece of thrift that by frequent exercise will do you much good , and yet never injure any other business . augustus caesar is highly commended by the ancient poet , that in the midst of his most troublesome occupations he could still find time to look up to heaven , and consider the frame , and contemplate the parts and motions of it . how much more should we always be at leisure to reflect on him that framed both that and us ; to whose providence we owe every minute of our lives , and whom therefore we ought , above all other things , incessantly to praise for his unspeakable mercies . close . and now , madam , that i may close with what i begun , after so long an intrusion upon your meditations , with these reflections , which i am confident make a great part of your dayly entertainment ; the only thing that can render either these papers or their recommendations acceptable unto you ; that can secure you against sin , and endear vertue and religion to your practice , will be to raise your affections above this world , by seriously considering the excellence and certainty of another life ; and how vain and transient , indeed how troublesome and unsatisfying are the highest felicities of this . 2. i have not here time to delineate to you the glories of god's heavenly kingdom , nor indeed could i tell you ( if i had ) what the happiness of that place is likely to be , where all tears shall be wiped from our eyes , and there shall be no more death , nor sorrow , nor crying , nor pain ; when our bodies shall be freed from every disease ; our souls from every trouble ; those shall be chang'd into incorruptible and immortal substances , these be entertain'd with the most comfortable and ravishing objects , and both continue to be thus unspeakably happy throughout all eternity , without the least danger of either losing or lessening their enjoyments . 3. blessed god! how contrary is this to our melancholy and uncomfortable portion here below ? a place , where not a day passes , but we eat our bread with sorrow and cares ; the present troubles us , the future amazes us ; and even the past fills us with grief and anguish . i forbear to mention the particular evils which every man best knows by his own experience : if we look abroad upon the present face of the world , what do we see in the several kingdoms about us , but wars and confusion , all things running to ruine , and destruction , to the confounding and devouring of each other . if we consider the church , that holy mother of us all , how do her unnatural children rend and tear her sacred bowels by their contentions ? what schisms , what heresies , what profaneness is there in it ? only in sin and impiety we agree on all sides ; here there is neither jew nor gentile ; but all are united in a monstrous confederacy against god and our own souls . 4. if we contract our view , and confine it to our own sinful nation ; it has pleased god to preserve us yet in peace , to see if we will repent and anticipate his judgments ; but alas ! his hand is lifted up to strike , and we do nothing to prevent the blow : and what can we expect but that it should at last fall upon us to our confusion . 5. pardon me , madam , if i freely confess to you my fears , that i tremble to think what shall be the issue of so great an impenitence , as we have now these many years shew'd under all the various methods of god's providence to redeem us . 6. he has sent the sword , both of civil troubles and publick war amongst us , and it has been deeply stain'd in the blood of the best and chiefest of our strength ; our princes have been forced into captivity ; our church been chased into the wilderness ; the breath of our nostrils , the anointed of the lord ▪ has been cut off by the vilest of his subjects , yet have we not return'd , nor sought our god. 7. the fire has consumed our dwellings , the plague destroy'd its thousands and ten thousands in our streets , yet behold we are still incorrigible , we go on as before in the ways of our own hearts , and speak peace to our souls even in the midst of all these dangers . 8. great certainly is our sin , and fatal , i fear , shall be the punishment of it , and what shall we do , ( for , madam , i must here beg leave to joyn my self in this reflection ) to prevent our part in the common destruction ? let us take heed that we have no share in their sins , and then by god's mercy we shall have none in the punishment . let us live as those who attend such trials , and then he will either be pleased to take us from the evil to come , or cover us with his hand in the midst of it : he will to be sure with the danger make a way for us to escape ; and being past through this short storm , will bring us to that port where we shall find everlasting rest , and a consummated felicity ; those blessings , which neither eye has seen , nor ear heard , nor does it enter into the heart of man to conceive ; but which god has prepared for them that love him : among which blessed number that you may then be found , as it was the only intention of these reflections to prepare you , so shall it ever be the hearty prayer of him who with all imaginable respect and sincerity remains , madam , your most humble , and most obedient servant , w. w. the contents . * 1. introduction to pag. 30 that the fatal source of all our evil is , that our affections are tied to this world , and we do not as we ought , consider another . * 2. the letter it self divided into 4. chapters . chap. i. of contentedness . p. 30. this i. a duty very difficult . n. 2. yet which we are engaged to , 1. because 't is god who smites us . n. 3. 2. he always designs our good in it . n. 4. 3. and by our afflictions shews that we are his . n. 5. 4. that the best men have still had their share . n. 6. 5. particular considerations . n. 7. to 1● . this ii. expressed in 3. particulars : 1. of not despairing ; nor , 2. murmuring ; nor , 3. being fretful under our calamities . chap. ii. of the fear of death . p. 57 nothing more generally dreaded . n. 1. yet this fear may be banished , 1. by living well . n. 2. 2. by taking off our ▪ affections from this world. n. 3 3. by considering the evils it frees us from . n. 4 4. by viewing the sins it prevents . n. 5 5. by expecting it every day . n. 6 6. particular considerations . n. 7 chap. iii. of providing for another world. p. 72 this we ought immediately to set about . n. 1 , 2 , 3. how we ought to do it , 1. in general . n. 4. to 8. 2. in particular by i. faith. ii. repentance . i. faith. p. 86 what it is . n. 1 , 2. the parts of it . n. 4. ib. these fulfilled 1. in a firm assent to god's truths . n. 3. 2. an obedience to his commands . n. 4. 3. a fear of his punishment . n. 5. 4. a hope of his promises . n. 6. what faith every man is bound to have of his own salvation . n. 7 , 8. ii. repentance . p. 97 what it is . n. 1. the parts of it . n. 4. 1. a sense of sin . n. 3. 2. contrition for it . n. 4 , 5. 3. confession of sin . n. 6 , 7. 4. resolution against it . n. 8 , 9 , 10. chap. iv. of particular duties . p. 115. i. prayer . p. 116 its necessity . n. 1 , 2. why we do not always perceive the benefit of it . n. 3 , 4. 1. we often receive it when we think we do not . n. 5 , 6. 2. if we receive it not , the fault lies at our own doors . n. 7. the qualifications requisite that we may obtain it . ii. charity . p. 134 its excellence . n. 1. parts towards god. n. 2. towards our neighbour . n. 3. iii. of spending your time well . p. 137 1. take all occasions of doing good . n. 1. 2. live innocently . n. 2. 3. often return to holy exercises . n. 3. 4. constantly intermix pious ejaculations . n. 4. * the close . p. 144 finis . advertisement . private devotions digested into six litanies , with directions and prayers , by hen. valentine . a private prayer to be used in difficult times . newly published . both printed for ric. chiswell . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66253-e490 luk. 2. 29. phil. 1. 21. 23. notes for div a66253-e980 heb. 12. v. 11. 1 sam. 3. 18. 2 cor. 4. 17. revel . 21. 4. v. 5. 6. heb. 12. 2. heb. 11. 37. — 38. heb. 12. 1. ps. 38. 8. matthew xxvii 46. notes for div a66253-e1960 — v. 55. — v. 57. job 14. 1. notes for div a66253-e2560 psal. 119. 55. gen. 2. 17. gen. 3. 15. psal. 19. 12. notes for div a66253-e4320 phil. 3. 20. josh. 10. 12. 1 kings 17. 2 kings 20. 6. james 4. 3. 1 cor. 15. 58. a sermon preach'd before the lord-mayor and court of aldermen in the church of st. mary le bow, on thursday the 26th of november, being the day of the publick thanksgiving william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1691 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66382 wing w269 estc r4903 12376633 ocm 12376633 60636 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66382) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60636) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 903:31) a sermon preach'd before the lord-mayor and court of aldermen in the church of st. mary le bow, on thursday the 26th of november, being the day of the publick thanksgiving william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [3], 36 p. printed for r. sare ..., london : 1691. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -psalms cxliv, 9-11 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion stamp mayor . curia tent. jovis tertio die decembris 1691. annoque regni regis & reginae willielmi & mariae , angl. &c. tertio . ordered , that the thanks of this court be return'd to dr. wake , for his sermon preach'd at the parish church of st. mary le bow , before the lord-mayor , aldermen and citizens of this city , on thursday the 26th of november last , being the day of thanksgiving for the preservation of their majesties persons , the success of their forces in the reducing of ireland , and for his majesty's safe return ; and that he be desired to print the same . goodfellow . a sermon preach'd before the lord-mayor and court of aldermen , in the church of st. mary le bow ; on thursday the 26 th of november , being the day of the publick thanksgiving . by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to their majesties , and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . london , printed for r. sare at grays-inn-gate next holbourn , 1691. psalm cxliv . 9 , 10 , 11. 9. i will sing a new song unto thee o god ; upon a psaltery and instrument of ten strings will i sing praises unto thee . 10. it is he that giveth salvation to kings , who delivereth david his servant from the hurtful sword. 11. rid me and deliver me from the hand of strange children , whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falshood . it is but a very little while since we were wont to meet together in this place , to implore the favour of god in the preservation of their majesties persons , and for the good success of their arms in those great enterprizes they were pleased so generously to undertake , for the necessary defence of our country ; the preservation of our religion and liberties ; and to put a quicker end to those unhappy confusions , we have been so long and dangerously exposed to . we are now assembled with all possible thankfulness to acknowledge his mercy , in the gracious return which he has vouchsafed to make to these our requests . that he has preserved our king , and prosper'd his enterprizes ; and given a success to our arms , if not equal to what perhaps some would have wish'd , yet i am sure beyond what any of us could reasonably have expected . now this being the design of this days solemnity , i cannot tell how i could better entertain your devotion than in offering you some reflections upon the words before us . in which we have the thanksgiving and prayer of a king : a gratulatory acknowledgment of god's mercy to him in his past deliverances , and an earnest request that he would still continue to deliver him both from the power and malice of his false and treacherous enemies . that this psalm was composed by king david the † inscription of it will not suffer us to doubt . and that he composed it upon the account of some great deliverance which god had given him , from a personal danger , as well as for some great victory which he had obtain'd against his enemies , the words of the text sufficiently demonstrate . but now what that deliverance in particular was which he here acknowledges with so much gratitude , and promises god he would ever celebrate with the most pious resentments , and in the most solemn manner that he was able , we are no where told ; nor is it perhaps an easy matter to determine any thing certainly concerning it . indeed were the title which the septuagint praefix to this psalm , of such authority , that we might securely rely upon the credit of it , we should then soon come to a resolution of this point . the danger which the psalmist here refers to , being ‖ therein expresly said to have been that which he underwent when he encountred singly with goliah , 1 sam. xvii . and from whose sword the † chaldee paraphrast on the text tells us he here blesses god for delivering of him. but as 't is certain that this inscription is not now to be found in any of the hebrew copies at this day , so † theodoret assures us that neither could he in his time meet with it in any . and the expressions of this psalm both in the 2d and 10th verses , plainly shew that when he composed it he was not only king of israel , but throughly established in the throne . for so those words must be understood v. 2. blessed be the lord my strength who teacheth my hands to war and my fingers to fight : my goodness and my fortress , my high tower and my deliverer , my sheild , and he in whom i trust , who subdueth my people under me : i. e. who after all the contests that have been raised against me to oppose my authority , has at last fully establish'd me in the throne , and brought all israel to submit themselves unto me. now this has made others suppose that the sword from which god had delivered david , and for which he here offers this eucharistical return to him , was the sword of saul , who so eagerly sought after his life ; and from whose hand he could never have escaped , had not the same providence which before design'd him for the throne , in a wonderful manner preserved him for it , and at last confirm'd him in it . it cannot be deny'd but that this is a conjecture agreeable enough to one part at least of the business of this psalm , which was to return thanks to god for putting an end to those oppositions that had been raised against him by the friends of the house of saul ; and bringing all israel to receive him as their king. but tho' i shall not therefore exclude this from being a part of what the psalmist here intended to bless god for , yet i cannot think that this comes up to the full meaning of the words of the text. for if we look more narrowly into the expressions of it , we shall find good grounds to believe that david not only composed this psalm after he was come to the crown , but do's more especially refer to some deliverance which he had received after his coming to it ; and by consequence after all his dangers from the house of saul were at an end. for having first vow'd a thanksgiving to god , vs. 9. i will sing a new song unto thee o god : upon a psaltery and instrument of ten strings will i sing praises unto thee . he tells us vs. 10. that the subject of his hymn should be this , it is he that giveth salvation unto kings , that has deliver'd david his servant from the hurtful sword : i. e. as the connexion plainly shews , when he was a king ; and as such received salvation from him. in short , as the passage i have now mentioned does i think plainly enough argue that this psalm was a thanksgiving for some deliverance which god had vouchsafed to him since he was king of israel ; so we may reasonably conclude from the acknowledgment which he makes in the beginning of it , of his being at last peaceably settled in the throne , as a blessing which he had but newly received of him , that it was a deliverance from some danger which befell him not long after his solemn inauguration at hebron , 2 sam. v. and the character which he gives us of his enemies in two places of this psalm , that they were strange children , whose mouth did speak vanity ; and their right hand was a right hand of falshood , farther shews that they were some of the idolatrous nations round about him that rose up against him , and put him in that hazard out of which god had in a singular manner delivered him. now this will lead us to a very probable account of the occasion and design of the psalm before us. for in the second of sam. v. 17. we read that no sooner had the philistines heard that they had anointed david king over israel , but they immediately armed themselves against him , in hopes that whilst he was yet scarce well setled in his government they might be able to deal with him ; least if they tarried till mens affections were wholly engaged to him , he should then grow too strong for them . but god who had in so wonderful a manner brought him to the throne , now no less miraculously preserved him in it . he went forth himself into the battle to smite the host of the philistines ; he directed him both when and how to fall upon them. and having thus discomfited them in two battles ; and tho' not utterly destroy'd them , yet obtained a considerable advantage against them ; he composed this psalm , as a solemn thanksgiving and prayer to god almighty ; both to bless him for that success he had already obtain'd , and to implore his favour in the utter subversion of these his treacherous and idolatrous enemies . i have before observed that this psalm consists of two principal parts ; viz. 1st . a thanksgiving for that great deliverance which god had already given him out of the hands of the philistines : and 2ly . a prayer for the continuance of his favour and protection ; that he would still go on to save him from his enemies , and to bless his government with peace and prosperity : and my text leads me to consider both of them ; i st . the thanksgiving , vss. 9. 10. i will sing a new song unto thee o god! &c. ii dly . the prayer , vs. 11. rid me and deliver me from the hand of strange children , whose mouth talketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falshood . i begin with the former of these : 1. the thanksgiving , which david here made to god almighty for preserving him from the sword of his enemies , and for the good success he had met with in his enterprizes against them. it was a part of that religion which the light of nature taught the very gentiles themselves , as to implore the help of their gods in times of danger and distress ; so to make their solemn returns of praise and thanksgiving to them , as often as they escaped with safety out of it . the same reason which forced them to acknowledge the being of a god in the creation of the world , carrying them on to confess the interest he had in the government of it : and that it was to his providence therefore they ought both to recommend themselves in all their affairs , and to render the praise of whatsoever success they met with in them . hence we find so many a titles given to them almost upon every occasion of their saviours and deliverers : so many b trophies and monuments set up to perpetuate the memory of their blessings to posterity : so many publick c festivals appointed , wherein to commemorate their favours : so many d shews , and games , and spectacles set forth in honour of their benefactions : and to come yet nearer to the business of the text , so many sacred e hymns composed , to declare the greatness of their love and kindness to mankind . the very f triumphs of their generals were no less design'd in honour of their gods , than for the praise and glory of their commanders ; who esteem'd it a sufficient reward for all their dangers , to go with pomp and majesty to their temples ; and there with the publick acclamations of their country , present the spoils of their enemies before them ; and confess it was by their help that they were return'd from the field with safety and success . and from all which no other conclusion can be drawn than this ; that as they were sensible their help came to them from above , so they thought it their duty by all possible means to express their grateful resentments of it . and indeed if to be insensible of the favours which one of our fellow-creatures bestows upon us , has ever been esteem'd enough to fix one of the blackest imputations , ( for so we all of us account that of ingratitude to be ) upon such a one : how much more both wicked and ungrateful must he be judged who neglects his god , and takes no notice of those blessings which his bountiful providence showers down upon him ? but there is yet much more to be consider'd by us as to this matter : for not only our piety towards god , and that grateful sense we ought to have of his mercies to us , oblige us thus to return our thanks for them ; but our very interest too concurs to engage us to it . he who neglects to acknowledge the kindness of one of his fellow-creatures , and thereby forfeits all pretence to any farther favours from him ; runs only the hazard of being deprived of that little help which such a one might otherwise have afforded him some other time , and of which perhaps he may never find any great want. to be sure the most we can suppose he could lose by it , would be to become thereby exposed to the resentments of a man whom he needs not much fear , and against whom he may find out many ways to defend himself . but it is not so with relation to god-almighty : his providence is always over us , and we cannot subsist the least moment of our lives without it . in him we live , and move , and have our being . the very breath that we draw in , the world in which we dwell , our health and strength , our food and raiment ; in a word , our lives and all the comforts of them , are all of them the effects of his continued bounty to us . and should we by our ingratitude provoke him to withdraw his favour from us , we should then become destitute indeed , for ever lost to all the hopes both of this world and of the other . now the only acknowledgment we can make to god for all his mercies to us , is this of praise and thanksgiving . he is above receiving any other returns from us. whasotever we have besides , it is all of his bounty to us , nor can he at all be profited by it . and sure when god bestows so many blessings upon us , and expects only this little tribute to be paid for them , that we should own them to be his gift , and celebrate his mercy for the giving of them : we must needs be very inexcusable indeed , if we neglect to return this to him ; and more insensible than the very † gentiles themselves ; who , as we have before observed , never fail'd in the most solemn manner they were able , so to do . such then was the justice and reasonableness of that acknowledgment which the royal psalmist here engaged himself to make to god almighty , for delivering him out of those imminent dangers to which he had been exposed . i will sing a new-song unto thee o god! upon a psaltry and instrument of ten strings will i sing praises unto thee . and it is supposed by some that the very next psalm to this , was that hymn which he composed in pursuance of this vow : and in which with all the heighth of poetry , and in the most exquisite form that art and piety joyn'd together and assisting one another could produce ; he sets forth the glorious goodness of god , to the whole world , but especially to mankind ; and among them more particularly to such as duly serve him , and put their trust and confidence in his mercy . and in conformity to whose example it will behove every one of us this day to lift up our hearts to heaven in songs of praise to that god , who has now again in our case , as he did heretofore in davids , in so extraordinary a manner made good the character of the text to us ; it is he that giveth salvation unto kings , that hath delivered david his servant from the hurtful sword. but of our own concern in this duty , i shall take occasion to speak more particularly hereafter . in the mean time having thus briefly consider'd in the general , what those grounds were upon which the holy psalmist took up the resolution you have seen in the words of the text , i will sing a new-song unto thee o god : let us for our further direction in the duty before us , enquire more expresly , what the subject of his praise was , and what ours ought at this time to be ? now this he tells us in the next verse ; viz. that it should consist in a grateful acknowledgment of gods particular providence . ( 1st . ) over ‖ all kings and princes whatsoever , more than over other men : it is he that giveth salvation unto kings . ( 2 dly . ) among them in a more especial manner over himself , more than any other king besides : it is he that giveth salvation unto kings ; and delivereth david his servant from the hurtful sword. and ( 1 st . ) that we ought to bless god for that particular providence he is pleased to exercise over kings and princes , beyond what he usually does over other ordinary persons . ‖ for let not the greatest monarchs mistake themselves , as if it were their own power or conduct that secured them against those many and imminent dangers to which their very place and station continually exposes them . but rather let them consider , ‖ what would all their guards and their attendants , all their mighty power and forces avail them , were there not a superiour eye of providence continually watching over them , to protect and preserve them ? that a whole nation should stand in awe of one single person , whom they all know to be but a man like unto themselves ; that they should obey his commands , and tremble at his justice : that those who oftentimes despise their own lives , should yet not dare to strike at his ; but startle at the very thought of doing him a mischief : 't is not their own wisdom , or power or resolution , 't is not the name or ensigns of majesty , than can be thought sufficient to work such a restraint . it is the providence of that god by whom kings reign , and princes decree justice , that alone is able to give such a reverence and security to them . he has set his stamp of majesty upon them ; he has declared them to be his ministers : and this forces even the most violent men to have such a regard for them , as nothing but this could ever engage them to . and this i say ought at all times , but especially on such solemn occasions as these , to be esteem'd a matter of especial praise and thanksgiving to god for it . for were it not for such a restraint as that we have now been speaking of , what would become of all the peace , and order , and government of the world ? kings might enact laws ; they might settle our liberty and property at home , and enter into leagues of peace and commerce abroad : but alas ! what precarious things would all these be , were they left open by god to the violence and fury of every bold invader ; and no longer to be of any force , than till some desperate and turbulent spirits should be found to run all things into disorder and confusion ? but blessed be god! who has not given us up to the wild passions , and ungovern'd appetites of wicked and violent men. but as he has laid the strongest obligations upon us to be subject to the higher powers , not only for wrath but also for conscience sake ; to obey their laws , and support their government ; to bear with their infirmities , and if occasion be , even suffer too rather than dare to resist their authority : so has he impress'd on our minds a certain awe of that power which he has put into their hands , that will not permit us , no not in our very hearts to despise or disregard them ; and by frequent instances of his vengeance has effectually assured us , that there is a singular eye of providence that overlooks them , and that no one shall lift up his hand against them and go unpunish'd . this as it is the great security of all the peace and quiet , of all the happiness and prosperity which we enjoy ; so ought we upon all occasions to be ready to declare our sense of it , by our grateful acknowledgments to god for it . but the royal psalmist had a yet more particular subject for his praise than this . for ( 2 dly . ) this god who has such a near and tender regard for all kings and princes whatsoever , above other men ; did in a singular manner shew his concern for him , more than for any other prince that then lived in the world. if we consider him before his coming to the throne ; from how many dangers did it even then please god to save and deliver him ? let the hazards which he run with the lion and the bear ; his encounters with goliah first , and then with whole armies of the philistines : his narrow escape from the † javelin of saul ; and his yet more narrow escape from the hands of those * murderers whom he sent on purpose to slay him : let the perils he underwent when ‖ saul with his army hunted him up and down from place to place ; forced him to flee sometimes into the wilderness , among the wild beasts for refuge ; at other times into the enemies country , to those very † philistines whom he had so much enraged by his frequent encounters against them ; not to mention any more particulars , declare to us . nor were those he underwent , 2 dly , after he came to the throne any less remarkable : whilst the kingdom was yet divided against him , and but one of all the tribes of israel stuck firm to him , and own'd his authority for above seven years . and when at last it pleased god to unite the whole people under him ; no sooner was he free from those civil disturbances at home , but a forreign enemy forthwith invaded him from abroad , and again exposed him to new dangers . 〈◊〉 out of all these difficulties god deliver'd him ; and were it necessary for me to go on to the following parts of his life , we might find yet greater instances than these of his wonderful preservations of him . and as 't is certain that no one ever took more care to magnify the mercies of god , than david did ; so i may say that never had any prince greater reason than he had so to do : who seems to have been chosen by god out of all the kings of the world , to shew what a tender regard the almighty has to his own ministers , whilst they take care to live well , and to demean themselves as becomes that place , and character which he has bestow'd upon them. this then was the case of the royal psalmist , when he resolved upon that song of eucharist , of which the text speaks , in acknowledgment of all those blessings which god had vouchsafed to him. and if we enquire into the reason of all this , what it was that moved god to shew such a particular regard to this great man ; i think we may give these two accounts of it . 1 st . that he was king of gods own peculiar people ; that people which he had chosen out of all the inhabitants of the earth to be his own inheritance . to whom alone of all the nations of the world he had declared his will , and given many noble discoveries of himself ; whilst the rest of mankind lay in a miserable state of darkness and idolatry : and of whom therefore he took a singular care , more than of any other people or country besides . now if god had an especial regard to the jewish nation more than to any other ; if he kept as it were his peculiar residence among them , and maintain'd a more than ordinary communication in all other respects with them : it ought not to be wonder'd , if we find him in a singular manner watching over their king too , more than over those of any other people or nation besides , and in an extraordinary manner careful to save and desend him. but this is not yet all : for if we look into the history of the holy david , we shall find that god did not only favour him more than any king of all the nations round about him , but more than any other king , even of israel its self . and therefore i add 2 dly . that this great man was not only king of god's own peculiar people , and as such the guardian of his laws , and supporter of his worship : but he was moreover himself a most excellent person too , a man after god's own heart ; and by his own piety , no less than by his place and character in a more particular manner intituled to the divine care and protection . and this is what i take to be implied in that expression of the text where he calls himself god's servant ; it is he that giveth salvation unto kings , who delivereth david his servant from the hurtful sword. ‖ intimating to us , that it was this relation in which he stood to god above all other kings , and indeed almost beyond all other men that ever lived in the world , of being zealous and faithful in his service , that engaged his providence to such an extraordinary concern for him. and if we look into all the following reigns we shall find , that according as any of his successors shew'd themselves either ‖ careful for gods service , or * negligligent of it ; accordingly god appear'd to be more or less careful to prosper and protect them . whilst solomon continu'd to walk in the steps of his father david , never was any prince more great or honourable than he was . but when peace and plenty , his wives and his pleasures corrupted his religion , and made him halt between god and baal , the temple and the groves : tho' for his father david's sake god would not rend the kingdom from him in his own time , yet he threatned to deprive his son of it ; and raised up many dangers and troubles against him , to disturb his peace , and diminish his glory . on the other side we are told of hezekiah , 2 kings xviii . 5. that after him was none like him of all the kings of judah , nor any that were before him. for he clave to the lord and departed not from following him , but kept his commandments which the lord commanded moses . and what the consequence of his piety was we read in the very next verse ; and the lord was with him , and he prospered whithersoever he went forth . it were an easie matter to add many more examples in proof of this remark , were it at all necessary to insist upon it . the summ of all is this ; that as god do's in a particular manner exercise his providence in the preservation of kings and princes above other men ; so among them he is yet more especially careful to prosper and protect those who profess his true religion , and take care both to live themselves , and as far as they are able , to engage their people too to live according to the rules of it . indeed there are certain seasons when god suffers the best princes not only to fall into some lesser dangers , but it may be utterly to be cut off by wicked and violent hands . when the sins of a nation are come to their full period , so that all the piety and prudence of their governours are neither able to reclaim them from their evil ways , nor to intercede with god for a longer forbearance of them . such was the case of the ‖ jews in the time of king josiah ; a better prince than whom never sate upon the throne of david . yet god suffer'd him to fall by the hand of † pharaoh-necho king os egypt , that so he might not survive the ‖ fortunes of his country , nor see the evil which was then just ready to break in upon it . and when schism and faction , when base designs , and open immoralities had in like manner prepared us of this country for some great destruction : we know how it pleased god from small beginnings , and unforeseen accidents , to throw us into a miserable state of war and confesion ; and to deprive us at once both of an excellent prince , and with him of our church and monarchy too . but then even this god appoints in mercy to them , when it would really be more grievous to them to live than to die : and the misfortune generally is not so much theirs , as the country's or nation 's from which they are taken . and so on the other hand , there is a time when the worst princes are strangely preserved ; tho' yet even then we may observe that for the most part they perish miserably in the end. when god raises them up to be the scourge and plague of a wicked world ; and makes use of them as he did sometimes of the kings of egypt and babylon heretofore , to punish the people and kingdoms round about them. but otherwise , i believe it will generally be found true , that the more careful any king or prince is to live well , and govern justly , and do what in him lies to propagate a true sense of piety among his people , the happier he proves ; and is the more eminently preserved by god , as he is certainly the more dearly beloved by him. and good reason there is why god should observe this method with them : for [ 1 st . ] this , if any thing , will lay the strongest obligations upon such persons to be very careful to support the honour of god , and the credit of religion : when once they shall perceive that their welfare in this present world , as well as their final happiness in the other , depends upon it . and i need not tell you what a mighty advantage this must needs bring to vertue and piety ; to find not only a refuge in the courts of princes , but a respect and encouragement too : and be countenanced by those whose very examples are influential , and will contribute more to the promoting a sense of religion in the world , than all the motives or arguments that we can urge , will ever be able to do without it . [ 2 dly . ] such a procedure as this gives a great justification to the ways of providence , in the menagement of affairs here below . it shews that there is a god who judgeth in the earth : that he do's not look on as an unconcern'd spectator of the affairs of men ; but when he sees occasion , both can and do's interpose too , and reward or punish the greatest persons , according to their works . the fortunes of princes as they are placed in a much higher sphere than those of other men , so are they by consequence more conspicuous too ; and lie open a great deal more to publick observation . and when once it shall be remark'd that they flourish or decay , are either exalted or cast down , according as they live or not in the exercise of piety : this will effectually silence all the cavils of the greatest sceptick in his disputes against a providence ; and force him whether he will or no to confess , that verily there is a reward for the righteous , doubtless there is a god who observes whatsoever is done by us , and will not suffer the wicked always to go unpunish'd . again , [ 3 dly . ] it is commonly alledged , and i think very truly too , that kingdoms and nations , are therefore either rewarded or punish'd in this world , because they shall not as such be judg'd in the other . and the same may be said of their rulers too : when the greatest monarch goes down into the grave , all his pomp and power ; his titles and majesty perish together with him . and he shall stand in judgment in the same undistinguish'd rank with the meanest of his subjects . whatsoever reward therefore god shall please to give to such an one as a king , it must be all in this present life . now tho' i will not deny , but that those who employ their power and authority which god has committed to them to the ends of vertue and religion ; to promote the peace and welfare of their country , and as far as they can , to procure the happiness of all the nations round about them ; both may receive a super-abundant reward for it , and i doubt not shall receive a more than ordinary retribution in the other world : yet i cannot but think there may be some reason too , why they should meet with some part of their recompense in this . and since to their private piety as they are christians , they add a publick concern for the glory of god , and the good of the world as they are princes : tho' i dare not say that god in justice ought , yet i think we may affirm that 't is not without good reason that he do's vouchsafe in a singular manner to watch over them , as a common blessing to mankind ; and prosper their endeavours in what tends so much to the noblest ends of his providence , to his own honour , to the interest and reputation of his religion ; and in one word , to the publick advantage both of m●ns peace and tranquility in this life , and of their everlasting happiness and salvation in the other . and this may suffice for the first thing i propo●d to speak to , of the general obligation which ●…y , upon the royal psalmist thus to praise god ; and of the particular manner wherein he engaged to do it . i shall add but very little as to the other consideration , ii dly . of the prayer with which he closed up his thanksgiving : save me and deliver me from the hand of strange children , whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falshood . i have before observed , that the enemies against whom david here prays ; and whom he brands with the ignominious character , of a vain , idolatrous , and perfidious people , were the philistines , who declared war against him , immediately upon his being anointed king in hebron . now tho' by the blessing of god he had already obtain'd two considerable victories over them , whereby he was for the present at ease from them : yet he knew , that by the assistance which the neighbouring countries were all ready to lend to them , they would again be in a condition in a little while to make head against him ; and he doubted not but that as soon as ever they were able , they would be treacherous enough to do it . and it was upon this apprehension , that having first given thanks to god for his present deliverance , he in the next place subjoyn'd his earnest request to him , that he would in like manner preserve him from their attempts for the time to come . and how necessary such a prayer was , the event shew'd . for it was not very long before he was again engaged with them : and then god remembred his prayer , and not only deliver'd him out of their hands ; but strengthen'd him in such a manner , till at last after many encounters . he utterly disabled them from giving any farther trouble to him. but i insist too long upon the consideration of these words as they lie before me in this psalm : and the solemnity of this day calls me off to another application of them . and tho' i doubt not but you have in a great measure prevented me in your reflections upon the foregoing parts of this discourse ; yet i cannot conclude without pointing out to you somewhat more plainly , how great an interest we have in the subject of it . and i st . as to what concerns the eucharistical part of the text , never had any people greater reason to joyn with holy david in his thanksgiving to god , than we of this nation at this time have . for indeed , when did god ever more eminently shew himself to be the saviour of kings , than in those frequent and signal deliverances which he has afforded to our own royal soveraign from the hurtful sword ? if ( 1 st ) we consider his personal deliverances ; i may venture to affirm , that never did any prince more generously expose himself for any people , than his majesty in these late years has done for us ; nor i think ever did any more narrowly escape with safety out of them . for not to say any thing of the common hazards of war ; tho' perhaps no prince either undertook more expeditions , or carried them on with greater diligence , or appeard in them with more courage ; or ended them with better success ; or less consider'd his own safety , in comparison of the publick good , than our royal master has done , since the time of him of whom our text speaks . i can scarce yet without astonishment remember , how near the fatal blow came to him , which had not the watchful providence of god , for sure nothing else could have done it , prevented , must for . ever have quench'd the light of our israel ; and have at once put a final period both to his life , and in that to all our hopes . but that god who raised him up to assert his cause , and to vindicate the liberty not of this country only , but of all europe , from the rage and power of its common enemy and oppressor , had yet more victories for him to obtain . and therefore he heard our prayers , and cover'd his head in that day of battle ; and sent him back to us with so much the greater joy , by how much the nearer we were to have been utterly deprived of him. but that which ought yet more to be consider'd by us , and to raise up our souls to a still greater heighth of thanksgiving for this deliverance is ; that as his danger was imminent , so was it of such a nature too , that nothing but the same god who preserved david heretofore from the hurtful sword , could have delivered our king from the stroak of it . here was no room for counsel or advice ; no opportunity for any humane means to have interposed for his preservation . neither the courage of his bravest , nor the conduct of his wisest servants , could have stood him in any stead . no ; it was that god who did deliver him , that alone was capable of doing of it : and therefore not unto us , o lord , but unto thy name be the glory of it . and these are such circumstances as would at any time have engaged us to a lively sense of so great a deliverance : but at such a time as that was , in which god was pleased thus wonderfully to preserve him , to restore him again to us ; this is what gives a singular addition to the blessing of it . for a nation to be deprived of a good prince , a king endued with all those royal vertues , which even the enemies of our great soveraign cannot deny to be most conspicuous in him ; must certainly at any time have been a very great calamity , and what would have call'd for the lamentations of all that truly valued either the honour or welfare of their country . but to have been deprived of such a prince in a time of trouble and difficulty ; when nothing but his conduct , his courage and reputation could possibly have prevented us from an utter ruin and confusion : i want words to express how fatal the consequence must have been of it . and yet this , or rather if possible , somewhat beyond all this was our case , when god sent us this great deliverance . our enemies defied us from abroad ; they threatned us even there where we thought our selves the most secure against them : where we were wont till now to give laws , and strike terrour into all other nations besides . and had they obtain'd this farther advantage against us ; what could have hindred but that our very name and nation , our liberties and religion , must for ever have been buried in reproach , and desolation ? nor was the insolence of those within any less . they began already to devour us again in their hopes ; and expected only when the happy minute should come , that would again have put them in a condition to have accomplish'd their wicked designs against us . thus did all things seem manifestly to threaten us with rain and confusion . nothing now remain'd but the dread of our absent prince ; and whom tho' at the greatest distance they cannot but tremble at , to rescue us from these dangers . and we may truly say , it was the reputation of his name , and the apprehension of his conduct , that then kept us in peace and quiet , when we justly fear'd that all was running into war and tumults . and had the providence of god then fais'd him ; had not the almighty in a most wonderful manner preserved him ; and given him a more than ordinary success in his undertakings : we should now have been perhaps one of the most miserable , to be sure one of the most slavish and contemptible nations in the world. i should much exceed the bounds of such a discourse as this , should i go on particularly to recount to you what mighty deliverances god has again vouchsafed to him , since that of which i have been hitherto speaking . to what dangers he has been exposed in an element that of all others has ever been the most contrary to him ? what new hazards he has again encountred in the field ? and all this for our sakes , to promote our welfare , and if it be possible , secure it to all succeding generations . blessed be god! who has again brought him back to us in health and safety , and crown'd him yet once more with honour and victory . that has turn'd those dangers we before lay under , into some hopes , that i do not say into a fair prospect of peace and security . that has restor'd our country its king , our church its defender , and all of us our publick welfare and security . and who if we be not our selves wanting to his desires , shall by the blessing of the same god , not only save us from ruin , but repair our credit , and revive that spirit amongst us which enabled our ancestors so gloriously to triumph over their enemies heretofore : and shew that it is not in vain we either bear the arms of france , or pretend a right and title to it . that our nation is still the same it ever was , and has only wanted a prince to lead it on . and having now at last met with such a one , who can tell but we may yet see that proud monarch at last shewn no longer to be invincible ? but that a king of england , supported by the favour of god , the justice of his cause , and the ●●●●age and affections of his people , is still able to give a check to his carier ; and deliver europe from the insolence of a power which it had never fear'd , had not the pacifick temper of our late princes , and even the help of our arms unhappily raised it to too great a heighth , either for the common peace , or our own security . which brings me to the consideration of that other sort of deliverances which god has vouchsafed to our king , as he did to david heretofore , viz. 2 dly . from the force and power of his enemies . and this again carries me into a new field of discourse , and ministers another large and noble subject to us of praise and thanksgiving . it is but a little while since we seem'd to have been a nation mark'd out by heaven for ruin and destruction . † our religion and liberties , were begun to be both equally trampled under foot . our laws were over-ruled , and become no longer of any use to us : the very legis-lative power its self , ‖ contrived by our ancestors in such a manner as to be the great security of the subject , and barrier against the arbitrary and unbounded power of the prince ; by † secret practices , and unwarrantable attempts endeavour'd to be turn'd against us , and made the very means of running us into slavery . in the midst of this distress , god raised up a mighty and unexpected salvation for us . a prince not less injured , but much more able to assert his rights , and exact a satisfaction than we were . and god prosper'd his enterprize in such a manner , as i believe is not to be parallell'd in story , nor will posterity perhaps believe it . that there should be a conquest without a battle : a kingdom peaceably deliver'd up by a prince to his greatest enemy ; who had at the same time to all appearance a better force actually in the field to defend it , than the other had to force him out of it . but what can be done , when god infatuates mens counsels , and strikes a terror upon their hearts , that will not suffer them bravely to defend , what they have vainly undertaken ? and tho' subjects for conscience sake may submit to the most unjust usurpations , and not dare by force to right themselves : yet i think few have ever been so delicate in their obedience , as to esteem themselves under any obligation to fight themselves into slavery ; and contend for their chains , with those who would set them at liberty from them . thus did god begin to save us from our enemies , and from the hands of those that hate us ; or rather in the words of the text , from the hands of strange children ; whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falshood . but we have yet more than this to fill out our hymns of praise and thanksgiving . god has not only saved us from this danger within , but has preserved us too from that which was the natural consequence of it , the fury of war-abroad : and given such a success to our arms , as i am perswaded the most sanguine amongst us , could hardly have flattered himself withall . when was it ever heard before , that a little weak town , and a few undisciplined men , baffled all the attacks of a numerous army , provided with all things necessary for the reducing of it : and at last forced them , after a siege of fifteen weeks , to quit their attempt as vain and unpracticable ? that a whole kingdom , fenced by nature to a degree of being almost impregnable ; supported by men every way engaged both by interest and religion , by all their hopes of this world and the other , to do their utmost to defend it ; assisted by a powerful force from abroad , and to all this , animated with a spirit of hatred and revenge ; should yet in two years time be reduced to that degree , as not to let the least corner of it remain unconquer'd ? where can we find any instances that may serve to parallel the battles that have been fought , and the attempts that have been made upon this occasion ? scarce did ever despair its self oblige men to run such hazards as our forces have freely done ; and that by the wonderful providence of god , with success too . nor let any here object either the treachery or cowardise of our enemies ; as if it were to those we ought to ascribe a great part of that success we have had against them . but rather let us attribute these blessings , as most certainly we ought to do , to the favour of god ; to the justice of our cause , and to the fortunes and bravery of our princes ; dear to heaven , and raised up by it to be the instruments of providence , in reforming the manners , and redressing the oppressions of an injured and groaning world : in short , to the help of that hand which has so plainly shewn its self in all this deliverance ; that we may with assurance cry out with the holy man in our text ; it is the lord who giveth victory unto kings ; that hath delivered david his servant from the hurtful sword. and having thus fulfill'd this first part of the duty of this day ; let us now to our tribute of praise and thanksgiving add , 2 dly . our prayers too , that he would vouchsafe to accomplish what he has thus graciously begun for us ; and not cease to protect our king and prosper his arms , till he shall have finally deliver'd us out of all our dangers . it was the great complaint of david heretofore , and what made him so much the more earnest in his requests to god for his assistance ; that his enemies were men of no religion , neither whose faith could be rely'd on , nor could any thing keep them from doing him a mischief , but only their being reduced into such a state , as not to have it in their power to hurt him. this is the character which he gives us of them in the text : and what a deep impression the consideration hereof made upon his mind we may see by this , that he not only insists upon it , in his prayer to god against them , as one great motive to implore his help for the utter destruction of them ; but repeats it again and again : send thine hand from above , says he , rid me and deliver me out of the great waters , from the hand of strange children , whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right-hand is a right-hand of falshood , vss. 7 , 8. and again , vs. 11. rid me and deliver me from the hand of strange children , whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right-hand is a right-hand of falsehood . so that then if we would know how far we are concern'd to joyn with david in the prayer before us , we must stop a little , and consider how nearly our enemies resemble his . and if upon the enquiry it shall appear that they come up in every particular to the full character of those in the text ; if it shall be found that we have now to do with the same strange children that he had heretofore , whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood : then doubtless it must remain that we ought also to pray as he did , that god would rid us and deliver us out of their hands . and 1 st . as to what concerns the point of religion ; they are in the utmost import of the phrase , strange children . they not only differ from us both in their faith and worship ; but they do what in them lies to destroy our religion , and even our selves for its sake . how many a protestant churches have within these few years been demolish'd by them ? what b multitudes of our brethren have they persecuted even into strange countries ? and with what unheard of c cruelty have they treated such as could not escape out of their hands ? nor did their fury stop within the bounds of their own country : it reach'd even into forreign lands ? and they did what in them lay to promote the same treatment to them all the world over . i need not tell you by whose means the ancient d churches of the valleys were almost totally extirpated . and how fast the same design was carrying on in our own country , you all very well know . when the decree for revoking the once supposed irrevocable edict of nantes was resolved on ; it was not thought sufficient to extend the fury of it to the subjects of the crown of france only , but they struck even at forreigners too . e and all the grace that could be allow'd them was that they might live , and traffick in that country , but then they must not exercise any act of religion within its territories . nay but this was yet too much , and therefore another f edict was sent out , and such as i believe was scarcely ever heard of before ; forbidding all ministers , as well strangers as french , to come into that kingdom upon any account whatsoever , upon pain of death . i shall not now enquire how consistent such decrees as these are with the common laws of nations ; or whether it ought not justly to excite all other princes to rise up and unite against him as their common enemy , who thus sets himself up , * ‖ as if he were indeed , what some of his flatterers doubt not to represent him , the universal monarch ; and all other princes but as so many slaves and vassals to him. but sure i am that our prayers cannot but be seasonable and even pious against such an enemy ; who is not only a stranger to the true religion , but one of the greatest persecutors of it that ever was ; and as such may well be look'd upon by us , to be gods enemy no less than ours . but , 2 dly . and to carry the parallel yet higher : we have to do not only with strange children , as david also had ; but with such whose mouths also speak vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood . that is in other words with such as can never securely be trusted by us , whilst they are in a condition to do us a mischief . a sufficient argument of which may i think be taken from the consideration of those measures by which they have acted in this last reign ; and grown up to that power which is now become so formidable to all europe . for give me leave freely to remonstrate it to you : when did they ever neglect by any means to enlarge their borders , and encroach upon all their neighbours round about them ? what little pretences have many times served them so to do ? and why then should it be thought that they will be more careful to repress their violences and keep within the bounds of equity and moderation for the time to come , than they have been to observe any such kind of measures hitherto ? the truth is when i consider with what gross injustice the many treaties of pacification confirmed by ‖ five successive kings to those of the reform'd religion , have all been broken ; how the great edict of nantes its self , not only call'd perpetual and irrevocable , but with all possible care endeavour'd to have been † made so too ; confirm'd ' twice by that very prince , who has since revoked it ; has nevertheless been violated , and contrary to the express intention of it , their religion prohibited , their estates confiscated , themselves banish'd , or else forced either to rot in their prisons , or be made slaves in their galleys : i cannot but think , that certainly that maxim so often charged upon those of the other communion ‖ that faith is not to be kept with hereticks , is much more catholick than they would have it believed to be ; but especially in those places where that society prevails , which is of all others the most deservedly scandalous , for being the great supporters of such kind of tricks and devices . and should this be the case ; then i am sure we may here also have again another reason both to look to our selves ; and to pray with the holy psalmist that god would deliver us from such enemies , whose mouth speaketh vanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood . but i must now go yet farther ; and offer you another reflection , which will shew us to have still more reason than ever he had to pray against our enemies . and that is upon the account of that ruin and destruction which they carry wherever they come almost beyond whatever any people in the world ever did before . for however the misfortunes of war are always very deplorable ; and they who are esteem'd the most moderate nevertheless allow themselves a great liberty to wast and destroy ; yet i think it has been ever judged by all civiliz'd nations whatsoever , that there is a † moderation to be observed even against an enemy ; and that the laws both of god , of nature , and nations require it of us . it is this that has prevail'd with the greatest generals heretofore to spare the country of their enemy , as far as might be done without injury to their own cause . but alas ! our adversaries are above such menagements . on the contrary , their delight is to ruin what they cannot conquer ; and according to one of their own ‖ emblems , to ravage and destroy all before them . how many † noble and antient cities have they but very lately left in flames , and that without the least reason , that should have moved them so 〈◊〉 do ? ‖ even the houses of god , and sepulchres of the dead ; which the most barbarous people were wont to regard with reverence , and thought it a sacriledge to violate ; have all partaken in their undistinguishing , and unrelenting fury . when the great emperour of persia declar'd war against the assyrians , the historian tells us it was agreed between them , that the husband-men and common-people should on both sides be secure ; and the war extend , only to those who were arm'd for it . and we read that it was a constant law among others in those eastern countries to observe the same measures . but now we see even these miserable disarm'd people , not only spoil'd of all they have , but contrary to their own agreements , as well as to common-humanity , put often-times under the severest execution , when they have nothing but their lives left them to lose . and when such is the cruelty , and fury of our enemies ; certainly we ought to pray with all earnestness to god against them , as we would do against some devouring fire , or a raging pestilence : and beseech him that he would still continue to deliver us out of their hands , as well as bless him that he has hitherto preserved us from it . nor let us look upon our selves to be ever the less concern'd to do this , because we do not lie so much expos'd to their assaults , as some others may seem to do . it is indeed the singular happiness of our situation , ‖ that we cannot presently be surpris'd by them : but yet if we do not timely prevent it , we may be conquered . they who from either none at all , or at best but a very small power at sea , are already grown up to such a pitch as to dispute with us for victory ; may perhaps , if not prevented , in a little time become able indeed to give laws to us . and what the consequences of that must be , i cannot without horrour consider . but god forbid ! we should ever be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of those whose usage of their own country-men too plainly shew what all others are to expect from them . rather let it be the great business both of our prayers and of our endeavours , now that god seems again to offer us a fair opportunity of securing our selves and country , our religion and liberties , against their devices , effectually so to do . let the consideration of that success which he has already given to our arms , encourage us to go on with the greater diligence to our common preservation . let it unite our minds , and quicken our preparations , that so we may not fail in the last act ; nor fall at once both under the reproach and the concern of being ruin'd by our own fault , when hardly any thing else could have done it . and that god may continue to bless us in these our great undertakings ; let us to our care for our own and our countries welfare , add also our hearty zeal for the honour of god , and the promotion of truth , and peace , and piety among us. let us do what in us lies to imitate the examples ; and to comply with the pious care and endeavours of those whom god has made the happy instruments of our preservation . that so we may in some measure answer the ends of his providence in our deliverance : and being saved from our enemies , and from the hands of those that hate us , may serve him without fear ; in holiness and righteousness before him all the days of our life . so may all those blessings we have already receiv'd , be only the beginnings of that great felicity we shall from henceforth enjoy . when god shall have changed even this prayer too , into a song of thanksgiving ; and instead of supplicating any more with david , rid us and deliver us from the hand of strange children , whose mouth speaketh uanity , and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood : we shall have only remaining to give thanks as he did , when his labour was at an end , and god had finally deliver'd him from all his enemies ; 2 sam. xxii . 40. thou hast girded us with strength to the battle , them that rose up against us hast thou subdu'd under us. thou hast also given us the necks of our enemies , that we might destroy them that hate us . they looked but there was none to save ; even unto the lord but he answer'd them not . — therefore , we will give thanks unto thee o lord among the heathen , and we will sing praises unto thy name . he is the tower of salvation for his king ; and sheweth mercy unto his anointed ; and to his seed for evermore . now unto the king eternal , immortal , invisible ; to the great and wise god , who is the blessed and only potentate , the king of kings , and lord of lords ; be honour and glory for ever and ever . amen . advertisement . two sermons , the one preached at the reviving of the general meetings of the gentlemen and others of the county of dorset , december the 2. 1690. and the other before the queen , may 10. 1691. by w. wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to their majesties , and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . both sold by r. sare , at grays-inn gate next holbourn . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66382-e330 † a psalm of david . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † tom ●in psal. 143. compare this with psal. 18. 2. 47. 2 sam. 22. 3. 48. so r. kimchi in loc . v. 12. v. 7. 8. 11. compare deut. 32. 21. 2 kings 17. 15. jer. 2. 5. &c. 2 sam. v. — 23. — 24. — 20. — 25. see dionys. hal. l. vi . p. 411. et supr . l. ii . p. 90. a jupiter fe●etrius liv. dec. i. l. 1. stator . ib. imperator . l. 6. p75 . g. victor . l. 10. p. 121. i. pistor . lactantius de f. r. p. 110. tonans . sueton. in aug. n. 29. conservator . tacitus . hist. l. 3. custos . ib. propugnator , &c. apollo . solianus . medicus , &c. de fortunae cognominibus . vid. alex. ab alex. gen. d. l. i. c. 13. hercules . victor . custos , &c. ib. l. ii c. 14. b liv. dec. i. l. 6. suet. in augusto . n. 29. in domitiano . n. 5. dionys. halic . ● vi. p. 411. alex. ab alex. l. i. c. 22. plut. in rom. n. 8. 9. plin. n. h. l. vi. c. 28. c themist . or. xiii . p. 305. ed. 4 to dionys. halic . l. 2. p. 90. ib. p. 130. l. 3. p. 173. l. 6. ad finem . virg. aen l. viii . ver . 172. 188. 189. &c. 268. &c. d liv. dec. i. l. 5. p 63. h. vid. dionys hal. loc . citatis in ( d ) . tacit. ann. l. xiv . c. 21. liv. dec. i. l. i. p. 9. d. in tarq. prisc. suet. in aug. c. 18. vid. alex. ab alex. l. v. c. 8. & l. vi . c. 19. e dionys. hal. l. 2. p. 102. & p. 130. plut. in rom. n. 8. see orph. hymn . callim . in laud apoll. virg. aen. l. viii . v. 287. &c. 303. f see rosinus antiq. rom. lib. x. cap. 28. 29. dionys. hal. lib. 2. p. 102. alex. ab alex. l. v. c. 6. plin. h. nat. l. xv . c. 30. seneca l. de concol . cap. 10. plin. panegyr . c. 8. see rosinus ant. r. l. x. c. 29. acts xvii . 28. psal. civ . 28 , 29 , 30. psal. l. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. psal. exvi . 12 , 13 , 17. † 1 chron. x. 9. dan. iv . 34 , 37. jonas 1. 16. &c. ‖ see r. kimchi in loc . ‖ see cic. de nat. deor. l. ii . ad fin . quae ratio poëtas , maximéque homerum impulit , ut principibus . heroum — certos deos discriminum & periculorum comites adjungeret . vid. pl. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heracl . in vs. 10. huj . psal. et supr . in vs. 1. vid. cat. ib. in vs. 2. prov. viii 15. rom. xiii . 1 , 2 , 5. hieroclea de prov. p. 18. rom. xiii . 1 , 5. 1 sam. xxvi . 9. 1 〈…〉 . ib. c● . xviii , xix . &c. † 1 sam. xviii . 1● . * ib. xix . ●0 . ‖ ib. ch. xxii xxiii , xxiv . &c. † 1 sam. xxvii , xxviii 2 sam. ch. ii , iii , iv . ib. ch. v. 5 ▪ — 17. psal. 135. 4. deutr. iv . 7 , 8 , 32 , &c. 2 sam. vii . 23. exod. xxv . 8. jer. vii . 12. ezek. xxxvii . 26. 1 sam. xiii . 14. psal. v. 12. xxxiv . 15 , 17. xxxvii . 17 , &c. ‖ compare 1 chron. x. 13 , 14. with joseph . ant. l. vii . c. 4. where speaking of david's care in this particular , he observes : that it was the neglect of this that ruined saul : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 sam. vii . s. ib. xxii . 21 , &c. ‖ 1 kings xv . 4. 2 kings x. 30. 2 chron xv . xvii . 5. xx . 37. xxvi . 5. xxvii . 6. * 1 sam. ii . 30. 1 kings xi . 11 , 31 , 33. xiv . 9 , 10. xv . 29. xvi . 12 , 13 , 19. xvii . 18. xxi . 10. 2 chron. xii . 5 , 6 , &c. xxv . 14 , 15. see 1 kings c. x. 1 kings xi . 4. — 9. 11 , 12 , 13. — 14 , 23 , 26. hosea x. 3. & xiii . 11. 2 kings xxiii 26. ‖ 2 kings xxii . 16 ●… . xxiii . 26. † 2. chron. xxxv . 2● , &c. ‖ 2 kings xxii . 18 , 19 , ●…0 . isai lvii. ●… . 2 kings xxii . 18 , &c jer. xxv . 12. l. 18. jer. xxv . 9. xliii . 10. ezek. xxvi . 7. themist . orat. xvii . p. 462. ed. paris . 4to . psalm ●…iii . 11. habet hoc primum magna fortuna , quod nihil tectum , nihil occultum esse patitur . plin. paneg. c. 83. 2 sam. v. 17 see jos. ant. l. v. 1 cap 4. 2 sam. viii . 1 , &c xxi 15 &c. compare with xxii . 1. see joseph . an● . lib. vii . cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at the b●●●e in ireland . 2 sam. xxi 17. psalm cxv. 1. † see the declar . of the lords and commons , feb. 13. 1688. ‖ see knygh●on p. 2681 k. ch. ist , ans. to the xix . propos. † see 2 inst. f. 169. ●… inst. 10. stat. 7. h. 4. see k. j's letter to the e. of fev . about disbanding the army , with the e's letter thereupon to the prince of orange . luke i 74. a see a catalogue of them set out in triumph by monsieur le feure , nouveau recueil : a la fin . de la 3 me partie . monsieur varillas boasts that they were 2150. b see * plaints des protestans : * ' etat des reformez en france : * lettres pastorales de mr. jurieu : * recueil de mr. le feure : * defense des libertez des eglises r. de france . c see * plaints des protestans : * ' etat des reformez en france : * lettres pastorales de mr. jurieu : * recueil de mr. le feure : * defense des libertez des eglises r. de france . d see an account of this in the letters between the d. of savoy and the fr. k. translated from the originals , and printed , anno 1690. e arrest . du . 11. janvier . 1636. — a la charge qu'ils ne pourront faire dans le royaume aucun exercise de leur religion . f du 12. juillet . 1686. art. 1. nous defendons a tous ministres de la r p. r. tant francois qu' estrangers de rentrer dans notre royaume-pour quelque raison on pretext que ce puisse etre — & en cas qu'il s'y en trouve — voulons qu'ils●●●ent punis de mort . see their majesties declaration of war , against the french k. * alone against all. un a tous ‖ see le feure , in his dedication . on se persuaderoit difficilement , que vous eu●●iez forcé toute l'europe a embrasser les conditions de paix qu'il avoit plu a v. majesté de luy prescrire . que vous eu●iez obligé des souveraigns a venir implorer votre clemence , aux pieds de vostre trone . nor is this any more than what their publick inscriptions justifie : in one we find this verse : undarum . terraeque potens , atquo arbiter orbis . in another he is set forth under the emblem of the sun , at whose breaking out all the other princes , like so many stars disappear ; with this motto , ut patet , ista latent . particularly with relation to england , a lion is represented running from the cock ; with this motto , veni , vidi , vici . and to mention no more , in another medal the king of france is drawn standing with the globe on the point of his sword , vaunting that he do's what he pleases with it ; quod libet , licet . see the collect. of father menetrier . 〈◊〉 an acount of all this in a little tract lately reprinted , viz. christianissimus christianandus . ‖ charles ix . 1573. gave them an edict which he call'd perpetual and irrevocable . this was confirm'd by hen. iii. in 1576. and 1577. and again in 1579. and 1580. then follow'd the great edict of nantes under king hen. iv. this was confirm'd by lewis xiii . an. 1610. & again an. 1615. and by the present k. an. 1643. and 1652. in the former of which , speaking of the edicts before mention'd , 't is said ; lesquels edits , bien que perpetuels , nous avons de nouveau , entant que besoin est , ou seroit , confirmez , & confirmons par ces dites presentes . † see def. des lib. des egl. r. de f● . pt . 1st . ‖ see the state of the protestants in ireland , chap. iii §. 13. p 169 , &c. to 178. † see this largely discuss'd by grotius de jure belli , &c. lib. iii. ch . 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. see grotius , ib. l. 3. cap. 11. §. 2. themist . or. x. p. 259. ‖ in a late medal . they represent themselves under the figure of a bomb towring in the air , with this inscription , quocunque cadat , dat stragem . spire , worms , ban , &c. see the emperor's letter to king james apr. 9. 1689. a great part of the nor of ireland , burnt by rosen . ‖ see grotius , l. c. st. austin commends the goths when they took rome for sparing these , de cio . d. l. 1. grot. ib. xenophon , o econ . l. 2. see diodorus siculus , l. 2. to which grotius adds many more instances . de jure . b. ac p. l. 3. c. 12. §. 4. & in annot. ‖ in another of their late medals they have represented the helm of a ship in the sea , with this inscription , legem . po●… aqui● . luke i. 74. 2 s●… . xxii . — 40 , — 41 , — 42. — 50 , — 51. 1 tim. i. 17. ib. vi. 15. a sermon preach'd before the lord-mayor and court of alderman at s. sepulchres-church on wednesday in easter-week, a.d. mdcxc by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1690 approx. 87 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66348) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102607) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1078:8) a sermon preach'd before the lord-mayor and court of alderman at s. sepulchres-church on wednesday in easter-week, a.d. mdcxc by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [4], 38 p. printed for ric. chiswell ... and w. rogers ..., london : 1690. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -galatians vi, 10 -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dr. wake 's sermon at s. sepulchres-church ; before the lord mayor , &c. on wednesday in easter-week , 1690. pilkington mayor . martis xxix o aprilis 1690. annoque regni regis & reginae wilhelmi & mariae angliae , &c. secundo . this court doth desire dr. wake to print his sermon preached on wednesday in easter week last , before the lord-mayor , aldermen , and citizens of london , at st. sepulchres . wagstaffe . a sermon preach'd before the lord-mayor , and court of aldermen , at s. sepvlchres-church , on wednesday in easter-week , a. d. m.dc.xc . by william wake , d. d. chaplain in ordinary to their majesties : and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . london : printed for ric. chiswell at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard : and w. rogers at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1690. gal. vi. 10. as we have therefore opportunity , let us do good unto all men , especially unto them that are of the houshold of faith. saint paul having in the foregoing parts of this epistle dispatch'd that subject which was the great occasion of his writing of it ; and endeavour'd by many arguments to perswade the galatians not to suffer themselves to be mislead by those false-teachers who were crept in amongst them , into a needless , and even dangerous mixture , of the law of moses together with the gospel of christ : goes on in the close of all , to exhort them to such practical duties as he thought most necessary to recommend to them in those circumstances in which they then were . it was the unhappiness of that church , as it generally is of all others in the like cases , that their diversity of opinion , as to the point before-mention'd , had set up a diversity of parties and interests amongst them ; and made them much more zealous for their own particular tenents , in which they differ'd from one another , than for the common faith and doctrine of christ , in which they agreed together . instead of glorifying god by a holy life , their business was to tear and worry one another about the ceremonies of the law of moses . religion was turn'd into disputing ; and he was accounted the best man , not who was the most careful to live quietly , and to do his duty conscientiously , but who was the most violent to defend his point , and to run down all those that were of a different perswasion . in opposition to this furious and contentious spirit , saint paul having first determined the point which occasion'd all their difference , goes on finally to stir them up to such duties , as he supposed would be most likely to reduce them to a christian temper of love and charity to one another . and 1st , since the law was that they were so zealous for , he desires them to reflect a little , what it was that the law its self commanded them , ch. v. 14. for all the law is fufilled in one word , even in this , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . 2dly , he represents to them , what the present consequence of such contentions would be likely to be : that while they thus quarrell'd with one another , they would give a fair opportunity to the common enemy to destroy them all , v. 15. but if ye bite and devour one another , take heed that ye be not consumed one of another . 3dly , he bids them consider , that hatred , variance , emulation , strife , seditions , heresies , envyings , and such like ; how fair soever the pretence may be of a concern for the honour of god , and the interests of religion , are yet as much the works of the flesh , and as destructive of salvation , as adultery or drunkenness , or any other the like immoralities . and that , if they would approve themselves truly zealous in his service , they must do it by a quite contrary practice : by their love , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , meekness , and the like fruits of that blessed spirit , which evermore leads men to be kind and charitable to one another . and having thus given them these general cautions , he finally adds two or three particular directions in such instances , wherein they seemed more especially to stand in need of his advice . as first , that they should not suffer their differences so far to transport them , as to make them be perpetually quarrelling and disputing with one another . for that this would be a means rather to keep up their differences , and embitter their spirits , and set them farther from agreement , than conduce to the composing of them , v. 26. let us not be desirous of vain-glory , provoking one another , envying one another . secondly , that much less should they indulge a peevish temper so far , as to be glad of any occasion to expose one anothers sins and infirmities ; but rather should mutually endeavour to help , and bear one anothers burdens : and consider , that the best man in the world may some time or other be tempted , and overtaken in a fault , and so need the same charity . to this end , thirdly , that they should learn to be humble : and instead of comparing themselves with other men , and valuing themselves upon their being better or more orthodox than their neighbours , should examine themselves by the rule of their duty , and see how they stood with relation to that : and remember , that when we come before god in judgment , the enquiry will not be , whether we have not exceeded some others in our piety , but whether we have liv'd so as we our selves might and ought to have done , v. 5. for every man shall bear his own burden . fourthly and lastly , that above all , they should not suffer their differences in other things , to abate their charity , or make them ever the less ready in all good offices , whether to their teachers , or to one another . but should consider , that the time is coming when god will call us to give an account of our stewardship ; how we have employed those talents he has committed to us . and then they who have been so wise as to manage them as they ought to do , shall receive a blessed reward : whilst those who have minded only their lusts or their interests ; who have either hoarded up their riches without doing and good at all with them , or have spent them only in sin and extravagance , shall be condemn'd to a miserable state of everlasting punishment : from whence he concludes in the words of the text ; as we have therefore opportunity , let us do good unto all men , especially unto them who are of the houshold of faith. from which words i shall take occasion to discourse on these four points : i st . of that general obligation which our christian profession lays upon us to do good : as we have therefore opportunity , let us do good. ii dly . of the time and measure , when and how far we ought so to do ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as we have opportunity ; according to our ability ; for so also that phrase may well enough be understood . iii dly . of the persons to whom this good is to be done ; to all men , especially to them that are of the houshold of faith. iv thly . of the great engagement we have to do this , express'd in the verse before , from which our text is the inference : let us not be weary in well-doing , for in due season we shall reap , if we faint not ; as we have therefore opportunity , let us do good unto all men , especially unto them that are of the household of faith. i begin with the first of these ; i st . the general obligation which our religion lays upon us to do good. for the better clearing whereof , i must observe , that the word in the original is very emphatical ; it signifies not barely the doing good , but implies a care and choice in the doing of it ; that we should do , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the good that particular good , whatsoever it be which another wants , and wherein we may be capable of lending our assistance to him . charity is a duty as comprehensive as it is excellent : it extends its self to all sorts of good offices whereby we may at any time be able to serve our neighbour , and do any real act of kindness to him . and indeed since god designed that to do good should be the indispensable duty of all christians , it was but necessary to give such a latitude to it , that no christian whatsoever might have just cause to complain that he was not in a capacity , in some way or other , of fulfilling it . to run through all the several parts of this duty , and shew in how many instances one man may be capable of doing good to another , were an undertaking as difficult and infinite , as it would be to draw a scheme of all the miseries and the calamities , of all the wants and the necessities , which any man ever did , or ever shall fall into in this world . suffice it in general to say , that by whatsoever act of ours we do in any wise promote either the present welfare , or the eternal happiness of our neighbour ; do in any sort contribute to make him more easie or comfortable in this life , or to further his everlasting felicity in the other ; in that we discharge this duty of doing good to him , and which there is no man so mean or low in the world , but he may find frequent opportunities of putting in practice . but tho this therefore be the general import of doing good , and the undoubted duty of every christian ; yet if we consider that expression according to the stile of the holy scriptures , we shall find it commonly used there in a more limited sense , to signifie that particular kind of * doing good , which consists in acts of mercy and benificence . and so i conceive it is that we are in a more especial manner at least , to understand it in this place : and then taking this for the meaning of our apostle in these words , i shall not need say much to shew what clear and forcible obligations our religion has laid upon us , in this sense more particularly , to do good. in short , * if to have given the plainest and most express commands for the exercise of such a charity , and to have repeated those commands more frequently , and to have enforced them more earnestly , than almost any other precepts in the gospel besides a : * b if to have set before us the practice of it , as that whereby above all things we may the most nearly imitate the perfection of god himself ; † and render him our debtor from whom we have received all , whatsoever we enjoy : * if to have made our kindness and charity to our neighbour , the very mark whereby to try our love and duty to god ; and to have declared that no service we can do the one , shall be accepted , whilst we continue to neglect the other . but above all , * if not only to have promised the blessings of this life to the practice of it , but to have set forth to us the great and final inquest of the day of judgment , as depending in a manner entirely on this one thing , and entailing either eternal happiness , or eternal misery upon us in the other world , according as we have been charitable or not , in this : if , i say , all this may be thought sufficient to lay an obligation upon us to be very diligent and forward in the discharge of any duty , there is then none to which our religion has been more careful to excite and oblige us than this one of charity , nor in which therefore a christian will be less able to excuse himself , if after all this he shall still continue to neglect the performance of it . but of the obligations which we lie under thus to do good , i shall have occasion to speak more fully in the close of this discourse : in the mean time having thus pointed out to you what that good is i am now more particularly to recommend to your practice , and given you a general prospect of our concern in it , i shall go on to the second thing which i proposed to consider , ii dly . of the time and measure , when and how far it is our duty to do this good ; as we have opportunity ; according to our ability . i have before said , that the phrase of st. paul would well enough bear each of these interpretations ; and i shall rather chuse both , than prefer either . they both agree very well with the design of the text , and will either of them afford some useful and seasonable reflections to us , to direct our practice in the duty of it . and 1 st . of the time , the season of doing good. it has been the general sence of the most ancient interpreters of this passage , to refer the opportunity here spoken of to the time of our present life ; as being indeed the only space we have for the exercise of such a charity . and accordingly the * learned translations , departing a little from the strictness of the greek original , have most of them render'd it not as we have here done , as we have therefore opportunity : but as it still stands in our liturgy , now while we have time , let us do good unto all men . and thus it will agree very well with the rest of the context ; where the apostle speaks of two different seasons , the one of sowing , the other of harvest ; and exhorts the galatians not to neglect to sow now , and then they shall be sure to reap hereafter . and indeed this is a remark , than which none can be more proper for our serious consideration . it has pleased god to send us into this world , to exercise our selves , and to prepare our souls for the happiness of the other . here therefore is the time of labour ; the fatal season that must render us either happy or miserable to all eternity . and i am sure , i need not tell you either how short , or how uncertain at the best this time is . our years run on apace ; whilst we are discoursing of it we draw nigher to the grave . every minute cuts off some portion of our life ; and we cannot tell how soon death may overtake us , and deprive us of it all at once . and certainly then we ought to esteem it a very seasonable admonition , which the apostle here gives us , presently , whilst we have yet the opportunity , to do good , seeing we cannot tell how little a space we may have lest us for the doing of it . it is the folly of a great part of the world , that in this , as well as in too many other instances of their duty , they love still to procrastinate , and put off the doing of it as long as ever they can . they will repent when they are dying , and be charitable when they are dead : but will rather run the hazard of their souls to all eternity , than part either with their sins or their money before needs they must . and truly for those of the other communion , who believe that a little sorrow and confession at the last , is enough to discharge them of all the guilt of their sins ; and that by a good legacy left to the church , for prayers and masses to be said for them , they shall soon get quit of the punishment of them too ; what wonder if they reserve both their riches and their repentance , for so seasonable a time , and so good an occasion ? but for men who see through these delusions , and smile at such bargains , and wonder how any christians can suffer themselves to be so grosly cheated in a matter of so much concernment , as their money commonly is to most , and as our souls certainly ought to be to all of us ; nevertheless still to delay their doing good , and neglect the opportunity , and leave the issue of all to a death-bed repentance , and a death-bed charity : what can we conclude but that such persons as these , must have too great an affection both for their riches and for their lusts ; and that could these men have lived for ever , they would never have thought of being either charitable or religious ? indeed for those who have been liberal and bountiful before , to finish their race with glory ; and adorn their death , with the same charity that had given a luster and ornament to them whilst they lived ; this is so far from being worthy of any censure , that it ought rather to make their memory precious to all future generations . but otherwise to tarry to the last hour , and never think of doing good to others with the portion which god has given us , till we are no longer in a condition to enjoy it our selves ; this must certainly be very sinful and scandalous : and tho i will not say that such a legacy , rather than charity , at the last , shall utterly lose its reward ; yet as it wants much of that praise which the early giver meets with among men , so i think it may be justly doubted whether it shall find so favourable an acceptance in the sight of god. but ( 2 dly . ) this phrase , as we have opportunity , will admit of yet another consideration , and that more agreeable to our litteral translation of it , viz. when ever a fitting occasion presents its self , and we are in a condition of doing of it . not that we should suppose it to be our duty , to give to every one indifferently that shall ask of us , and in the usual dialect of the streets , abuse the sacred name of christ , to cover over their own idleness and vndeserving . there is a prudence to be used in the distribution of our charity , as well as a liberality to be shown in the proportion of it . and st. * paul himself has told us there are some , who if they will not work , neither let them eat . but that whenever a true and worthy object of charity presents its self to us , we should then embrace the occasion ; and look upon it that this is the opportunity in which if we are able , we ought to do good. nay but yet farther , ( 3 dly . ) tho it be most certain in the general , that whenever a titting object of charity calls upon us for our relief , we ought , if we are in a condition , to lay hold on the opportunity to do good : yet some special seasons and occasions there are , which will in a particular manner deserve to be look'd upon as the proper times for this duty . such are 1 st . the times of want and scarceness : whether it happens by the hand of god , or through the sins and violence of men ; whether by some dearth or famine in the land , or by the miseries of war and tumults ; the obstruction of commerce abroad , and the natural consequence of that , the decay of trade at home . in these and the like cases , the more the necessities of the poor encrease , the greater should be our care and concern to relieve them : and we must not think , that an ordinary charity will excuse us , when such accidents and calamities as these , call for an extraordinary bounty from us . but especially , 2 dly . such is the time of tryals and persecutions for righteousness sake : when it pleases god , whose judgments are unsearchable , to expose ( as many times he does ) his own church and servants , to suffer for their faith , and a good conscience ; being persecuted in one city or country , to fly into another : and thereby at the same time , that he does them the honour of making them confessors for their religion , offers us the benefit , of being in some measure partakers with them in their afflictions ; by our careful provision for , and our generous reception of them . it was this consideration especially , that open'd so far the hearts of the first converts to christianity towards one another , that they accounted nothing they had their own ; but were even glad of the opportunity to do somewhat extraordinary in testimony of their love to those , who shew'd so much love and constancy to their blessed master . and sure we ought in some measure to imitate the primitive charity of those men , at a time when so many of our brethren have follow'd their example , in a primitive zeal , and firmness to their religion . this is the least return we can make to god , for the peace and tranquility we hitherto enjoy , when so many thousands have been exposed to ruin for that faith , which we count it our glory and happiness to profess . and certainly we ought to consider , if the storm should have broken first upon us , what we should have in that case expected from them , and let that inform us what we ought to do for them . and these are such opportunities , as the necessities of others make for us : there are yet many special occasions for doing good which our own circumstances will offer to us . so , 3dly . in the times of our happiness and prosperity : when god does in any extraordinary manner give a blessing to us , whether in our persons or in our affairs ; whether in our own private concerns only , or in the more general and publick welfare of our friends or country . these are such times in which not only our own reason , and the common practice of mankind , but even god himself has directed us to make our charity to others , one way of expressing our grateful acknowledgments to him : that whilst we rejoyce in the effects of his mercy to us , our brethren may find cause to joyn thanks with us , for the liberal expressions of our love and kindness to them . and therefore when god commanded the israelites in three solemn feasts every year , to keep up the memory of the blessings he had done for them in bringing them up out of egypt , and planting them in that good land which they possessed ; he took particular care that the poor should not be forgot by them ; deut. xvi . 11 , 14. thou shalt , says he , rejoyce before the lord : thou , and thy son , and thy daughter , and thy man-servant , and thy maid-servant , and the levite , and the stranger , and the fatherless , and the widow , that are within thy gates . for which end there was a publick collection always to be made at those feasts ; v. 16. 17. three times in a year shall all thy males appear before the lord , in the place which he shall chuse , in the feast of unleavened bread , and in the feast of weeks , and in the feast of tabernacles ; they shall not appear before the lord empty . every man shall give , according to the blessing of the lord thy god , which he hath given thee . and not only if we have already received any signal blessings and deliverances from god ; but 4thly , when we would implore his favour for future mercies ; whether to deliver us from any evils or calamities which either our sins have deserved , or we may otherwise have just cause to fear are ready to fall upon us ; or else to send down some new blessings upon us , or to continue , or to perfect those we have aleardy received : in all these , and the like cases , there is nothing can more effectually appease god's anger , and enliven our prayers , and make our piety and our repentance acceptable in his sight , and so obtain those mercies which we desire from him ; than to accompany all our other service , with some extraordinary acts of charity , and thereby give a new force , and vigour to it . when daniel had interpreted nebuchadnezzar's dream , and therein discover'd to him the strange judgment which god was about to bring upon him : how he should be driven from men , and have his dwelling with the beasts of the field , and be made to eat grass as the oxen , and be wet with the dew of heaven ; the best advice he could give him to stay the hand of god , and prevent the evil that was denounced against him , was to do some extraordinary act of mercy and charity to others , if perhaps he might thereby escape that great evil which was denounced against himself : ver . 27. wherefore , says he , o king , let my counsel be acceptable unto thee ; and break off thy sins by righteousness , and thine iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor ; if it may be a lengthning to thy tranquillity . and it was the opinion of st. jerome , that nebuchadnezzar did accordingly take the holy prophet's advice ; and that 't is to this we are to ascribe the delay which we read was made of this judgment , for * one whole year ; till forgetting his danger , and returning again to his former course , he forfeited the continuance of that tranquillity , which god had been pleased to lengthen to him upon the account of his repentance and charity . but , fifthly , and to conclude this point : we ought to esteem not only such extraordinary seasons as these to be in a more peculiar manner the proper times for this duty ; but in general , whenever either our own piety , or publick authority shall engage us to any especial , and singular exercises of religion ; in all these cases , and upon all such occasions , still our prayers , our thanksgivings , our repentance , whatever our devotion be , it must ever-more be accompanied withsome expressions of our bounty too ; and our charity to our neighbour , be the constant companion of our piety towards god. it was this that made the devout prayers of cornelius , though a gentile , so acceptable unto him , that he sent down an angel from heaven on purpose to assure him of it , and to direct him in the way for a better understanding of his duty : thy prayers , says he , and thine alms , are come up for a memorial before god. and 't is to the neglect of this , that we may , among other things , i fear , impute it ; that we now too often seem to lift up our hearts in vain thither . i am sure the wiseman has told us , that whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor , he also shall cry himself , and shall not be heard , and when the israelites heretofore complained , with some amazement , of the ineffectualness of all their fasting and prayers to implore god's favour ; and wonder'd what the meaning of it should be , that all their crys and their humiliations stood them in no stead , isaiah lviii : 3. wherefore have we fasted , and thou seest not ? wherefore have we afflicted our souls , and thou takest no knowledge ? nay , and this at the same time that god seems to bear witness to their piety in other respects , ver . 2. yet they seek me daily , and delight to know my ways , as a nation that did righteousness , and forsook not the ordinance of their god : they ask of me the ordinances of justice , they take delight in approaching to god : the prophet plainly tells them where the fault lay ; they were at variance among themselves , and uncharitable to the poor , and this spoiled all their other piety ; behold , says he , ye fast for strife and debate : is it such a fast that i have chosen ? a day for a man to afflict his soul ? wilt thou call this a fast , and an acceptable day to the lord ? is not this the fast that i have chosen , to loose the bands of wickedness , to undo the heavy burdens , and to let the oppressed go free , and that ye break every yoke ? is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry and that thou bring the poor that are cast out , to thy house ? when thou seest the naked that thou cover him , and that thou hide not thy self from thine own flesh ? then shalt thou call , and the lord shall answer ; thou shalt cry , and he shall say , here i am . &c. it were an easie matter to make a very particular application of every one of these circumstances to our selves at this time ; and shew that perhaps never any people lay under greater obligations to a liberal exercise of charity , than we of this country do at this day . but i have already enlarged my self too much upon these reflections ; and must not forget that there is yet another meaning which some have given to the phrase of my text which i have now been considering ; and which brings me to the other thing i proposed in this matter , 2dly , of the measure we are to observe in our doing good. now that in general is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as far as we are able , and our capacities will permit us to do it . for so we find the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes used , not only in the best greek authors , but even in these very epistles : and particularly phil. iv. 10. where st. paul excusing the philippians that did not sooner send their relief to him , tells them they wanted no good-will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but ye lacked ability : a so the syriac renders it ; and so * st. chrysostome , not to mention any others , expresly tells us we are there to understand it . but now what that proportion in particular is , which every one ought to distribute in works of mercy and charity , this is what i shall not undertake precisely to define . thus much our apostle tells us , that what a man sows , the same he shall also reap : and that we are to understand this not only with relation to the kind , but to the measure and the proportion too , himself shews us , 2 cor. ix . 6. he which soweth sparingly shall reap sparingly , and he which soweth bountifully shall reap bountifully , every man according as he purposeth in his heart , so let him give , not grudgingly or of necessity ; for god loveth a chearful giver . and from both which it is obvious to conclude , that though s. paul would not prescribe any certain bounds to men's charity , which ought to be a free-will offering , large and voluntary , not narrow and constrained ; yet that in general he has plainly enough delivered his opinion , that the more we give , the better god will accept of it ; and the greater and more certain shall our returns from heaven be . and to a truly charitable mind , there will need no other direction than this . but because such is the narrowness of most men's souls , that they are apt to think every little pittance that they bestow on acts of mercy to the poor , to be abundantly sufficient to intitle them not only to an acceptance , but to a reward also : though i shall not presume to set any bounds where the gospel has not , by determining what men ought to lay aside for this duty ; yet thus far i will adventure to correct their mistakes , as to shew what that proportion is below which i suppose men ought not , without some extraordinary occasions , to fall ; or if they do , may have just cause to fear that they shall be look'd upon by god , as vnmerciful and vncharitable . now in order hereunto , i shall in the first place take it for granted , that every man ought to be the more liberal in his charity to others , the more free and bountiful the providence of god has been in its distributions to him . that is to say , that our charity must bear a proportion to our abilities , and that to whomsoever much is given , of him , in this sense also , much shall be required . this is what st. paul seems to have laid down as the standing rule for the corinthians to proceed by , 1 epist. xvi . 2. that every one of them should lay aside according as god had prosper'd , or blessed him : which was the very measure that we before saw moses gave to the jews heretofore ; deut. xvi . 17. every man shall give according to the blessing of the lord thy god which he hath given thee . and the same apostle , in his 1st epist. to timothy , vi. 18. bids timothy charge them that were rich in this world , not only that they should be ready to give , and glad to distribute , but that they should be rich in good works ; i.e. should exceed others as much in their charity , as they did in their estates . and from all which it is very plain , that if those to whom god has given a larger ability than others ; whose riches are greater , or whose occasions less ; who have neither so many to maintain now , nor to provide for hereafter ; do not in some proportion go beyond them in works of mercy and beneficence : they may justly be looked upon to come short of that charity god expects from them , though otherwise they should chance to give in a lower and more scanty degree . but secondly , and to come more closely to the point proposed . it cannot reasonably be doubted , but that as our saviour himself tells us , that he came not to destroy the law , but to fulfil it : so except our righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees , . the strictest and most diligent observers of the law , we shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven . it remains therefore , that though the gospel of christ , has not particularly defined what proportion every man should give in works of charity , yet that no christians ought to give less now , than what the jews heretofore were ordinarily obliged to do . now the proportion of the law was this . a that every third year they should set aside the tenth part of their yearly income for the use of the poor : b that they should permit them every harvest to lease in their fields ; c that they should lend to them without vsury ; d that they should not go over their fields , their vineyards , or their olive-yards a second time to gather them clean ; or if they left any sheaf , or clusters , or bunches behind , that they should not go back to fetch them , but should leave all that escaped their first gathering , together with a certain e part of each field , which they called the corner of the field , untouch'd , for the stranger , for the fatherless , and for the widow ; besides some other instances of the like kind , prescribed to them f . this was the jew's righteousness , that is , his duty , his obligation : and if he transgress'd in any thing of all this , he broke the law , and sinned against god. but they had acts of charity yet beyond this , and which they properly called by the names of mercy and bounty . such were all their voluntary offerings at their feasts before mention'd : all their occasional works of pity , upon extraordinary emergencies : if for example god had given them a greater increase than ordinary in their fields or their vineyards ; or they had met with any unexpected good success in their affairs : if their children and their flocks were multiplied unto them ; or else on the other hand , some greater sin was to be expiated , or some calamity to be prevented , which seem'd ready to come upon them , unless they took care , by some extraordinary acts of charity and repentance , to prevent the evil , and reconcile themselves to god. such was the measure of the jews charity under the law , and certainly the christians ought not to be less . and therefore tho' i shall not pretend to determine what every man ought to do in this particular , and indeed amidst the great variety of fortunes and circumstances in the world , could not well give any certain rules for this matter ; yet thus much i am perswaded we may conclude . that no christian can ordinarily excuse himself , who does not lay aside somewhat more than the thirtieth part of his yearly income for the stranger , for the fatherless , and for the widow , besides all occasional a●●s of charity on extraordinary emergencies ; which was the least that god required of the jews heretofore , and is , i believe , the least that any christian can reasonably presume shall be expected of him now . and as we may justly suppose this to be the very lowest degree that is fit to be mention'd among christians for the ordinary discharge of this duty . so , thirdly , on extraordinary occasions , such as those we before laid down , 't is certain , that this will by no means suffice . here we must set no bounds to our doing good , but what our want of ability , or opportunity prescribes to us . charity indeed does not only allow , but oblige us first to provide for our own : and when that is prudently and moderately done , what further remains , tho' it be ours , yet it is ours only in trust for the supply of the wants and necessities of our neighbours . and if the exigences of the poor be great , and they cannot otherwise be supplied , we must resolve rather to part with all that we can spare , than to see them languish and perish for want of it . and woe be to that man who indulges either his covetousness or his vanity with that , for the lack of which his poor brother perishes ! what our saviour once pronounced against the rich man in st. luke , shall become his sentence ; son , remember that thou in thy life-time hast received thy good things , and likewise lazarus evil things , but now he is comforted and thou art tormented . and this may suffice for our second point , of the time and measure of our doing good. let us consider iiidly . to what persons we are to do this ; to all men , especially unto them that are of the houshold of faith. 1st . we must do good unto all men. it was the opinion of st. chrysostome , that st. paul design'd this part of my text to be a reproach to the narrow-spirited temper of the jews ; who confined the greatest part of their charity to such as were of the same country , or at least of the same religion with themselves , and to raise us up to a more generous and extensive practice of it . 't is true we find several passages in the law directing them to a concern not only for their own people , but also for the strangers that were amongst them . so levit. xxv . 35. if thy brother be waxen poor and fallen into decay with thee , then shalt thou relieve him , yea tho' he be a stranger or a sojourner , that he may live with thee . and in those particular precepts , deut. xxiv . there is an express provision made for them , at the 19th and following verses : when thou cuttest down thy harvest in thy field , & hast forgot a sheaf in thy field , thou shalt not go again to fetch it ; it shall be for the stranger , for the fatherless , and for the widow . when thou beatest thine olive-tree thou shalt not go over the boughs again , it shall be for the stranger , for the fatherless , and for the widow . when thou gatherest the grapes of thy vineyard , the shalt not glean it afterwards ; it shall be for the stranger , for the fatherless , and for the widow . but as in many other cases they were but ill interpreters of the law , so we find that in all these and the like places , they understood by the † stranger , a proselyte , one that worshipped the same god with them : or if they chanced to go farther , as in those instances of charity before mentioned , we are told in particular that they did , so as to allow the gentiles also a part in it ; yet alas ! it was but a very small one , viz. that they would not hinder them from taking what remained of their gleanings after all their own poor had gathered what they thought good ; but permit them to carry away that which must otherwise have been left for the beasts and birds . but the christian's charity must not be dispensed by any such scanty measures as these . he must love all men ; and for a proof that he does so , he must as he has opportunity do good unto all men . 't is not a country , much less a difference in religion that must set bounds to his beneficence . but as god dispenses his blessings to all the parts of the earth indifferently ; makes his sun to rise , and his rain to fall upon the just and unjust , upon those who profess his true religion , and upon those who persecute their brethren for professing of it : so must the christian follow his example , and be merciful as his father which is in heaven is merciful . such must in general the christians love and beneficence be : but then as god himself , though he is kind to the vnthankful and evil , has yet a particular regard to his own servants ; and even amongst them , does in a more especial manner promise to favour such as we are now speaking of , the liberal , and charitable christians above all others , so ought we also to do : we must , as we have opportunity , do good , unto all men ; but yet 2ly , especially to them who are of the houshold of faith. by those who are of the houshold of faith we may understand , either first , more largely , all christians in general , who in the scripture phrase are often called god's houshold , ephes. ii. 19. or secondly , more particularly , those of whom the apostle was speaking ver . 6. let him that is taught in the word , communicate unto him that teacheth in all good things . and in which soever of these two senses we take the expression , the rule of our text will hold good in both : that we ought in a more especial manner to be careful to do good to them , beyond such others as we are not so particularly engaged to . nay but , secondly , and to carry this reflection yet farther : we may in the exercise of our charity not only make a distinction betwixt christians and others , and among them prefer those chiefly who labour in the word among us ; but should even with respect to all others , take care as far as we can to give to those first who either the best deserve , or at least the most stand in need of our assistance . for since the largest fortune is not enough to enable a man to relieve all ; and 't is certain that not only the wants of some may be much more urgent than those of others , and so more fit to be consider'd by us ; but also that there are many , and those commonly the most clamorous and importunate , that are utterly unworthy to be regarded by us : he who will do good with that prudence and discretion he ought to do , must take all the care he can to distinguish between the one and the other of these , that since he cannot be a common benefactor to all , he may at least become so to them that the most deserve his pity . and , ( 1st . ) there are many who finding begging not only a more easie and agreeable , but sometimes a more profitable employment too , not only neglect to work themselves , but even train up their children to the same trade of idleness , and of living upon the charity of others . as soon as they are born , before they can yet speak for themselves , their looks and cries serve for a new topick to encrease the importunity of their parents : and no sooner are they able to use their limbs , and have attain'd so much of christianity as may suffice for their purpose , to engage the compassion of unwary and good-natur'd men , but from thenceforth they are set free to shift for themselves , and live as their friends have done before them . now , tho' i will not say a man commits a sin that relieves one of these , and do confess , that sometimes he who gives to all , may chance to light on a true object of charity among many that are much otherwise ; yet certainly it is for the most part a good deed misplac'd : and though i know st. chrysostome seems to exhort us to give to all , upon this consideration , that sometimes thereby we shall hit aright ; yet i can no more believe that the bare possibility of this should make a man charitable without distinction , than that the passage of st. paul , which he urges for it , should engage us to receive indifferently all that pass by , into our houses , because by so doing some have entertained angels unawares . but , ( 2dly , ) there is another sort of men , who by their own fault are reduced to poverty , and are now no longer in a condition to help themselves , tho' 't is in a great measure owing to their former sins and neglects that they are not . i do not think that such ought wholly to be passed by , especially if they are at last come to a due sense of their folly , and to a serious repentance for it . but yet if we have before us better men , and as necessitous as the other ; such as have wrought whilst they were able , and are now fallen into poverty , because either their employment fails them , or their strength is gone through former labours : if a decrepit age has overtaken them , or it may be a numerous family keeps them still under , notwithstanding all their pains and industry ; certainly such persons as these ought first to be consider'd , and take place of those , who have not so fair a pretence to our assistance . and this brings me to a ( 3d. ) reflection ; and which will yet more direct us in the wise discharge of this duty . there are many every where no less necessitous , but much more modest , than the rude and clamorous street-beggar ; who are fearful and scrupulous ; who mourn in secret , and complain to god in their extremities , but cannot tell how to make their wants known to their fellow-christians . they labour diligently ; they neglect no care to support themselves , and those for whom they are concerned to provide . but alas ! they labour in vain ; either a decay of trade , or it may be unavoidable losses in it ; want of business , fire , sickness , a thousand other misfortunes keep them low and miserable : they cannot tell how to ask our charity , and yet are ready to perish for want of it . such men as these ought , i do not say to be relieved with all chearfulness when known , but to be enquired after and found out , that they may be both assisted and encouraged by us . and our charity should descend like the dew of heaven upon them ; in the most soft and easie , the most courteous and obliging manner that is possible . we should take care to consult their modesty as well as their wants ; and if possible not let them know from what hand their help comes , or to whom it is , besides god , they are to return their thanks for it . the truth is , these are a sort of men , that do as much deserve our charity , as the common sort of beggars , for the most part , do our refusal . and if it be some kind of reproach to our country , that these latter are not more suppressed , and set on work ; it is certainly a great deal more both our sin and our scandal , that the others should not be more carefully provided for , and encouraged by us . i shall add yet one remark more , ( 4thly ) and which will bring me still nearer to the command of my text ; as we have opportunity let us do good unto all men ; especially unto them that are of the houshold of faith. i have before said , that by those of the houshold of faith we might understand , either all christians in general ; or else in particular , those who labour in the word among us : and i am sorry i should have any occasion to give you a third meaning of it , for such christians as are of the same particular faith and church with one another , or have any reflections to offer thereupon to you . but , alas ! both our divisions are too great to be dissembled at any time , and the consequences of them too deplorable , to be utterly passed by at such a time , and in such a discourse as this . we live in an age , wherein men's different opinions in points of christian doctrine , have so far transported them , as to make them almost utterly forget all the measures of christian love and charity towards one another . i need not tell you how sad the effects of a misguided zeal have been , both in our own and other countries ? what desolations it has wrought ? how many thousands it has ruined ? what wars and disturbances it has raised , almost in all the parts of the christian world ? we have seen with our eyes , and it has been told unto us , what calamities our brethren have undergone abroad : and to what extream miseries they are reduced in the midst of us , no man can be ignorant , though i fear but few of us lay it so effectually to heart as we ought to do . and all this for the sake of that religion which by the blessing of god we yet enjoy in peace and security . in such an unhappy state as this ; when the numbers of our distressed brethren are so great , their cause so good , and their wants so pressing , though i would not be so uncharitable as to say that we should withdraw either our affection or assistance from any other christians , no not from those who have been their persecutors ; yet certainly i may , without abusing the design of my text , say thus much ; that we ought , in the first place , to give to those who are of the same houshold of faith with our selves , before such as do not stand in so near a relation to us . and , blessed be god , who has not only hitherto continued his favours to us , it may be , for this very end that we might be able to minister to the necessities of these his saints , but has in some measure opened our hearts too , and made us willing to do it . only let us take the exhortation of our apostle in this place , as well as his direction ; and since their needs still continue , let us consider how we may still go on to provide for them ; and let us not be weary in well-doing , for in due season we shall reap , if we faint not . which brings me to the last thing proposed , vthly , to consider the great engagement we have to the fulfilling of this duty , in that glorious reward which god has promised to the performance of it . among all the arguments which either the authority of holy scripture , or the common principles of reason afford to us , to stir us up to the practice of this duty , there is none that strikes so forcibly upon the minds of all sorts of men , as the consideration of those great blessings which god has promised to the diligent performance of it ; and of those severe judgments which he will one day execute upon those that shall continue to neglect and disregard it . other reflections may serve to convince men of the justice and reasonableness of such a practice , and which indeed is so very clear that there are few so ill-natured and insensible as to deny it : but this shews the necessity of it . others may force us to confess it to be very titting that we should be thus kind and charitable to one another : but this speaks with authority , and makes us resolve in good earnest so to be . he that tells me how highly reasonable it is that i should do all the good i can with the portion which god has given me , * that for this end i have received it , and to this end ought especially to employ it : * that my riches are not my own , but committed to me in trust for the benefit of others , as well as for my own use ; and that i shall be false to that trust , if i do no good to others by them : * that i ought to express my gratitude to god for his extraordinary favours to me , by being bountiful to those who have not received so large a portion of him : * that this will , above any thing , render me most like unto god , and most beloved of men : * that the poorest person in the world is yet my brother , partaker of the same nature and constitution , it may be of the same promise of grace too with my self ; and therefore that it will be highly , not only un-christian , but even unnatural and inhumane , not to have some sense and feeling of his miseries : in a word , * that our riches are very uncertain , and we should consider , that what is the condition of many thousands now , but lately in as flourishing an estate as our selves , may , for ought we know , the next year be our own , if god , for our vncharitableness , shall think sit to let us also fall into the hands of the same cruel and merciless men ; and therefore that we ought to think what we should judge reasonable for others in such a case , to do to us ; and then remember the great rule both of nature and the gospel , and do even so unto them ; does certainly speak a great deal of sense , and may justly move my assent to his arguments . but 't is the man who can draw aside the vail , and set life and death , blessing and cursing before me ; and then make it appear upon such grounds as i cannot deny , or even doubt of , that my happiness or misery , both in this world and the other , depends upon my observance or neglect of this duty , that will awaken all the powers of my soul , and at the same time both convince and force to a compliance . and such is the argument we have here before us , and from which therefore the apostle concludes the necessity of our doing good , as a matter that would admit of no debate : be not , says he , deceived ; god is not mocked : for whatsoever a man soweth , that he shall also reap . he that soweth to his flesh , that is , that either spends what he has on the sensual enjoyments of the flesh , or else hoards it together to the covetous satisfying the desires of it , shall of the flesh reap corruption : but he that soweth to the spirit , i.e. as the next verses interpret it , does good , makes a wise , and pious , and charitable use of what he has , shall of the spirit reap life everlasting . wherefore , let us not be weary in well-doing ; for in due season we shall reap , if we faint not . many are the promises of the like kind which we meet with in other places of holy scripture : and from all which it is obvious to conclude , that if we have any regard either to our present happiness , or to our future glory , there is nothing wherein we ought to be more careful , than by our charity to establish our selves in both . for , 1st . as to this present life . what is it possible for any one to desire to make him a happy man in this world , that god has not freely promised to the merciful and liberal ? would he secure his riches ? would he confirm the enjoyment of them both to himself whilst he lives , and deliver them down in peace to his posterity when he comes to dye ? this charity has the promise of above any thing besides : he that giveth to the poor , says solomon , shall not lack . and in another place , he gives this as the very reason of it , prov. xxii . 9. he that hath a bountiful eye shall be blessed , for he giveth of his bread to the poor . and holy david confirms the truth of this remark not only from the promise of god , but also from his own experience , psal. xxxvii . 25. i have been young , and now am old , yet have i not seen the righteous forsaken , nor his seed begging their bread . he is ever merciful and lendeth , and his seed is blessed . for the lord loveth judgment , and forsaketh not his saints : they are preserved for ever . but the seed of the wicked shall be cut off : the righteous shall inherit the land , and shall dwell therein for ever . nay , but would he do yet more ? would he even encrease his wealth , and grow more prosperous in the enjoyment of it ? 't is a strange assertion , but yet by the blessing and promise of god , a very true one , that by giving it thus away , he shall encrease it . there is , says solomon , that scattereth , and yet encreaseth . and would you know who that is ? he will tell you in the next verse : the liberal soul shall be made fat , and he that watereth , shall be watered also himself . would he provide himself a security amidst all the uncertain , and many times miserable varieties of this world ? and be safe even in the midst of all its dangers ? charity is the best defence , the surest preservative against all calamities : blessed is the man , says david , that considereth the poor and needy , the lord will deliver him in the time of trouble . the lord will preserve him , and keep him alive , and he shall be blessed upon the earth , and not deliver him into the will of his enemies . in short , would he be blessed in all things that he putteth his hand unto , and have every thing prosper according to his hearts desire ? it was the promise of god to the jews heretofore , and i see no reason why we should not in proportion apply it to our selves now , that he would deal with them , according as they did with other men , deut. xv . 7. if there be among you a poor man of one of thy brethren within any of thy gates , in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee : thou shalt not harden thy heart , nor shut thine hand from thy poor brother — thou shalt surely give him ; because that for this thing the lord thy god shall bless thee in all that thou puttest thine hand unto . these are some of the present promises which god has made to the charitable man. i might to all this add the severe threatnings even of present evils to the covetous miser ; to him who has no bowels of mercy towards any others , and therefore deserves no compassion himself either from god or man. he hath swallow'd down riches , says job , and he shall vomit them up again ; god shall cast them out of his belly : and that for this very reason , ver . 19. because he hath oppressed and forsaken the poor . but this is yet the least part of this argument , and therefore i will not insist any longer upon it . and indeed the portion of the cross , which every good christian must expect more or less to meet with in this world , may often times make these present promises much less certain to us now , than they were to the jews heretofore . but the other part of the consideration is without exception , viz. 2dly , that if we be not weary in well doing , then in due season , when the great day of retribution comes , we shall infallibly reap , if we faint not . and here i shall presume , that no one will so far mistake the meaning of st. paul in these words , as to imagine , that this , or any other vertue alone , will be sufficient to our eternal salvation : so that if a man does but give liberally to the poor , 't is no great matter how he lives , or what he does with the rest of his estate . no , this is by no means the meaning of this promise . charity is indeed a most excellent vertue , and will go as far , it may be farther towards the securing our salvation , than any one thing besides in the world. st. peter has told us , that it shall cover the multitude of sins : that is , shall obtain the forgiveness of them . and st. john prescribes it as the best means to assure our hearts before god : that is , to enable us to appear with confidence before him in judgment . and a greater than both has told us , that if we give alms of such things as we have , all things shall be clean unto us . but yet when all is done , neither this , nor any other vertue alone can save us . there must be an vniversal holiness in all other respects too , and without which no man shall ever see the lord . and yet perhaps even in this case also , tho by our neglect in other matters we should be so unhappy as to come short of heaven , our charity nevertheless may not lose its reward ; but may serve to make us less miserable , if not more glorious ; to allay our damnation , if not to encrease our reward . but not to pursue these imaginations : that which the apostle here promises is plainly this ; that if we be not wanting to our selves , our charity shall be sure to meet with a proportionable recompence from god-almighty : and we shall reap among others , these three great advantages by it * ; first , that it shall prepare the way for the more certain and easie forgiveness of our sins : secondly , it shall procure us a more large and comfortable portion of gods grace , to enable us to discharge our duty the better now : and thirdly , * if we faint not , but persevere in this and all other parts of our duty , it shall crown us with a more exceeding weight of glory hereafter . whilst the sordid , covetous miser , were it possible for him otherwise to abound , in all the highest perfection of christian piety , yet for want of this one vertue , shall lose his reward , and be cast out , with the † unprofitable servant , who hid his talent , and made no use of it , did no good with it , into utter darkness , where is weeping , and wailing , and gnashing of teeth . and what then remains but that having all these encouragements to stir us up to a warm and vigorous discharge of this duty , we now suffer our selves to be perswaded , in the words of our saviour christ , to provide our selves bags which wax not old , a treasure in heaven that faileth not , where no thief approacheth , neither moth corrupteth . or as himself elsewhere expresses it , with more immediate reference to our last consideration ; to make to our selves friends of the mammon of vnrighteousness , that when we fail they may receive us into everlasting habitations . and yet i cannot conclude without adding one consideration more , and which i hope may , i am sure should be of very great weight with us . it has been one of the chiefest reproaches which those of the church of rome have endeavoured to fix upon our reformed religion , that it has not only put a stop to charity ; but has moreover cut off the very ground and foundation of it ; and all this only for rejecting those superstitions by which they principally have their gain . how false this imputation is as to the latter part of it , we have now pretty largely seen . god be thanked , christianity affords motives and engagements enough to charity , without running to any vain and superstitious pretences for the support of it . he who believes the singular efficacy of this practise both by the promise of god , and through the prayers of those whom he relieves to obtain the forgiveness of his sins , and to deliver his soul from eternal damnation , will need no vision of purgatory to open his heart to the poor . he may indeed turn his charity another way ; instead of bartering his money with the priests for masses and prayers ; for pardons and indulgences ; for holy trifles to prevent or expiate sins , he may bequeath it to the poor which is a great deal better . and if this be the charity which our religion has put an end to , we shall neither be afraid or ashamed to confess it . and for the former ; it might easily be made appear , that laying aside the superstitions we but now mention'd , there has much more been done since the reformation in works of wise and true charity , than ever was done in twice that time from the first rise of popery among us to its going off . and how much soever some of late have thought fit to magnifie the piety of rome and paris , yet upon these principles we may venture to say , that in this as well as all other advantages , our own city do's exceed them . to run through a particular comparison in this point , were both to abuse your patience , and the design of this discourse . let the account of what has been done in its publick hospitals only this last year serve as a short but sufficient evidence whereby to judge with how little reason we are tax'd with a decay of charity amongst us . a true report , &c. such was the effect of the last years piety : and how much of all this has been wholly established since the reformation ; what vast additions have been made to what was indeed begun before ; how faithfully these great trusts have been , and are still administred ; and kept up not withstanding the mighty losses they have sustain'd , and the other frequent misfortunes under which they have fallen , is well known to most of you in this assembly . could i to all this add the summ of what in such a doubtful , and discouraging year as this , according to common estimate has been , has nevertheless been expended within this one city in more private acts of mercy : what liberality has been shown in collections twice made for our exiled brethren , after two before gather'd for our neighbours of the french churches on the same occasion : not to mention all other occurrences , from which no day , scarce any hour is exempted ; we should then have enough not only to silence , but to shame the cavils of our enemies , and to engage us to bless god , who has in some measure opened our hearts to the cries of the poor , and not suffer'd them in vain to call upon us . but yet since this is the reproach they would now endeavour to tix upon us ; let us be as ready by our practice to confute this , as we have been , with good success , by our arguments , to answer all their other objections against us . let us shew them , that tho' our religion will neither allow us to boast of our good works to men , nor to pretend to merit by them of god ; yet it teaches us to he no less , nay in truth to be much more studious than themselves in the performance of them . and the more to engage us to this care , let us often represent to our selves the great motive which st. paul has here set before us , to stir us up to a free and ready discharge of this great duty . let us consider , that the time is coming , when we must give a strict account of our selves , and of all the abilities and opportunities that we have had of doing good , and what vse we have made of them . that the enquiry then will not so much be what our opinions or persuasions were in such or such controverted points of christianity ? to what church we have belong'd ? or , how well we have determined the many questions that so fatally distract and divide mens minds in matters of religion ? but rather , how well we have lived ? how charitable we have been to those who have differ'd from us ? and in particular , how kind and bountiful to the poor and needy ? this is what our saviour assures us , in the great account which he has left us of the day of judgment ; and with which , as being the noblest argument that ever was or could have been invented for the enforcing of this duty , and a short summary of all that i have here been laying before you to excite you to it , i shall conclude this whole discourse . when the son of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy angels with him , then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory . and before him shall be gathered all nations , and he shall separate them one from another , as a shepherd divideth his sheep from the goats . and he shall set the sheep on his right-hand , and the goats on his left . then shall be say unto them on his right-hand : come ye blessed of my father ; inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foudation of the world. for i was an hungred , and ye gave me meat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me drink ; i was a stranger , and ye took me in ; naked , and ye cloathed me ; i was sick , and ye visited me ; i was in prison , and ye came unto me . then shall the righteous answer him , saying , lord , when saw we thee an hungred , and fed thee ? or thirsty , and gave thee drink ? when saw we thee a stranger , and took thee in ? or naked , and cloathed thee ? or when saw we thee sick or in prison , and came unto thee ? and the king shall answer and say unto them ; verily i say unto you , inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren , ye have done it unto me . then shall he also say unto them on the left-hand ; depart from me ye cursed , into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil and his angels . for i was an hungred , and ye gave me no meat ; i was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink ; i was a stranger , and ye took me not in ; naked , and ye cloathed me not ; sick , and in prison , and ye visited me not . then shall they also answer him , saying lord , when saw we thee an hungred , or a-thirst , or a stranger , or naked , or sick , or in prison , and did not minister unto thee ? then shall he answer them , saying ; verily i say unto you , inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these , ye did it not to me . and these shall go away into everlasting punishment , but the righteous into life eternal . finis . books publish'd by the reverend dr. wake . and printed for ric. chiswell and will. rogers . an exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , in the several articles proposed by the late bishop of condom , [ in his exposition of the doctrine of the catholick church . ] quarto . a defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the exceptions of monsieur de meaux , late bishop of condom , and his vindicator . a second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the new exceptions of monsieur de meaux , late bishop of condom , and his vindicator . the first part . second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against monsieur de meaux and his vindicator . the second part . a discourse of the holy eucharist , in the two great points of the real presence , and the adoration of the host : in answer to the two discourses lately printed at oxford , on this subject . to which is prefixed a large historical preface , relating to the same argument . two discourses of purgatory and prayers for the dead . a continuation of the controversie between the church of england and the church of rome , being a full account of the books that have been of late written on both sides . preparation for death ; being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france , in a distemper of which she died . 12 o. a discourse concerning the nature of idolatry ; in which a late author , viz. the bishop of oxford's true and only notion of idolatry is considered and confuted . the sum of a conference between dr. clagett and f. p. gooden , about transubstantiation . published by this author , with a preface . sermons and discourses on several occasions . 8 o. a sermon preached before the queen at whitehall , april 2. 1690. being the fifth wednesday in lent. a sermon preach'd before the lord mayor and court of aldermen , at s. sepulchres church , on wednesday in easter-week , 1690. a sermon preach'd at paris , on the thirtieth of january , s. v. 1684 / 5. the present state of the controversie . now in the press , a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at whitehall , may 4. 1690. published by their majesties special command . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66348-e400 gal. v. 15. verse 14. ch. v. 15. v. 16 , 19 , 20 , &c. ch. v. 22 , 23 , 24 , 25. ch. v. 26. chap. vi . verse 1 , 2. verse 3. vs. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. * act. x. 38. — ix 36. 2. cor. i● 8. 2. th●●s●l . iii 〈◊〉 . 1 tim v. 10. 〈…〉 se● chrys. in hoc . a mat. vi . 19. — xix . 21. luk. vi . 30. — xi . 41. — xii . 33. rom. xii . 13. 2 cor. viii . 7. colos. iii. 12 , &c. b mat. v. 48. comp . with s. luk. vi . 36. † prov. xix . 17. 1 jo. iii. 6. — iv . 12 , 20 , 21. see below , iv . point . see chrys. hieron , &c. in loc . * vulg. lat. syriac . arab. communion serv. vs s. 7 , 8. — 9. * 2 thes. iii. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in loc . p. 394. e. — 27. hieronym . i● dan. c. iv. l. h. edit . erasin . * dam. iv. 29. chrys. in act. hom. x. p. 210. a. act. x. 4. prov. xxi . 13 isaiah lviii . 3. ibid. ver . 2. ver. 4. — 5. — 6. — 7. — 8. — 9 , &c. a non ●●●tis tis compotes . * chrys in phil ▪ hom. xv. p. 135. e. 2 cor. ix . 6. mat. v. 17. — 20. a ●eat . xiv . 28. xxvi . 12. b levit. xix . 9 , 10. ib. xxiii . 22. c exod. xxii . 25. levitie . xxv . 35 , 36. deut xxiii . 19 d deut. xxiv . 19. e levit. xix . 19. deut. xxiv . 19. f see deut. xxiv . 14. &c. see dr. hammond's pract. cat. l. 3. sect. 1. chrys. de lazar . conc . 2. p. 50. c. d. edit . par. gr. lat. luke x. 25. chrys. in loc. deut. xxiv . — 19. — 20. — 21. † see ainsworth on lev. xix . 10. fagius , vatablus , on exod. xxii . 21. grotius on levit. xxv . 35. mat. 5. 44 , 45. senec. de benef. l. 1. c. 1. luke vi . 36. — 36. chrys. in loc . p. 859. a. hieron . in loc . d. see ambros. de offic. l. 2. c. 15. 〈…〉 sit , &c. ambros. ibid. c. 16. chrys. hom. in laz. 2. p. 51. b. c. p. 52. d. heb. xiii . 2. videndus est ille qui te non videt : requirendus ille qui erubescit videri . ambros. de offic. l. 2. c. 15 , 16. eccles. xi . 1 , 2. mat. vii . 12. prov. xxiii . 27. prov. xxii . 9. psal. xxxvii . — 25. — 26. — 27. — 28. prov. xi . 24. — 25. psal. xli . i. — 2. deut. xv . 7. — 10. job xx . 15. — 19. 1 peter iv . 8. 1 john iii. 19. luke xi . 41. heb. xii . 14. * prov. x. 12. dan. iv . 27. 1 pet. iv . 8. acts x. 4. 2 cor. ix . 14. hebr. vi . 10. * mat. xix . 21. luke xvi . 9. 2 cor. ix . 6 , 7. 1 tim. vi . 19 , &c. † mat. xxv . 25 , 30. luke xii 33. luke xvi . 9. 2 cor. ix . 14. mat. xxv . ver. 31 , &c. ver. 34 , &c. ver. 37 , &c. ver. 41 , &c. ver. 44 , &c. ver. 46. a brief discourse of the real presence of the body and blood of christ in the celebration of the holy eucharist wherein the witty artifices of the bishop of meaux and of monsieur maimbourg are obviated, whereby they would draw in the protestants to imbrace the doctrine of transubstantiation. more, henry, 1614-1687. 1686 approx. 170 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51288) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41811) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1266:3) a brief discourse of the real presence of the body and blood of christ in the celebration of the holy eucharist wherein the witty artifices of the bishop of meaux and of monsieur maimbourg are obviated, whereby they would draw in the protestants to imbrace the doctrine of transubstantiation. more, henry, 1614-1687. wake, william, 1657-1737. 94 p. printed for walter kettilby, london : 1686. attributed to henry more, and also to william wake--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling 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in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bossuet, jacques bénigne, 1627-1704. maimbourg, louis, 1610-1686. transubstantiation. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-05 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur . guil. needham r mo in christo patri ac d. d. wilhelmo archiep. cantuar. à sacr . domest . ex aedib . lambeth . iul. 2. 1686. a brief discourse of the real presence of the body and blood of christ in the celebration of the holy eucharist : wherein the witty artifices of the bishop of meaux and of monsieur maimbourg are obviated , whereby they would draw in the protestants to imbrace the doctrine of transubstantiation . john 6. v. 54 , 63. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . calvin instit. lib. 4. cap. 17. in sacra sua coena jubet me christus sub symbolis panis ac vini corpus ac sanguinem suum sumere , manducare ac bibere . nihil dubito quin & ipse verè porrigat & ego recipiam . tantum absurda rejicio quae aut coelesti illius majestate indigna , aut ab humanae ejus naturae veritate aliena esse , apparet . london , printed for walter kettilby at the bishop's head in s t paul's church-yard , 1686. a brief discourse of the real presence . chap. i. 1. the occasion of writing this treatise . 2. the sence of the church of england touching transubstantiation . 3. three passages in her articles , liturgie and homilies that seem to imply a real presence . 4. a yielding at least for the present that the church of england is for a real presence , but of that flesh and blood of christ which he discourses of in the sixth chapter of st. john's gospel , though she be for a real absence of that which hung on the cross. 5. that our saviour himself distinguishes betwixt that flesh and blood he bore about with him , and that he there so earnestly discourses of . 6. that this divine food there discoursed of , the flesh and blood of christ , is most copiously to be fed upon in the holy eucharist , and that our communion-service alludes to the same , nor does by such a real presence imply any transubstantiation . 1. the occasion of writing this short treatise was this . i observing the papers here in england , published in behalf of the church of rome , and for the drawing off people from the orthodox faith of the church of england , which holds with the ancient pure apostolick church in the primitive times , before that general degeneracy of the church came in , to drive at nothing more earnestly , than the maintaining their grand error touching the eucharist , viz. their doctrine of transubstantiation : into which they would bring back the reformed churches , by taking hold of some intimations , or more open professions of theirs , of a real presence ( though they absolutely deny the roman doctrine of transubstantiation ) and thus entangling and ensnaring them in those free professions touching that mystery of the eucharist , would by hard pulling hale them into that rightfully relinquish'd errour , for which and several others , they justly left the communion of the church of rome : i thought it my duty so far as my age , and infirmness of my body will permit , to endeavour to extricate the reformation , and especially our church of england from these entanglements with which these witty and cunning writers would entangle her , in her concessions touching that mysterious theory , and to shew there is no clashing betwixt her declaring against transubstantiation and those passages which seem to imply a real presence of the body and bloud of christ at the celebration of the holy eucharist . 2. concerning which , that we may the more clearly judge , we will bring into view what she says touching them both . and as touching the former ( article 28. ) her words are these : transubstantiation ( or the change of the substance of bread and wine in the supper of the lord ) cannot be proved by holy writ , but it is repugnant to the plain words of scripture , overthroweth the nature of a sacrament , and hath given occasion to many superstitions . and in the latter part of the rubrick at the end of the communion-service , she says , that the sacramental bread and wine remain still in their very natural substances , and therefore may not be adored ( for that were idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful christians ) and the natural body and bloud of our saviour christ are in heaven and not here , it being against the truth of christ's natural body to be at one time in more places than one . this is sufficiently express against transubstantiation . 3. now those passages that seem to imply a real presence in the eucharist are these . in the above-named article 28. the body of christ , saith our church , is given , taken , and eaten in the supper only after an heavenly and spiritual manner . and the mean whereby the body of christ is received and eaten in the supper , is faith. against which our adversaries suggest ; that no faith can make us actually receive and eat that , which is god knows how far distant from us , and that therefore we imply that the body of christ is really present in the eucharist . another passage occurs in our catechism ; where it is told us , that the inward part of the sacrament , or thing signified , is the body and bloud of christ , which are verily and indeed taken and received by the faithful in the lord's supper . where [ verily ] and [ indeed ] seems to imply a real presence and participation of the body and bloud of christ. the last place shall be that in the homily , of worthy receiving and reverend esteeming of the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ. the words are these . but thus much we must be sure to hold , that in the supper of the lord there is no vain ceremony , no bare sign , no untrue figure of a thing absent . but as the scripture saith , the table of the lord , the bread and cup of the lord , the memory of christ , the annunciation of his death , yea the communion of the body and blood of the lord , in a marvellous incorporation , which by the operation of the holy ghost ( the very bond of our conjunction with christ ) is through faith wrought in the souls of the faithful . whereby not only their souls live to eternal life , but they surely trust to win their bodies a resurrection to immortality . and immediately there is added , the true understanding of this fruition and union which is betwixt the body and the head , betwixt the true believers and christ , the ancient catholick fathers both perceiving themselves , and commending to their people , were not afraid to call this supper , some of them , the salve of immortality , and sovereign preservative against death ; others the deifick communion , others the sweet dainties of our saviour , the pledge of eternal health , the defence of faith , the hope of the resurrection ; others the food of immortality , the healthful grace and the conservatory to everlasting life . there are so many high expressions in these passages , that our adversaries who would by this hook pluck us back again into the errour of transubstantiation , will unavoidably imagine and alledge from hence that if we will stand to the assertions of our own church , we must acknowledge the real presence of the body and bloud of our saviour in the sacrament . 4. and let us be so civil to them as at least for the present to yield , that understanding it in a due sense , we do acknowledge the real presence . but it does not at all follow from thence that we must hold that that very body of christ that hung upon the cross , and whose bloud was there shed , is really present in the sacrament , but that our church speaking conformably to christ's discourse on this matter in the sixth of iohn , and to the ancient primitive fathers , whose expressions do plainly allude to that discourse of our saviour's in the sixth of s. iohn , doth assert both a real presence of the body and bloud of christ to be received by the faithful in the eucharist , and also a real absence of that body and bloud that was crucified and shed on the cross. and this seems to be the express doctrine of our saviour in the above mentioned chapter of s. iohn , where the eternal word incarnate speaks thus — john 6. v. 51. i am the living bread which came down from heaven , ( viz. the manna which the psalmist calls the food of angels also ) if any eat of this bread he shall live for ever ( viz. of this true manna , of which the manna in the wilderness was but a type ) and the bread that i will give is my flesh ( which therefore still is that immortalizing manna , the true bread from heaven ) which i will give for the life of the world , that the whole intellectual creation may live thereby , it being their vivifick food . for as you may gather by vers . 62 , 63. he does not understand his flesh that hung on the cross. and it was the ignorance of the iews that they thought he did : and therefore they cryed out on him , saying , v. 52. how can this man give us his flesh to eat ? and that is because they took him to be a mere man , or an ordinary man , not the incarnate logos . which logos clemens alexandrinus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the impassible man ; and trismegistus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that one man the son of god born of him , which he says is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the author of regeneration , as having the life in him , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iohn 1. v. 4. and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or life the divine or spiritual body , one necessary element of regeneration , which mystery we cannot here insist upon . but in the mean time let us observe our saviour's answer to this scruple of the iews , he is so far from receding from what he said , that he with all earnestness and vehemency asserts the same again . then iesus said unto them , verily , verily , i say unto you , except you eat the flesh of the son of man ( that is of the messias , or the word incarnate ) and drink his bloud , you have no life in you . whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud hath eternal life , and i will raise him up at the last day . for my flesh is meat indeed , and my bloud is drink indeed . he that eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud dwelleth in me and i in him . as the living father hath sent me and i live by the father , so he that eateth me ( viz. that eateth his flesh and drinketh his bloud ) even he shall live by me . this is that bread that came down from heaven , not as your fathers did eat manna and are dead ; he that eateth of this bread shall live for ever . 5. this is that earnest , lofty and sublime discourse of our saviour touching his real flesh and blood , that the scandal given to the jews could not drive him off from , and persisting in it he gave also offence to his disciples , that muttered and said , this is an hard saying , who can hear it ? wherefore i must confess ingenuously , that it seems to me incredible , that under so lofty mysterious a style , and earnest asseveration of what he affirms , though to the scandal of both the iews and his own disciples , there should not be couched some most weighty and profound truth concerning some real flesh and blood of his , touching which this vehement and sublime discourse is framed , which is a piece of that part of the christian philosophy ( as some of the antients call christianity ) which origen terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the object of this eating and drinking is the flesh and blood of christ : but to rectifie the errour of his disciples , he plainly affirms , that he doth not mean what he said of the flesh and blood he then bore about with him . in v. 61 , 62 , 63. does this offend you ( saith he to them ) what and if you shall see the son of man ascend up where he was before ( then my particular natural body will be far enough removed from you , and your selves then from so gross a conceit as to think i understand this of my natural , particular body or flesh ) . no says he , the flesh profiteth nothing , it is the spirit that quickens ; the words that i speak unto you , they are spirit and they are life , that is to say , they are concerning that spiritual body and life or spirit that accompanies it ( that which is born of the flesh is flesh , and that which is born of the spirit is spirit ) the both seed and nourishment of those that are regenerate ; the principles of their regeneration , and the divine food for their nutrition , whereby they grow up to their due stature in christ. 6. and where , or where so fully is this divine food to be had , as in that most solemn and most devotional approaching god in the celebration of the communion of the body and blood of christ , where we both testifie and advance thereby our spiritual union with him , according as he has declared in iohn ch . 6. he that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me , and i in him . upon which our communion-service thus glosses : that if with a true penitent heart and lively faith we receive this holy sacrament , we then spiritually eat the flesh of christ and drink his blood , we dwell in christ and christ in us , we are one with christ and christ with us . and whereas the adversaries of our church object , we cannot eat the flesh of christ and drink his blood , in the celebration of the lords supper , unless his flesh and blood be really present ; we do acknowledge that that flesh and blood which our saviour discourses of in s t iohn , and which our liturgie alludes to , as also those notable sayings of the fathers above-cited out of the homily , touching the worthy receiving the lord's supper , is really present in the eucharist . and that there is that which christ calls his flesh and blood distinct from that which he then bore about with him , and was crucified on the cross , he does most manifestly declare in that discourse in s t iohn , as i have already proved . so manifest is it that the real presence does not imply any transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of christ. chap. ii. 1. the bishop of meaux his establishing transubstantiation upon the literal sense of [ this is my body ] . 2. that according to the literal sense , the bread that christ blessed was both bread and the body of christ at once , and that the avoiding that absurdity cast them upon transubstantiation . 3. that transubstantiation exceeds that avoided absurdity as contradicting the senses as well as reason , and labouring under the same absurdity it self . 4. further reasons why the road of the literal sense is to be left , and that we are to strike into the figurative , the former contradicting the principles of physicks . 5. of metaphysicks . 6. of mathematicks . 7. and of logick . 8. that transubstantiation implies the same thing is and is not at the same time . 9. a number of absurdities plainly resulting from transubstantiation . 1. and therefore to prop up this great mistake of transubstantiation , they are fain to recur and stick to a literal sense of those words of our saviour [ this is my body ] which i finding no where more handsomely done than by the right reverend bishop of meaux , i shall produce the passage in his own words ( that is the translation of them ) in his exposition of the doctrine of the catholick church , sect. 10. the real presence , says he , of the body and blood of our saviour is solidly established by the words of the institution ( this is my body ) which we understand literally ; and there is no more reason to ask us why we fix our selves to the proper and literal sense , than there is to ask a traveller why he follows the high road. it is their parts who have recourse to the figurative sense and who take by-paths , to give a reason for what they do . as for us , since we find nothing in the words which jesus christ makes use of for the institution of this mystery obliging us to take them in a figurative sense , we think that to be a sufficient reason to determine us to the literal . 2. in answer to this , i shall , if it be not too great a presumption , first accompany this venerable person in this high road of the literal sence of the words of institution ( this is my body ) and then shew how this road , as fairly as it looks , is here a mere angiportus that hath no exitus or passage , so that we must be forced to divert out of it , or go abck again . first then , let us take this supposed high road , and say the words ( this is my body ) are to be understood literally . wherefore let us produce the whole text and follow this kind of gloss , luke 22. 19. and he took bread , and gave thanks , and brake it , and gave unto them , saying , this is my body , which is given for you , this do in remembrance of me . likewise also the cup after supper , saying , this cup is the new testament in my blood , which is shed for you . now if we keep to the mere literal sense , this cup ( as well as this bread is the body of christ ) must be really the new testament in christ's bloud , which is a thing unavoidable if we tye our selves to the literal sense of the words . but why is not the cup the bloud or covenant in christ's bloud ? but that a cup and bloud are disparata , or in general , opposita , which to affirm one of another is a contradiction ; as if one should say a bear is a horse , and therefore we are constrained to leave the literal sense , and to recur to a figurative . but precisely to keep to the institution of that part of the sacrament that respects christ's body ; it is plain that what he took he gave thanks for , what he gave thanks for he brake , what he brake he gave to his disciples , saying , this ( which he took , gave thanks for , brake , and gave to his disciples , viz. the above-mentioned bread ) is my body . wherefore the literal sense must necessarily be , this bread ( as before it was this cup ) is my body . insomuch that according to this literal sense it is both really bread still , and really the body of christ at once . which , i believe , there is no romanist but will be ashamed to admit . but why cannot he admit this but that bread and the body of christ are opposita , and therefore the one cannot be said to be the other without a perfect repugnancy or contradiction to humane reason ; as absurd as if one should say a bear is a horse , or a rose a black-bird , whence , by the bye , we may note the necessary use of reason in matters of religion , and that what is a plain contradiction to humane reason , such as a triangle is a circle , or a cow an horse , are not to be admitted for articles of the christian faith. and for this reason , i suppose the church of rome fell into the opinion of transubstantiation , ( from this literal way of expounding these words [ this is my body ] ) rather than according to the genuine leading of that way , they would admit that what christ gave his disciples , was both real bread and the real body of christ at once . 3. but see the infelicity of this doctrine of transubstantiation , which does not only contradict the inviolable principles of reason in humane souls , but also all the outward senses , upon which account it is more intolerable than that opinion which they seem so much to abhor , as to prefer transubstantiation before it , though it contradict only reason , not the outward senses , which rightly circumstantiated are fit judges touching sensible objects , whether they be this or that , fish or fowl , bread or flesh. nay i may add that these transubstantiators have fallen over and above that contradiction to the rightly circumstantiated senses , into that very absurdity , that they seemed so much to abhor from , that is the confounding two opposite species into one individual substance , viz. that one and the same individual substance should be really both bread and christ's body at once . but by their transubstantiating the individual substance of the bread into the individual substance of christ's body , they run into this very repugnancy which they seemed before so cautiously to avoid ; two individual substances ( as species infimae ) being opposita , and therefore uncapable of being said to be the same , or to be pronounced one of the other without a contradiction . it is impossible that the soul of socrates , for example , should be so transubstantiated into the soul of plato , that it should become his soul , insomuch that it may be said of socrates his soul , that it is the soul of plato ; and there is the same reason of transubstantiating the substance of the bread into the substance of the body of christ. so that the substance of the bread may be said to be the body of christ , or the substance of his body , which it must either be , or be annihilated , and then it is not the transubstantiation of the substance of the bread , but the annihilation of it , into the body of christ. 4. and having rid in this fair promising road of the literal sense , but thus far , i conceive , i have made it manifest , that it is not passable , but that we have discovered such difficulties as may very well move me to strike out of it , or return back . and further , to shew i do it not rashly , i shall add several other reasons , as this venerable person ( that thinks fittest to keep in it still ) doth but rightfully require ; as declaring , it is their parts who have recourse to the figurative sense , and who take by-paths to give a reason why they do so . wherefore besides what i have produced already , i add these transcribed out of a treatise of mine writ many years ago . besides then the repugnancy of this doctrine of transubstantiation to the common sense of all men , according to which it cannot but be judged to be bread still , i shall now shew how it contradicts the principles of all arts and sciences ( which if we may not make use of in theology , to what great purpose are all the universities in christendom ? ) the principles , i say , of physicks , of metaphysicks , of mathematicks , and of logick . it is a principle in physicks , that that internal space or place that a body occupies , is equal to the body that occupies it . now let us suppose that one and the same body occupies two such internal places or spaces at once . this body therefore is equal to two spaces which are double to one single space ; wherefore the body is double to that body in one single space , and therefore one and the same body double to it self , which is an enormous contradiction . 5. again in metaphysicks , the body of christ is acknowledged one , and that as much as any one body else in the world. now the metaphysical notion of [ one ] is to be indivisum à se ( both quoad partes and quoad totum ) as well as divisum à quolibet alio ; but the body of christ being both in heaven , and without any continuance of that body here upon earth also , the whole body is divided from the whole body , and therefore is entirely both unum and multa , which is a perfect contradiction . 6. thirdly , in the mathematicks ( concil . trident. sess. 13. ) the council of trent saying , that in the separation of the parts of the species ( that which bears the outward show of bread and wine ) that from this division there is a parting of the whole , divided into so many entire bodies of christ , the body of christ being always at the same time equal to it self . it follows , that a part of the division is equal to the whole that is divided , against that common notion in euclid , that the whole is bigger than the part . 7. and lastly , in logick , it is a maxim , that the parts agree indeed with the whole , but disagree one with another ; but in the above said division of the host or sacrament , the parts do so well agree , that they are intirely the same individual thing . and whereas any division , whether logical or physical , is the division of some one into many , this is but the division of one into one and it self , which is a perfect contradiction . 8. to all which you may add , that the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of christ implys , that the same thing both is and is not at the same time ( which is against that fundamental principle in logick and metaphysicks , that both parts of a contradiction cannot be true ) which i prove thus . for that individual thing that can be made , or is to be made of any thing , is not ; the progress in this case being à privatione ad habitum , as the schools speak , and the terms of generation or of being made , viz. à quo and ad quem being non esse and esse , or non-existent and existent , so that that passing , is from non-existent to existent . now the individual body of christ is to be made of the wafer consecrated , for it is turned into his individual body . but his individual body was before this consecration ; wherefore it both was and was not at the same time . for in the making thereof there was a passing from the terminus à quo , which is the non-existency of the thing to be made , to the terminus ad quem , to the existency of it , which yet was in being before . 9. these difficulties are sufficient to show that this high road of the literal sense taken to establish transubstantiation is not passable , so that there is a necessity of diverting or going back . nor will it be much needful to hint briefly these or other like absurdities more intelligible to the vulgar capacity , such as , that the same body at the same time is greater and lesser than it self ; is but a foot distant from me or less , and yet many thousand miles distant from me : that one and the same person may be intirely present with himself , and some hundred thousand miles absent from himself at once : that he may sit still on the grass , and yet journey and walk at the same time : that an organized body that hath head , feet , hands , &c. is intirely in every part of it self , the comely parts in the more uncomely : that the same body now in heaven may really present it self on earth without passing any space either directly or circuitously : that our saviour christ communicating with his disciples in the last supper , swallowed down his whole intire body , limbs , back , belly , head and mouth and all into his stomach , which might amuze and puzzle one to conceive how it was possible for his disciples not to miss the sight of his hands and head , though his cloaths were still visible as not being swallowed down into his stomach . or , whether our saviour swallowed down his own body into his stomach or no , this puzzle will still remain , how his disciples could swallow him down without his cloaths , he being still in his cloaths ; or how they could swallow him down in his cloaths , the bread being not transubstantiated into his cloaths , but into his body only . these and several such absurdities it were easie to enumerate . but i hope i have produced so much already that i may , and any one else , be thought to have very good cause to leave this high road of the literal sense , and betake our selves to that more safe path of the figurative , whereby transubstantiation with all its absurdities is avoided . chap. iii. 1. an evasion of the incredibility of transubstantiation drawn from the omnipotency of god. 2. ans. that it is no derogation to god's omnipotency not to be able to do what it implies a contradiction to be done . 3. if this transubstantiation had been fecible , yet it had been repugnant to the goodness and wisdom of christ to have effected it . 4. a marvelous witty device of taking away all the absurdities of transubstantiation , by giving to christ's body a supernatural manner of existence . 5. that the neat artifice of this sophistry lies in putting the smooth term of supernatural for counter-essential or asystatal . 6. that it is an asystatal manner of existence , proved from the author's description thereof in several particulars . arguments from the multiplication of christ's body , and difference of time of its production . 7. from non-extension of parts . 8. from independency of place . 9. to make a body independent of place as unconceivable as to make it independent of time. 10. the argument from being whole in every part of the symbols . 1. out of which absurdities the most witty evasion offered to our consideration that i have met with , is in that ingenious and artfully composed treatise , entitled , a papist mis-represented and represented . in his chapter of the eucharist toward the end , it is well worth the transcribing that i may offer some brief answers to the things there comprized . the papist represented , saith he ( pag. 11. lin . 22. ) not at all hearkning to his senses in a matter where god speaks ; he unfeignedly confesses , that he that made the world of nothing by his sole word , that cured diseases by his word , that raised the dead by his word , that expelled devils , that commanded the winds and seas , that multiplied bread , that changed water into wine by his word , and sinners into just men , cannot want power to change bread and wine into his own body and bloud by his sole word . 2. it is an invidious thing to dispute the power of the eternal logos or word incarnate , who is god of god , very god of very god , and therefore omnipotent , and can do all things that imply no contradiction to be done , as most certainly none of these things there specifi'd do imply it . but things repugnant to be done we may , and that with due reverence , declare god cannot do . as the apostle does not stick to say , god cannot lye , hebr. 6. 18. and why is it impossible for god to lye , but that it is repugnant to the perfection of his nature , and particularly that attribute of his veracity . nor will any adventure to affirm that he can make a globe or cylinder which shall be equidistant from , or touch a plane though but in half of their spherical or cylindrical superficies : or a circle from whose center the lines drawn shall be unequal , or a rectangle triangle , the power of whose hypotenusa shall not be equal to both the powers of the basis and cathetus . and in fine , there are sixt and immutable ideas of things , and such necessary and inseparable respects and properties of them , that to imagine them mutable , or that god can change them , is to disorder and change the eternal and immutable intellect of god himself . of which those indeleble and necessary notions , which the minds of all mankind are conscious to themselves of , if they be but awakned into free attention thereto , is but a compendious transcript . and therefore god his being not able to do any thing that is a contradiction to those eternal ideas and habitudes of them in his own mind , is no lessening of his omnipotency , but to imagine otherwise , is to dissolve the eternal frame of the divine intellect , and under a pretence of amplifying his omnipotency , to enable god to destroy himself , or to make him so weak or impotent as to be capable of being destroyed by himself , which is a thing impossible . 3. but suppose the eternal word incarnate could have turned the bread and wine into his own individual body and bloud , and the thing it self were fecible , though it seems so palpably contradictious to us : yet there would be this difficulty still remaining , that it is repugnant to his wisdom and goodness so to do ( as the apostle says , it is impossible for god to lye ) in that manner he is supposed to have done it , that is , in declaring , a thing is done that is repugnant so apparently to our intellectual faculties , and leaves so palpable an assurance to all our senses , though never so rightly circumstantiated , that it is not done , but that it is still bread ; and yet that these species of bread and wine should be supported by a miracle , to obfirm or harden us in our unbelief of this mystery of transubstantiation . how does this sute with either the wisdom of god , if he would in good earnest have us to believe this mystery , or with his goodness , to give this scandal to the world , for whom christ died , and to occasion so bloudy persecutions of innumerable innocent souls , that could not believe a thing so contrary to all sense and reason , and indeed to passages of scripture it self , whose penmen he did inspire ? wherefore this is a plain evincement that our saviour meant figuratively when he said [ this is my body ] and that his disciples understood him so ( there being nothing more usual in the jewish language than to call the sign by the name of the thing signified ) and that this literal gloss has been introduced by after-ages without any fault of our saviour . but in defence of the literal sense which he would have to infer transubstantiation , our author holds on thus , viz. 4. that this may be done without danger of multiplying his body , and making as many christs as altars , or leaving the right hand of his father , but only by giving to his body a supernatural manner of existence , by which being left without extension of parts , and rendred independent of place , it may be one and the same in many places at once , and whole in every part of the symbols , and not obnoxious to any corporeal contingencies . and this kind of existence is no more than what in a manner he bestows upon every glorified body , than what his own body had when born without the least violation of his mother's virginal integrity , when he rose from the dead out of the sepulcher without removing the stone ; when he entered amongst his disciples , the doors being shut . 5. this is , as i said , a witty contrived evasion to elude the above-mentioned repugnancies i have noted , and exquisitely well fitted for the amusing and confounding of more vulgar and weak minds , or such as have not leisure to consider things to the bottom , and for the captivating them into a profession of what they have no determinate or distinct apprehension of , by distinctions and exemplifications that give no real support to the cause they are brought in for to maintain . for first , to pretend that by a supernatural manner of existence a body may be in more places than one at once , at the right hand of god the father in heaven , and on the altar at the same time , &c. the artifice of the sophistry lies in this , that he has put a more tolerable and soft expression in lieu of one that ( according to his explication of the matter ) would sound more harsh , but is more true and proper in this case . for this manner of existence of a body which he describes is not simply supernatural , which implies it is a body still , as a mill-stone by a supernatural power held up in the air is a mill-stone still , though it be in that supernatural condition . but the condition he describes is such as is not only supernatural but counter-essential or asystatal , that is , repugnant to the very being of a body , or of any finite substance in the universe . it is as if the mill-stone were not only supernaturally supported in the air , but were as transparent , as soft and fluid , and of as undetermined a shape as the air it self , or as if a right-angled triangle were declared to be so still , though the hypotenusa were not of equal power with the basis and cathetus , which is a thing impossible ; but if instead of a supernatural manner of existence , it had been said an asystatal manner of existence , that is , an existence repugnant to the very being of a body or any finite substance else , it would have been discovered to be a contradiction at the very first sight , and therefore such as ought to be rejected , as well as the affirming that what christ gave was really bread and really his body at once . 6. and now , notwithstanding this soft and smooth term of [ supernatural ] that it is an asystatal manner of existence , that is here given to the body of christ , may appear from our author's description thereof . for in vertue , he saith , of this supernatural manner of existence , there may be a transubstantiation without danger of multiplying christ's body , and making as many christs as altars . but it is impossible this absurdity should be avoided , supposing transubstantiation . for there is not a more certain and infallible sign of two bodily persons being two bodily persons , and not the same person , that distance of place , wherein they are separate one from another , and consequently two not one body , and this is the very case in transubstantiation , which manifestly implies , that the body of christ is in many thousand distant places at once . which imagined condition in it is not supernatural but asystatal , and contradictious to the very being of any finite substance whatever , as has been intimated and firmly proved before , chap. 2. and as distance of place necessarily infers difference of bodies or persons , so does also difference of time of their production . that which was produced , suppose sixteen hundred years ago and remains so produced cannot be produced suppose but yesterday , or at this present moment , and so be sixteen hundred years older or younger than it self . this is not only supernatural but asystatal , and implies a perfect contradiction ; but yet this is the very case in transubstantiation . the body of christ born suppose sixteen hundred years ago , is yet produced out of the transubstantiated bread but now or yesterday , and so the same body is sixteen hundred years older or younger than it self , which is a perfect contradiction . 7. secondly , the papist represented declares , that the body of christ by vertue of this supernatural manner of existence , is left without extension of parts , which is a perfect contradiction to the very nature and essence of a body , whose universally acknowledged definition is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implying a trinal inpenetrable dimension or extension . besides , did christ's body at his last supper so soon as he had transubstantiated the bread into it , lose all extension of parts ? what then filled out his cloaths as he sat with his disciples at table ? or how could the jews lay hold on christ's body to crucifie it , if he had no extension of parts to be laid hold on ? how could there be hands and feet and organization of parts , either at the table or on the cross , if there were no extension of parts to be organized ? and lastly , being the transubstantiated bread is the very individual body of christ , if they would have this being left without extension of parts , to be understood of it , how can the very same individual body of christ have extension of parts and have no extension of parts , have organization of parts and have no organization of parts at once : so that the condition of christ's body here supposed is plainly asystatal , not as is smoothly expressed only supernatural . 8. thirdly , whereas the papist represented declares , that this supernatural manner of existence of christ's body renders it independent of place , what can the meaning of that be , but that by vertue of this priviledge it might exist without any place or ubi , which bodies in their natural condition cannot ? but this clashes with the very story of our saviour christ , who was certainly in the room in which he ate the passover with his disciples , after he had transubstantiated the bread into his individual body , and therefore it did not exist independently of place , in virtue of any such supernatural manner of existence as is imagined . and as this does not agree with matter of fact , so it is a perfect contradiction to the essence of any body or finite substance to be exempted from all connexion with place or ubi , but a finite substance must be in a definite ubi , and while it is in such a definite ubi , it is impossible to conceive that it is in another place or ubi , whether intra or extra moenia mundi . he that closely and precisely considers the point , he will not fail , i think , to discern the thing to be impossible . and what contradiction it implies i have demonstrated above . so that we see there can be no such supernatural manner of existence conferred on a body in making it independent of place or ubiety , as to capacitate it to be one and the same body in diverse places at once , but that this supposed supernatural manner is truly an asystatal manner , and such as is repugnant to the very being of a body , or any finite substance whatsoever . 9. to make a body in this sense independent of place or ubiety , is as unconceivable as to make it independent of time , which yet would so compleat this impossible hypothesis , that under this pretence when a thing has such a supernatural existence as exempts it from all connexion with or relation to time , but supposes it utterly independent thereof , as was explained before touching place , we may suppose what we will of a body , that it may be bread and not bread at the same time , that it may be at thebes and at athens at the same time , as we ordinary mortals would phrase it , sith it is lifted up above all relation and connexion with time , nor hath any thing to do with any time. but yet this assuredly is not a mere supernatural manner of existence , but plainly asystatal , and such as if god could cause , there would be no eternal and immutable truths , but under a pretext of exalting the omnipotence of god , they would imply him able to destroy his own nature , which would argue an impotency in him , and to extinguish and confound the inviolable ideas of the divine intellect , as i intimated above . 10. and fourthly and lastly , that in vertue of this supernatural manner of existence , the body of christ should be whole in every part of the symbols , and thereby become not obnoxious to any corporeal contingencies ; ( which is said , i suppose , to avoid the absurdity of grinding a pieces the body of christ with our teeth when we chew the supposed species ) thus to exist whole in every part , is not a mere supernatural manner of existing , but asystatal , and implies either that the least part of christ's body is as big as the whole , or that the whole body is god knows how many thousand times bigger than it self . for certainly the whole body comprized under the whole bread or species of bread , is many thousand times bigger than one particle thereof no bigger than a pins point . besides that this making the body of christ whole in every part , takes away all possibility of distinct organization of his body , unless you will have every pins point of it to have head , feet , hands , arms , and the rest of the parts of an humane body , or have the same individual body organized and unorganized at the same time , which are as palpable contradictions as any can occur to the understanding of a man. and thus much i thought fit to intimate touching this witty distinction of a natural and supernatural manner of existence of a body , and to shew that this pretended supernatural manner of the existence of christ's body , arising from the bread transubstantiated , as the papist represented describes it , is indeed an asystatal manner of existence , and inconsistent with the being of any body , or finite substance whatsoever . chap. iv. 1. the supernatural manner of the existence of a body consisting in non-extension of parts , independency of place , and being whole in every part. 2. the first exemplification of such a manner of existence in glorified bodies , not to reach the case . 3. nor the second , in christ's body born without the least violation of his mothers virginal integrity . 4. nor the third in christ's rising out of the sepuloher without the removing of the stone . 5. nor the fourth , in christ's entring amongst his disciples the doors being shut . 6. transubstantiation implying a number of contradictions as harsh as that of the same body being both christ ' s body and bread at once , and there being no salvo for them but this device of a supernatural manner of existence , and this so plainly failing , it is impossible that transubstantiation should be the true mode of the real presence . 1. it remains now that we only touch upon lightly the exemplifications of this supernatural manner of existence of a body , consisting in these peculiarities , non-extension of parts , independency of place , and being whole in every part , and to note how none of these instances reach the present case . 2. as first that of a glorified body . what scripture , reason or authority ever suggested to us that the glorified body of christ himself , much less every glorified body , is without extension of parts , has no relation to or connexion with place , or is whole in every part . for without extension of parts it cannot be so much as a body . and were not moses and elias together with christ at his transfiguration on mount tabor , at least lively figures of the state of a glorified body , but it is evident by the description that they had extension of parts , else what should shining garments do upon what is unextended , and what glory can issue from a single mathematical point as i may so call it ? and in that they were on mount tabor together , it is manifest they had a connexion with or dependency on place , nor did exist without being in some ubi . and that the glorified body of christ is in heaven not on earth , is plain from act. 3. 21. and touching his body he rose in , and therefore was his resurrection-body , matt. 28. 6. the angel says , he is not here , for he is risen ; which had been a mere non sequitur , if his body could have been in more places than one at once , which property the papist represented gives it upon account of transubstantiation . and for as much as the transubstantiated bread and the body of christ is one and the same individual body , and that this that is once christ's body never perishes , it is evident , that the body he rose in , being one and the same body with the transubstantiated bread , must have the capacity by this supernatural manner of existence above described , to be in more places than one at once , which is a perfect contradiction to the angels reasoning : he is not here , for he is risen , and gone hence . for according to this supernatural manner of existence , which they suppose in christ's body upon the account of transubstantiation , he might be both there and gone thence at once . 3. the second instance of this supernatural manner of existence of a body , is christ's body born without the least violation of his mothers virginal integrity , which is such a secret as the scripture has not revealed , nor any sufficient authority assured us of : the mother of christ still continuing a virgin , because she had nothing to do with any man , though that which was conceived in her by the overshadowing of the holy ghost came out of her womb in the same circumstances there , that other humane births do . but suppose the body of christ pass'd the wicket of the womb without opening it , as the sun-beams pass through a crystal or glass , does this import that his body is either independent of place , or is devoid of extension , or whole in every part ? surely no , no more than that light that passes through the pores of the crystal : so that there is nothing repugnant to the nature of a body in all this . no non-extension , no independency of place , no penetration of corporeal dimensions , nor any being whole in every part . 4. the third instance is christ's rising out of the sepulcher without removing the stone . but this instance may very justly be rejected , it disagreeing with the very history of the resurrection , which tells us the stone was removed , matt. 28. 2. and behold there was a great earthquake , for the angel descended from heaven , and rolled back the stone from the door , and sate upon it . wherefore we see the stone was removed . nor can i imagine why this should make a third instance , viz. christ's body passing out of the sepulcher , the stone unremoved from the door thereof , unless from an heedless reflection on the fore-going verse ( where mary magdalen and the other mary are said to go to see the sepulcher ) and connecting it to an ill grounded sense with what follows in the second verse , and behold there was a great earthquake ; as if it were implyed that the earthquake and the rolling away the stone were at that very time that these two women went to see the sepulcher , and christ having risen before , that it would follow that he rose before the stone of the sepulcher was removed ; but this is a mistake . for agreeably to vatablus his gloss ( who for erat [ & ecce erat terrae motus magnus ] puts fuerat , and for descendit , descenderat , and for devolvit lapidem , devolverat ) which implies the thing done before these women came to the sepulcher ; it is manifest out of the other evangelists that the matter was altogether so ; for mark 16. 2. it is said of the two above said parties , that very early in the morning , the first day of the week they came unto the sepulcher at the rising of the sun , and they said among themselves , who shall roll us away the stone from the door of the sepulcher , and when they looked they saw the stone was rolled away , &c. and it is expresly said in luke , that they found the stone rolled away from the sepulcher . and the like is recorded in st. john , ch . 20. so that it is a plain case the stone was rolled away before their going to the sepulcher . what time therefore can we imagine more likely of this rolling away the stone and terrible earthquake , than at the very resurrection of christ , who rose in this awful terrour to the keepers , the earth quaking , and the too glorious angels officiously opening the stony door of the sepulcher , that the king of glory might pass out , without any further needless or useless miracle , such as he ever declined in his life time , before his death and resurrection ? wherefore this third instance , it is plain , cannot with any shew be accommodated to the present case , it being raised out of a mere mistake of the story . 5. the fourth and last instance is , christ's entring amongst his disciples , the doors being shut , recorded john 20. 19 , and 26. there the disciples are said to be gathered together privately or secretly for fear of the jews , for which cause they lockt or bolted the doors with-inside , that no man might suddenly come upon them . but while they were in this privacy or closeness , christ , notwithstanding , suddenly presented himself in the midst of them , for all this closeness or secrecy , and not without a miracle , supposing himself or some ministring angel to unlock or unbolt the door suddenly , and softly , sine strepitu , which upon this account would be more likely , in that if he had come in , the doors being still shut , that might have seemed as great an argument to thomas that he was a spirit , as the feeling his hands and side that he was no spirit . wherefore , i conceive , it is no sufficiently firm hypothesis , that christ entred among his disciples , the doors in the mean time , at his very entrance , remaining shut . but suppose they were so , this will not prove his body devoid of extension , to be independent of place , and whole in every part , more than his passing the wicket of the womb , like light through crystal , did argue the same in the second instance but the truth of the business will then be this , that he being then in his resurrection-body ( even that wherewith he was to ascend into heaven , which yet he kept in its terrestrial modification , and organization , for those services it was to do amongst his disciples while he conversed with them after his resurrection upon earth ; as he made use of it in a particular manner to s t thomas ) he had a power to modifie it into what consistencies he pleased , aerial , aetherial , or coelestial , it remaining still that individual body , that was crucified . this therefore might easily pass through the very pores of the door , and much more easily betwixt the door and the side-posts there , without any inconvenience more than to other spiritual bodies . for the resurrection-body is an heavenly and spiritual body , as s t paul himself expresly declares . but yet as truly a body as any body else ; that is , it hath impenetrable trinal dimension , is not without place or ubiety , nor whole in every part . this very story demonstrates all this , that his body is not without place . for it stood in the midst of the room amongst his disciples . nor the whole in every part ; for here is distinct mention of christ's hand and his side , as elsewhere of his flesh and bones , luke 24. 26. which would be all confounded , if every part were in every part . and if there be these distinct parts , then certainly his body hath extension , and this ingeniously excogitated distinction of the natural and supernatural manner of existence of a body , can by no means cover the gross repugnancies , which are necessarily imply'd in the doctrine of transubstantiation . 6. a doctrine raised from the literal sense of those words [ this is my body ] which literal sense if we were tyed to , it would also follow that that which christ gave to his disciples was as well real bread as his real body : [ this ] plainly referring to what he took , what he blessed , and what he gave , which was bread , and of this he says , this is my body . wherefore adhering to the literal sense , it would be both real bread and the real body of christ at once . but this , as being a repugnancy , as was noted above , and contradiction to the known inviolable and immutable laws of logick and humane reason , is justly rejected by the church of rome , for this very reason , that it implies a contradiction , that one and the same body should be bread and the real body of christ at once . wherefore transubstantiation containing , as has been proved , so many of such contradictions , every jot as repugnant to the inviolable and immutable laws of logick , or humane reason ( that unextinguishable lamp of the lord in the soul of man ) as this of the same body being real bread and the real body of christ at once : and there being no salvo for these harsh contradictions , but the pretence of a supernatural manner of existence of a body , which god is supposed to give to the bread transubstantiated into the body of christ , that is , into the very individual body of christ , they being supposed by transubstantiation to become one and the same body . i say this neat distinction of a supernatural manner of existing being plainly demonstrated ( so as it is by the papist represented , explained ) not to be a mere supernatural manner of existence , with which the being of a body would yet consist , but a counter-essential , asystatal , and repugnant manner of existence , inconsistent with the being of a body ; and none of the instances that are produced as pledges of the truth of the notion or assertion at all reaching the present case , it is manifest that though there be a real presence of christ's body and bloud in the celebration of the holy eucharist , acknowledged as well by the reformed as the pontifician party , that it is impossible that transubstantiation , which the papist represented here declares , should be the true mode thereof . chap. v. 1. the author's excuse for his civility to the papist represented , that he shews him that the road he is in is not the way of truth touching the mode of the real presence . 2. that the bishop of meaux makes the real presence the common doctrine of all the churches as well reformed as un-reformed , and that it is acknowledged to be the doctrine of the church of england , though she is so wise and so modest as not to define the mode thereof . 3. the sincere piety of our predecessors in believing the real presence , and their unfortunateness afterwards in determining the mode by transubstantiation or consubstantiation . 1. and therefore the papist represented , being in so palpable a mistake , and by keeping to the literal sense having so apparently wandred from the path of truth , i hope my thus industriously and carefully advertizing him thereof for his own good , will be no otherwise interpreted than an act of humanity or common civility , if not of indispensable christianity , thus of my own accord , though not roganti , yet erranti comiter monstrare viam , or at least to assure him that this of transubstantiation is not the right road to the due understanding of the manner or mode of the real presence of the body and blood of christ in the celebration of the holy eucharist . 2. which opinion of the real presence the bishop of meaux declares to be the doctrine of all the churches as well reformed as un-reformed ; as i must confess i have been of that perswasion ( ever since i writ my mystery of godliness ) that it is the doctrine of the church of england , and that the doctrine is true . and this i remember i heard from a near relation of mine when i was a youth , a reverend dignitary of the church of england , and that often , viz. that our church was for the real presence , but for the manner thereof , if asked , he would answer , rem scimus , modum nescimus , we know the thing , but the mode or manner thereof we know not . and the assurance we have of the thing is from the common suffrage of the ancient fathers , such as the above-cited place of our homilies glances at , and from the scripture it self , which impressed that notion on the minds of our pious predecessors in the church of god. 3. for i do verily believe that out of mere devotion and sincere piety , and out of a reverend esteem they had of the solemnity of the eucharist , they embraced this doctrine as well as broached it at the first . and if they had kept to the profession of it in general , without running into transubstantiation or consubstantiation , and had defined no further than the plain scriptural text in the sixth of st. iohn and the suffrages of the primitive fathers had warranted them , viz. that there was a twofold body and blood of christ , the one natural , the other spiritual or divine , which we do really receive in the holy communion ( within which limits i shall confine my self here without venturing into any farther curiosities ) it had been more for the peace and honour of the christian church , and it might have prevented much scandal to them without , and much cruelty and persecution amongst our selves : the history of which is very horrid even to think of . but though there have been these mistakes in declaring the mode , yet the thing it self is not therefore to be abandoned , it being so great a motive for a reverend approaching the lord's table , and duly celebrating the solemnity of the holy eucharist . nor can we , as i humbly conceive , relinquish this doctrine of the real presence of the body and blood of christ , without the declining the most easie and natural sense of the holy scripture , as it stands written in the sixth chapter of st. iohn . chap. vi. 1. gratian his distinction of the flesh and blood of christ into spiritual or divine , and into that flesh that hung on the cross , and that bloud let out by the lance of the souldier . 2. the same confirmed out of s. austin , who makes the body and bloud of christ to be partaken of in baptism , and also from s. paul and philo. 3. other citations out of philo touching the divine logos agreeable with what christ says of himself in his discourse john 6. and out of which it further appears that the antient fathers ate the same food that we , the divine body of christ , but not that which hung on the cross. 4. a strong confirmation out of what has been produced , that gratian his distinction is true . 5. the first argument from our saviour's discourse , that he meant not his flesh that hung on the cross , because he says , that he that eats it has eternal life in him . 6. the second , because his flesh and bloud is the object of his discourse , not the manner of eating and drinking them . 7. the third , because of his answer to his murmuring disciples , which removes his natural body far from them , and plainly tells them , the flesh profiteth nothing . 8. gratian's distinction no novel doctrine . 1. out of which sixth chapter of s. iohn , that is manifest which a member of the roman church her self , has declared , an eminent canonist of theirs , gratian , in [ canon dupliciter ] as it is cited by philippus mornaeus , lib. 4. de eucharistiâ , cap. 8. dupliciter intelligitur caro christi & sanguis : vel spiritualis illa atque divina de quâ ipse dicit , caro mea verè est cibus , & sanguis meus verè est potus , & nisi manducaveritis carnem meam , & biberitis sanguinem meum , non habebitis vitam aeternam ; vel caro quae crucifixa est , & sanguis qui militis effusus est lanceâ . i the rather take notice of this passage , because he makes use of the very phrases which i used without consulting him in my philosophical hypothesis of the great mystery of regeneration , calling that body or flesh which christ so copiously discourses of , iohn 6. spiritual or divine , which he plainly distinguishes , as christ himself there does , from that body that hung on the cross , and that blood that was let out by the lance of the souldier . 2. for we cannot be regenerate out of these in baptism , and yet in the same place s. augustine says , we are partakers of the body and blood of christ in baptism ; and therefore as terrestrial animals are not fed ( as they say the chamaeleon is ) of the air , but by food of a terrestrial consistency , so our regeneration being out of spiritual principles , our inward man is also nourished by that food that is spiritual or divine . and that is a marvellous passage of st. paul , 1 cor. 10. where he says , the fathers did all eat the same spiritual meat , and did all drink the same spiritual drink , for they drank of that spiritual rock that followed them , and that rock was christ , where st. austin , anselm , thomas aquinas , and others , as you may see in iacobus capellus , avouch , that the ancient patriarchs ate the same spiritual food that we , which therefore must be the flesh and blood of christ , in that sense christ understands it in , iohn 6. and that passage of philo ( that grotius notes on the same place ) is worth our taking notice of , and that in two several treatises of his he interprets the manna of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine logos , which agrees hugely well with our supposing that the flesh and blood of which our saviour saith , it is meat indeed and drink indeed , he speaks this as he is the eternal logos , to whom appertains the universal divine body , as being the body of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , life or spirit , as i have noted in my analytical account of the fore-part of the first chapter of st. iohn's gospel . see my scholia at the end of my enchiridium ethicum . 3. and it is marvellously applicable to our purpose what philo says on that passage of deuteronomy , chap. 32. v. 5. he made him to suck honey out of the rock , and oyl out of the flinty rock ( in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) where he says the rock signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the solid , steady and infrangible wisdom of god ; implying the immutableness and unalterableness of the natures , properties , and respects of the ideas of things in the divine intellect , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to be changed or violated for any superstitious purposes whatsoever , as i have intimated before . wherefore as s t paul calls christ , who is the eternal logos , a rock , so does philo , by saying , that rock moses mentions in his song is the steady , solid and infrangible wisdom of god. which therefore is that essential wisdom , the same that the divine logos , or second hypostasis of the trinity . and not many lines after in the same treatise , the lawgiver , says he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , calls this rock manna the divine logos that was before all beings , and without whom nothing was made that was made , as s t iohn testifies . and in his [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] speaking of israel , which he would have signifie one that sees god : he , says he , lifting up his eyes to heaven sees , and thence receives , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the manna , the divine logos , the heavenly incorruptible food of the soul devoted to holy speculation . which passages i could not forbear to produce , they having so great an affinity with that which our saviour professes of himself , that he is this bread from heaven , the true manna , and incorruptible food of the soul , whereby she is nourished to eternal life , iohn 6. out of all which may be more easily understood how the fathers did all eat the same spiritual meat , and drink the same spiritual drink , which cannot well be conceived but of such a divine body and bloud of christ , as is universal , not restrained to his particular humane nature , but belonging to him as he is the eternal logos , in whom is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 life or spirit , which goeth along with the divine body of this life or spirit of christ , and consequently is rightly called his body . which being the necessary principles of regeneration ( for ex eisdem nutrimur ex quibus constamus ) and there being no salvation without regeneration , and no regeneration continued and advanced without congenerous food ; we must necessarily conclude with s t paul , that , the fathers all ate the same spiritual meat , and drank all the same spiritual drink , water , honey , oyl out of the same rock , christ , the eternal word or logos . and certainly that body and blood of christ out of which the fathers were regenerate , and by which they were fed , cannot be the very body and bloud of christ which hung on the cross , and whose bloud was there let out by the lance of the souldier that pierced his side : and therefore there was a body and bloud of christ before he was incarnate , for the regenerate souls of the antient people of the iews to feed upon , belonging to him as he is the eternal logos ; in whom is the life and that spirit of which it is said , that which is born of the flesh is flesh , and that which is born of the spirit is spirit . which things are more fully treated of in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a philosophical hypothesis touching the great mystery of regeneration . 4. wherefore there is all the reason in the world , if not plain necessity to admit , what we cited out of gratian that famous canonist of the church of rome . that we are to understand that there is a two-fold flesh and bloud of christ , either that spiritual and divine flesh , of which he himself says , my flesh is meat indeed , and my bloud is drink indeed , and , unless you eat my flesh and drink my bloud , ye shall not have everlasting life . or that flesh which was crucified , and that bloud that was let out of his side by the lance of the souldier , which we shall now endeavour briefly to demonstrate out of that discourse of our saviour in the sixth of s t iohn . 5. first then , that the flesh of christ that hung once on the cross , and into which the bread of the romanists is supposed to be transubstantiated in the sacrament of our lord's supper , is not the flesh here meant is plain from what is said thereof in this sixth chapter of s t iohn v. 54. whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud hath eternal life . but every one that eateth the bread transubstantiated into the body of christ , that once hung upon the cross , in the roman communion , has not eternal life in him . nay if that souldier that pierced our saviour's side and let out his bloud with his lance had drunk also thereof , and cut some piece of his flesh from his body and eaten it , is any one so fond as to think , that he thereby would have been made partaker of eternal life ? but if christ meant that body or flesh of his and not some other that is rightly also called his flesh or body , it would follow that that souldier by doing that savage and inhumane act , would have obtained everlasting life . wherefore it is plain from hence , that there is another body or flesh of christ and another blood , distinct from that blood that was shed on the cross , and from that body that hung there , which our saviour aims at in his discourse . 6. secondly , it is plain that our saviour's discourse in that chapter ( he passing from that temporal food which he had lately procured for the multitude , to a spiritual and eternal ) has for its object or subject not the manner or way of receiving his body and blood , as if it were meant of that very flesh and blood on the cross , but that it was to be received in a spiritual manner , which interpreters , several of them , drive at ; but the object of his discourse is his very flesh and blood it self , to be taken ( as the fish and loaves were wherewith he lately fed them ) or it is himself in reference to this flesh and blood which belongs to him as he is the eternal word , and in this sense he says , he is the bread of god that cometh down from heaven and giveth life to the world , v. 33. and v. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am the bread of life , and speaking of the manna he presently adds , your fathers ate manna , and yet died , viz. the natural death , the natural manna being no preservative against the natural death . and v. 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before he called himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for in him is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( iohn 1. ) or life and spirit , and this spirit or life in the divine body . i am the living bread coming down from heaven ( as the manna is said to do , and to which philo compares the divine logos ) if any one eat of this bread he shall live for ever . he speaks not of the manner of eating of it , but of the bread it self to be eaten , and yet immediately thereupon he calls this bread his flesh , which he says , he will give for the life of the world , that is to the end that they may be enlivened thereby , he thus communicating to them his divine body and spirit together . and then presently upon the iews striving amongst themselves and saying , how can this man give us his flesh to eat ? ( the reason whereof was because they took him to be a meer man , and thought that christ himself understood it of his humane flesh ) he affirms with greater earnestness and vehemency , verily , verily , i say unto you , unless ye eat the flesh of the son of man ( viz. of the messias , who is the logos incarnate ) and drink his bloud , ye have no life in you . whoso eateth my flesh , and drinketh my bloud hath eternal life , and i will raise him up at the last day . for my flesh is meat indeed , and my bloud is drink indeed . and so all along to the very end of his discourse , he speaks of a really eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , not of the manner of eating , as if it never came nigh them , but only they thought of flesh and blood god knows how far distant from them , and so ate the humane flesh of christ by meer thinking of it , and drank his bloud after the same imaginary manner , which would , i think , be a very dilute and frigid sense of such high and fervid asseverations of our saviour , if the mystery reached no farther than so . 7. but thirdly and lastly , that it does reach further than so , is exceeding evident from what our saviour utters upon his disciples being scandalized at this strange discourse of his , v. 61. when iesus knew in himself , that his disciples murmured at it , he said unto them , does this offend you ? what if you shall see the son of man ascending where he was before , which he must needs understand of his particular visible body which he bore about with him , and which his humane soul did actuate , and which was appropriated to his humane nature , which is finite and circumscribed . it is an elliptical speech of his , but thus naturally to be supplyed as i have also noted above , as if he suppressed by an aposiopesis this objurgatory sense insinuated thereby . will you then imagine so grosly as if i understood it of this very flesh i bear about with me , when as this particular body of mine after my ascension into heaven will be removed at a vast distance from you . i tell you this flesh of mine , as to this purpose i have all this time driven at , profiteth nothing , you cannot feed of it at such a distance if it were to be fed on . the text runs thus , v. 63. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is that quickening spirit i aim at in my discourse , that divine or spiritual body of mine . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that flesh , which you understand and are so scandalized at the eating thereof , profiteth nothing as to this purpose , nor the blood taken in your sense has any thing to do here . the words that i speak unto you they are spirit and they are life . the object of those words spoken is my spiritual body and blood , not as i am a man , but the eternal word , the divine logos , which contains in it the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or spirit , and my divine body universal , that belongs to that my life or spirit . this is the true mystery of the matter , for by these two things asserted by our saviour , 1. that we are to eat his flesh and drink his blood as we hope ever to have eternal life . 2. and his declaring his flesh profiteth nothing , it is manifest that that distinction of gratian is true , which he seems to have taken out of st. hierom , or some other ancient father , who tells us the flesh and blood of christ is twofold , the one natural and which he bore about with him and hung once on the cross , the other spiritual and divine , which we may really eat and drink , that is really receive and draw in at the celebrating the holy eucharist by a sincere , fervid and devotional faith. and consequently there is a real presence of the body and blood of christ in partaking of the lord's supper , whereby our souls are nourished to eternal , life . and in that , he says , his natural flesh profiteth nothing to this purpose ( for it cannot be said that it profiteth nothing at all , since in vertue of the crucifixion of that flesh , and effusion of that blood on the cross , we have the remission of our sins ) christ plainly infers that he has ( which cannot be well understood but as he is the eternal logos ) another flesh , viz. that spiritual and divine flesh , which is mainly profitable for this purpose , for the maintaining , perfecting and renewing the inward man , that he may attain to his due growth in christ. and lastly , how can christ say his flesh that was crucified on the cross profiteth nothing , when by being meditated upon at the solemnity of the holy eucharist , and also at other times , it may serve to kindle and inflame our love and devotion towards him , and so urge us to greater degrees of repentance and mortification , and serious holiness ; it therefore being useful and profitable for all this , i say , why does he then affirm it profiteth nothing , but that he does on purpose advertise us that it profiteth nothing as to the present case he has spoke to all this while , viz. to be the real meat and food of the inward man , and to be really received into him , to maintain and increase those divine principles in him out of which he is regenerated . this his particular flesh and blood , that hung on the cross , cannot be profitable for , nor can be come at , at such a distance , to be taken in and received ; which therefore plainly implies those other , which were mentioned above out of gratian ( the divine or spiritual flesh and blood of christ only ) to be properly useful to this purpose . 8. and for this divine and spiritual flesh and blood of our saviour distinguished from his natural ; besides st. hierome you have also the suffrage of clemens alexandrinus , in his paedagogus , lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the blood of our lord is twofold , the one carnal , by which we are redeemed from corruption ; the other spiritual , wherewith we are anointed , and by vertue of drinking thereof we attain to incorruption . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and as he makes the blood of our lord twofold , so we may be sure he makes his body or flesh , because his mystical body and blood go together . according to that which m r pelling in his pious and learned discourse of the sacrament , quotes out of s t ambrose , who , says he , speaking of that body which is received in the eucharist , calls it the spiritual body of christ , the body of a divine spirit ; and he does confidently affirm of all the antients who have either purposely interpreted , or occasionally quoted the words of christ , in the sixth of s t iohn , touching the eating his flesh and drinking his blood , that they all understand him to speak of a spiritual flesh and blood , distinct not only from the substance of the holy elements , but also from that natural body of christ which he took of the substance of the holy virgin , pag. 233. so little novelty is there in this distinction of the body and blood of christ into natural , and spiritual or divine . chap. vii . 1. an apology for being thus operose and copious in inculcating the present point from the usefulness thereof . 2. the first usefulness in that it defeats monsieur de meaux his stratagem to reduce us to transubstantiation , as if no real presence without it . 3. the second usefulness , for the rectifying the notion of consubstantiation . 4. the third for more fully understanding the mystery of the eucharist , with applications of it to several passages in our communion-service . 5. the fourth for a very easie and natural interpretation of certain passages in our church-catechism . 6. the priviledge of the faithful receiver , and of what great noment the celebration of the eucharist is . 7. the last usefulness in solidly reconciling the rubrick at the end of the communion-service , with that noted passage in our church-catechism . 1. the reader may haply think i have been over operose and copious in inculcating this distinction of gratian's , touching the body and blood of christ in the holy eucharist . but the great usefulness thereof , i hope , may apologize for this my extraordinary diligence and industry . for the notion being both true and unexceptionable , and not at all clashing , so far as i can discern , with either the holy scripture , or right reason and solid philosophy , to say nothing of the suffrage of the primitive fathers , but rather very agreeable and consentaneous to them all ; and also having , as i said , its weighty usefulness , it was a point , i thought , that was worth my so seriously insisting upon ; and as i have hitherto endeavoured faithfully to set out the truth thereof , i shall now , though more briefly , intimate its usefulness . 2. and the first usefulness is this , whereas that reverend prelate the bishop of meaux tugs so hard to pull back again the reformed churches to the communion of the church of rome , by this concession , or rather profession of theirs , that there is a real presence of the body and blood of christ at the celebration of the eucharist , to be received by the faithful , and that therefore they must return to the doctrine of transubstantiation , as if there were no other mode of a real presence to be conceived but it : the force of this inference is plainly taken away , by this distinction that gratian , one of their own church , hath luckily hit upon , or rather taken out of some antient father , and is more fully made out in this discourse , that there is a spiritual and divine body of christ , distinct from that particular body of his that hung on the cross , which the faithful partake of in the lord's supper . whence it is plain there is no need of transubstantiation , which is incumbred with such abundance of impossibilities and contradictions . 3. secondly , this notion of ours is hugely serviceable for the rectifying of the doctrine of consubstantiation in the lutheran church , who are for an ubiquity of the particular body of christ that hung on the cross , which assuredly is a grand mistake . but i believe in the authors thereof there was a kind of parturiency , and more confused divination of that truth , which we have so much insisted upon , and their mistake consists only in this , that they attributed to the particular body of christ , which belongs to his restrained and circumscribed humane nature , that which truly and only belongs to his divine body , as he is the eternal logos , in whom is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the life or spirit of the logos , to which spirit of his this body belongs , and therefore is rightly called his body , as appertaining to his spirit . for this body , this divine and spiritual flesh , as gratian calls it , is every where present , though not to be received as the food of the inward man , but only by the faithful and regenerate , so that according to this notion there may be a consubstantiation rightly interpreted , that is a compresentiation , or rather compresentiality of both the real bread and wine , and the real body and blood of christ at once ; so that they both may be really and indeed received by all true believers . and lutheranism in this point thus candidly interpreted , will prove a sound and unexceptionable doctrine . and i charitably believe the first authors of it , if they had fully understood their own meaning , meant no more than so . and i wish i had as much reason to believe that the pontificians meant no more by their transubstantiation , but a firm and fast hold of the real presence . i hope the most ingenuous of them at this time of the day mean no more than so , viz. that they are as well assured of the real presence of the body and blood of christ to be received in the celebration of the eucharist ; as if the very bread was turned into his body , and the wine into his blood by a miraculous transubstantiation . 4. thirdly , it is from this notion or distinction of the antient fathers , as i hinted above , of the body and blood of christ into natural and spiritual or divine , that we have ever been well appointed to give a more full and distinct account of the nature of the solemnity of the eucharist as it is celebrated in our church , it plainly comprizing these two things . the first the commemoration of the death of christ , of the breaking his body or flesh , viz. the wounding thereof with nails and spears . the other , the partaking of the divine body and blood of christ , by which our inward man is nourished to eternal life : which our eating the bread and drinking the wine are symbols of . both which in our communion-service are plainly pointed at . the first fully , in the exhortation to communicants , where it is said , and above all things you must give most humble and hearty thanks to god the father , the son , and the holy ghost , for the redemption of the world by the death and passion of our saviour christ , both god and man , who did humble himself even to the death upon the cross for us miseable sinners — and to the end we should always remember the exceeding great love of our master and only saviour jesus christ thus dying for us , and the innumerable benefits , which by his precious blood-shedding , he hath obtained to us , he has instituted and ordained holy mysteries as pledges of his love , and for a continual remembrance of his death . and in the prayer of consecration , the celebration of the eucharist is again said to be a continued or perpetuated commemoration of christ's precious death till his coming again . but now for our receiving the spiritual and divine body and blood of christ , such passages as these seem to intimate it . in the exhortation to the communicants , it is there said , if with a true penitent heart and lively faith we receive this holy sacrament , then we spiritually eat the flesh of christ and drink his blood , then we dwell in christ and christ in us , we are one with christ and christ with us . this passage plainly points to our saviour's discourse , iohn 5. v. 56. where he says , he that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me and i in him . and he thus dwelling in us , he enlivens us , we becoming one with christ in a manner as the soul and body makes one , as it followeth in the next verse , as the living father has sent me , and i live by the father , so he that eateth me shall live by me , and so we become one with christ and christ with us , we living by christ as he by his father ; that is to say , as christ ▪ lives by his father , so we live by the spirit of christ dwelling in us , rom. 8. 11. which spirit or life of christ always implies the divine body . as he that is joined unto the lord in this body is one spirit , 1 cor. 6. 17. now this exhortation so plainly alluding to this passage of our saviour's discourse , which speaks not of his particular natural flesh , but of that which is his spiritual or divine flesh , it is plain that the genuine sense of the exhortation in this place is , that we really though spiritually ( that is by a fervent and devotional faith ) eat or receive the real body and blood of christ , viz. that divine and spiritual body and blood of his above-mentioned . and this passage of our saviour's discourse is again alluded to in the prayer immediately before the prayer of consecration in these words , grant us therefore , gracious lord , so to eat the flesh of thy dear son jesus christ , and to drink his blood that our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body , and our souls washed through his most precious blood , and that we may evermore dwell in him and he in us , john 6. 56. and these two places so plainly alluding to our saviour's discourse in the sixth of s t iohn , it is very easie and natural to conceive that what occurs in the thanksgiving after our receiving the sacrament does sound to the same purpose . almighty and everlasting god , we most heartily thank thee for that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us who have duly received these holy mysteries , with the spiritual food of the most precious body and blood of thy son and our saviour jesus christ — the words even of themselves do very naturally point at a real though spiritual partaking or receiving into us the body and blood of christ , namely , of that flesh and blood which our saviour discourses of , iohn 6. and therefore we may be much more assured that they do so , if we take notice , the sense is so back'd and strengthned by the other two passages which do plainly relate to the body , or flesh and blood christ discourses of , in the sixth of s t iohn's gospel . i will only add one consideration more , and that is from the title of our communion-service . can there be any more likely reason why the lord's supper is called the holy communion , than that it refers to that of s t paul , 1 cor. 10. 16. the cup of blessing which we bless , is it not the communion of the blood of christ ? the bread which we break , is it not the communion of the body of christ ? because there is one bread , we being many are one body . for we are all partakers of that one bread. which is that bread from heaven , which our saviour discourses of in the sixth of s t iohn . but the words i have chiefly my eye upon are those : the cup being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the communion of the blood , and the bread , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the communion of the body of christ ; and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in all likely hood , having the same sense that it had , 2 pet. 1. 4. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where we are said to be called to the participation of the divine nature , communion here in s t paul's epistle to the corinthians must naturally imply our real receiving or partaking of the body and blood of christ in the celebrating of this holy communion , and that by thus partaking of that one divine body and blood of his , signified by the eating and drinking the bread and wine , we , though many , become one body : not in a political sense only , but , if i may so speak , divinely natural , we being made all members of that one universal divine body of christ , as he is the eternal logos , and so becoming 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 pet. 1. 4. wherefore , that passage in s t paul's epistle to the corinthians , does marvelous-fully set out the nature of that part of the lord's supper , that is distinguished from the commemoration of his death ; and gives the most genuine reason of its being called the holy communion , it implying the real communication of that one divine body of christ to the faithful , and their real union thereby with christ and with one another , which is a full and perfect holy communion indeed . 5. fourthly , this notion of the fathers touching the spiritual or divine body and blood of christ , affords us a very easie and natural interpretation of that passage in our church-catechism , touching the sacrament of the lord's supper , where to the question , what is the inward part , or thing signified ? it is answered , the body and blood of christ which are verily and indeed taken and received by the faithful in the lord's supper . in the answer to a former question , why was the sacrament of the lord's supper ordained ? it is answered , for a continual remembrance of the sacrifice of the death of christ , and the benefits received thereby . one eminent benefit whereof is the remission of our sins through the bloud of christ shed on the cross , for without blood there is no remission ; the other is the feeding of the regenerate soul , or inward man , by the real , but spiritual or divine body and blood of christ , which contains in it our through sanctification , which is also a fruit or benefit of the sacrifice of the death of christ , forasmuch as we had not been capable of regeneration and of growth and degrees of sanctification by the feeding on and really receiving the spiritual and divine body of christ , without our reconciliation by his blood shed on the cross , which our church here calls the sacrifice of the death of christ. now as in this answer there is contained that great benefit of the remission of our sins in the blood of christ , and thereby of our reconciliation to god ; so in the answer mentioned before is contained that singular benefit of perfecting our sanctification by the nourishing and corroborating our inward man by eating or partaking of the spiritual or divine body and blood of our saviour , which are verily and indeed taken and received by the faithful in the lord's supper . [ verily ] that is to say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truly , in counterdistinction to typically , or symbolically , the bread and wine being but types or symbols of this . touching which in the answer to the question , what are the benefits whereof we are made partakers thereby ? it is said , the strengthening and refreshing our souls by the body and blood of christ , as our bodies are by the bread and wine , viz. which are but types of the true , spiritual or divine body and blood of christ , but they have a very handsome analogy the one to the other . but we proceed to the following words , [ and indeed ] that is to say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reverâ , or really , not as one scoptically would make us to profess , that this real participation of the body and blood of christ , has no reality any where but in our phancy , which we call faith. to which sense the translator of the peaceable method for the re-uniting protestants and catholicks , speaks in his preface to his translation . to which exception , this notion of the primitive fathers , according to which our communion-service is framed , and our homilies allude to , and we so much insist upon , is not lyable . [ by the faithful ] and that only by them , which body and blood the faithful do not receive by champing it with their teeth , and swallowing it down their throat . but by a fervid and living devotional faith more than ordinarily kindled at the celebrating the holy eucharist , they draw this divine and celestial food ( the true manna from heaven ) into their hearts , whereby their inward man is fed and strengthened , and nourished up to eternal life , and so the new birth getting growth daily , arrives at last to the due measure of the stature of christ. 6. this is the priviledge of the faithful receiver . but for those that are devoid of this true and living faith , though the divine body and blood of christ is every where present to the faithful , yet they who are unregenerate , and consequently devoid of the divine life , are capable of no union therewith , nor of any growth or strength therefrom . but it is like the light shining into a dead man's eye , of which there is no vital effect . but for those who are regenerate , and consequently have a real hunger and thirst after the righteousness of god , though the great feast upon this heavenly food is more especially and copiosely injoyed in the celebration of the holy eucharist , yet they may in some good measure draw it in day by day by faith and devotion , as without the presence of the bread and wine we may at any time devotionally think of the sacrifice of the death of our saviour . but certainly this solemn institution of celebrating his last supper , being particularly and earnestly injoyn'd us by christ , if we conscientiously observe the same , it will have a more than ordinary efficacy in us for the ends it was appointed . 7. sixthly and lastly , as those words of the catechism [ the body and blood of christ which are verily and indeed taken and received , &c. ] have , considered in themselves , a very easie and natural sense so explained , as we have according to the analogy of the doctrine of the primitive fathers and our church's homilies that allude to them , explained them ; so do they not at all clash with those words of the rubrick affixed at the end of the communion-service , where it is affirmed , that the sacramental bread and wine remains still in their very natural substances , and therefore may not be adored ( for that were idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful christians ) and the natural body and blood of our saviour christ are in heaven , and not here , it being against the truth of christ's natural body to be at one time in more places than one . there is i say , in this , no contradiction to what occcurs in the catechism , which affirms that there is a real presence of the body and blood of christ , which are verily and indeed taken and received by the faithful in the lord's supper , though here a real presence is denyed of the natural body of christ. but it is to be considered that this affirmation and negation is not of the same body of christ , and therefore can be no contradiction , and further to be observed , how the very rubrick suggests to us this distinction of the natural body of christ ( which is appropriated to his particular soul , and which hung on the cross and was crucified ) and his divine or spiritual body , the body of the essential life or spirit of the eternal logos , and therefore rightly termed the body of the logos incarnate , or of christ. and therefore when passages of the ancient fathers in the primitive times before the degeneracy of the church came in , may some of them favour a real absence , other a real presence of the body and blood of christ according as different places of the scripture might occur to their minds touching this matter , the controversy might well be composed by distinguishing betwixt the natural body of christ and his divine or spiritual body . according to the former whereof is the real absence , according to the latter the real presence of christ's body and blood , to be received by the faithful in the celebration of the holy eucharist . chap. viii . 1. monsieur maimbourg so cunning and cautious as not to attempt to bring the protestants to transubstantiation by their common consent in the real presence , but by a more general maxime , which , he says , we are all agreed in . 2. the aforesaid maxime with the explication thereof . 3. six supposals surmiz'd for the strengthening this engine for the pulling the protestants into the belief of transubstantiation . 4. a counter-engine consisting of sixteen common notions , in which , not only the romanists and we , but all mankind are agreed in . 5. an examination of the strength of monsieur maimbourg's engine , by recurring upon occasion to these common notions ; the first prop examined , viz. the churches infallibility by assistance of the spirit , and discovered to be weak from the dissention of churches in matters of faith in his sense . 6. from the promise of the spirit being conditional . 7. and from the predictions in the prophetical writings of a general degeneracy of the church . 8. the examination of the second prop , that would have transubstantiation believed upon the synodical decision of a fallible church . 9. the examination of the third prop , that would have the synodical decision pass into an article of faith. 10. the fourth prop examined by defining truly what heresy and schism is . 11. the fifth prop further explained by mounsieur maimbourg , in two propositions . 12. an answer to the two propositions . 1. i have , i hope by this time , sufficiently proposed and confirmed both the truth and usefulness of the distinction of the body and blood of christ ( which occurs in the primitive fathers ) into natural , and spiritual or divine . from whence it may plainly appear to any pious and uprejudiced reader , that the inference of a transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the real body and blood of christ , from a real presence of them in the lord's supper , is very weak and invalid . which monsieur maimbourg ( as well as the bishop of meaux , formerly bishop of condom ) though he take special notice of in his peaceable method , viz. that this real presence of the body and blood of christ in the lord's supper , is generally acknowledged by the protestants , chap. 3. whom he will have to hold , that the sacrament is not a figure or empty sign without efficacy , but they do maintain , saith he , that it does communicate unto us in a most real and effectual manner , the body of jesus christ to be the food of our souls ; and he will have monsieur claud himself acknowledge , that before this novelty of transubstantiation was introduced , every one believed that iesus christ is present in the sacrament , that his body and blood are there truly received by the faithful ; yet he is so wise and cautious as not to trust to the strength of this engine for the pulling us back into a belief and profession of that incredible hypothesis , but according to the fineness of his wit , has spread a more large net to catch us in and carry us captive , not only into this gross errour of transubstantiation , but into all other errours which the church of rome has broached , or may hereafter broach and propose as articles of faith. and therefore it is a point worth our closest consideration . 2. his general maxim is this , that that church in which are found two parties concerned , has ever had the power to determine all differences , and to declare that as matter of faith , which before there was no obligation to believe , and that we are bound to acquiesce in her decisions , under penalty of being schismaticks . by the church her declaring as matter of faith ( which seems to sound so harshly ) he does not mean , that the church has authority to frame new articles of faith , ( pag. 17. ) but that she is to act according to a rule , which is holy scripture , and tradition truly and purely apostolical , from which we have also received the holy scripture it self . and ( page 18. ) the church never did make , and undoubtedly never will make any new articles of faith , since it is not in her power to define any thing but according to the word of god , which she is always to consult with , as with her oracle , and the rule she is bound to follow . his meaning therefore must be this , that besides those plain and universally known articles of the christian faith , and acknowledged from the very beginning of christianity , such as are comprised in the apostles creed , there have been , and may be other articles of faith more obscurely and uncertainly delivered in scripture , which , until the church in a lawful synod or council has determined the sense of those places of scripture that appertain to the controversie , men have no obligation to believe , but go for the present , for but uncertain and indifferent opinions . but when once the true church , in which the parties differing in opinion are , and her lawful representative assisted by the holy ghost , ( as is affirmed chap. 2. pag. 28. ) a canonical assembly , which alone has full power and sovereign authority to say juridically ( chap. 4. pag. 27. ) it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , has given definitive sentence touching the controversie , that which before was but an indifferent opinion , becomes now matter of faith , and is to be received as an article of faith by the dissenting party , upon penalty of being schismaticks and hereticks . this i conceive to be his precise meaning . but the great artifice of all is , that he will have this meaning of his to be the general opinion also of the protestant churches . who can , says he , ( page 27. ) question , but the protestant churches of england , france , germany , and switzerland and the low countries do hold as a fundamental maxim , that in such controversies as do arise concerning doctrine in matters of religion , the true church of which the dissenting parties are members , has full and sovereign power to declare according to the word of god , what is of faith , and that there is an obligation of standing to her decrees , under pain of being schismaticks . and ( page 35. ) i demand , saith he , nothing more for the present : i will content my self with what themselves do grant ; that that church of which the parties contesting are members , ( be she fallible or infallible ) has full power to decide differences , and her decrees do oblige under the penalty of being schismaticks . 3. now from this general maxim granted , as he conceives , on both sides , and which he does chiefly endeavour to prove from the carriage of the synod of dort , toward the arminians ( all which things to repeat here would be too moliminous and inconsistent with the brevity i intend , a full answer to monsieur maimbourg's method requiring some more able pen ) he declining , i say , all dispute touching the merit of the cause , the point of transubstantiation , he would hence draw us in , to the imbracing that doctrine merely because we were once of that church that has synodically determined for it , and consequently reconcile us to all the rest of the errours of the church of rome . but that we may not so easily be taken in this net , or pulled in by this engine , we will first examine the supposals that support the strength of it , or of which it does consist . the first and chiefest whereof is , that such synods to whose definitive sentence he would have us stand , are assisted by the holy ghost . the second , that whether they be or be not , we are to stand to their determination . the third , whatever matters of opinion ( as they are for the present but such ) are decided by such a synod , pass into articles of faith the fourth , that those that will not close with these decisions be they what they will , they are guilty of schism , as being bound to assent . the fifth , that these decisive synods or assemblies , are to decide according to the rule of the word of god. the sixth and last , that both the protestants and papists are agreed in all these . 4. now before i examine these particulars , these supposals , parts or props of his general maxim , by which he would draw the protestants again into the church of rome , and make them embrace transubstantiation , and all other superstitions and errours which they have synodically decided for matters of faith : i will , following the very method of this shrewd writer , propose not only one maxime , but several maximes , wherein both the romanists and we , and indeed all mankind are agreed in , and which therefore i will instead of maximes call common notions , in allusion to those of euclid . and the first shall be this , i. that which in it self is false , no declaring or saying it is true can make it true . ii. whatever is plainly repugnant to what is true is certainly false . iii. whatever is false can be no due article of a true faith or religion . iv. the senses rightly circumstantiated are true judges of their object , whether such an object be earth , air , fire , or water , body or spirit , and the like . besides that this is a common notion with all mankind , the incarnate wisdom himself has given his suffrage for it , in his arguing with s t thomas , iohn 20. v. 27. then saith he to thomas , reach hither thy finger , and behold my hands , and reach hither thy hand and thrust it into my side , and be not faithless but believing . what is this but the appealing to the truth of sense by our saviour himself ? and luke 24. v. 29. behold my hands and my feet that it is i my self , handle me and see , for a spirit has not flesh and bones as ye see i have . here is an appeal both to sense and reason at once , and that about the very body of christ , touching which the great controversie is raised . v. an essence or being that is one , so long as it remains so , as it is distinct from others , so it is undividable or inseparable from it self . vi. the whole is bigger than the part , and the part less than the whole . vii . in every division , though the parts agree with the whole , yet they disagree amongst themselves . so that the part a. is not the very part b. nor the part b. the very part c. nor can each part be truly and adequately the whole by the foregoing common notion . viii . the same body cannot be actually a cube and a globe at once , and there is the same reason of any other different figures of a body . ix . no revelation , the revealing whereof , or the manner of the revealing whereof is repugnant to the divine attributes , can be from god. x. no tradition of any such revelation can be true , for as much as the revelation it self is impossible . xi . no interpretation of any divine revelation that is repugnant to rightly circumstantiated sense and pure and unprejudiced reason , whether it be from a private or publick hand , can be any inspiration from god. xii . no body can be bigger and less than it self at once . xiii . that individual body that is already , nor ceaseth to be , cannot be made while it is already existing . xiv . one and the same body cannot be both present with it self and many thousand miles absent from it self at once . xv. one and the same body cannot be shut up in a box , and free to walk and run in the fields , and to ascend into the very heavens at the same time . xvi . and lastly ( to omit many other such self-evident truths or common notions ) it is impossible , that a man should swallow his whole body , head , feet , back , belly , arms , and thighs , and stomach it self , through his mouth , down his throat into his stomach , that is , every whit of himself into one knows not what of himself , less than a mathematical point or nothing . for if all be swallowed , what is there left of the man for it to be swallowed into , but a mere point or rather nothing ? 5. certainly all the world as well papists as protestants , as soon as they do but conceive the meaning of the terms , will assent to the truth of these propositions at the very first sight ; which therefore has made me call them common notions . let us now apply our selves to the use of them in the examining the strength of monsieur maimbourg's general maxime , wherein he will have the papists and protestants agreed . the first prop thereof is , that the true church is infallible by the promise made to her of being assisted by the holy ghost . but here i demand whether this promise be made to the universal church or any particular church or churches throughout all ages . that it is not made to the universal church throughout all ages , is plain , in that the parts thereof have been and are still divided in several matters of faith. that no such promise is made to any particular church or churches , is plain from hence , that these churches are not named in any part of the scripture ; which omission is incredible if there had been any such entailment of infallibility upon any particular church or churches . but of all churches , i humbly conceive , it is impossible it should be the church of rome , unless it be possible that all those common notions which i have set down , and in which all the world , even the church of rome her self , if they will speak their consciences , are agreed in , be false , which they must be if transubstantiation be true . and therefore let any man judge whether is themore likely , viz. that transubstantiation should be false or those common notions not true . 6. again , how does it appear that this promise of the assistance of the holy ghost is not conditional ? indeed christ says , iohn 16. 13. when the spirit of truth is come he will guide you into all truth , viz. the same spirit that is promised , chap. 14. v. 15 , 16 , 17. but the words of this pretended charter of infallibility are there set down more fully : if you love me keep my commandments ; and i will pray the father and he shall give you another comforter that he may abide with you for ever , even the spirit of truth whom the world cannot receive — the promise of the assistance of the holy ghost for the infallibly concluding what is true , even from the words of this pretended charter of infallibility , is conditional , that is to say , if they so love christ as to keep his commandments , and become not worldly and carnal ( for the world cannot receive this spirit of truth ) then this spirit which leadeth into all truth shall assist them . wherefore as many as christ sends this infallible spirit to , he first fits them for it by mortifying the spirit of the world in them , and making them members of his truly holy church ; for the calling themselves holy church , makes them never a jot the more holy , if they really be not so , by the first common notion . and besides , if the words of this charter of infallibility had not been so express , yet in common sense and reason this condition would necessarily have been understood . forasmuch as nothing can be more absurd than to imagine the assistance of the holy ghost to be so cheap and trivial a thing , as to be procured for the concluding controversies arising or set on foot in the church , which are needless and frivolous , or more for satisfying curiosity than edification , and which tend to division , and tearing the church violently into parts , which was one before and in a salvable condition without this decision , as monsieur maimbourg confesses himself : or that the holy ghost will assist such assemblies as are worldly and carnally minded , and are called to conclude for the worldly advantage and interest of a worldly polity , who for the upholding and increasing their temporal empire ( whereby they lord it over the world , and ride on the necks of kings and princes ) call themselves spiritual . certainly when all christian truth tends to real and indispensable holiness , if mankind were not left to the liberty of their own will , but christ would have them so infallibly wise , he would all along have prepared them for it , by making them unexceptionably holy , that they might become wise in his own way and method 7. and lastly , there being predictions in daniel and the apocalpyse of an antichristian state in the church to come ( in which there will be such a general apostasie from the apostolick purity ) even according to their own interpreters , i demand what assurance we have that these times came not ( in a very great measure ) upon the church , some hundreds of years before transubstantiation was concluded on by the roman church , which therefore must much invalidate the pretence of the infallibility of any such councils . and our church of england , as all know , in her homilies , whether by inspiration or by mere solid reason and judgement refers the vision of the seventeenth chapter of the apocalypse , to the church of rome . and , i hope , to any unprejudiced reader , that has leisure to examine things , i have even demonstratively made out that truth in my exposition of the apocalypse , and most punctually and distinctly of all in my ioint-exposition of the thirteenth and seventeenth chapters thereof , synops. prophet . book 1. chap. 11 , 12 , 13 , &c. with the preparatory chapters thereto . let any one read them that please , and in the due fear of god consider them . wherefore , to conclude , touching this first prop of his general maxim , whereby he would insinuate that synods , to whose definitive sentence he would have us to stand , are assisted by the holy ghost , it does not only not underprop , but undermine his grand maxim. forasmuch as we have no assurance that those roman councils which have concluded for transubstantiation were assisted by the holy ghost , but rather quite contrary . 8. the second prop is , that whether a synod be or be not assisted by the holy ghost , we are to stand to their determination . if the synod be not assisted by the holy ghost then they are fallible , and may be in the wrong : so that the sense is , whether the synod determine right or wrong , yet we are to stand to their determination . which as odly as it sounds , yet in some sober sense , i must confess ingenuously , for ought i know , may be true , that is , in such things as are really disputable , and which for no sinister base design , but merely for the peace of the church and her edification , it has been thought fit to make a synodical decision of the controversie . but is this colour enough for the church of rome's determination to be stood to ? of making the bread in the sacrament to be transubstantiated into the very body of christ that hung on the cross at ierusalem ( and has ever since his ascension been in heaven ) by the priest's saying over it , this is my body , the bread still remaining bread to all outward appearance , as before , so that christ is fain to be at the expence of a perpetual miracle to make the transubstantiated bread look like bread still , though it be really the body of christ that hung on the cross at ierusalem . which , as i have noted above , is against his wisdom and goodness , in that , if transubstantiation be a true article of the christian faith , this is the most effectual way imaginable to make men , if left to their own free thought , to mis-believe it , however force and cruelty might constrain them to profess it : and so it is against his goodness , to expose so great a part of his church to such bloody persecutions as this article has occasioned in the christian world. that christ should do a perpetual miracle not that will confirm mens faith , but subvert it , not to edifie his church but distract it , and lay all in confusion and blood ! let any one consider how likely this is to be . this therefore could never be a point , bonâ fide , disputable , but to such as were horribly hoodwinkt with prejudice , and blinded with a desire of having a thing concluded by the church which was of such unspeakable advantage , as they then thought , for the magnifying the priest-hood , though i believe nothing will turn more to their disrepute and shame in the conclusion . now i dare appeal to monsieur maimbourg himself , whether we are to stand to the determination of a fallible synod in a point , that , besides what i have already hinted , contradicts all those common notions , which i have above recited , and in which all mankind are agreed . and such is this point of transubstantiation . 9. now for the third prop , that whatever matters of opinion ( as they are for the present but such ) are decided by such a synod , pass into articles of faith ; this prop is also really a puller down of this general maxim. for by an article of faith , must be meant such an article as after the synodical decision , is necessary to be believed by all parties upon pain of damnation but to this i answer , first , no falshood can be an article of faith , nor can what is in it self false , by all the declaring in the world that it is true , become true , by the first common notion . and secondly , since the whole church before , in which arose the controversie , were in a salvable condition , how unchristian an act must this be , to put so many thousand souls in the state of damnation , by so unnecessary , nay mischievous a synodical decision ! and therefore what pretence can there be to the assistance of the holy ghost , which christ has promised his church , when they machinate that , which so manifestly tends , according as the synod acknowledges , to the damnation of such a multitude of souls , which before the decision were in a salvable condition , and also to most barbarous persecutions of their persons , as it is notoriously known in history , touching transubstantiation . 10. the fourth prop charges those with the guilt of schism and heresie that will not close with the above-said synodical decisions , be they what they will. in which matter we cannot judge whether the charge be right , unless we first understand what is truly and properly heresie and schism . the former whereof i demand what it can be , but a dissent from the catholick church even in those things in it , that are apostolical . for whatever national church is found to have all and nothing else in it but what is apostolical , or not inconsistent with the apostolical doctrine and practice , is most assuredly one part of that one catholick and apostolick church , which we profess our belief of in our creed . and for the latter it can be nothing else but a separation from the catholick church , or from any church that is part thereof , even then , when she approves her self to be catholick , that is to say even then , when she is apostolick , or , though she be apostolick , and offers no opinions or usages but such as are conformable to the usages and doctrines of christ and his apostles , or have no repugnancy thereto . to separate from the church in such circumstances as these , certainly is that great crime of schism ; but to separate from that part of the church which imposes opinions and practices plainly repugnant to the precepts of christ and his apostles , this is no schism but union with the truly antient catholick and apostolick church . and the declaring it schism does not , nor can make it so , by common notion the first .. and if it were schism to separate from such a church as propounds things repugnant to the precepts of christ and his apostles , the guilt of this schism is not upon them that thus separate , but upon those that impose such anti-apostolical matters . 11. the fifth prop , that these decisive synods or assemblies are to decide according to the rule of the word of god , the strength of this prop he endeavours more fully to display pag. 34. and he calls upon the brethren of the reformed churches to reflect seriously upon these two propositions he sets down . the first is , that as the word of god is infallible in it self , so certainly the judgment of him who truly judges according to this rule is also infallible : and consequently they are obliged to believe , that the church when she judges according to this rule or the word of god , does not only not err , but that she also cannot err . the second , that they [ the reformed ] are bound [ as well as we the romanists ] to believe that the church of god deciding controversies of faith , does judge according to the true sense of the word of god : because upon the matter it is concerning this very sense that she gives judgment betwixt the parties , who give it a different sense , and who are obliged in conscience to submit to her judgment , under pain of being schismaticks and hereticks , as their synod of dort has positively declared . 12. the first of these propositions may pass for firm and sound , provided that the meaning of her judging according to this rule is the giving the right and genuine sense thereof : of which she can neither assure her self nor any one else , but by being assured of that holiness , integrity , and singleness of heart , in those of the synod , that makes them capable of the assistance of the holy ghost ; and also that their decision clashes not with those indeleble notions in the humane soul , that are previous requisites for the understanding the meaning of not only the holy scriptures , but of any writing whatever . and unto which if they find any thing in the letter of the sacred writ repugnant , they may be sure it is a symbolical or figurative speech , but in other writings , that it is either a figurative speech or nonsense . he that has not this previous furniture , or makes no use of it , it is impossible he should prove a safe judgeof the sense of scripture . and if he runs counter to what is certainly true , it is evident his interpretation is false by the second common notion , and that he is not inspired by common notion the eleventh . touching the second proposition , i demand how any can be bound to stand to the judgment of any synod , if they decline the previous requisites , without which it is impossible to understand the right meaning of any writing whatsoever ; and whether their pretending to judge according to a rule , does not imply , that there are some common principles , in which all parties are agreed in , according to which , though they cannot discern that the synod has certainly defined right , yet if the synod run counter to them , they may be sure they have defined wrong , touching the very sense controverted between the parties . their professing they judge according to the rule , implies the rule is in some measure known to all that are concerned . nor does it at all follow , because the object of their decision is the very sense controverted between the parties , that the synod may give what judgment she will , break all laws of grammar and syntax in the expounding the text , much less contradict those rules which are infinitely more sacred , and inviolable , the common notions which god has imprinted essentially on the humane understanding . if such a violence be used by any interpreters of scripture , neither the synod of dort , nor any reformed church , has or will declare , that under pain of being schismaticks and hereticks , they are obliged in conscience to submit to their determination . chap. ix . 1. the examination of the sixth prop , by demanding whether the maxime monsieur maimbourg proproses is to be understood in the full sense , without any appeal to any common agreed on principles of grammar , rhetorick , logick and morality . 2. instances of enormous results from thence , with a demand whether the protestant churches would allow of such absurd synodical decisions . 3. that the citations of history , touching the synod of dort , prove not , that all synodical decisions pass into proper articles of faith , with the authors free judgment touching the carriage of that synod , and of the parties condemned thereby . 4. his judgment countenanced from what is observed by historians to be the sentiments of king james in the conference at hampton court. 1. and yet the sixth and last prop of the general maxime implies as much , which affirms , that both the protestants and papists are agreed in all the five foregoing supposals , or to speak more compendiously in that his general maxime . that that church in which are found the two parties concerned , has ever had the power to determine all differences , and to declare that as matter of faith , which before there was no obligation to believe , and that we are bound to aquiesce in their decisions under the penalty of being schismaticks . but i demand here of monsieur maimbourg , whether he will have his maxime understood in a full latitude of sense , and that immediately without recourse to any principles in which the synod and the parties are agreed , and counter to which , if any determination be made it is null , such as grammatical syntax and lexicographical sense of words ; and ( which are laws infinitely more sacred and inviolable ) the common notions ( as i said before ) essentially imprinted on the soul of man , either of truth or morality , whether without being bounded by these , the protestant churches as well as the pontifician are agreed , that we are to stand to the determination of a synod , under the penalty of being schismaticks . 2. as for example , if a synod should interpret , drink ye all of this , of the clergy only , and declare it does not reach the laity , though the apostles and primitive church understood it did : if notwithstanding s t paul's long exhortation against religibus exercise in an unknown tongue , 1 cor. 14. they should by some distinction or evasion conclude it lawful . if when as it is said , thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image to worship and fall down before it , they should distinguish and restrain it only to the graven images of the heathen gods. if when as it is said , thou shalt have no other gods but me , they should distinguish gods into supream and subordinate , and declare , we may have many subordinate gods , but only one supream . if when as it said , honour thy father and thy mother , they should restrain it to a father or mother of the same religion with our selves , whether political father or natural , otherwise we are free from this command , and may despise both our natural parents and our prince , if they be not of the same perswasion with our selves . and whereas it is said , thou shalt not commit adultery , if they should understand it only of such an adultery as is committed for the mere pleasure of the flesh , not for the health of the body , or assisting the conjugal impotency of his neighbour . if the commandment against murther , or killing an innocent person , they should restrain to murther that is accompanied with delight in cruelty , not that which is committed to raise a livelyhood , or secure an interest the murtherer has espoused . if the commandment against stealing , they should restrain to such theft as is against men of our religion and perswasion , but that we may rob and steal from others without sin . and according to the same tenour they should interpret , thou shall not bear false witness against thy neighbour , &c. i demand , i say , whether monsieur maimbourg does conceive , that the protestants , nay , or his own party , are agreed that all such determinations are to be submitted to upon penalty of being schismaticks . let him ask the reformed churches if they be thus agreed , or rather let him ask his own conscience , if he think they are . wherefore it is plain , that what he produces out of the history of the synod of dort , reaches not the point that he drives at , that is to say , that it is acknowledged by them , that after a synod has decided the controversie , or given the sense of places of scripture controverted , be it what it will be , the decision is to be stood to , under penalty of being schismaticks , and that there are not some commonly known truths , common notions of reason and morality , with which if the determination of a synod does clash , it is ipso facto null , and a demonstration that the spirit of god did not assist . 3. i observe farther , that all the citations that are produced either by monsieur maimbourg himself , or his translator , in his preface and appendix , will not amount to the protestants professing that every controversie or controverted opinion , after the decision of the synod , passes into an article of faith , which properly signifies such a doctrine , as without the belief of which , when it is proposed , he that mis-believes it forfeits his salvation ; for hereby the synod of dort had damned all the lutheran churches . for my own part i must confess , that in points that are so obscure , intricate , and abstruse , and which , as touching the main part of them , have exercised and much baffled humane understanding through all ages , it had been a great piece of christian prudence for that synod to have made decrees against all bitterness of speech of the disagreeing parties one against another , and to have admonished them that they were bound , notwithstanding their difference of opinion , to live in mutual love one to another , which is the true badge of christ's genuine disciples , rather than to have exasperated one party against another , by making that doctrine authentick , which is really in it self from places of scripture , and reason so intricate and disputable . but it seems to have been the sleight of satan for the weakning the reformed churches that drove them to it . but i must say , on the other side , that when the synod had determined , they who were determined against , ought to have submitted to her determination in a thing so really disputable , and by this christian policy to have conserved the peace of the church , and out-witted the devil . for if they had had any modesty in them , they might very well in such abstruse , dark and disputable points have compromised with the synod , and preferred the peace and safety of the reformed churches , before the satisfaction of their own opinionativeness . 4. and that wise prince , king iames the first of blessed memory , seems to come near to what i have said , in the words delivered by his embassadour at the synod of dort , as they are cited by monsieur maimbourg himself in his peaceable method , pag. 23. that for the allaying those troubles , there was but that one only means which the church had ever made use of , a national synod , which was to be judge in the case , and to decide which of the two opinions was more conformable to the word of god : or at least how and in what manner the one or the other might be tolerated in the church of god. which latter part is cunningly left out by the translator , in his preface , pag. 3. but in those latter words , king iames plainly intimates his moderate sentiments touching the controversy , and that he would not have the decision made too rigidly and pinchingly on either side . and sutably to this excellent judgment of his , in the conference at hampton-court , when the puritans would have had the nine lambeth articles , which are more full and express against the points of arminianism , to be embodyed into the articles of our church , concluded on in the convocation holden at london , in the year 1562. the king earnestly refused it . and in his instructions to his divines he sent over to the synod of dort , this remarkable one was amongst the rest , that they would advise the churches that the ministers do not deliver in pulpit to the people those things for ordinary doctrines , which are the highest points of the schools , and not fit for vulgar capacities , but disputable on both sides . and we may be sure when he was so careful in this for the foreign churches , he would not neglect to infuse the same good principles into his own . and that he could not easily believe that upon the decision of the synod of dort , that passed into an article of faith , without which there is no salvation , which yet he would have hid from the knowledge of the people . chap. x. 1. what synodical decisions are capable of passing into proper articles of faith , and what not . 2. the necessity of distinguishing the doctrinal decisions of synods into articles of faith , properly so called , and articles of communion . 3. the meaning of the king's answer to mr. knewstub , in the conference at hampton-court : and that synods have unlimited power to put what sense they please on places of scripture , and make them pass into articles of faith , not proved to be the opinion of the protestant churches . 4. that our english church is against it , largely proved out of her articles . 5. no article of faith pre-existent in scripture that cannot be fetched thence but by interpreting against the proleptick principles of rightly circumstantiated sense and common notions ingrafted essentially in the humane understanding . 6. of decision of points necessary to salvation , and to the justifying the christian worship , and those that are less necessary , and less clear , and lastly , those that have an insuperable difficulty on both sides . 7. monsieur maimbourg's general maxime , that it is not agreed in by the protestant churches , abundantly demonstrated , with a note of the subtilty of the romanists in declining the dispute of the particular merits of their cause , and making it their business to perswade , first , that their church is infallible . 8. a meeting with monsieur maimbourg once more in his own method , and thereby demonstrating that transubstantiation is grosly false , and consequently the church of rome fallible , with an hint of a true peaceable method of reconciling papists and protestants . 1. wherefore it seems needful to take notice of this distinction of the doctrinal decisions of synods , that some pass into , or rather are of the nature of the articles of faith , the knowledge of them being necessary to keep us from sin and damnation . and such were the doctrinal decisions of those ancient primitive councils , who out of scripture plainly declared , the truth of the divinity of christ and triunity of the god-head , without which the church would be involved in gross idolatry . and therefore the decisions of the controversies did naturally pass into professed articles of the christian faith , and such as our salvation depended on . but to imagine that every doctrinal decision of a synod passes into a proper article of faith , without which there is no salvation , and that a synod has power to make that an article of faith , before which men were safe and sinless as to that point , is to put it into the power of a synod to damn god knows how many myriads of men which christ dyed for , and had it not been for these curious , or rather mischievous decisions , might have been saved ; than which what can be more prodigious ? 2. whence we see plainly it is most necessary to make this distinction in doctrinal decisions of synods , that some may be articles of faith , others only articles of communion , that if any oppose or disparage the said articles , whether they be of the clergy or laity , they make themselves obnoxious to excommunication ; and if a clergy-man does not subscribe to them , he makes himself uncapable of ecclesiastical imployment . this is all that monsieur maimbourg can squeeze out of all his citations out of the story of the synod of dort , so far as i can perceive , or his translator in his preface and appendix , out of those he produces touching the church of england . 3. and that which his translator in his preface would make such a great business of , viz , this wise kings answer to m r knewstubs , at the conference at hampton court , when he was asked , how far an ordinance of the church was to bind men without impeachment of their christian liberty : to which he said , he would not argue that point with him , but answer therein as kings are wont to speak in parliament , le roy s'avisera . and therefore i charge you never speak more to that point how far you are bound to obey when the church has once ordained it . i say nothing more can be collected out of this answer , but that he modestly intimated his opinion , that he meant not that all synodical decisions passed into articles of faith , but may be only articles of communion in the sense i have already explained . and what i have already said , if seriously and considerately applyed to what he produces in his appendix , will easily discover that they prove nothing more touching the church of england , than what we have already allowed to be her doctrine touching the authority of synods . but that a synod without any limitation or appeal to certain principles in which both the synod and parties contesting are all agreed in , may by her bare immediate authority , give what sense she pleases on places of scripture , alledged in the controversy , and that her decision passes into an artiticle of faith , which the parties cast are bound to assent to , under the pain of becoming hereticks and schismaticks . nothing can be more contrary than this to the declarations of the church of england . so far is it from truth , that all the protestant churches are agreed in his grand maxime above mentioned . 4. let the church of england speak for her self , artic. 19. as the church of jerusalem , alexandria , and antioch , so also the church of rome has erred , not only in their living and ceremonies , but also in matters of faith. and article 21. general councils may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of princes . and when they be gathered together ( forasmuch as they be an assembly of men , whereof all be not governed with the spirit and word of god ) they may err , and sometimes have erred even in things appertaining to god , wherefore things ordained by them , as necessary to salvation , have neither strength nor authority , unless it may be declared that they be taken out of the holy scriptures . here our church plainly declares , that forasmuch as a council or synod consists of fallible persons , they can determine nothing necessary to salvation , but what they can make out that it is clearly , to any unprejudiced eye , contained in the scripture , not fetched out by weak and precarious consequences , or phanciful surmises , much less by a distorted interpretation , and repugnant to common sense and reason , which are necessarily supposed in the understanding of any scripture or writing whatsoever , as i have intimated above . and even that article ( 20. ) which the translator produces in his preface , in the behalf of monsieur maimbourg's grand maxime , do but produce the whole article and it is plainly against it . for the words are these : the church has power to decree rites and ceremonies and autority in controversies of faith ; and yet it is not lawful for the church to ordain any thing that is contrary to god's word written , neither may it so expound one place of scripture that it be repugnant to another . wherefore although the church be a witness and keeper of holy writ , yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so beside the same , ought it not to inforce any thing to be believed for necessity of salvation . it is true , the church is here said to have authority in controversies of faith. as certainly if any should raise new stirs in any national church , touching such points as the antient primitive synods have concluded for , in the behalf of the divinity of christ , and triunity of the god-head , pretending they have clearer demonstrations than ever yet were proposed against those decisions or any of like nature , which may concern the iustifiableness of our christian worship , and indispensable way of salvation , the church has authority as she ever had , in such controversies , to ratifie such articles of faith , but she is not said to have authority to make every synodical decision an article of faith , whether the nature thereof will bear it or no. nay her authority is excluded from inforcing any thing besides what is clearly enough contained in the scripture ( as assuredly those points are above mentioned , though with weak or cavilling men they have been made questionable ) to be believed for necessity of salvation . which is the proper character of an article of faith , according as the preface to the athanasian creed intimates . and monsieur maimbourg himself is so sensible of this main truth , that in the explication of his general maxime , he acknowledges that the church has no autority to coin any new articles of faith , but only to declare she has discovered them existent before in the scriptures , but not so clearly espi'd or discerned as by an assembled synod . 5. but certainly no article of faith , that is to say , no truth necessary to salvation can be said to be pre existent in the scriptures , and having lain hid to be discovered afterwards , that is not discovered but by such forced interpretations of the text , that are repugnant to common sense and reason . is not this a reproach to the wisdom of god , that he should inspire the holy penmen to set down truth necessary to salvation so obscurely , that the meaning cannot be reached without doing violence to common sense and reason , and running counter to those previous principles , without which it is impossible to make sense of any writing whatever ? or without interpreting one place of scripture repugnantly to the plain sense of another . which this article expresly forbids as unlawful . so plain is it that our church limits the authority of a synod to certain rules agreed of on all hands , against which they have no authority to define any thing : and plain places of scripture is one rule , contrary to which it is not lawful to interpret any either pretendedly or really obscure place . nor can any place at all be plain without the admittance of those proleptick principles of rightly circumstantiated sense and common undeniable notions essentially ingrafted in the mind of man , whether they relate to reason or morality . these , both synod and contesters , are supposed to be agreed on , and therefore no synodical decision repugnant to these according to our church in interpreting of scripture ( if i rightly understand her ) ought to have autority with it . 6. but as for doctrinal decisions , such as concern the justifiableness of the christian worship , and are of necessity to salvation , and such as , although either weak or willful cavilling men may make questionable , yet are clearly enough delivered in scripture , these , questionless , a synod has autority to determine as articles of faith. and such as have not the like clearness nor necessity , as also innocent and indifferent rites and ceremonies , when the one and the other seem advantagious to the church , such synodical decisions may pass into articles of communion , in that sense i have above explained . and lastly , as in that case of the synod of dort , when the points controverted have on both sides that invincible obscurity and intricacy , and there seems to be forcible arguments for either conclusion . what , i humbly conceive , is to be done in that case , i have fully enough expressed already , and therefore think it needless again to repeat . 7. in the mean time , i hope , i have made it manifoldly apparent that monsieur maimbourg's general maxime , viz. that the church , in which are found the two parties concerned , has ever had the power to determine all differences , and to declare that as matter of faith , which before there was no obligation to believe ; and that we are bound to acquiesce in her decisions under the penalty of being schismaticks , is not , ( especially as he would have his maxime understood ) agreed on by all churches , as well protestant as pontifician . and that therefore this snare or net , wherewith he would catch and carry captive the protestants into a profession of the infallibility of the church in synodical decisions ; so that the church must be first allow'd infallible , that we may glibly swallow down whatsoever she decides , even transubstantiation it self , with all other errours of the church of rome ; this net or snare , i hope , i have sufficiently broken . and i will only note by the bye , how the subtilest romanists declining the merits of the cause , labour tooth and nail to establish the absolute infallibility of their church . but our saviour tells us , by the fruit you shall know them . wherefore any man or company of men that profess themselves infallible , their infallibility must be examined by their doctrines , which if they be plainly any one of them false , their boast of infallibility most certainly is not true . 8. but forasmuch as an appeal to a maxime pretended to be agreed upon by both sides , both papists and protestants , is made use of with so much wit and artifice , to ingage the protestants to imbrace transubstantiation and the rest of the romish errours : i hope monsieur maimbourg will not take it amiss , if i civilly meet him again in his own way , and show him by an appeal , not only to one maxime but above a dozen at least of common notions , which i did above recite , and in which both papists and protestants , and all mankind are agreed , that it may demonstratively be made evident that the doctrine of transubstantiation is grosly false . for that which in it self is false , no declaring or saying it is true , though by the vote of an entire synod , can make it true , by the first of the common notions above-mentioned , chap. 8. sect. 4. secondly , whatever is plainly repugnant to what is true , is certainly false , and consequently can be no due article of a true faith or religion , by the second and third common notions . and therefore transubstantiation cannot pass into an article of faith by the authority of any synod whatever . thirdly , now that the doctrine of transubstantiation is false , is manifest from the assurance of our senses rightly circumstantiated . to which our saviour christ appeals , who is wiser than all the synods that ever were or will be , as was observed in common notion the fourth . but our senses assure us it is bread still , not the body of christ. fourthly , if transubstantiation be true , an essence or being that is one remaining still one , may be divided or separated from it self , which is repugnant to the fifth common notion . fifthly , if transubstantiation be true , the whole is not bigger than the part , nor the part less than the whole , which contradicts the sixth common notion . sixthly , if transubstantiation be true , the parts in a division do not only agree with the whole , but agree one with another , and are indeed absolutely the same ; for divide a consecrated wafer into two , viz. a. and b. this a. and b. are the same intire individual body of christ according to this doctrine , which contradicts the seventh common notion . seventhly , if the said doctrine be true , one and the same body may be a cube and a globe at once , have the figure of an humane body and of a pyramid and cylinder at the same time , according as they shall mould the consecrated bread , which is repugnant to the eighth common notion . eighthly , transubstantiation , if it be any truth at all , it is a revealed truth ; but no revelation the revealing whereof , or the manner of revealing is repugnant to the divine attributes , can be from god , by common notion the ninth : but if this doctrine of transubstantiation were a truth , it seems not to sute with the wisdom of god to reveal a truth that seems so palpably to overthrow and thwart all the innate principles of humane understanding , and the assurance of the rightly circumstantiated senses , to both which christ himself appeals , and without which we have no certainty of the miracles of christ and his apostles . and he hence exposes his church to be befool'd by all the lucriferous fictions of a fallacious priesthood . and besides this , the circumstances or manner of its first revelation at the lord's supper as they would have it , shows it cannot be ; for the consecrated bread retaining still the shape and all other sensible qualities of bread without any change , and that by a miraculous supporting them , now not inherent in their proper subject bread , which is transubstantiated into that very body that holds it in his hands , or seems so to do . i say , as i have also intimated before , to be thus at the expence of so vast a miracle here at his last supper , and to repeat the same miracle upon all the consecrations of the bread by the priest , which is the most effectual means to make all men infidels , as to the belief of transubstantiation , and to occasion thence such cruel and bloody persecutions , is apparently contrary to the divine wisdom and goodness ; and therefore neither pretended tradition nor fresh interpretation of the inspired text , can make so gross a falshood true , by the tenth and eleventh common notions . ninthly , if transubstantiation be true , one and the same body may be many thousand times bigger or less than it self at the same time , forasmuch as the least atom or particle of his body or transubstantiated bread is his whole body as well as the bigger lump according to this doctrine , which contradicts the twelfth common notion . tenthly , if this doctrine be true , the same individual body still existing and having existed many years , may notwithstanding be made whiles it already exists , which contradicts the thirteenth common notion . eleventhly , if transubstantiation be true , one and the same body may be present with it self and many thousands of miles absent from it self at once , be shut up in a box and free to walk in the field , and to ascend into heaven at the same time , contrary to the fourteenth and fifteenth common notions . and lastly , if this doctrine be true , a man may swallow his own body whole , head , feet , back , belly , arms , and thighs , and stomach it self through his mouth , down his throat into his stomach , that is to say , every whit of himself into one knows not what of himself , less than a mathematical point or nothing . this christ might have done , and actually did if he did eat the consecrated bread with his disciples , which contradicts the sixteenth common notion . wherefore since in vertue of one single maxim , monsieur maimbourg supposing the protestants as well as the paepists agreeing therein ( though in that , as i have show'd , he is mistaken ) would draw in the protestants to imbrace the doctrine of transubstantiation , and other ertors of the roman church , i appeal to him how much more reasonable it is , that he and as many as are of his perswasion should relinquish that doctrine , it contradicting so many common notions , which not only all papists and protestants , but indeed all the whole world are agreed in . and hence clearly discerning the infallibility of the roman church , upon which this and other erroneous doctrines are built ( such as invocation of saints , worshiping of images , and the like ) plainly to fail , that they should bethink themselves what need there is to reform their church from such gross errours , and to pray to god to put it into the mind of their governours so to do ; which would be a peaceable method indeed for the reuniting protestants and catholicks in matters of faith , and principally in the subject of the holy eucharist , as the title of his method has it . but to require an union , things standing as they are , is to expect of us that we cease to be men to become christians of a novel mode unknown to the primitive church , and under pretence of faith to abjure the indeleble principles of sound reason , those immutable common notions which the eternal logos has essentially ingrafted in our souls , and without which neither certainty of faith can consist , nor any assured sense of either the holy scriptures or any writing else be found out or understood . soli deo gloria . a practical discourse concerning swearing especially in the two great points of perjury and common-swearing / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1696 approx. 207 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 105 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66244 wing w252 estc r38405 17356786 ocm 17356786 106438 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66244) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106438) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1106:30) a practical discourse concerning swearing especially in the two great points of perjury and common-swearing / by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [2], xxix [i.e. xlv], [15], 144 p. printed for richard sare ..., london : 1696. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng oaths. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-01 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a practical discourse concerning swearing : especially in the two great points of perjury and common-swearing . by william wake , d. d. and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . london : printed for richard sare , at gray's inn-gate next holborn , 1696. the preface . tho' the prevalence of those vices , which the following treatise is design'd to correct , might be more than enough to justifie the publication of it ; and the seasonableness of the attempt , be a sufficient apology for the meanness of the performance : yet having been induced to write upon this subject by such a consideration , as , i think , cannot justly be excepted against ; it may not be amiss , before i proceed to what i chiefly aim at in this preface , to give some short account , how i came to be engaged in it . it has been the great , and almost singular , care of our english government , to provide , by its municipal laws , not only against false-swearing ; ( a vice in which the interests of publick society are so apparently concern'd , that scarce any state has suffered it to go unpunish'd ; ) but even against common and vain-swearing too : and which , because it does not so immediately affect mens civil interests , i cannot tell whether any laws , besides our own , have thought it their business to meddle with it . how prudent such a provision , as this , is , even with respect to the publick welfare , can be doubted by none , who either believe it to be the concern of states and kingdoms to maintain a general sense of religion in the minds of men ; or have considered what a mighty influence an oath , in particular , has upon the affairs of government ; and of what importance it must therefore be to it , that men should be kept under a very serious and reverend esteem of it . there being nothing more certain , than that if once men be allow'd to profane an oath by common and vain swearing ; they will from thence be apt to go on , in a little while , to a farther contempt of it : and so , by degrees , arrive to an unconcernedness even for perjury its self ; as often as it shall be for their interest to forswear themselves ; and they may hope to do it without the danger of a present punishment for their impiety . it must therefore be acknowledged to have been not only a pious , but politick design too , of those great men , whosoever they were , who by putting a restraint upon common-swearing , first endeavour'd to raise an oath to a just respect amongst us : and concluded , with our saviour , that the best way to cut off the very ground of false-swearing , would be to make it penal for men to swear at all ; unless it were upon some great occasion , and when it was either absolutely necessary , or ( at least ) very fitting for them so to do . and as i think it is for the honour , as well as benefit , of our country ; that our civil-laws have taken such care in a matter which has been generally neglected by most others : so i cannot but observe it to the praise both of our religion , and of the present government ; that of the two attempts that have been made , of this kind , among our selves ; the * first was since the time of the reformation ; as we know the latter , and more perfect , is owing to the wisdom and piety of the present establishment . but because the best laws signifie but very little , unless they be , withal , both generally made known , and duly observed : it has , therefore , been the care of our law-givers to shew their prudence no less in their provision for the publishing of this law , than in the substance of the law its self . and as in the case of perjury , ( in which the civil courts are principally concern'd ; ) it has been order'd that the * statutes , relating to that sin , should be solemnly declared at every assize : so for this , ( which-seems to be more properly religious ) they have appointed the publication of it to be made in the * house of god , and at the time that men are assembled for his service in it . i shall need say very little to shew either how * ancient a custom this has been in all christian countries ; or with what good reason our own law-givers have herein follow'd the examples of their fore-fathers , upon the like occasions . for sure if ever men will be disposed seriously to consider their duty , we may justly hope they will then , especially , be so , when they come together for divine-worship . and when it shall there be shewn them , that both their present , and their future welfare are concern'd in this observance ; that what the law enjoyns under a civil penalty , is no more than what the gospel had before required upon pain of eternal damnation : either men must be utterly lost to all rational conviction , or they will be prevail'd with , by these motives , to forsake a vice ; in which there is so great a danger , so little pleasure , and no advantage . it was upon the first solemn publication , at which i was present , of this law in that church , in which it has pleased god to call me to minister , that i composed the following discourses ; and embraced that advantage , which the publick authority had so happily put into my hands , to lay open the hainousness of a vice , which had not some such care been taken to correct ; it would , i fear , have been very difficult for us , by all our other endeavours , ever to have put a stop to . but tho' the occasion which i took to write upon this subject led me no farther than to treat of common and vain-swearing ; yet having resolved to write upon it , i was willing to make a farther progress in it : and to pursue it in all the several parts of it , that our * saviour's method , ( the ground i chose to go upon ) should direct to me to do . and , first ; as he laid the foundation of his discourse , upon the state of this matter under the law ; so have i here , ( but in short , ) endeavour'd to shew , how the case of swearing stood , under that dispensation . and if in my account thereof i have adventured to give a more general interpretation of the third commandment , than some others , of much greater knowledge in these particulars , have done : i shall only say , that , i think , i have done it for such reasons , as will abundantly suffice to justifie me in it ; and that in forsaking them , i do but close in with many more , neither less learned , nor less approved of , than they . having thus laid the foundation for a right understanding of our saviour's discourse upon this subject ; i go on , with him , to the consideration of that which is , on all hands , allow'd to have been expresly forbidden to the jews under the law , viz. the sin of perjury : and have endeavour'd to furnish my reader with such principles , as may serve to direct him both how to avoid it ; and how to discover , whether he has at any time , or upon any occasion , unhappily fallen under the guilt of it ? and having thus laid open the nature of this sin ; i proceed , in the next place , to shew the malignity of it : and how desperate an offence is thereby committed , not only against god ; but against the common peace and welfare of mankind . the truth is , perjury , as it is a sin of the most hainous nature , whether we consider the honour of god ; or the interests of men : so has it always been pursued not only with the severest denuntiations of vengeance in the other world ; but , for the most part , with very shameful and bitter punishments in this . indeed , among the * ancient romans , tho' the censors enquired very scrupulously into it ; yet , for a long time , the penalty of it , was only a † publick infamy . and so happy were those times , that that alone was thought to have been punishment enough for it . but as the manners of men grew worse , so both they were forced to * encrease the rigour of their laws as to this matter : and most ‖ other nations proceeded against it with the utmost severity ; and thought the guilt of it could be expiated with nothing less than the life of him who fell under it . and tho' contrary to what i have now observed of the roman law ; our own * statutes have , of latter times , been more favourable to such offenders : yet by our ‖ old-common-law they were treated with such a rigour , as tho' it did not extend to death ; yet seems to have been more bitter , than even death its self would have been . from this sin of perjury , by all confess'd to have been no less forbidden under the law , than under the gospel ; i go on , to that in which some have thought the perfection of the gospel above the law to have consisted , as to this matter ; namely , to enquire , whether it be lawful for us christians to swear at all ? that it were very much to be wish'd , that men would live so well , and deal so faithfully with one another , as not to need ever to make use of an oath for the confirmation of what they say , is not to be questioned . nor do i doubt but that they might live so , as to avoid it in many cases , in which they too easily indulge themselves in the use of it . but yet still , the present state of the world consider'd , i do not see how it is possible , for the best christian , altogether to decline it : nor is there any reason why any one should make it a matter of conscience wholly to avoid it . we are told , indeed , of * gregory nazianzen , that upon his conversion to the christian faith , he resolved , once for all , never to swear while he lived ; and that he did manage himself in such wise as to keep to his resolution ; and did not swear to the day of his death . and several of the * ancient fathers there are , who have spoken , in such terms , of this matter ; as if such a resolution had not been so much the particular praise of that great man , as the common duty of all christians . but yet , when all is done , either the methods of government must be wholly changed , and some new models be set up , that were never yet practised in the world : or were those fathers now living , they must set some bounds to their expressions ; and plainly restrain them to that , which i do indeed look upon to have been their true meaning ; viz. not to forbid all swearing whatsoever , but only * all voluntary , and vain swearing ; and in which they were most certainly in the right . it was a remarkable deference that was paid to the honesty of one heretofore among the athenians , * that being call'd , upon a certain occasion , to swear to the truth of what he said ; and being come to the altar ( as the manner there was ) in order thereunto ; the judges would by no means allow of it , but thought it a shame that a person , of such known integrity , should not be credited without an oath . and in some of the * ancient canons , confirm'd ( as to this matter ) by the civil laws ; there was that respect paid to the priestly function , that he who was admitted into holy orders , was from thenceforth free from all obligation to swear , even in those cases , in which all others were expresly required to do it . only , if need were , they might be obliged to give some other caution of their fidelity , that did not seem so much to reflect upon the sacredness of their character . but still , to swear upon a just occasion , was in the general allow'd to be not only lawful , but necessary : and those very exemptions that freed some certain persons from it , did but the more confirm the churches approbation of it in others . to enter upon a particular examination of the several passages of the primitive fathers which seem to speak against all swearing whatsoever ; is an undertaking neither proper for this place , nor otherwise necessary for the vindication of what i have asserted in the following discourses . but that the most severe among them did allow of swearing , when duly required , and reverently perform'd , is evident from hence ; that we find the most religious emperours , and over whom those fathers , which seem to speak with the greatest warmth against it , had a very powerful influence ; nevertheless both to have solemnly * sworn themselves , and to have continued the ‖ necessity of others doing likewise . and yet , it does not appear , that ever they were censured by any of those fathers upon this account . but this is not all : they did not only consent to the necessity of mens swearing , as imposed by the imperial laws ; but they themselves pursued the same method ; and by their own constitutions required it likewise . it was a very solemn , and ( which ought yet more to be remark'd ) a voluntary oath too , that * athanasius made , in his apology to constantius ; to free himself from a certain suspicion which that emperour had , it seems , ( without any just grounds ) taken up against him . st. * austin freely tells us what his own practice , in this particular , was : that he neither chose to swear , when he could avoid it ; nor refused to swear , when he was lawfully required so to do . even * st. basil himself , than whom none has written more expresly against all swearing ; yet , in his canonical epistles , not only imposes no punishment on those who swore as they ought to do ; but by assigning a suitable ‖ pennance to those who sware amiss , did , in effect , acknowledge the lawfulness of swearing , when piously and carefully perform'd . and a more ancient father than he , st. cyprian , complaining of the decay of discipline in the church ; and that so far as to ascribe the decian persecution to the declension of it ; inveighs indeed bitterly against the iniquity of those times , * for swearing falsly , and without a due regard to what they swore ; but says not a word against the thing its self : which yet , had he thought all swearing whatsoever to have been unlawful , he would hardly have let pass , without declaring , upon that occasion , his resentments against it . it was much about the same time , that we find * another of those holy men reflecting , with some warmth , upon novatian , for obliging those , to whom he gave the communion , to swear to him , that they would never fall off from his party . this he represents to us as a most wicked attempt ; but without the least reflection upon the act of swearing , as if there would have been any thing blame-worthy in that , had the substance of their oath been lawful , and the nature of it allowable . nor can it , indeed , be thought that novatian himself , who set up for a more exact observance of the discipline of the church than any other of his time ; and pretended , for that very reason , to separate from the communion of the catholick bishops , that they did not keep so strictly , as they ought , to it ; would not only have obliged others to swear to him , but would have * solemnly sworn himself ; ( and that whilst he was yet in the heighth of his reputation ) had there been any thing in the act of swearing contrary to the opinion of the most precise men in those days . and if we look yet lower , we shall meet with whole councils which have not only consented to the same practice , but have been the authors of forcing men to submit to it : as the ‖ council of ephesus , in the case of nestorius , is particularly observed to have done . and from all which it plainly follows , that the ancient fathers were not against all swearing whatsoever : nor intended any more by their expressions to this purpose , than what several of the heathen moralists themselves did , when they advised their disciples to abstain , in like manner , from swearing altogether ; but yet expounded themselves so , as to shew , that by swearing , they meant only voluntary swearing ; and that they should forbear even that too , only where there was no need of it , nor any sufficient engagement laid upon them to oblige them to it . i shall conclude these remarks with that notable account which josephus has given us of the essenes ; one of the strictest sects among the jews , and so conformable in their manners to the rules of the gospel , that some have mistaken them for christians . now one of the maxims by which , ( if we may credit that historian ) they govern'd themselves , was this of our saviour , * not to swear at all. and yet to this very rule ( among others ) they bound themselves with an ‖ oath ; the better to secure their observance of it . and the only account that we can give of which seeming contradiction , between their principle and practice , is this ; that in matters of this nature , tho' the expressions be general , yet they must still be moderated with such limitations as both the nature of the thing its self requires , and the general consent of mankind agrees , ought to be put upon them . but especially , when , by so doing , there is nothing allow'd of , but what is both innocent and reasonable : and the denial whereof would unavoidably run mankind into endless mischiefs and inconveniencies . and now , having said thus much in answer to the two great prejudices which seem'd to lye against the account which i have given of our saviour's prohibition , swear not at all : the one taken from the universality of the words themselves ; the other , from the opinion , which the most primitive fathers , have been thought to have entertain'd of this matter ; and shewn that some temperament must be allow'd of in the exposition of it : i shall say no more in behalf of that interpretation which i have given of it , than this ; that if the principles which i build upon be allow'd ; ( as , i think , i have * shewn they cannot reasonably be deny'd ) then must my explication be confess'd to be both very natural in its self , and very agreeable to that which was evidently our saviour's design in that place ; viz. to rescue the authority of the third commandment , from those abuses which the jews had made of it . and tho' by this means it will follow , against the errour of some , that all swearing , is not forbidden ; yet will it also follow , against the licentiousness of others , that all vain and needless swearing , but especially that of mens common discourse , is utterly wicked and unjustifiable . but our saviour was not content to restrain men from the practice of customary-swearing only ; but , if i am not very much mistaken , did also farther aim at another corruption , very frequent among the jews ; and improved by them to very bad purposes ; and that was , of swearing after some other manner , than by the name of god only . this was indeed a very prevailing practice not only among the jews , but among most * other nations , in those days . and that which render'd it the more dangerous , was , that they accounted it a matter of piety , to swear after this manner : ‖ and thought that they hereby shew'd a great respect to their gods , in that they did not make use of their names , upon every ordinary occasion . and the consequence of it was with them , as we are told it was with the jews ; that they fell , by this means , into a customary practice of vain-swearing ; and often times accounted it no great crime , even to forswear themselves . it is i know very confidently affirm'd by some , that it was no part of our saviour's design to abolish such swearing ; which they are still willing to favour , as innocent and allowable . but if this swearing were not only justly to be * reproved in the jews , but was made use of by them to very ill purposes too ; and if the * design of our saviour was to correct those abuses which that people had introduced into this practice , and to prevent our falling into the like hereafter : then , since this could no way so effectually be done , as by forbidding this kind of swearing altogether , and that his words do naturally invite us to such a construction ; i cannot imagine why we should not rather extend them to such a sense , than put some kind of violences upon them for the sake of a practice , if not plainly ‡ evil , yet to be sure not good ; nor that can naturally lead to any wise or good end. but i shall insist no longer upon a point , which , however it be determined will , either way , meet with a sufficient resolution , as to what concerns our practice ; and then 't is no great matter what becomes of our speculations concerning it . and it is time for me to go on from the consideration of what our saviour has forbidden us ; to inquire , how he has directed us to behave our selves , in our communication with one another . in the prosecution of which enquiry , i must here once for all freely confess , that i have not kept so closely , to the words of our saviour , as in the other particulars i took care to do. the reason of which was , that i was willing , upon this occasion , to consider all the several sorts of confirmation that are commonly made use of in mens conversation with one another , under the degree of an oath : and which being the only thing our saviour was here concern'd to forbid , i thought that whatsoever was short of that , might , at least , be fairly reduced to the design of this place . i have , indeed , endeavoured in my reflections upon this occasion , to shew , that not only the design of our saviour did extend to all these ; but that his very expressions themselves might be so interpeted , as to comprehend the most of them. and some very learned men there are , who have accordingly given us such an account of them. but as i will not make my self a party in this debate ; so having fairly represented the grounds upon which they go , and given them all the strength that , i conceive , they are capable of ; i shall leave it to every one to judge as he sees cause to do. only as to the rules of practice which i have drawn from my remarks upon this point ; those , i think , are plain and secure : and may , as such , be follow'd without any danger , or scruple , by us. from the direction of our saviour , how we ought to behave our selves in our conversation with one another ; i pass on to the reason given by him , why we ought not to proceed any farther ? namely , that whatsoever is more than these , cometh of evil. and of this i offer two interpretations , both good , and both indifferently agreeing with his words , as they stand in the original . and i thought it better for me to take both , than to prefer that which our own interpreters seem rather to have approved of : that so i might the more clearly shew upon what just grounds this assertion of our saviour is founded ; and what good reason he had to require us , to manage our conversation , according to those measures he had before prescribed to us. having thus gone thro' the discourse of our blessed lord upon this subject ; i conclude all with two farther considerations , the better to improve what i had before offer'd , and to reduce the whole to practice . in the former of which , i enquire into the causes of that great encrease which has , in these latter times , been made of both the sins forbidden by our saviour on this occasion ; viz. both of false , and of vain-swearing : and having done this , i , in the next place , take occasion from thence to lay down such general directions , as seem to be the most proper , under our present circumstances , to draw men off from the practice of them both. and tho' here , ( as indeed throughout this whole treatise ) i have endeavour'd to bring my reflections into as narrow a compass as it was possible , without either falling into obscurity on the one hand ; or omitting what was fit to be taken notice of on the other : yet , i hope , i have laid down such general rules , as being carefully applied , may suffice to serve the necessities of the most of those , who shall need either direction , or satisfaction as to these matters . as for the composure of the following discourses , it is as plain as i was able to make it ; and as the first design i had in composing of them , required it to be . but because it may now be expected that i should answer for the grounds of my assertions ; and give some account upon what reasons i built them : i have therefore taken care for the satisfaction of those who are more learned , to add all along such observations , as shall , i trust , he sufficient to vindicate me from having , either in my interpretation of holy scripture , or in my deductions from it , advanced any thing without some tolerable reason ; and seldom without some good authority also , for my doing of it . if , after all , it shall be ask'd how i come to publish my reflections upon this subject , i shall only add thus much to what i have already said ; that as i first composed these discourses out of a just respect to the publick authority , and for the benefit of those whom god has committed to my charge ; so being perswaded that what was , i hope , not un usefully heard once , may be more profitably read , and consider'd again ; and reach many from the press , whom it is not possible for me to instruct from the pulpit : and having never met with any original treatise in our own language , that had so particularly handled this whole argument ; i was willing to contribute my part , towards the reforming of a vice , which our laws had taken so worthy a care to suppress . this was the motive that first led me to the publishing of these plain discourses ; and i hope , through god's blessing , they may not be altogether unprofitable to this end. thus much i dare say , in behalf of them ; that to the pious and unprejudiced , they will offer reasons enough to convince them of their duty as to these matters : and for those who are not so ; it is in vain to hope by any arguments whatsoever to reclaim them. the genuine epistles of st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp . the shepherd of hermas , and the martyrdoms of st. ignatius and st. polycarp . translated and published with a large preliminary discourse , by w. wake , d. d. 8 o. sold by r. sare at grays-inn-gate in holbron . the contents . chap. i. in which it is briefly shewn , how the case of swearing stood with the jews , under the law. page 1. the meaning of that expression , it hath been said by them of old times , briefly hinted at : and an enquiry made into the prohibition of our saviour ; thou shalt not forswear thy self , &c. § . 1 , 2 , 3. the state of this matter under the law , deliver'd in four particulars . p. 4. 1. that the jews , were ( in general ) allow'd to swear . § . 4 , 5. but yet , 2. that they were to swear only by god's name . § . 6. &c. 3. nor by god's name on every light , or frivolous occasion ; nor , particularly , in their common conversation with one anothor , § . 10 , &c. 4. much less falsely , which was the main thing they were required to have a care of , § . 12. chap. ii. wherein is consider'd , what perjury is ; and how many ways it may be committed ? and some reflections are offer'd to shew the particular heinousness and malignity of it . p. 13. oaths are of two kinds ; assertory and promissory : and perjury may be divers ways committed in each of them. § . 1. i. in an assertory oath . by swearing to the truth of any thing , which at the same time we either certainly know to be false , or do not know to be true. § . 3. by prevaricating in any considerable circumstance of what we swear to : of which several instances are offered . § . 5. ii. in a promissory oath . p. 17. he forswears himself , who promises to do that which at the same time he does not intend to perform . § . 7. or to do that which he knows he cannot perform . § . 8. or which he knows he ought not to do. § . 10. or to act contrary to what he had before sworn to do . § . 12. he forswears himself , who having sworn to do any thing , afterwards neglects to make good his promise . § . 14. what things are required , in all kinds of oaths , to prevent our being perjured , in taking of them ? § . 16. he who causes another to forswear himself , is as guilty of sin , as if he had done it himself . § . 17. nor is he clear , who requires another to swear to that , which he has reason to believe , will make him guilty of perjury . § . 18. of the peculiar malignity of this sin. p. 26. 1 st . with respect to god. § . 21. 2 dly . to our selves . § . 27. 3 dly . to other men. § . 34. chap. iii. wherein is shewn , that all swearing whatsoever , is not forbidden under the gospel : and an enquiry is made ; what that swearing is which our saviour has prohibited , as absolutely evil , and unlawful ? p. 39. our saviour's words seem to prohibit all swearing ; and have been so understood by some . § . 1. the meaning of them shewn in the three following conclusions . 1. that it was not the intention of our saviour to forbid all swearing whatsoever ; as simply , and absolutely unlawful , under the gospel . § . 3. there was no reason , why he should do it . § . 4. &c. it is certain he did not intend to do it . § . 12. &c. 2. that we are not to extend the meaning of such expressions , to the utmost sense that the words are capable of ; when it otherwise appears that we ought not so to do . § . 20. 3. that to know what the true meaning of our saviour here was , we must consider , what was amiss in the common practice of the jews , as to this matter ; and what our lord design'd to correct in it . § . 24. the practice of the jews enquired into . § . 25. our saviour's prohibition from thence explain'd . § . 27. and shewn to forbid , 1. common-swearing . § . 27. 2. swearing otherwise than by god only . § . 30. practical observations on each of these : and , 1. as to common-swearing . to swear in our common discourse with one another , is absolutely evil and unlawful . § . 33. no man should ever choose to swear in any case , where he can fairly avoid the doing of it . § . 37. but especially , we should have a care of entring into promissory oaths , as the most dangerous of any to be taken by us. § . 41. 2. as to swearing otherwise than by god only . it is certainly safest never to use any oath , but by the name of god only . § . 44. it is unlawful to swear after any other manner , for those evil ends that the jews had , and that others commonly have , in the doing of it . § . 47. chap. iv. of the several ways of confirming what is spoken or promised , under the degree of an oath : how far they may be made use of in men's private conversation ? and for what reason it was not sitting that men should have been allow'd to go any farther ? p. 76. the meaning of that passage , let your communication be yea , yea ; nay , nay ; inquired into ; and the account given by some of it rejected . § . 2. that we may repeat what we affirm or deny ; the better to give credit to the truth of what we say . § . 5. that we may confirm what we say , by adding an asseveration to it . § . 7. and in some cases , may go yet higher : and do more to confirm the truth of what we speak . § . 10. whether it be lawful to use imprecations for this end. § . 15. an enquiry made , into the reason offer'd by our saviour , why we must not go beyond those bounds : viz. that whatsoever is more than these , cometh of evil. p. 93. and the truth of it shewn at large , from several considerations . § . 23. &c. chap. v. wherein an enquiry is made into the causes both of that common and false-swearing which so much abounds in the world : and some directions are offer'd for the better prevention of both of them. p. 112. 1 st . of the causes of common , and false-swearing . how men come to swear so frequently in their ordinary conversation . § . 4. whence it is that they are so ready to do it , on every little occasion ? § . 6. four accounts offered of it : to § . 16. how men are brought so easily to forswear themselves ? § . 16. 2 dly . some directions offer'd for the correction of both these evils . of perjury . § . 23. of common swearing . § . 29. &c. the whole concluded . § . 44. &c. st. mat. v. 33. * ye have heard that it hath been said by them of old time ; * thou shalt not forswear thy self , but shalt perform unto the lord thine oaths . 34. * but i say unto you swear not at all : neither by heaven for it is god's throne ; nor by the earth for it is his footstool ; neither by jerusalem , for it is the city of the great king. neither shalt thou swear by thy head , because thou canst not make one hair white or black. 37. * but let your communication be yea , yea ; nay , nay : * for whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil. a practical discourse concerning swearing . chap. i. in which it is briefly shewn , how the case of swearing stood with the jews , under the law. whatsoever be the meaning of that expression so often repeated in this chapter , and made use of by our saviour as an introduction to the duty he was here about to propose to us ; ye have heard , that it hath been said by , or rather † to , them of old times : ( whether in those words he designed to referr to the law , as delivered by moses to the jews ; or as expounded , and corrupted , by the glosses of those who follow'd after : ) yet this i take to be without all doubt ; that in the command , or rather prohibition , before us , there is nothing proposed to us but what may , if not in express terms be found in the law of moses , yet by plain and undoubted consequence be drawn from the words of it . 2. it has been thought by ‖ some , that what the evangelist here renders , thou shalt not forswear thy self , was originally delivered by our blessed lord , in the very words of the third commandment ; thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain : * and that what follows in the latter part of this verse , but shalt perform unto the lord thine oaths , was added by him from numb . xxx . 2 . as an exegetical explication of that precept ; and to shew , that what he was about to deliver concerning it , was principally to be understood of promissory oaths ; and to which he supposes that commandment was always intended , more especially , to referr . 3. whether this conjecture be good or no , yet this , at least , we may be confident of ; that we cannot take a better course to understand what our saviour meant to prescribe to us christians , as to this point of swearing ; than to consider how the case of an oath stood heretofore under the law , and what god proposed to the jews concerning it . 4. and here , ( 1st ) it is certain , that it was , in the general , permitted to them to swear ; provided that they did it with that due care , and after such a manner , as i shall presently shew god required them to do it . 5. this , in many cases , the † law of moses expresly obliged them to : * and their most holy men not only did it upon other occasions ; ‖ but when they did it , look'd upon it as an honour paid to god , and as a service which should not fail to be both accepted and rewarded by him. and to take away all scruple , as to this particular ; god himself not only , upon several occasions , sware to them ; but declared by his holy prophets , that † every tongue should swear by him ; * and that they who did so should be commended . 6. it is certain , therefore , that it was allow'd to the jews to swear , whenever a just occasion required their doing of it . but then ( 2dly ) they were to swear only by god's name , and not by the name of any other . 7. this was implied in the third commandment ; but was expresly declared to them in several other parts of their law. so in the vi th of deut. vers . 13. thou shalt fear the lord thy god , and serve him , and swear by his name . and again , chap. x. 20 . thou shalt fear the lord thy god ; him shalt thou serve ; and to him shalt thou cleave , and swear by his name . and in the l th of isaiah , god again repeats this command , and that with a more than ordinary vehemence , verse 23 : i have sworn by my self , the word is gone out of my mouth in righteousness , and shall not return ; that unto me every knee shall bow , every tongue shall swear . and from all which it is evident , not only , that god reserved this to himself as his own peculiar prerogative ; but , withal , for what reason he did so ; namely , because this is a part of that religious service which is due to him only , and which cannot , without impiety , be applied to any other . 8. hence we find , that when joshua , in his last exhortation to that people , thought in necessary , above all things , to warn them against apostatizing from the worship of their own god , to the gods of the canaanites , among whom they dwelt ; he thought himself particularly concern'd to mention this to them , among the other instances of that service which they were to pay to god only : josh. xxiii . 7 . come not , says he , among these nations that remain among you , neither make mention of the name of their gods ; nor cause to swear by them , neither serve them. — but cleave unto the lord your god. 9. and when in process of time they began to break in upon this caution , and to swear by some other names ; we may observe how grievously god resented this , almost beyond any other of their sins ; amos viii . 14 . they that swear by the sin of samaria , and say , thy god , o dan ! liveth ; and the manner of beer-shebah liveth ; even they shall fall , and never rise up again . 10. but this was not yet all : god required the jews not only , when they did swear , to swear by his name ; but moreover , ( 3dly ) to take care not to swear by his name upon every ordinary occasion , nor without a due regard to what they did swear by it . so the express letter of the commandment assures us ; exod. xx . 7 . thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain : and in which , tho' the original word be dubious , and may indifferently signifie either what is vain , or what is false : yet , i think , we ought not so to set up one of its senses , as to exclude the other ; but should rather suppose , that god therefore pitch'd upon a term which comprehended both , that so we might , from the ambiguity of it , inferr , that both those kinds of swearing were vnlawful . 11 ▪ now in this opinion i am the rather confirm'd in that i find the * chaldee paraphrast , the most authentick , as well as most antient interpreter of the old testament , of the same mind : and for that reason rendring it in one part of the command by a word which properly signifies in vain ; in the other part by an expression , which originally denotes falsly . and since it cannot be doubted but that light and vain swearing is in its own nature sinful , and what must , by consequence , have always been forbidden by god as such : i cannot but wonder what should move those , who freely allow this , and acknowledge the words of the third commandment to referr indifferently to both the significations here proposed ; yet , after all , to doubt , * whether god design'd to prohibit any thing more than perjury by it . 12. but ( 4thly ) and to conclude these reflections : tho' for the reasons now mentioned , i am perswaded , that all vain and common swearing does not only fall within the design of the third commandment , as now expounded to us , but was originally forbidden in the very letter of it : yet as perjury , or false-swearing , is by far the greater sin , and more dishonourable to god ; so i do not at all question , but that it was more especially therein prohibited by him. 13. and so much the words of our saviour , matth. v. 37 . do undoubtedly imply : who for this reason deliver'd this not only as a good sense of the command , but as the allow'd interpretation of it among the jews ; thou shalt not forswear they self , but shalt perform unto the lord thine oaths . nor indeed could they possibly have made any doubt of this , after that express prohibition which god had given them to the same purpose , lev. xix . 12 . ye shall not swear by my name falsly ; neither shalt thou profane the name of thy god : i am the lord . 14. such was the case of swearing under the law : and i need not say , that christ , ( who came not to destroy the law , but to fulfil it , and who in the very instance before us has effectually done so ; ) still requires at least the same care , as to this matter , of vs now , that god did of the jews heretofore . but because this last point is not only of much the greatest moment of any in this case , but taken for granted by our saviour , as a thing of which no one could make any doubt : i shall therefore begin my reflections with a particular consideration of it ; and shew , 1st , what it is for a man to forswear himself ? and how many ways he may be capable of so doing ? and then , 2dly , wherein the peculiar malignity of this sin does consist ? and having so done , i shall need say nothing more to perswade any serious , considering christian from the practice of a sin , both so hainous in it self ; and so ruinous , not only to our future happiness in the other world ; but even to our present peace and security in this. chap. ii. wherein is consider'd , what perjury is ; and how many ways it may be committed ? and some reflections offer'd to shew the particular hainousness and malignity of it . 1. to proceed the more clearly on this great point , i must first of all observe , that to swear , is properly nothing else but to call god to witness ; to appeal to god for the truth of what we speak ; as the highest confirmation we are capable of giving to it . 2. now the truth which we may be required , by this means , to confirm ; may relate either to what is past , or present ; ( as when we affirm a thing to be , or not to be ; to have been done , or not done ; in such a manner , and with such circumstances ; or otherwise : ) or it may relate to somewhat yet to come ; ( as when we oblige our selves to do such a thing , or not to do it ; and that under such certain conditions , or without them ; as the nature of our engagement shall chance to be . ) the former of these is usually called , an assertory ; the latter , a promissory oath . and because a man may divers ways forswear himself in each of these , if he has not a due care to prevent it ; it will be necessary for me distinctly to consider , what are the general ways by which we may be most likely to contract such a guilt in either of them. 3. first then , in the case of an assertory oath ; he forswears himself , who swears to the truth of any fact , which at the same time he either certainly knows to be false , or does not know to be true. as for example ; that such or such a thing was done , by such or such a person ; which , at the same time , he either knows that person did not do , or has no sufficient evidence to move him to believe that he did do. for this being a down-right lie in the assertion , must needs become a perjury by the addition of an oath to it . 4. and here it matters not whether a man certainly knows what he swears to be false : it is enough that he does not know it to be true. nay , or should it happen to be true ; yet if he thought it to have been otherwise , and yet swore to the truth of it ; he forswore himself : nor will his mistake at all contribute to the excusing of his perjury before god. 5. again : a man may forswear himself , not only by swearing that which is altogether vntrue ; but by prevaricating in any the least circumstance of what he delivers , and confirms with an oath . as for instance ; * if he swears to a matter as certain , of which he has only a probable assurance : * if he affirm that upon his own knowledge , which he has received only upon the credit of some other . * if he adds any thing to what he relates ; or willingly conceals any thing that may give light , or weight to ; or , in any other circumstance , notably affect the point to which he swears . in all these , and the like cases ; he who knowingly and designedly prevaricates , or otherwise departs , but in the least tittle , from the truth of what he delivers , forswears himself ; tho' what he says should , in the main , be never so true. 6. in short ; he who will swear with a good conscience , in any oath of this kind , must first duly consider what he is about to say ; and then must proceed according to the strictest measures of truth and fidelity in it . he must neither add to , nor diminish from , what he knows to be the truth . must deliver what is certain , as certain ; what is doubtful , as doubtful : what he knows himself , as upon his own knowledge ; what he has received from others , as received from them : and in so doing he may be sure that he shall not forswear himself . 7. as for the other kind of oaths , secondly ; those which relate to somewhat yet to come ; he is to be accounted , in the first place , to forswear himself , who promises upon his oath to do that , which , at the same time , he resolves not to perform : as for example , that he will meet a man in a certain place , where yet he intends not to meet him ; or that he will do him such a kindness , which he resolves , all the while , not to do for him . 8. and , because no one can be supposed really to intend to do that , which he knows , before-hand , he cannot do : therefore , secondly ; he who swears to do any thing which is apparently beyond his ability , and which he cannot but be sensible is so , must be reckon'd to fall under the same guilt ; and to forswear himself , as effectually , as if he had directly intended not to perform what he obliged himself to do . 9. thus if a trader who is not worth a hundred pounds in the world , nor knows which way to find credit to raise such a sum ; shall yet , to over-reach another , who is a stranger to his concerns , and to gain some present advantage to himself by it , swear , upon a certain day , to pay him five hundred ; and fail of fulfilling it : he must be look'd upon to have been forsworn , not only after such his failure , but from the very first minute that he swore to do that , which he knew it was not in his power to perform . nay , tho' by some lucky accident , which he did not fore-see , he should be enabled to make good his promise , and accordingly fulfil it ; yet would not this clear him of having sworn falsly , at the time that he made his oath : because , at that time , he had no prospect that he should be able ; nor could by consequence really intend , to be as good as his word . 10. and for the same reason it will follow farther , thirdly ; that if a man swear to do any thing which he knows it is not lawful for him to do ; he forswears himself , tho' , at that time , he should intend to fulfil it . because by so doing , he obliges himself to do that which he knows he ought not to do ; nor , if he means to behave himself like a good man , must presume to perform . 11. indeed , as to these two last instances ; if the promise so sworn to , as i have supposed , had neither any known impossibility in it , nor was vnlawful to be fulfill'd , at the time when the oath was made ; but by some following accident became either impossible or vnlawful , before the time in which it ought to have been accomplish'd : in this case , the person who swore , will have done nothing amiss ; nor be otherwise obliged by his oath , for the present , than to perform what he promised , as far as he is yet able , and it may be lawful for him to do it . but if , in process of time , these impediments should be removed , and the obligation of his oath still continue in force : then he will , from thenceforth , become engaged to a compleat performance of his promise ; and forswear himself , if he shall neglect , or refuse the fulfilling of it . 12. by consequence , fourthly ; he who swears to do any thing contrary to what he had before sworn to do ; ( his former oath still continuing to oblige ) must swear falsly ; and put himself under an absolute necessity of being forsworn . because , in this case , either he must keep his latter oath ; and then he will be guilty of perjury by the breach of his former obligation : or he must stand to his first engagement ; and , by so doing , act contrary to his second oath . 13. and this i say , supposing the former oath still to continue to oblige . for , otherwise ; if the oath first made , were either in it self unlawful ; and , as such , from the beginning of no force : or if the obligation of it were founded upon such circumstances , as render'd it valid only for a certain time , and under some certain conditions ; and either that time is pass'd , or those circumstances are altered ; and so the reason , and foundation of the oath ceasing , the obligation of it ceases together with them : in all these cases , the latter oath will be never the less lawful to be taken , for its being contrary to the tenour of a former , which either never did oblige at all ; or the obligation of which was evidently expired , before the taking of the other . 14. but , fifthly : tho' a man should promise nothing , but what he is both able to perform , and may lawfully fulfil ; and should truly intend , when he swears to it , to act according to his oath : yet , if he shall afterwards change his mind ; or , by any culpable neglect , omit to make good his promise , or render himself uncapable of doing it ; in all these cases , he will become perjured by such his omission : not indeed from the time that he took the oath ; but from the time that he should , and , but for his own fault , might have perform'd it . 15. and this i say , supposing , that the oath was neither obtain'd by any such force or fraud , as render'd it void from the beginning ; and that the person to whom it was made , and who was alone concern'd in the advantage of it , does expect , and insist upon , the performance of it . for otherwise , if either the oath were void from the beginning , and did never oblige at all ; or if he to whom it was made , and for whose security it was taken , shall think fit to release it : in this case the person who took the oath will become clear of all obligation by it ; and not be forsworn , tho' he should neglect to fulfil , what he had promised to do . 16. it will , i presume , be needless for me to add , sixthly ; that he who will keep himself from swearing falsly , must deal clearly , and openly , in all that he swears unto . * must intend to be understood , according to the common and natural import of the words in which he swears . * must use no equivocation , no mental-reservation , whereby to impose upon those to whom he swears . but must account himself obliged to do , according as his words and actions declare : and not think to escape with his * pretence , who swore with his tongue , but kept his mind free from being obliged by it . because all these are , in truth , such manifest prevarications , so opposite to the fairness and ingenuity of an honest man ; that a man must be desperately deluded indeed , before he can think that he may escape the guilt of perjury , by such means . 17. i will rather observe this one thing farther , and which indifferently respects both the kinds of oaths i have now mentioned : that as , in all these cases , he who neglects to acquit himself according to the true meaning of what he swears , forswears himself ; so if he shall by any means knowingly , and purposely , seduce , perswade , affright , or otherwise tamper , with any other person , to forswear himself ; he will , by his so doing , become partaker in the perjury ; and render himself even more guilty , than he who by his encouragement , or instigation forswears himself . 18. nay farther : * he who exacts an oath of another , whereby he either certainly knows , or may reasonably suppose , that the person of whom he requires it will forswear himself ; does by that means , if not involve himself in an equal guilt , yet render himself not much less criminal , than he who commits the perjury : and must expect to render an account , not only for the dishonour which , thereby , is done to god ; but also for his vncharitableness towards his neighbour's soul. 19. from what has been said , it may appear , what it is for a man to forswear himself ? and how many ways he may be liable so to do ? i proceed , ( 2dly ) to offer some reflections to shew , wherein the peculiar malignity of this sin does consist ? 20. now that will appear from this one plain observation ; and which no one , who understands what an oath is , can make any doubt of : namely , that he who forswears himself , does thereby not only in a most desperate manner * affront the majesty of god , and * wound his own soul ; but does , moreover , * render himself criminal towards his neigbour also ; and , as much as in him lies , * declare himself a common enemy to mankind . 21. for 1st : as to what concerns the majesty of god ; what can strike more directly at that , than this sin of perjury ? when a man shall not only presume to lie , and cheat , and abuse his neighbour ; but , the better to accomplish all this wickedness , shall dare even to appeal to god for his integrity : and , by so doing , endeavour to intitule him , who is truth its self , to a part in his sin ; as if he would approve of his villany ; and become , in some measure , confederate with him in his impiety . 22. this is the true meaning of every wilful perjury : and then i need not say , what a complication of guilt and impudence , there must needs be in it . 23. if we consider the nature of this sin , with respect to men , the least that can be said of it is this ; that it is a wilful , deliberate , imposition upon the candor and sincerity of him to whom we swear : which sure must be one of the basest , and most dis-ingenuous practices in the world. 24. and as for the design of it ; that is , usually , not at all less sinful , than the means that are made use of for the accomplishment of it . whilst the person to whom we swear , is not only to be deceived , but , by vertue of that deceit , is to be injured in his estate ; his reputation ; nay or , it may be , to the loss of his very life it self . 25. and this , god knows , were bad enough , were the sin to end here . but that it does not ; it proceeds still farther : whilst for the accomplishment of this vile purpose , the false swearer does not only not tremble at the thought of the divine justice ; but flies in the very face of it ; and recurrs to god both for the countenance of his treachery , and for the confirmation of the lie , by which it is to be brought about . 26. now he who can be so hardy as to do this ; must either not believe that there is any god at all ; or he must disclaim his knowledge of , and concern for , what is done here below : or , if he confesses both these ; he must then be concluded to defie his vengeance . for i cannot suppose any one to be capable of so far mistaking the divine nature , as to think , that a god of truth , will either endure to be made a party to what is false ; or not avenge himself on that man , who shall presume so to do . 27. such therefore is the malignity of this sin , as it relates to god : nor is it , 2dly , any less as it respects our selves . 28. for proof whereof i must observe , that in every oath god is appeal'd unto , not only as a witness of the truth of what we say ; but as a most just and powerful judge too , to punish us for our falshood , if it be not . 29. this is so essential to the nature of an oath , that , without it , all the security of such an appeal would be quite lost ; and the design of swearing , overthrown . for what reason would any one have to believe another upon his oath , more than upon his bare word ; but that both he who swears , and he to whom the oath is made , do believe , that god is thereby made the surety of what is spoken : and will avenge both himself first , and then the person whose trust is , by this means , deceived ; upon that man , who shall be so presumptuous , as by swearing falsly , to abuse both ? 30. now this being granted ; and which , without destroying all the benefit and intention of an oath , cannot be deny'd ; it must follow , that there is hardly any sin by which a man does so directly wound his own soul , and cut himself off from all the hopes of salvation , as by this . because in this sin , a man gives up all claim to god's mercy ; nay more , desires god so to deal with him as what he says is true ; that is , in other words , to damn him , if it be not . and what can he who has done this pretend to , or even hope for , at god's hands ? who has already given verdict against himself ; and with his own mouth pronounced , or rather chosen , his own doom ? 31. and this i take to have been the ground of that terrible clause in the sanction of the third commandment ; the like whereof we do not meet with in any other , nor can we suppose that it was added to this , without some peculiar design in the doing of it : thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain ; for the lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain . he will not hold him guiltless , that is , he will not forgive him : will not treat him with that favour he will do other sinners : but will look upon him as a guilty , condemn'd malefactor ; one whom his own mouth hath convicted , and will punish him accordingly . 32. such is the danger to which every perjury a man commits , exposes his immortal soul. and if we may estimate the hainousness of any sin , by the hatred which god bears to it ; we must then conclude this to be one of the most grievous of any ; as we are sure it is of all others , in a singular manner , odious to god , and destructive of our salvation . 33. i add , 3dly : that it is , above any other sin , the most injurious to mankind ; as being , in its own nature , directly opposite to the peace and security of the world. 34. i have already observed , that the general cause which moves any one to forswear himself , is either to gratifie his own lusts , or to promote his interest ; tho' at the cost of his neighbours welfare . and , i believe , whosoever shall consider the main instances wherein this sin is usually committed , will find that i was not mistaken in my judgment of it . 35. but the evil does not stop here ; but often times affects the publick , as well as violates mens private rights . such are all those perjuries which are committed in the publick administration of justice ; and by means of which , either honest men are condemned ; or evil-doers are acquitted ; and the ministers of justice are made the instruments of vnrighteousness ; and all the ends of their institution are rendred not only vseless , but even hurtful to the common-wealth . 36. and thus far , every single act of perjury is an offence against man , as well as a sin against god. but now , if we shall consider the nature and tendency of such a practice in the general ; and reason upon the proper and natural effects of it ; we shall find it to be a common abuse of mankind : destructive of the very foundation of humane society ; and which being allow'd of , must tend to the overthrow of all peace , and right , and property , in the world. 37. and that i thus prove : the foundation of all society , and without which no affairs of life can be transacted , is that common trust and confidence , which men naturally have in one another . without this , no state , no community , tho' never so small ; not a private family can subsist . there can be no dealing with , nor dependance upon , one another . every man must become afraid of his neighbour ; and not account his goods , or even his life it self , any longer his own , than he can guard them against the cunning or force of the next man he meets , and who ( for ought he knows ) may design to rob him of both . 38. which being so , it must follow , that whatsoever does in its own nature tend to overthrow this trust between man and man , must be look'd upon as a crime against humane society ; because it naturally leads to the destruction of it . 39. now that perjury , in the most outrageous manner , does : inasmuch as it violates the strongest security , that one man is capable of giving to another , of his truth and sincerity . and therefore the false swearer is so far from deserving any favour of men , that were he dealt with , as he ought to be , he should be accounted to have forfeited all right to the benefits of society : should be treated as a kind of out-law in the common-wealth ; an enemy to truth and justice , to peace and property ; and no longer under the protection of those laws , by which others are preserved in their rights and liberties . 40. and now , when such is the apparent malignity of this sin , that it renders men not only obnoxious to god's vengeance , but even vncapable of his mercy ; and , as if that were not enough , exposes them to the resentments of mankind too : one would think nothing more could be desired to draw men off from the practice of such a vice , as at once bespeaks them unworthy to live upon the earth ; and , without a very extraordinary repentance , will be sure to shut them out of the kingdom of heaven . 41. it is indeed a matter of very sad consideration , to think , that under so pure and holy , so just and sincere an institution , as that of the gospel ; there should be any need either of laying down any rules for the prevention of such a sin , or of vsing any arguments , to draw men off from the commission of it . but alas ! experience shews , that there is , at this day , but too much need of both. and that after all which either the commands of god , or the laws of men , have been able to do for the suppression of it ; yet by reason of false-swearing , not only mens souls suffer , but our very land its self mourneth . 42. i shall conclude these reflections with the same exhortation that the prophet zachary heretofore made to the jews ; under much the same circumstances with ours at this day , as to what concerns this great evil : zech. viii . 16 . these are the things that ye shall do : speak ye every man the truth to his neighbour ; execute the judgment of truth and peace in your gates . and let none of you imagine evil in your hearts against his neighbour ; and love no false-oath : for all these are things that i hate , saith the lord . chap. iii. wherein is shewn , that all swearing whatsoever , is not forbidden under the gospel : and an enquiry is made , what that swearing is , which our saviour has prohibited , as absolutely evil and unlawful . 1. it has been the mistake of * some who have attended more to the words of our saviour , in that passage of st. mat. ch . v. 34 . i say unto you , swear not at all ; than either to the occasion , or design of them ; to conclude , that all manner of swearing whatsoever is utterly forbidden to christians under the gospel . and indeed not only the prohibition of our blessed lord in that place ; but that express confirmation which we meet with of it , in the v th of st. james , ver . 12. does seem , at the first sight , to give but too much countenance to such a conclusion . 2. to clear this difficulty , and to shew how far it may still be lawful for a christian to take an oath ; but yet withal , with how great care and circumspection he ought to do it ; i shall now enter upon a particular enquiry into this whole matter : and endeavour with all possible exactness to discover , what the design of our saviour was , in that passage upon which this difficulty is founded , and by which it must be determined . 3. in pursuance of which enquiry , i shall not doubt in the ( 1st ) place to affirm ; that how much soever the words under debate , if strictly taken , may seem to favour such an opinion ; yet it was never the intention of our lord utterly to forbid all swearing whatsoever , as simply and absolutely vnlawful , under the gospel . and that i affirm , upon these two accounts : 1 st . that there was no reason why he should do so ; but rather a great deal of reason to the contrary . and , 2 dly . that it is certain he did not do it : and therefore that we must put some restriction , upon that seemingly general prohibition before mentioned , swear not at all. 4. and 1 st . that there was no reason why our saviour should have forbidden all swearing whatsoever , is evident from hence ; that an oath being in its own nature nothing else but an appeal to god for the truth of what we say , must be acknowleged , when duly and reverently taken , to have nothing evil , or otherwise irregular in it : but on the contrary , to be an act of religious worship ; and by which the honour and authority of god , are eminently advanced . forasmuch as by calling of god to witness in all places , and upon all suitable occasions , we confess him to be every where present ; to know and observe all the affairs of men ; to be the searcher of the heart : in a word , to be most true and faithful himself ; and a most just and powerful avenger of all falshood and treachery in others . and by all this , we do evidently declare and magnifie his divine perfections ; and shew to all the world what a sense we have of his goodness and greatness . 5. hence it is that god evermore reserved this as a proper part of that worship which was due to himself only ; and might not , without impiety , be given to any other . he commanded the jews not more to * serve him , than to swear by his name : and when , in process of time , they began to swear by some other gods ; i have shewn you both how grievously he † resented the affront , and how severely he was pleased to punish them for it . 6. now this being the case of an oath , that , when duly and reverently taken , it is so far from having any thing amiss in it , that it is rather and act of religious worship ; and , as such , honourable to god , as well as vseful to mankind : what reason can there be given , why our saviour should aim at the vtter abolishing of it ? or what is there to be assign'd in it , unworthy of that religion , which he came to establish in the world ? 7. but if there be therefore no reason to be given , why our saviour should have forbidden all manner of swearing ; sure i am there are reasons enough to be offer'd , why he should not : and those such as will render the opinion of those who pretend he has done it , very improbable ; which is all i am yet concern'd to do. 8. for , indeed , what practice is there upon which the peace , and welfare , and security of mankind , does more depend , than upon the serious , and sacred vse of an oath ? it is this unites men into society with each other : secures to the magistrate , the obedience , and help of the people ; and to the people the careful , and regular government of the magistrate . it is upon this assurance that the greatest affairs of life are transacted ; mens fortunes , determined ; and justice its self upheld and maintain'd . by this , evil-doers are convicted ; injuries are redress'd ; and right is administred . thro' this , men are enabled to treat with those whom they never saw before : of whose integrity they can have no other security ; nor , having this , do they desire any better . in short ; how great a confusion , how insuperable a mischief , the utter abolishing of all swearing , must bring to the affairs of mankind , this one consideration may suffice to shew ; that , ( the treachery and distrust of humane nature considered ) it would almost utterly destroy all confidence in one another ; would dissolve society , and lay the ground of an eternal fearfulness and suspicion between every man and his neighbour : and so bring in , in good earnest , that state of war , which some have fancied men naturally are born in ; and which , 't is certain , nothing but mutual trust and compacts , can keep them from . 9. and , if this be so , can it reasonably be imagined that our saviour christ , who was so great a lover of men , and who so well knew of what use , or rather of what necessity , the religious practice of swearing was to the world ; would , without any just ground for his so doing , have utterly forbidden the continuance of it ? 10. but especially , when it shall farther be consider'd , that god , under the law , did not barely tolerate this practice in the jews , as a necessary condescension to their infirmities : but upon every fitting occasion , himself ‖ sware to them ; and in many cases , † required them to do likewise ; as has been before observed . 11. now this , as it * plainly shews , that there can be nothing sinful in the practice of swearing , in the general ; so does it render it still more improbable , that our saviour should not only , without need , have deprived mankind of so useful an institution ; but by doing of it , should also have cast some sort of reflection upon the law of god its self , which not only allow'd , but required the vsing of it : and that too with relation to that part of it , of which he tells us , nevertheless , in this very chapter ; that he came not to destroy the law , but to fulfil it . and which we ought not therefore to doubt was what he intended , in the third ; as we confess it was what he did , in the other commandments . 12. i conclude , therefore , that upon all these accounts it is , at least , very improbable , that our blessed saviour should have designed vtterly to forbid all manner of swearing as sinful and vnlawful . i add , 2dly , that whatever that passage , we are here enquiring into , may seem to offer to the contrary , it is certain he did not do it ; as i shall now make appear . 13. that st. paul has solemnly sworn in almost every one of his epistles , is a * truth so evident , that it must be impossible for any one who knows what an oath is , to be able seriously to doubt of it . god is my witness , says he , rom. i. 9 . i call god for a record upon my soul , 2 cor. i. 23 . the god and father of our lord jesus christ , who is blessed for evermore , knoweth that i lie not , 2 cor. xi . 31 . behold , before god , i lie not , gal. i. 20 . and several other expressions he elsewhere has of the like nature . 14. now in all these , either this great apostle was guilty of sinning , or he was not . that he committed any sin in thus writing ; but especially a wilful , known , and deliberate sin ; is very hard to suppose : i am sure must never be allowed by those who believe him to have been acted , by the immediate inspiration of the holy ghost , in what he wrote . and yet supposing our saviour to have utterly forbidden the use of swearing , to all christians , and upon any occasion ; how shall we ever be able to excuse him , from a gross , presumptuous contempt of his commandment ? 15. that st. paul should have continued all his life ignorant of such a prohibition , is very strange : nor has it , that i know of , been pretended by any . 16. that he had any particular allowance made to him , to exempt him from the obligation of it , and to authorize him to act directly contrary to the command of christ , and to the common duty of all other christians , does not appear ; nor ought , without some very good grounds to be supposed by us . i conclude , therefore , * that had the use of swearing been utterly taken away under the gospel ; neither would st. paul have laid so great a stumbling-block in our way , as he could not but think his example might be likely to prove to the church of christ : nor would the holy ghost have given so much countenance to a practice , neither very commendable in its self ; nor , upon any account , to be imitated by those , for whose benefit and instruction , those very epistles were inspired by him . 17. but we have not only the example of st. paul , tho' that were enough , to direct us in this matter . our blessed saviour himself has done likewise ; and * that by the confession of those , who yet will by no means allow of his apostles swearing . it has been thought by † some , that that form of speech so often used by our lord in confirmation of what he delivered , verily , verily , i say unto you ; was not meerly a vehement asseveration , but rather a direct and forman oath . tho' in this , i confess , i am not so well satisfied , as to be willing to lay any great stress upon it ; yet that he did , truly * swear , at his arraignment before the high-priest , is hardly to be doubted . when being adjured by him , ( after the manner used among the jews ) to tell him whether he were the christ , or no : he readily complied with the obligation that was laid upon him ; and answer'd plainly , that he was . and in the x th of the revelations , st. john puts it beyond all dispute , that the angel , with whom he discoursed , did do likewise , and that with great solemnity too ; for he lifted up his hand , and sware , by him that liveth for ever and ever : ver. 5 , 6. 18. i conclude therefore , that what god both * prescribed , and * practiced under the law ; * what not only st. paul , but our saviour christ himself , and an angel from heaven , continued to vse under the gospel : * what , being duly perform'd , is for the honour of god , and the benefit of mankind ; but , being * vtterly forbidden , must turn very much to the detriment of the world : as it cannot be in its self evil , so neither was it ever intended to have been abolish'd by our blessed lord as such . 19. but what then shall we say to this passage of st. matthew ? swear not at all. can any thing be more express ? or could our saviour have spoken more plainly , had he design'd to have done , what some pretend he has done ? 20. to this i answer , and it is the next consideration i have to offer for the clearing of this difficulty , ( 2dly ) that it is not enough that the words of any prohibition are general , to oblige us to understand it in the utmost extent that the expressions are capable of : but we must withal consider , what it is reasonable to suppose was designed to have been forbidden by them . 21. for proof of which remark , let us look back only to the 21 st verse of this chapter ; where we meet with a case not very different from that before us . ye have heard , says our saviour , that it has been said by them of old times , thou shalt not kill . and in the xx th of exodus , the command is absolute and express , thou shalt not kill . and some , we know , have been so very tender as to imagine , that it is no less unlawful in any case , or upon any pretence , to put a man to death , than others have thought it to be to take an oath . and yet at the same time that that prohibition was delivered to the jews , god himself establish'd the power of life and death , in the civil magistrate ; and in one of the first laws that was given to mankind , declared , that whoso shed man's blood , by man should his blood be shed . 22. to know therefore how far we are to extend the force of any prohibition ; we must consider , not only how general the letter of the law is , but what were the occasion and design of making of it . now the end of the sixth commandment was to restrain private violence ; and to tie up mens hands from rashly assaulting , and hurting of one another . and therefore to private persons , and in all the common circumstances of life , the command is absolute , and admits of no restriction ; thou shalt not kill . but in the publick administration of justice ; in defence of a man 's own life ; in a lawful war , where the welfare and security of our country are at stake ; in these cases , as the design of the law is not concern'd , so neither must the meaning of it be extended to them . 23. and so it is in the point before us : swear not at all , says our blessed saviour . but in what cases ? and after what manner ? why not on every slight occasion ; nay not on any occasion , where , without violating the bonds of justice and charity , you can avoid the doing of it . and even there where you cannot , yet swear not after the manner that the jews were wont to do ; for whose correction our saviour , as i shall presently shew , deliver'd the prohibition , of which we are now speaking . 24. and this brings me to the ( 3d ) and last thing i have to observe , for the clear understanding of the words before us : and that is this ; that if we will come to a right apprehension of our saviour's intention in them , we must examine what there was amiss in the common practice of the jews , as to this matter ; and by that we shall be able the more easily to judge , what is forbidden to us in it . 25. now the faults of the jews , as to this point of swearing , were these : 1st . * that they allow'd themselves to swear , almost upon any occasion , tho' never so vain and impertinent ; provided only that they did not swear by the sacred name of god ; and which indeed , they agreed , was not to be taken into their mouths but upon some great occasion , and with a due regard had to the honour of it . but that which was yet worse , was , 2ly : † ▪ that they supposed that by many of those lesser oaths , they were not so strictly obliged to speak , and act , according to the intention of them ; but that they might , without being forsworn , either dissemble their knowledge , or neglect their promises , which they confirm'd only by such oaths as these . 26. that these were the measures by which the jews govern'd themselves , as to this matter , both their own ancient writers tell us ; and our * saviour himself , in part , declares to us . and i need not say any thing to shew , that the design of all this was to avoid the obligation of the third commandment ; to the due observance whereof , our saviour therefore , in this place , intended to reduce his disciples . 27. and to that end , 1st : that he might the better keep up the reverence of an oath , he expresly forbids that customary and familiar vse , which the jews had been wont to make of it . i say unto you , swear not at all ; neither by heaven , for it is god's throne ; nor by the earth , for it is his footstool ; nor by jerusalem , for it is the city of the great king. that is , swear not at all after * that way that the jews were wont so readily to do ; nor in † such cases , in which they therefore made use of these lesser forms of swearing , because they thought it neither decent , nor lawful , to swear by the name of god. 28. now that which yet more confirms to us the reasonableness of this interpretation , is , that our saviour himself , in the prosecution of this very subject , plainly restrains his discourse to the same cases , in which the jews were wont to use those forms of swearing , which he here mentions . but let your communication , says he , be , yea , yea ; nay , nay . that is , in your private discourse and affairs with one another ; let it suffice you , instead of swearing after the manner of the jews here reproved , barely to affirm or deny what you have to say : or at the most to add some innocent asseveration to it , for the farther satisfaction of him to whom you speak ; for whatsoever is more than this , cometh of evil . 29. and thus far it was undoubtedly the design of our saviour , to forbid the practice of swearing altogether ; and to declare it , in such cases , to be vtterly evil and vnlawful . and therefore , as to what concerns this kind of swearing ; ( and to which both the practice of the jews here intended to be corrected ; and the instances given of the oaths which they made vse of ; and the direction of our saviour how to behave our selves on such occasions , do all evidently refer ; ) the prohibition is vniversal , and admits of no exception ; i say unto you , swear not at all : no not tho' what you swear be never so true , or you should be never so much provoked to swear to it . 30. but indeed , i am apt to believe that our saviour intended somewhat more than this , in his prohibition as to this matter : and that , because the abuses which the jews are charged with in this particular , required somewhat more to be done for the security of that commandment , which he was here concern'd to restore to its full force . and that is this : that because such is the nature of mankind , that we are but too apt to trifle with the most sacred things ; as we see the jews , in the case before us , most notoriously did ; who for that reason set up the lesser kind of swearing here mentioned , that so they might both the more freely use it , and the more easily break thro' the obligation of it : therefore our saviour resolved , at once , to prevent all future corruption of this kind , by utterly * forbidding men to swear any otherwise , than by the name of god only . 31. and if this be allow'd , then here we shall again have another good account of the vniversality of our saviour's prohibition as to this matter . i say unto you , swear not at all ; that is , not at all by heaven , or by the earth , or by any other the like forms : but when you shall find it needful to swear , swear directly by the name of god ; and then you will both the more rarely do it , and when you shall do it , will be the more likely to swear truly , and to perform to the lord your oaths . 32. from what has been said , we may now see what that swearing is , which our blessed lord has forbidden , as vnlawful to us christians : namely , first , to swear at all in our common and private affairs , with one another ; when there is neither any suitable occasion for it ; nor any necessity laid upon us so to do . and , secondly , to use those little , affected modes of swearing , which custom and design brought in among the jews , and which are still but too much allow'd of among us at this day . and by both which , the majesty of god is profaned ; perjury is encreased ; faith and confidence are lessen'd among men ; and their immortal souls are continually exposed to ruine and destruction . i shall therefore make a few practical reflections , upon each of these kinds of swearing ; and so conclude this chapter . 33. and , first : as to the case of light and customary swearing , it is certain , that for a man to swear in his common , ordinary conversation ; where there is either no need at all of an oath , or none that is proportionable to that reverence which ought to be paid to it ; is absolutely evil , and vnlawful . it is indeed to profane the sacredness , and to prostitute the design of an oath : and puts such an † affront upon god , as we would be ashamed to put upon one of our fellow-creatures . 34. and yet , alas ! how ordinary a practice is this among us ? and how often do we see men call god to witness , not only without need , but with such little regard too ; that i am afraid many times they do not know themselves when they do so . 35. nay and well were it for them , if they did this only upon too light occasions : but very frequently they do it upon such , as are extremely indecent , if not sinful . to bear witness to their lewdness , their profaness , and their debauchery . to bind their obligations of iniquity upon their souls : and to confirm their envious , their malicious , and covetous purposes , against their neighbour . 36. these are , god knows , very terrible considerations : they make me even tremble at the remembrance of them . and yet thus is god's name profaned without horrour ; and we suffer it without concern . 37. but i must go yet farther : for tho' this be that swearing which our saviour seems chiefly to have spoken against in this place ; yet i doubt not but that much more is required of us . and therefore i add , 2dly : that as a man ought never to swear , but up on some great , and solemn occasion ; so neither should he swear , of choice , even then ; nor till he ha● first indeavour'd , as far as is fitting● to avoid it . 38. it was the opinion of ● heathen moralist , that a good man ought never to swear , but upon on● of these two accounts ; either t● serve his friend , or to vindica● himself from some foul and scan●dalous aspersion . 39. tho' in this , i think , he was too severe ; yet as , i presume , there are not many cases in which a man ought voluntarily to swear ; so , i believe , this one general rule may comprehend the most of them : namely , that we should never do it , but when it is necessary , either for god's glory ; our own justification ; or our neighbours good. but as for any other considerations , i am perswaded , that it were better a man should sit down under any tolerable inconvenience , than flee to an oath for the prevention of it . 40. and this i say as to the case of voluntary oaths : as for those which are imposed by publick authority , the subjects rule must be to yield to them in all honest and lawful matters ; and to take such , as he can , with a good conscience , take . as for the reasonableness of requiring them , that is their business to consider who oblige us to the taking of them : and who ought to remember , that they shall assuredly answer to god for it , if by imposing them too often , and upon too slight occasions ; where neither the necessity of government , nor the publick peace require the doing of it ; they shall cause god's name to be profaned ; shall burden their neighbours conscience ; and , by degrees , take off very much from the religion and reverence of swearing . 41. but , 3dly : and to conclude these first sort of remarks . as the commandment here referr'd to by our saviour , thou shalt not forswear thy self ; and expounded by that additional paraphrase , but shalt perform to the lord thine oaths ; has ever been look'd upon to relate * more especially to promissory oaths ; in which the danger of perjury is much the greatest , and there will therefore need the greatest care and circumspection to be used , in order to the prevention of it : so am i apt to think , upon all these accounts , that we ought to look upon our selves as yet more concern'd to avoid such kind of oaths , as far as it may be in our power so to do , rather than any others . 42. a wise man will oblige himself , as seldom as he can , by a bare promise : because he cannot tell what may happen , nor to what inconveniencies he may expose himself , by the making of it . and surely much less ought a good man to bind a promise upon himself by an oath ; unless it be upon some urgent occasion , and in which he shall account it to be his duty so to do . 43. and this may suffice to have been observed , with relation to the first thing here forbidden ; viz. the frequent , and vnnecessary , and vnworthy vsage of an oath . as for the other case proposed ; i mean the abstaining from those lesser modes of swearing here referr'd to ; and , i believe , forbidden too by our saviour : it may be consider'd ; 44. 1st : that tho' it should be doubtful whether it be simply , and absolutely vnlawful , to make use of them ; yet it cannot be questioned but that it must be much safer , not to do so : nor can there be any reason given , why a wise and good man , should ever venture upon the use of them . 45. that it must be much safer to abstain altogether from them , is manifest from hence , that it is ( at least ) probable that our blessed lord did intend , in this place , to restrain the use of them : i am sure no one can ever shew , upon any good grounds , and such as may justifie a man's conscience in the allowance of them , that he did not . 46. and then , for the other part of my assertion ; that there can be no reason for a good man to venture upon the use of them , it is evident ; because , those things which , in such a case , a man swears by , must be consider'd either as relating to god , and terminating the oath in him ; and * then , to swear by them , is the same thing as to swear by god himself ; and to prostitute such oaths to a common vsage , is as criminal as to profane the very name of god : or if they are uncapable of being thus referr'd to god , and for that reason may be thought not to oblige ; then is the use of them vain and delusory ; and so either no end at all ; or , to be sure , no good one can be design'd by them . 47. but , 2dly : whatever becomes of this reflection , thus much is certain ; that to use any of these oaths with the intention of the jews , here condemn'd by our saviour ; that is to say , for the promotion either of common and vain swearing , on the one hand ; or of fraudulent and deceitful swearing , on the other ; or to recurr to such kind of oaths in any case , in which we should not think it decent , or lawful , to swear by god himself , is absolutely vnlawful ; and undoubtedly prohibited by christ , as such . 48. but here then i must not be mis●understood : for tho' i say that a good christian ought not to swear by any , but god only ; yet i do not pretend that we must always do it with a direct mention of his name ; and in those express terms , * which some have vainly thought alone properly to constitute an oath . many are the forms into which the substance of an oath may be cast , and in several of them the name of god not at all express'd ; and yet the oath be made by him only . 49. thus st paul , tho' he generally mentioned the very name of god , yet sometimes he put his oath into another form ; and * protested by the rejoycing which he had in christ jesus our lord , 1 cor. xv . and when often times we our selves lay our hand on the holy scriptures , and having first conceived the substance of the oath , conclude with this form , so help me god , and the contents of this book : we as really swear by god alone , as if we had altogether stopp'd in the former part of our appeal ; or only said with the apostle , god is my witness . 50. in all these cases , it is enough that we make it plain that we refer to god , and to him only , for the truth of what we speak : and then howsoever our words may run , the oath will still be understood to terminate in him alone . 51. i say to god only : because otherwise tho' we should swear expresly by god , yet if we shall joyn any other together with him , as the jews did sometimes heretofore , and as those of the church of rome do notoriously at this day : in such a case , our oath will again be faulty ; and we shall , in the very manner of our swearing , be guilty of a sin , but little less criminal , than that of perjury its self . 52. and thus have i offer'd to you such considerations , as seem'd necessary to shew , what that swearing is which our saviour has truly forbidden under the gospel . i shall conclude this point , with those words of the son of sirach . ecclus. xxiii . 9 . accustome not thy mouth to swearing , neither vse thy self to the naming of the holy one. for as a servant that is continually beaten , shall not be without a blew-mark ; so he that sweareth , and nameth god , continually , shall not be faultless . he that useth much swearing , shall be filled with iniquity , and the plague shall never depart from his house . chap. iv. of the several ways of confirming what is spoken , or promised , under the degree of an oath ; how far they may be made use of in mens private conversation ? and for what reason it was not fitting that men should have been allow'd to go any farther ? 1. having now shewn , from the words of our blessed saviour , how careful a good christian ought to be not only not to forswear himself ; but , as far as he is able , not to swear at all : it remains , for the final clearing of this subject , that we go on , upon the same principles , to enquire , how we are to behave our selves , in our common discourse , with one another ? and here the rule proposed to us is this ; let your communication be yea , yea ; nay , nay : and this reason given , why we ought to confine our selves within the bounds of it ; for , says our saviour , whatsoever is more than this , cometh of evil. i shall distinctly consider each part of it ; and endeavour , first , to shew you , what our duty , with relation to this matter , is : and then , secondly , to convince you , of the reasonableness of that motive , which our blessed saviour has here made use of , to oblige us to walk according thereunto . 2. and , first : for what concerns the rule here laid down ; it was the opinion of a very learned man in his remarks upon this passage ; that these words of our saviour , let your communication be , yea , yea ; nay , nay ; are to be expounded by those of st. james , to the same purpose , jam. v. 12 . let your yea , be yea ; and your nay , nay : and the account he gives of both of them is this ; that our actions should be agreeable to our expressions ; and that whensoever we promise any thing , we should be sure to take especial care that our performance be accordingly . 3. tho' this be , no doubt , the duty , and should be the care of every good christian ; yet can i , by no means , think it a proper account of our saviour's meaning in the words before us : in which it was certainly his intention to direct us , how to manage our selves in our * discourse , or as we render it , our communication with one another ; and not how to conform our performances to our promises . 4. that st. james had a regard to this passage of our saviour , in that exhortation which he gave to the same purpose , i make no doubt : nor shall i deny , but that they may possibly have both of them meant the same thing . but that either the one , or the other , intended to restrain the doctrine here delivered concerning swearing , to promissory oaths only ; or indeed aim'd at any thing more than to shew us , how we should behave our selves in our conversation with one another , does not appear from either of their expressions ; nor ought , without reason , to be supposed by us . 5. and therefore , 2dly , and to come more closely to the explication of the words before us : as it is plain from the whole tenour of our saviour's discourse in this place , that a good christian may , without all scruple , affirm what is true , or deny what is false ; so the least we can inferr from the repetition here made of the yea and nay , is this ; † that if one assertion or denial of either should not be sufficient to satisfie the person with whom we converse , of the truth of what we speak , we may renew our discourse , and confirm it again and again to him : and by that means move him the rather to believe us , when he shall find us constantly to persevere in our assertion or denial of it . 6. nor , indeed , can any question be reasonably made of the lawfulness of our doing thus much , to satisfie the jealousie of our neighbour , and to justifie our own fidelity . for if we may innocently declare what we know once , what harm can there be in doing it a second time ? and if it be requisite that we should do so , to gain the better credit with our brother ; and to convince him the more undoubtedly of the truth of what we say : seeing both the end for which we do it is innocent , and there is nothing vnlawful in the act its self ; where can the harm of such a repetition be ? 7. this therefore is the least we can suppose our saviour hereby intended to allow us to do , for the better confirmation of what we promise , or assert . and i cannot tell but that his words may fairly be extended a great deal farther ; and be understood , 3dly ; to allow us , if need be , not only to re-iterate what we say , and thereby to fix the belief of it the more firmly in the mind of him with whom we converse ; but that with some kind of * earnestness too in the repetition : with some such vehemence of expression as may serve to add a new force to our words ; and effectually shew that we have both duly consider'd , and are very well assured of the truth of what we report ; or of our resolution to fulfil what we promise , in them . 8. this was the method which our blessed saviour himself commonly follow'd in his own conversation : and frequent instances we meet with of it , in all the parts of his gospel . so in this very chapter , verse 18. * verily i say unto you : and again , verse 26. verily i say unto thee . and that this may reasonably be presumed , to have been allow'd us in the present passage , we may conclude from hence ; not only that this is the least degree of assurance we can give to the truth of what we say , above that of a simple delivery of it ; and neither cometh of evil , nor tendeth to it : but that the very expressions themselves which we render yea , and nay , do import , not a bare affirmation , or denial ; but that with some such vehemence as this . insomuch that in the holy scriptures themselves , we find the word which we render * yea , made use of instead of an asseveration ; and by our own interpreters translated accordingly . † and even where it is not so , yet the discourse its self shews , that there is somewhat more than a meer affirmation designed by it ; as might easily be made appear , in several examples , were it needful to insist upon it . 9. let us add to this , that in the stile of the sacred pen-men , the repetition of any word , generally denotes somewhat of a * vehemence designed by it . hence it is that our saviour does not only commonly make use of the asseveration before mention'd ; but when he would imprint what he said , in a more particular manner , upon mens minds , and engage them to a more serious consideration of it ; doubles it too ; verily , verily , i say unto you . and from all which put together , we may , i think , very safely conclude , that we also , after the example of our blessed master , may not only with great plainness and earnestness affirm the truth of what we speak ; but may , if need be , add some such asseveration to it , as he was wont to do ; and even fairly interpret the very words before us , to allow of it . 10. from what has been said , it appears ; either that such asseverations as those i have now been speaking of , do expresly fall within the design of the present text , ( and that some have thought to be the more probable ; ) or most certainly , * are not repugnant to it . but now , 4thly : and to advance yet one step higher : what shall we say to another sort of confirmation , frequently made use of heretofore , and not uncommon with us at this day ; whereby to convince men of the truth of what we say ; and that is , by pledging ( as it were ) somewhat which is very valuable to us , for the certainty of it . 11. this is that kind of confirmation , which , as distinguished from the fore-going , is usually called * obtestation : and it differs from an oath in this ; that an oath has always a respect to god , and either expresly , or by construction , denotes an appeal to him for the ●ruth of what we utter : whereas , in the way i am now speaking of , we only interpose the authority of somewhat , which is either evidently certain , or apparently dear to us ; to bespeak our sincerity in what we deliver under the caution of it . 12. such a ratification as this is that which we meet with so commonly in the old testament , * as thy soul liveth . and it has been thought by some , that joseph really did no more than this , when he seem'd to † swear to his brethren , by the life of pharaoh , gen. xlii . 15 . and as for the new testament ; ‖ what if that form of speech made use of by st. paul , 1 cor. xv . 31 . and which some , as we have seen , will have to be an oath , was indeed no more than an obtestation : i protest by your rejoicing which i have in christ jesus our lord . at least i cannot but think , that those | primitive christians , of whom tertullian speaks , meant no more ; who refused to swear by the fortune , or genius , of their emperours ; lest they should seem to appeal to the deities of the heathen : but yet freely gave assurance of their fidelity to them , by their health and safety , which ( as he expresses it ) was very dear to them ; and equal , in their account , with the greatest oath . 13. that such kind of confirmations as these , of the truth of what we speak , may ( upon occasion ) not only innocently , but commendably , be made use of ; for the better prevention of down-right swearing , is , i think , not to be doubted : but yet i cannot tell , whether they may be reckon'd to fall within the direct allowance of the present text , tho' they are certainly * consistent with the design of it . and therefore , i do suppose that next to formal-swearing , these kind of obtestations ought the most rarely , and with the greatest caution , to be made use of by us . 14. but if the matter be weighty ; and if it be needful to do somewhat more than ordinary to convince the person with whom we discourse , of the truth of what we speak : and if such a lesser ratification of it , will prevent our recurring to the last and highest , i mean , that of an oath : i cannot see why we should not rather chuse to pledge our own honesty or truth ; or to corroborate what we say , by comparing the certainty of it , with somewhat of which there can be no doubt ; such as our own , or his life with whom we converse ; rather than accustom our selves to call god to witness in any case , in which it may lie in our power to avoid it . 15. and thus have i done with the several kinds of confirmation of what we affirm , below the degree of an oath . i cannot tell whether it may be needful for me to take notice of yet another method , which has but too much obtain'd in the world , to the same purpose : and that is , 5thly , when to assert the truth of what they speak , men flee to some curse or imprecation upon themselves , if they prevaricate in it . but as every oath does in its nature imply an appeal to the justice of god , as well as to his knowledge ; and , by consequence , does inferr a * tacit imprecation of his vengeance upon us , if we deal falsly with our neighbour : so thus much we may be sure of , that were such imprecations , otherwise , never so lawful , in order to this end ; yet they ought not to be used at any time , or upon any occasion , in which we may not lawfully take an oath . and therefore that both out of charity to our selves , and out of reverence to god's judgments ; we ought to lay aside the practice of such curses altogether : seeing they can neither be ever made without horrour ; nor may be made in any case , wherein we may not give our oath , not only with an equal satisfaction to our neighbour , but with greater decency and conformity to the principles of christianity . 16. and now , to lay together , in short , the several rules , by which we are to govern our selves in our communication with one another ; according as i have hitherto been more largely stating of them to you . 17. if what we say be a matter of meer indifference ; so that it is of no great consequence , either to our selves , or any other , whether we are believed or no : in that case it may suffice * barely to relate what we know of it ; without troubling our selves , by any of the ways i have now been speaking of , to give any farther confirmation to it . 18. if our discourse be of such a nature , that it may concern our neighbour to give credit to it ; or it may , perhaps , upon our own account , be convenient that he should do so : we may then confirm ▪ the truth of what we assert , either by a * repeated assurance of it ; or , if that will not suffice , by adding such an * asseveration as may shew that we speak very seriously , and with a well-grounded confidence of what we say : such as verily , or indeed , or in-truth you may believe me ; or by some other expressions of the like nature . 19. if this does not yet satisfie the mind of our neighbour , and the subject of our discourse be so important as to demand a still higher conviction of the truth of it ; then , thirdly , i conceive we may proceed to a yet higher and more forcible confirmation of what we say , by that more weighty kind of assurance , which , if not comprehended under the expressions of the present passage , is yet certainly within the reason , and may be built upon the grounds of it . such are those * obtestations so usual among our selves , vpon my word ; if i am alive ; as i am an honest man , and the like . and such was that of st. paul heretofore , 2 cor. xi . 10 . as the truth of christ is in me. only as these are still greater corroborations of the truth of what we speak than the other ; so ought they to be used more seldom , and with greater care , and upon more weighty occasions ; when 't is very highly expedient that we should be believed in what we say . 20. and here we must stop in our communication with one another . for the next degree of assurance , above this , is an oath : and that i have already shewn you , must very rarely be made use of ; indeed never but when we either cannot , by any means , avoid it , or the matter is such that we ought not to decline it . 21. which being thus resolved , in answer to the first thing i proposed to consider ; let us go on , in the next place , to see , what the import of that motive is which our saviour here proposes to us , to engage us to keep within these bounds , in our common affairs with one another ; and that is , that whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil. 22. it has been doubted by some whether what we render cometh of evil , might not more properly have been translated , ‖ cometh of the evil-one . but as the original is certainly capable of either of these senses ; so the assertion of our saviour will hold good in both of them : the custom of vain-swearing being altogether wicked and unreasonable ; and not only proceeding from an evil principle , but in its nature , tending to an evil end too ; and upon all these accounts coming from the evil one . 23. and first ; whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil. and that whether we respect * ou● selves , or * others ; * the custom o● making , or the * cause of requiring an oath , for the confirmation of what we say . 24. if we consider the grounds of common-swearing with respect to * our-selves : it must proceed either from an * evil-custom , or from an * evil-principle ; and upon both those accounts , be utterly wicked and vnjustifiable . 25. for ( 1st : ) as to the * custom of such swearing ; we know that every sin is by so much the more hainous in its self , and more dangerous to our souls ; by how much the habit of it is the more deeply rooted in us . insomuch that it is from this that a man takes his denomination ; and is look'd upon to be either a good , or a bad man , according as the common practice of his life bespeaks him to be . 26. the best christian may be tempted , and fall into sin ; and sometimes do that which he ought not to do . but yet whilst this is not his custom ; whilst the general bent not only of his desires , and endeavours , but of his actions , and conversation too , lie towards his duty ; neither will god exact every such sin of him , nor ought men to censure him too severely for them . for this is the misfortune of our present state , and while we are in this world , will always be so ; that in many things we shall offend all. 27. but when once any sin becomes habitual , and men make a common , or rather a constant , practice of it : the very custom of it renders such a sin both unpardonable by god , and justly censurable by all good men. 28. so that supposing then that common and vain-swearing are sinful ; as both our saviour here warrants us , and i have before shewn , we ought to account it : the custom of such swearing must be yet more evil ; and the sin not the less , but the greater for proceeding from it . 29. but indeed before men can arrive to such a custom , there must be in them some evil principle or other to give birth to it : and such swearing must , upon this account also , come of evil , that it must be derived from some source that most certainly is so . 30. for since such swearing is not only plainly forbidden in the gospel , but is withal , in its own nature , so indecent , and vnfitting ; that 't is impossible for any man who has either any true value for god , or has ever seriously consider'd the meaning of an oath , to approve of it : certain it is , that that man must be either very negligent of himself , and very unsensible of his duty ; or he must be become altogether wicked and profane , who allows himself in the customary practice of it . and from which soever of all these principles his swearing does proceed , what our saviour here tells us of it will still remain true , that it cometh of evil. 31. nor will this usage be found to fall any less under the same character , if we shall consider it with respect to those who require such oaths of others , and prompt men on to the practice of them . 32. * for since to encourage another to sin , but much more to require what is evil of him , must be highly criminal ; as being not only contrary to the duty which we owe to god , but also to that charity which we ought to have for our neighbour's soul : certain it is , that no one who looks upon it to be unlawful to swear vainly can , without sin , allow , much les● encourage and oblige another so to do . and therefore it must remain that upon this account also , as well as upon those i have already mentioned , this practice must be confessed to come of evil. 33. but , indeed , were it not for the evil , that is to say , the wickedness of men ; there would be neither any need of swearing at all , nor any temptation to it . and this will yet more verifie our saviour's assertion ; and shew that the very ground and foundation not only of false and vain-swearing , but of all swearing whatsoever , cometh of evil. 34. now that i thus make out . the only solid reason that can be given why men should ever swear at all , is upon the account of its usefulness , or rather necessity , for the confirmation of what they say . but now were it not for the corruption of our nature , and that falseness and insincerity , which so much abounds in the world ; and for those jealousies and suspicions , which men have entertain'd of one another upon the account of it ; where would be the need of any such confirmation ? were there no such thing as malice , or envy ; interest , or design ; covetousness , or injustice ; lying , or dissimulation , known among us . but , on the contrary , every one was honest and ingenuous ; and might securely be trusted by his neighbour , as such . in short , were our condition so happy , that men reckon'd their word , as sacred as their oath ; and would be as careful of what they said , as of what they swore ? 35. but because , god knows , the case is much otherwise with us ; and men are so full of tricks and cheats , are so subtle and deceitful , so vain and vnconstant , that we know not where to have them , or when to rely upon them ; and it is hard to find out any bond that is sufficient to assure us that they act sincerely ; therefore it has been found necessary to recur to this obligation : that if there be any fear of god , or any sense of goodness remaining to them , they may by this means , at least , be engaged to deal uprightly ; and not presume to call god to witness , but when they are resolved to speak and act , as they ought to do . 36. and now when such is the ground of our appealing to god at all ; when 't is the wickedness and falseness of mankind that has given occasion to the vse of an oath ; and without which there would never have been any need of it : well may our saviour give this for his reason why all honest and good men should decline swearing , as much as they can , that it cometh of evil ; that is , was found out as a remedy to the evil of our natures , and to secure the truth of false and insincere men. * for sure a better , or more sensible motive cannot be offer'd to engage such persons to abstain from it , than this ; that 't is an affront to their honesty , a scandal upon their integrity : at least that it is a tie which was never intended for men of their character ; nor can be allow'd by them , without seeming to own , that they are not so faithful and ingenuous as they would be thought to be . 37. but , secondly : as the practice of swearing , especially in our common dealing , and conversation with one another , howsoever it be consider'd , cometh of evil ; so , to complete the iniquity of it , will it be found to tend also unto evil : and upon that account , as well as upon those already mention'd , to come from the evil one. and that especially in these ( 3. ) respects : as it is apt , ( 1. ) to give an evil example to others . ( 2. ) to take off from the reverence of an oath ; and from that due regard which ought to be had to it . and , ( 3. ) in the consequence thereof , to lead men into a general profaness ; into an vnconcernedness for , if not into a contempt of , whatsoever is sacred . 38. and ( 1st . ) the common practice of swearing , tendeth to evil ; inasmuch as it is apt to give an ill example to others . for tho' this be a sin which has neither any pleasure , nor profit , to recommend it ; nor should men therefore , one would think , be apt to be tempted to it : yet alas ! experience shews us , that even custom its self is alone sufficient to propagate an evil practice ; and to prompt men to do that themselves , which they see others do before them . 39. this is so just a reflection , that it is , perhaps , the only account that can be given , how men come to swear so ordinarily , and upon such little occasions , as they do : in such cases , where there is neither any manner of need of an oath for the confirmation of what they speak ; nor have they , often times , any such design in it . but 't is a fashionable way of adorning , or rather of profaning their discourse ; the practice of it is become almost epidemical : and they have , insensibly , accustomed their tongues to it , till at last they neither know how to avoid it , nor are themselves sensible when they do it . 40. so easily are men brought to profane the name of god! and such a mischievous influence has the practice of common-swearing , begun at first by a few profligate men , had , to spread a general contempt of the divine majesty over the face of the earth ; and to weaken one of the most sacred bonds of truth and fidelity , that was ever given to mankind . 41. and this brings me to the next ill-effect , which this customary swearing has had , in consequence of the foregoing : and that is , ( 2dly . ) to take off from the reverence of an oath , and from that due regard which ought to be had to it . 42. that perjury is a sin both too lightly consider'd , and too commonly practis'd among us ; is too plainly seen , and has , i believe , been too sensibly felt likewise , by many of us , to suffer us to make any doubt of it . and how far the prevalence of common , and vain-swearing , may have contributed to this evil , i shall leave it to every serious christian to consider . 43. in the mean time , thus much is evident ; that an oath , from being one of the most sacred and sure bands of faith between man and man , is now become of very little benefit or security to us . men take them without fear , and too often without considering what they do : and when they have taken them , they many times shew as little regard to them in their practice , as they at first did reverence in approaching to them. 44. and , indeed , how should we expect that he who puts no value upon an oath in his common talk , should be much more concern'd for it , only by the addition of a little more solemnity to it ? or be afraid to break his promise , or to dissemble the truth , which he ratifies by an appeal to god , when imposed upon him ; who has no regard to either , tho' he swears to them an hundred times of his own accord . alas ! an oath is only terrible to a young beginner : to him who considers what it is ; and who has the fear of god's knowledge and justice , still vigorous upon his mind . but to him who swears every hour that he lives ; who trafficks with it , and could not tell how to carry on his business without it : who swears with as little concern as he talks ; and values an oath , no more than he does a common lie : what can we expect but that as such a one's regard to this sacred tie is very small ; so his care to answer the end of it should be proportionably small too . 45. to such a terrible height of wickedness is common-swearing apt to bring men at the last . nor does the evil of it stop here ; but , ( 3dly ) and lastly ; from the particular contempt of an oath , carries men on , by degrees , to a general profaneness ; to an vnconcernedness for , if not a neglect of , whatsoever is sacred . 46. and this is still but the natural progression of this sin ; and the next step to that i before mentioned . for since the honour of god , and his power and justice , are all despised , and that in a most outragious manner , by the sin of perjury ; so that a man must have laid aside all regard to these , before he can harden himself to the practice of that : what should hinder him who is become so great a proficient in wickedness as to be able to trample under foot the honour , the power , the justice , and even the vengeance of god too , in one great instance ; from proceeding , if need be , to do it as readily in any other ? 47. that to swear is not only truly an act of religion , but one of the most solemn acts of it ; and most apt to stir up in our minds a fear of god , and reverence of his name , is not to be deny'd ; 48. that to do this lightly , and vnadvisedly ; but especially to do it falsly ; only to carry on our own designs , or to promote our own interests , at the expence of god's glory : must be not only horridly to profane the sacredness of an oath , but to flee directly in the face of god , and to bid defiance to damnation ; the necessary importance of an oath , will not suffer us to doubt . 49. now when once men are become so deeply rooted in impiety as to be able to do this , what is there left to restrain them from a general state of profaneness and irreligion ? it is but proceeding upon the same principles , and doing that in the other instances of religion , which they do in this : and why they should not do so , if ever their passions or their interests should prompt them to it , i cannot see ; and we need not question but that they will go on accordingly . 50. if therefore we have any regard to god's glory ; if any concern for our own souls ; let both these perswade us not to allow our selves in a practice so offensive to the one , so dangerous to the other . 51. let those despise the sanctity of an oath , and prostitute it to a common and profane vsage ; who know not how sacred a thing it is , and how dangerous to indulge the customary practice of it . but let it suffice us to take that liberty which our blessed lord has left to us , not only as the most safe ; but as ( in the general affairs of life , ) sufficient too . and let us so much the rather content our selves with it , by how much the more plainly it appears from all those considerations i have now been offering to you , that whatsoever is more than that , cometh of evil. chap. v. wherein an enquiry is made into the causes both of that common , and false-swearing , which so much abounds in the world : and some directions are offer'd for the better prevention of both of them. 1. i have now done with our saviour's discourse , relating to the point of swearing ; and might with that , have reasonably enough concluded my reflections upon this subject . but because there are some things which i could not so well refer to any of those heads i have before treated of ; which yet , i conceive , may usefully be observed by us upon this occasion : i shall chuse rather to put them together , a little out of place , than wholly to pass them by . 2. now the summ of what i would farther propose , for finishing of this whole subject , may be reduced to these two general heads : i st . i will consider , how it comes to pass , that men are so forward to swear , almost upon every occasion ; and too often venture , even to forswear themselves . and having given such an account as may be necessary of this matter , i will go on , ii dly , to offer some particular directions , for the better correction and prevention of both those evils . 3. and , 1 st . let us consider , how it comes to pass , that after all our saviour has said to the contrary ; yet we see men , nevertheless , not only so forward to swear , almost upon every occasion ; but too often venturing even to forswear themselves . 4. in the prosecution of which enquiry , it is not my intention to make any laborious search into the causes of that common-swearing which has so vniversally , almost , obtain'd in the world ; and makes up a great part of mens ordinary discourse with one another . for tho' that be , without controversie , a very grievous sin , yet is it withal a very vnaccountable one too . a sin which men commit to serve no end ; to gratifie no lust ; to carry on no business by . without profit ; without pleasure ; i had almost said , and without temptation too . in short ; a sin by which they dishonour god , and ruine their own souls , to no purpose : but do the work of the devil , without that common-encouragement which , in most other cases , he allows wicked men , to reward their doing of it . so that for ought i know , the best account that can be given , why men ever fall into this sin at all , is ; that they have slipp'd into the habit of it , they know not how : and custom has made it a fashionable vice. they look upon it as a modish way of discourse ; and think it would bring an imputation upon their breeding , if they should altogether forbear it : and render their conversation flat , and insipid ; for want of that profaneness , which indeed is , many times , the only thing that is remarkable in it . 5. but this is not that swearing i am now concern'd for : nor do we find that our saviour has had any regard for such sinners as these . if men will run into evil habits without need , it is but fitting they should perish without pity : and not expect to be argued out of a vice , which is so far from having any shew of reason to justifie it ; that it has not so much as any temptation , that may serve to make an excuse for it . the swearing , i am now speaking of , is of another nature , and practised by a better sort of men. by such as acknowledge the obligation , tho' they do not sufficiently consider the sacredness of an oath : and for that reason allow themselves , on every little occasion , to flee to the use of it ; as long as they do but take care not to confirm any thing , but what is true , by it . and whence it comes to pass , that so many , even among the higher rank of christians , are yet thus forward to swear ; is the first thing i proposed to enquire . 6. and here ( 1st . ) it may be consider'd , that every one , who has any sense of probity remaining in him , desires to be believed ; especially in what he seriously affirms or denies : and cannot but think it very hard to be suspected of any falseness and vntruth in his discourse . besides that , often times , it may be of concern to him that he should be believed : and to leave his veracity in doubt , may prove not only to his disgrace , but to his damage also . 7. now interest and reputation , are two of the dearest things in the world to most men ; and the love of which they can the most hardly overcome . and therefore when these shall prompt a man rather to confirm the truth of what he speaks with an oath , than to run the hazard of suffering in one , or , it may be , in both of them ; there had need be a deep sense of religion , and a very awful dread of an oath indeed , rooted in a man's heart , to keep him from so doing . 8. let us add to this , ( 2dly ) that unreasonable jealousie which abounds in mankind towards each other ; and moves them upon the least appearance of reason ; nay , and often-times without any ; to suspect one another . hence it is that if a matter be but of never so little importance ; if it be for a man's advantage , or disadvantage ; for his pleasure , or trouble , to be thoroughly convinced of it : it is seldom known that they will be satisfied with the bare word of him who reports it unto them ; or with any thing less , than his swearing to the truth of what he says . and if , out of conscience to his duty , and being unwilling to break in upon the sacredness of an oath , he should chance to refuse so to do ; it is great odds but he shall be urged and provoked to it : and hardly avoid the censure of speaking falsly from those , who having no respect for an oath themselves , will not easily be perswaded that another should have any higher regard to it ; or refuse to swear upon any other account than this , that he is conscious to himself that what he says is false ; and therefore he dares not swear to the truth of it . and many there are , even among the better sort of men , who by this means are betray'd into an undue usage of an oath : and chuse rather to swear , when otherwise they would not do it , than to bear the reproaches of those to whom they speak , by a peremptory refusal of it . 9. again ( 3dly ) to men who have either no true sense at all of religion upon their minds ; or have not sufficiently consider'd the nature of an oath , and convinced themselves thereby how much the honour of god is concern'd in our using of it ; and how cautious we , therefore , ought to be , upon what occasions we do swear : the customary forwardness which we complain of in most men to recur to this way of confirming what they say , may be , and ( i believe ) has been , a great inducement , to the over-easie practice of it . 10. there are few christians so ignorant as not to know , that perjury is a very hainous sin , and such as may not be committed , without the peril of salvation . but yet there may be many who are still to learn , that to swear upon a small occasion , tho' a man swears nothing but the truth , is of its self criminal ; and , as such , forbidden in the gospel . now such persons as these , being sensible how usual it is for men to do this , look no farther ; but follow on as they see others go before them ; nor feel any remorse of conscience for doing that , which they never understood had any great harm in it . 11. and that which may possibly have contributed to confirm them in this practice is ; that they see themselves call'd upon to swear , so very often , not only in their own private concerns , but even by publick authority . for since charity , as well as duty , obliges us to think that nothing is done by that but upon the most mature deliberation ; and we know how great a number of wise and good men must concur to the making of a law with us ; whose wisdom we cannot , and whose piety we ought not to doubt of : it is but reasonable to conclude , that they had certainly a due regard to the honour of god in all their constitutions ; and would never require us to swear on any occasion , in which they esteem'd it either unlawful , or unseemly for us to do it . 12. how far such reasoning as this may have disposed some unwary persons to swear more frequently , and upon lesser occasions than they ought to do , i cannot tell : but i think it may deserve to be consider'd , whether the multitude of cases wherein not our laws only , but those of all other countries , do oblige , or , at least , allow men to swear ; may not have somewhat contributed to that forwardness of doing it , which we see and complain of in them , upon other occasions : and have disposed them to be more ready , than they ought to be , to recur to an oath in such cases , wherein there is neither any command of man , nor any excuse before god , for their doing of it . 13. i shall offer but one account more of this unwarrantable readiness of men to swear ; and that is ( 4thly ) from the refusal which some , of late , have made of all swearing whatsoever : and in opposition to whose errour , some may possibly have been so unwary as to run into the contrary extreme ; and to have concluded , that so far is it from being unlawful to swear in any case , that , rather , there is none so small in which they may not freely do it . 14. it is the infirmity of many , of more warmth than judgment , that they are always in extremes : and think the only way to secure themselves from error , is to fly as far from it as they can . not considering that there may be as little reason in one extreme , as in another ; and that , according to the old remark , truth , as well as vertue , is seldom found in either . 15. thus some out of an over-eager opposition to popery , have cast off episcopacy ; and for fear of superstition , would have all decency thrown out of the church . and i verily believe we had not seen at this day so much profaneness and irreligion among us , had not the detestation of some mens hypocritical pretences to godliness , first prompted on others to fly out into a loosness of living , and from thence into a neglect of every thing that is sacred . and how far this vice of common-swearing may have gotten grounds by the same means , and have been improved too among the rest ; i shall leave it to those who have consider'd , from what time it has begun more especially to prevail among us , to determine . 16. such therefore may , i suppose , have been the causes of that readiness which we find in men to swear , even upon the most common , and unjustifiable occasions . but now , as for the other sin proposed , that of perjury ; i can scarcely tell to what cause to ascribe the little concern which many shew of falling into that ; because , indeed , i can scarcely tell what cause should be sufficient to harden their consciences against it . 17. that the frequency of swearing , and the little occasions on which men sometimes allow themselves in the practice of it , may have very much taken off from their reverence of an oath , i can easily believe ; and by that means have disposed them to swear more carelesly , and with lesser consideration than they ought to do . 18. that by their often and careless swearing , they may probably sometimes have incurr'd the guilt of perjury , unawares ; and by that means have been unhappily made acquainted with it ; i do not doubt . 19. but yet still , to swear falsly , where a man knows what he does ; and deliberately designs so to do ; this adds so much not only to common-swearing , but even to an vnwilling perjury also ; that a man ought to become a great proficient in wickedness , before he can bring his mind to it . 20. this therefore is a sin which i can ascribe to no other cause than that of a profane heart , and a hardned conscience . whether it be that a man falls into it through an absolute infidelity ; or that by a long , habitual continuance in sin , he is at last become deprived of god's grace , and is given up to be led captive by satan at his will. for otherwise , perjury is a crime of so detestable a nature , and which has so much of the falseness of the devil in it ; that were there but any spark of piety remaining in the soul , it were impossible a man should ever be perswaded to commit it : or having once committed it , should be able to endure his own torments ; much less should ever return to the commission of it again . 21. i shall therefore seek no farther for the cause of this sin ; but shall confidently conclude , that the habit of it can proceed from nothing less than an vtter dereliction of god , and an extinction of all sense of good and evil in the soul. 22. which being thus resolved ; let us now go on , ii dly , to consider , what directions may be offer'd for the correction of these great evils . 23. and , 1 st : for what concerns the point of perjury ; as i have now shewn , that a man must be arrived to an extraordinary pitch of wickedness , before he can allow himself in the commission of it ; so i know no way there is to draw men off from that , but only to awaken their consciences , if it may be , to a serious consideration of their sins ; and by that means to bring them to a sincere conversion from them . 24. indeed could even charity its self warrant us to think , that it were possible for men to be so far deluded , as not to know false-swearing , i do not say to be a sin , but to be a most hainous and damnable offence ; such a sin for which god has no pity ; and it may almost be question'd whether he will afford men his grace for repentance of it ; there might then be also some hope , that by a better information of their judgments , as to this matter , they might perhaps be reclaimed from it . 25. but when such is the notoriousness of this crime , that 't is impossible any one should fall into it without knowing that he does at the same time defie god , and make a mock of damnation ; we must conclude that 't is in vain to hope by any particular applications to correct this evil : and that we must resolve either to reduce such a person to a general sense of piety and vertue ; or to leave him in the guilt of this , as well as under the power of his other sins . 26. and this , i say , as to what concerns the point of moral conviction and perswasion . for , otherwise , one method there is , and 't is the only one i can imagine , by which a stop may be put to the practice of this , without medling with a man 's other sins ; and that is , by a strict execution of humane justice upon him : and which out of charity to our neighbour's soul , as well as out of duty to god , and with regard to the publick welfare ; it is great pity but all magistrates should , with all possible vigour and severity , do . 27. how much the welfare of mankind is concern'd in the suppression of false-swearing , i need not say : and what provision our own * laws have made for the better effecting of it , cannot be unknown to those who are intrusted with the administration of them , and who are especially concern'd to take notice of it . let me only beg leave earnestly to recommend it to all such , so far to consider the great trust which is reposed in them ; and what an interest every honest member of the common-wealth has to demand their care in this , more than in any other sin committed to their censure ; as not to admit of any excuses , nor to shew any favour , to such malefactors : who if , by this means , they shall be brought to a true sense of their sin , and to repentance for it ; will then think themselves gainers by their prosecution : and if they shall not , i am sure cannot , by our laws , be too severely punish'd for it . 28. but , 2dly : as for the other sort of swearing forbidden by our saviour , yet too easily indulged by many christians : whether it be that of their common discourse , where there is no need at all of it ; or in the prosecution of their ordinary affairs , in which there is no sufficient occasion for it : many are the directions that may be offer'd for the prevention of such a practice , proportionable to the several principles upon which men may be prompted to allow themselves in the vse of it . 29. for ( 1st . ) should they chance to go on in such swearing , for want of being convinced of the danger and vnreasonableness of it ; the surest way , in this case , to draw them off from their practice of it , will be to shew them how expresly it has been forbidden by our saviour ? what an affront it puts upon the majesty of god ? and how indecent a thing it is , ( were there nothing else to be said against it ) to call the great lord of heaven and earth to witness , on such silly and trivial occasions , as such persons cannot but acknowledge , they very often do . 30. but ( 2dly . ) tho' possibly men may know , in the general , that thus to swear is not convenient ; yet still they may neglect to take all that care and pains with themselves , that is necessary for the intire avoiding of it , because they are not sufficiently perswaded , how great the sinfulness of it is . this is , i believe , the real case with very many : and if so , then 't is plain that here again the best way to draw them off from this evil custom , will be to convince them of the mighty danger and malignity of it . to shew them , that thus to swear , is not , as they may imagine , some light and ordinary offence ; nor will be pass'd over by god , as such . that to swear , is to appeal to god ▪ and if that be done without great care , and a suitable occasion for it , we shall put such an affront upon him , as we would be ashamed to put upon one of our fellow creatures , and would not endure that any should put upon our selves . 31. these and the like considerations , if plainly urged , and seriously laid to heart ; can hardly fail of convincing any rational person of the sinfulness of this practice . and having done that , they must , in the consequence of it , oblige him to correct it too ; if he be truly such an one as we now suppose him to be , viz. an honest and upright christian. 32. but ( 3dly . ) should not this be the case ; but the person who is engaged in this evil habit should be one who pursues this swearing not so much out of any particular ignorance of , or unconcernedness for , the sacredness of an oath ; as out of a general levity of mind and insensibility of his duty : then it will not be sufficient to argue with him , concerning the nature and importance of an oath , and with what care and circumspection we ought to approach to the taking of it : but we must proceed with such a one in a more general way ; and bring him to reverence an oath , by teaching him to be more considerate ; and to have a greater value for all the other acts of religion . 33. such a person as this , as he does not prophane god's name out of any particular dis-regard which he has for an oath , more than for any other thing of the like nature , so neither must he be brought off from the doing of it , by any particular considerations relating to the sacredness of an oath ; but must be perswaded , in the general , to become serious and devout ; to honour god , and to pay a due respect to every thing that relates to him : and this will compose his thoughts , and influence his affections in all the offices of religion ; and in this particular among the rest . 34. but now ( 4thly . ) and to go yet higher : what if the person who thus swears , should not only be more careless and inconsiderate , than he ought to be , in the business of religion ; but should , by principle , be become a despiser of it ? what if he be one who believes not in any god at all ; but laughs at all our talk either of a providence here , or of a judgment hereafter ? 35. tho' in this case , as in the foregoing , the best way to reclaim such a one's common swearing would be to convince him of his errors ; and , by so doing , to cut off the first cause of this irregularity : yet till that shall be done , somewhat , i think , may fairly be offer'd , upon his own principles , to restrain this vice , without medling with any of his others . 36. for , indeed , how foolish and ridiculous a thing must it be for such a one , ( if he be in good earnest , ) by swearing , to appeal to god , who professes to believe none ; or at least none that has any concern for , or knowledge of , what we do here below ? how absurd , for him to refer himself to the censure of a future judgment , who would be thought not to own any state at all after this in which we now live ; nor , by consequence , to revere any such final inquest . 37. or if in all this he only acts a part ; how base and dis-ingenuous must he then shew himself to be ; to offer an oath for the confirmation of what he promises or asserts ; who neither believes any obligation to be thereby laid upon him to deal ever the more sincerely for it ; nor can have any design in swearing , but only to impose upon the credulity , and to ridicule the religion of his neighbour ? 38. whether therefore men acknowledge the principles of religion or no , yet certainly common justice and honesty ; nay , or even honour its self , ( which with some men is of greater authority than both ; ) should make them ashamed to swear , in any matter , for the confirmation of the truth of what they speak : because they know , in their own hearts , that they do but impose thereby upon those with whom they deal by the shew of an obligation ; which , how great-soever it may be to others , yet to them is of no force ; nor lays any restraint at all upon them . and , as for their ordinary-conversation ; since to swear in that , is to prophane the name of a god , whom other men do believe in , tho' they themselves do not ; and which they cannot therefore but think must be very ungrateful and offensive to them : methinks even civility and good-manners should teach them to forbear such oaths , if not for the perpetual contradiction which they thereby run into , as to their own principles , yet at least for that affront which they know they put upon other mens . 39. these then are the ways by which men are to be drawn off from their customary and profane-swearing , upon the principles of reason and religion . there is yet ( 5thly . ) another method , which the care and piety of our laws has set before us , and which it is to be hoped shall now , at length , be made use of in order to this end ; and that is , by a strict exaction of that penalty , which they have order'd to be inflicted upon such offenders , for the restraining of their profaness : and which how small soever it may seem to be , and in truth is , in comparison of the sin of taking god's name in vain ; yet , being duly required , might go very far towards the prevention of it . 40. it is true there was somewhat of this kind * long before attempted ; and which one would have hoped should have kept this sin from becoming so common , or rather so vniversal , as it is , among us . but alas ! what can the best laws do , if they are never put in execution ? and how little that law has , of late years , been either publish'd , or executed , as it ought to have been ; is a reflection that may deserve the consideration of many among us . 41. in the mean time we all now know how that ancient , and almost antiquated law , is not only revived , but improved too , in order to this end : and such care taken , that if we would but heartily set our selves to it , i cannot but think we should soon put an end to a great part of that prophane swearing that has of late so scandalously prevailed among us . 42. and to engage us so to do , give me leave to say but this one thing ; that for any of us to neglect our duty in this particular ; is , in effect , to consent to every such act , as we refuse to bring to light . it is to abet the taking of god's name in vain : and then let us fear lest we share in the punishment , as we do partake in the guilt of it . 43. but ( 6thly . ) and to conclude these reflections : as it is certain that nothing has more contributed to the practice both of false-swearing , and of common-swearing , among us , than the want of that due reverence men ought to have of an oath ; so i know no way more likely to reclaim men from the practice of both , than to endeavour , as far as may be , to restore the use of an oath to its just veneration ; and to bring men , if it be possible , to a more sacred esteem of it . and in order thereunto , as it is certainly the duty of private persons , never to swear at all , but when some more than ordinary occasion shall require their doing of it ; so were it much to be wish'd , that the necessities of government would permit , that an oath should never be imposed upon , nor required of any , but upon some greater exigence ; to be sure , more seldom than now it is . and that when it is required , such care should be taken in administring of it , as to raise in mens minds a serious consideration of what they are about : at least that it should be so done , as not to prompt them to a dis-esteem of it ; through an over-hasty , and irreverent dispensing of this great obligation . 44. and thus have i shewn , by what means , if by any , not only perjury , but common and profane-swearing , may be most like to be corrected and suppress'd . and for engagements to move every one of us to use our best endeavour in the accomplishment of so good and profitable a design ; i shall only add thus much , to what i have already offer'd , in the prosecution of this subject ; that if we have any regard to god's honour ; if any concern for our own souls ; if any zeal for the publick good ; all these call upon us to do , what in us lies , to reform both our selves , and others , as to this matter . 45. that by common and customary , but especially by false-swearing ; god's majesty is abused , and his wrath and vengeance very eminently provoked ; the necessary relation which every oath has to him , sufficiently speaks . 46. that therefore by such practices , mens souls must be greatly endanger'd ; both the * denuntiations of god against such offenders , and the quality of the sins themselves , effectually assure us . but especially by the sin of perjury ; which , it may be , is of all others a sin the most hard to be forgiven , because it is the most hard for any one , according to the principles of christianity , sufficiently to repent of it . 47. indeed were a bare conversion towards god , enough to wash away the guilt of it ; a man might , by god's grace , be brought to such a deep sense of his sin , and to so hearty a contrition for it , as to deliver himself from the danger of it . but if by our perjury we should chance not only to have abused the majesty of god , but to have ruined our neighbour too : should we have robb'd him of his estate , his reputation , or even of his very life its self ; and in none of all which we can make him any tolerable compensation : how can we ever hope that god will be reconciled to us ; whilst we lie under such an utter incapacity of ever making an amends to our neighbour ? 48. and then , lastly ; for the interest which the publick has in the suppression of such swearing ; i have already shewn that truth and fidelity , are the great bases on which all society is founded ; and without which there could be no peace , no security , no right or property in the world. and therefore , whatsoever is in any wise apt to undermine these ; ( as perjury directly does , and as common-swearing naturally tends to do ; ) ought to be avoided , and discouraged by all who either love their own welfare , or have any regard to the publick good. i shall conclude this whole discourse with that exhortation of st. james , which i have so often referr'd to in it ; james , v. 12 . above all things , my brethren , swear not : neither by heaven , neither by the earth ; neither by any other oath : but let your yea , be yea , and your nay , nay ; lest ye fall into condemnation . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66244-e90 * viz. in 21 jac. i. * see 5 e. ●iz . c. 9. * 21 jac. 1. c. 20. and so in this last act of k. william to the same purpose . * in the theodosian code we find an ecclesiastical law of valentinian , directed to pope damasus , and read in the churches of rome , anno 370. god. th. lib. xvi . leg . 20. but sulpicius severus carries us yet higher ; and mentions the reading of the emperour's letter there , anno 355. and gothofred , in his comments upon that law , adds several other instances of the like nature . such were the law of theodosius the younger against nestorius ; and especially , the letter of constantine the great , in favour of athanasius ; which he order'd to be publish'd in the churches of alexandria . and that this custom held still on , the other instances of that learned man plainly shew . to which add the tome of union set forth by constantinus porphyrogenitus ; and publish'd every year in the churches , in the month of july : vid. matth. blastar , lit. t. cap. 14. and it appears from the novels , that the imperial laws were not only publish'd in the churches , but were laid up in their archives ; and fix'd upon tables in the porches and avenues of them ; and directed to the bishops for that end : novell . viii . c. 14. * mat. v. 37 , &c. chap. i. chap. ii. * cicer. de offic. lib. iii. † vid. commentarium gothofredi , in lib. ii . cod. theodos. tit. ix . leg. 8. * vid. leg. citat . arcad. & honor. contra perjuros . tho' perjury in judiciary causes , was before punish'd with a civil penalty . vid. gothofred . ibid. ‖ diodor. sicul. lib. 1. pag. 69. * see 11 h. 7.24 & 25.23 h. 8.3.13 eliz. 25. ‖ see 6 assize 7.30 ass. 24.40 ass. 20.41 ass. 18. glanvil , lib. ii . cap. 19. bracton , lib. iv . tract . 5. cap. 5. fortescue , cap. 26. and the summ of all is this ; that he who violated his oath in a judicial process , should lose the benefit of the law ; his wife and children should be turn'd out of doors ; his fields should be ploughed up ; his gardens and orchards be spoil'd ; his goods and chattels should be forfeited to the kings ; and himself be condemn'd to perpetual imprisonment . this was the law in the case of a petty jury , attained for a false verdict : see coke 1 instit. lib. iii. cap. 8. §. 514. and it seems to have been taken from the laws of king alfred , upon the like occasion : vid. leg . alfred , §. 1. but for other perjury it has been question'd whether there was any provision made by the common law before the 3d of hen. vii . see dyer 7 & 8 eliz. fol. 242. b. and 1 crook , p. 520 , 521. tho' yet the mirrour seems to speak in general of perjury , and the punishment of it : ch. iv . §. 19. and the law of king alfred , before mentioned , extends even to promissory oaths . vid. l. c. cap. de jure-jurando . chap. iii. * vid. greg. presb. in vit. greg. naz. et greg. naz. carm . de vit. suâ . to. ii . p. 18. a. * basil , in psal. xiv· chrys. hom. xvii . in matth. theodoret , epit . div. decret . c. xvi . epiphan . haer. lix . athanas . serm. de passion . & crucef . dom ▪ tom. i. p. 995. * that this was the sense of greg. naz. ( one of the most eminent opposers of swearing in those days ) is evident from that excellent discourse of his , which still remains to us , against those who swear much . where first he advises , if it may be , as most safe , not to swear at all : but if that cannot be obtain'd ; then in the next place to swear only in such cases as deserve to be confirm'd by an oath ; as to free a man's self from danger ; to vindicate his reputation , and the like . see this subject at large pursued by him , to. ii . iambic : xx . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 224. * vid. ciceron . orat. pro l. com. balb. init . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says photius , nomoc. tit. ix . cap. 1. pag. 953. see also cod. theodos. lib. 1. tit. iii. const. 25. and the same is affirmed by matt. blastares ; viz. that the civil-laws themselves excused clergy-men from swearing . syntagm . alphab . lit. e. cap. 22. and theodorus balsamon is of the same opinion ; at least from the time that the basilicon was composed : in phot. nomocan , tit. ix . cap. 27. in the laws of lombardy , and in the capitularies of louis the emperour , the same exemption was continued . vid. not fabrotii ad balsam : collect. è lib. 1 cod. tit. iii. c. 25. and even in our own country , the council of berghamstead , can. 17. confirm'd this to the bishops : and in the excerpta of egbert arch-bishop of york , not long after , we find the same priviledge extended to all priests : vid. in concil . spelmann . to. 1. * see an instance of this in constantine the great : cod. theodos . lib. ix . tit. 1. leg . 4. add. comment . gothofred . ib. p. 8. b. ‖ cod. l. ii . tit. 59. novell . viii . c. 7 , 14. & ib. xlviii . c. 1. add. phot. nomocan . tit. xiii . c. 18. * apol. ad const. to. 1. p. 674. d. who yet elsewhere speaks as if all swearing were unlawful . loc. supr . citat . * de verb. apostol . serm. xxviii . cap. 9. * see balsam . comment . in can. xxix . s. basilii : nay he took those into orders who had rashly sworn not to accept of them ; ib. can. x. and continued others in their ministry , ib. et apud io. antioch . collect. can. tit. 45. ‖ see can. s. basil , ib. lxiv , lxxxii . — add. can. apost . 25 , &c. * non jurare tantum temerè , sed adhuc etiam pejerare : de laps . p. 123. edit . oxon. * vid. euseb. hist. eccles. lib. vi . cap. 43. p. 199. d. dionysius , bishop of alexandria , at the same time , both allow'd of and practised swearing . ib. cap. 40. p. 191. c. and if we would go yet higher ; st. basil will furnish us with the example of st. clement , the companion of st. paul : lib. de sp. s. cap. 29. to say nothing of that representation which lucian makes of the common practice of the christians , as to this matter , in his philopat . pag. 1121. * euseb. hist. eccl. lib. vi . cap. 43. pag. 198. b. ‖ vid. g●r . vossii hist. pelag. lib. v. p. 2. pag. 524. vid. grot. annot. in mat. v. 34. where there are several instances of each of these . * de bello judaico ▪ lib. ii . c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‖ ib. p. 786. edit . gl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * chap. iii. sect. 25 , &c. * homer . il. a. v. 234. conf. virg. aen. xii . v. 206. aristoph . neo. act. l. scen. 3. & scholiast . ib. virg. aen vi . v. 351 , 458. aen. vii . 234. ammian . marcel . lib. xxiv . cap. 5. procop. de bell. persic . lib. l. c. 4. ‖ vid. suid. in socrat. p 780. servius in virg. aen. lib. ix . v. 300. * see below , chap. iii. §. 30. * see below , chap. iii. §. 30. ‡ that to swear after the manner of the gentiles is evil , cannot be doubted . hence it was that the ancient canons of the church expresly forbade it : see concil . trull . can . 94. conf. can. basil. 81. and the civil law made such oaths void . basil. lib. xxii . tit. 5. but the canon law is more general : and forbids swearing by any creature : 22. q. 1. cap. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. yet still they allow'd to swear otherwise than by god only . v. g. p●r salutem imp. basil. ib. by the eucharist . euseb. hist. eccl. l. vi . cap. 43. not to mention any more particulars . vid. august . serm de verb. apost . xxviii . greg. naz. carm. lamb . xx . tom. ii . pag. 226. chap. iv . chap. v. notes for div a66244-e12790 [ ye have heard , that it hath been said by them of old times . ] † so the syriac version renders it , and st. chryst. heretofore understood it : hom. xvi . in mat. compare theophyl . on the place . and so indeed the opposition between this and the following verse , requires us to expound it : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‖ so grotius in his annotations on this place ; and in his explication of the decalogue , command . 3d. * grot. ib. in mat. v. 33. † exod. xxii . 11 . deutron . vi . 13 . — x. 20 . numb . v. 19 , 21. * josh. ii . 12 , 17 , &c. — ix . 19 , 20. 1 sam. xx . 17 . 1 kings i. 13 . ezra x. 5 . ‖ nehem. v. 12 , 19. — x. 29 . † isai. xlv . 23 . * psal. lxiii . 11 . compare zeph. i. 5 . jer. v. 7 . * the words of the chaldee paraphrast both in exodus and deuteronomy are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the former of which , not only in the chaldee , but syriac and arabic , denotes what is to no purpose , for no gain , or advantage : the latter , sometimes in vain , but more properly falsly . nor can it be supposed , that the paraphrast design'd by his latter expression to explain his former ( for if so , what need had he to make use of it ? ) but being willing to reach the full meaning of the original , and knowing the hebrew word to be capable of both those senses , he thought good rather to mention both , than to prefer either . but others were not so cautious : the jerusalem targum , and that of jonathan , both render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in vain : the lxx 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : aquila , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and the latin versions are unanimous in the same sense , and that no● only since st. hierom's time , but from the beginning ; as is plain from st. cyprian , testimon . lib. iii. num . ●2 . * this opinion was very ancient : theodoret mentions it , quaest. in exod. qu. 41. but opposes it , as not coming up sufficiently to the design of the command , and to the proper signification of the words of it . see grot. in loc. dr. hammond , pract. catech. sect. of swearing . mat. v. 17 . [ thou shalt not forswear thy self ; but shalt perform unto the lord thine oaths . ] * apud ciceron . de offic. lib. iii. * so st. augustine expresly determins : serm. de verb. apost . 28. cap. 10. et ipse qui exigit jurationem , multum interest , si nescit illum falsum juraturum , an scit . si enim nescit , & ideò dicit , jura mihi ut fides ei fiat ; non audeo dicere non esse peccatum ; tamen humana tentatio est . si autem scit eum fecisse , novit fecisse , vidit fecisse , & cogit jurare , homicida est . ille enim suo perjurio se perimit : sed iste manum interficientis & expressit & pressit . [ but i say unto you , swear not at all , &c. ] * several passages to this purpose , we find in some of the fathers themselves : but the pelagians held it as their opinion : see hilar. epist. ad august . t. 2. ep. 88. pelag. epist. ad demetriad . apud hieron . t. 2. caelestius : apud eund . t. 4. de scientia div. leg. so did the waldenses after them : not to mention those fanaticks of our own times , who do likewise . * deutr. vi . 13 . — x. 20 . exod. xxiii . 13 . josh. xxiii . 7 , 8. † jer. v. 7 . hos. iv . 15 . amos viii . 14 . zeph. i. 5 . see above , chap. i. ‖ above 70 instances of this may be taken out of the old testament . † exod. xxii . 11 . numb . v. 19.21 . — xxx . 10 — deut. xxix . 12 . 2 chron. vi . 22 . — * august . de verb. apost . serm. 28. si peccatum esset juratio , nec in veteri lege diceretur , non perjurabis , reddes autem domino jus-jurandum tuum . non enim peccatum praeciperetur nobis . mat. v. 17 . * it is true st. augustine tells us , that the pelagians deny'd these to be oaths : and held nothing to be swearing , unless it were put into that express form ; by god. but he tells us withal , that their only reason for denying this was to avoid the example of st. paul , and the force of our argument taken from it : and justly charges them thereupon with an utter ignorance of what it was to swear . see to. 2. epist. 89. ad hilar. and yet st. basil was once almost of the same mind : but it was the same reason that seems to have led him to it . see his exposit. in psal. xiv . * so st. august . l. de mendacio ad consentium , to. iv . juravit ipse apostolus in epistolis suis , & sic ostendit , quomodo accipiendum esset quod dictum est ; dico vobis , non jurate omnino . — and a little after : quia praecepti violati reum paulum , praesertim in epistolis conscriptis atque editis ad spiritualem vitam , salutemque populorum , nefa● est dicere ; intelligendum est illud quod positum est , omnino , ad hoc positum , ut quantum in te est non affectes , non ames , non quasi pro bono , cum aliqua delectatione , appetas jus-jurandum . — * vid. coelest . epist. de scienti● divinae legis : apud hieron . t. iv. p. 63. — † so origen in mat. tract . 35. p. 114. l. chrys. in heb. hom. 11. august . in jo. tract . 41 hieron . in ezek. c.xvi . in vet. testamento dei juramentum est , vivo ego , dicit dominus : in novo autem , amen , amen , dico vobis . greg. nyssen . de scop. christian. to. iii. p. 311. * see dr. hammond , on mat. xxvi . lett. i. grot. in mat. xxvi . 63 . — gen. ix . 6 ▪ * vid. philon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : p. 769 , 780. — see dr. lightfoot's exercit . on st. matth. in loc. p. 148 , 149 , fol. insomuch that aben ▪ ezra accounted this to have been one of those sins , for which god delay'd the coming of the messiah . vid. in decalog . † so st. august . de serm. dom. in mont . l. 1. c. 17. lightfoot , loc. cit . p. 149. and on mat. 23.16 . muscul in loc. voss. hist. pelag . p. 522. nay in the talmud its self , tit. shebuoth , there is this express assertion . qui jurat per coelum & terram , liber est ; sed qui jurat per dei nomina , tenetur . hornb . contr . jud. cap. de juram : — and indeed what strange ways they have at this very day of avoiding the obligation of an oath , is notorious : see to this purpose fagius on exod. xxiii . buxtorf , lex . rabb . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : pug. fid . pag. 730. from their own authors . in short , it was upon both these accounts that martial fell so severely upon them in that epigram , l. ix 95. and which sufficiently shews , both how ready they were to swear , by those lesser forms here mention'd ; and how little they thought themselves obliged by them . * see mat. v. 35 , 36. — xxiii . 16 . &c. see the foregoing notes . * see heinsius : in loc. calvin . harm . evang. in loc. † i. e. voluntary oaths : for in all such as were imposed by authority , they were not permitted to swear otherwise than by the name of god. * so hierome , in loc. epiphan . haer. xix . thus speaks of this passage : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but above any , st. cyril admirably explains and confirms this , lib. vi . de ador. in sp. & ver. p. 212. and affirms it to have been a great part of our saviour's design in this very passage . for having shewn , that we should avoid all swearing , as much as may be ; he adds , that if we must needs swear , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and then he goes on to shew how contrary to this the practice of the jews was ; and how our saviour labour'd to correct this error , p. 213 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and having farther shewn the grounds of this restraint , he thus concludes , p. 214. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † see this argument managed by st athanasius , with great elegance , lib. de passion . cruce dom. to. i. p. 995. isocrat . ad demonicum . * see grot. in loc. & explic. decal . exod. xx . 7. * so our saviour determines it , mat. xxiii . 16 , &c. * augustin , t. 2. epist. 89. ad hilar. illi ( sc. pelagiani ) quantum aliquos eorum audivi , quid sit juramentum prors●s ignorant . putant enim se non jurare quando in ore habent scit deus , &c. quia non dicitur per deum . et de verb. apost . serm. xxviii . cap. vi . to. x. * that this was properly an oath , st. augustine stifly contends , serm. de verb. apost . xxviii . c. 5. and refers to the propriety of the original greek for proof of it . but the syriac version is more express ; and puts in , by way of explication , the very word , i swear . and yet others doubt of it , and think it to have only the form of an oath , without being really so . see basil , in psal. xiv . to. i. p. 133. e. [ but let your communication be yea , yea ; nay , nay . ] grot. com. in loc. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sermo vester . † so dr. hammond pract. catech . §. of swearing : and in his paraphrase on the place . * so nich. fuller , miscell . sacr. l. 1. c. 2. * and which tho' the learned n. fuller seems reasonably enough to deny to be a formal oath ; yet he plainly proves it to be a vehement asseveration : especially when doubled , as we often find it , in our saviour's discourses to have been . see his miscell . sacr. lib. i. cap 2. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and amen , are in scripture indifferently put for each other . so what in mat. xxiii . 36 . is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in luke xi . 51 . is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in rev. xxii . 20 . they are joyn'd together to the same purpose : and so they are again , 2 cor. i. 20 . and in the lxx . what the hebrew calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in truth , or verily , they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : insomuch that theophylact , on mat. v. 18 . verily i say unto you , explains it by , yea : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and vatabl. here renders it , certè , certè . † see mat. xi . 9 . luke xii . 5 . rev. i. 7 . xvi . 7 . * a plain instance of which we have in 2 kings x. 15 . where when jehu ask'd jehonadab whether his heart were truly with him ; he answer'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is , and it is . and to this both the chaldee and syriac versions hold ; expressing the repetition ; tho' we , with the greek and latin , neglect it . and the design of this take from two persons , very well versed in those languages ; duplicatur est , says munster , ad majorem rei affirmationem . geminatione verbi vehementius affirmat , says vatablus ; q. d. proculdubio diligo te ex animo . * see clem. alex. strom. lib. vij . where shewing that his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or perfect christian , ought not to swear , he thus shews ( from the present text ) how he should behave himself : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 729. b. * see saunders , de juram . oblig . prael . v. §. 4. * 1 sam. i. 26 . — xvii . 55 . † vid. saunders : de jur. oblig . prael . v. §. 7. of which opinion also was st. basil , in psal. 14. ‖ see below . | vid. tertul. apolog . cap. 32. 't is true he there says expresly , juramus — per salutem ; but then he afterwards speaks more precisely ▪ pro magno juramento id habemus . and athanasius , mentioning the oath of syrianus to constantius the emperor , says not that he swore , but confirm'd his promise to the alexandrians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apol. ad constant. to. l. p. 689. but st. basil is express to this purpose , in psal. xiv . to. i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. p. 133. * so st. basil , loc . cit . who therefore excuses st. paul , as not contradicting our saviour christ. * plutarch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vol. i. p. 491. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ for whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil . ] ‖ so castalio : episcopius , &c. jam. iii. 2 . * see chap. ii. §. 18. add. isidor . pelusiot . epist . 155. lib. i. * see this consideration urged by phot. epist. i. p. 34. and st. basil thus uses the same argument : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in psal. xiv . to. i. p. 133. d. * see the stat. v. eliz . ch . 9. * see the stat. of 21 jac. i. ch . 20. * mal. iii. 5 . zech. v. 3 , 4. an appeal to all the true members of the church of england, in behalf of the king's ecclesiastical supremacy ... by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. 1698 approx. 229 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66109 wing w229 estc r3357 12310538 ocm 12310538 59355 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66109) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59355) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 441:23) an appeal to all the true members of the church of england, in behalf of the king's ecclesiastical supremacy ... by william wake ... wake, william, 1657-1737. [9], xxv, [3], 123, [1] p. printed for richard sare ..., london : 1698. errata: p. 123. advertisements: p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng divine right of kings. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-12 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an appeal to all the true members of the church of england , in behalf of the king 's ecclesiastical supremacy ; as by law establish'd ; by our convocations approved ; and by our most eminent bishops , and clergy-men , stated , and defended ; against both the popish , and fanatical , opposers of it . by william wake , d. d. and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . london : printed for richard sare at grays-inn-gate in holborn , mdcxcviii . to the most reverend father in god thomas , by divine providence , lord archbishop of canterbury , primate of all england , and metropolitan . my lord ; this appeal which addresses it self to others for their judgment , sues , with all humility , to your grace for your protection ; and that such , as , i conceive , is neither unfit for me to ask , nor for your grace to afford . you will here see what that true agreement is between the priesthood and the empire , which our laws have establish'd ; our convocations approv'd of ; and our greatest clergy-men hitherto defended ; without the censure of any , but the profess'd enemies of our church and constitution . but now a new sort of disciplinarians are risen up from within our selves , who seem to comply with the government of the church , much upon the same account that others do with that of the state ; not out of conscience to their duty , or any love they have for it ; but because it is the establish'd church , and they cannot keep their preferments without it . they hate our constitution , and revile all such as stand up in good earnest for it : but , for all that , they resolve to hold fast to it ; and go on still to subscribe , and rail . in opposition either to the errors or designs of these men , the present appeal bespeaks your grace's protection , not so much for its self , as for the articles and canons of our church ; and for those excellent worthies who , in their several successions , have appear'd in defence of the king's supremacy over the state ecclesiastical , as by law declared , and establish'd . that you will vouchsafe still to continue to own a cause , in which not only the church of england , but the church catholick , ever since the civil powers have become christian , is concern'd together with her : the authority we plead for in behalf of our kings , being no other than what the most famous bishops and councils of the church have given to their empeperors ; and who , by consequence , must all be involved in the same censure with our parliaments and convocations . and they who now revile the one , would as freely condemn the other , but that they are sensible that many who are well content with the reproach of king henry viii . and his clergy , would not endure to hear the like charges made against constantine and theodosius ; and those bishops and councils which all christians , in all ages , have been wont to pay so great a regard to . this , my lord , is the cause which i here bring before your grace : in the defence whereof i have once already been engaged , and shall , with god's assistance , again appear ; when those who now talk with such confidence against my former allegations , shall give me occasion to shew how just they were , and how little , in reality , there is to be excepted against them . in the mean time , i was willing , for the better discovery of these new-reformers ; by this short , preliminany treatise , to draw aside the curtain , and let the world see whose off-spring they are , and from whom they derive both their principles , and their animosities , against us. i cannot but hope , that by this i shall awaken all the sincere members of our church to beware of them ; and not give countenance to such attempts , as under a shew of bettering our constitution , do in reality tend to the utter subversion of it . to your grace i submit both the design and the performance ; and with all possible duty and respect remain , my lord , your grace's most humble and obedient servant , william wake . the preface . when i entred upon the defence of the kings supremacy , in answer to the letter to a convocation man , i was not so little acquainted with the tempers and designs , of a certain party among us , as not to know that my undertaking would be likely to displease those , who think any the least authority that is given to his present maiesty , to be an encroachment either upon their civil or ecclesiastical rights . nor was i unsensible what might possibly be reply'd to the arguments which i brought in proof of it : the knowledge i had of what the papists were wont to return to the like allegations of our writers against them , having , in some measure , inform'd me what , upon this occasion , might probably be said in answer to me. but to find my self charged , as if in defending the authority of the prince , i had betray'd the rights of the church , and appear'd in such a cause as neither became my function , nor had any of our clergy ever before concern'd themselves withall ; this , i confess , was a perfect surprise to me , and abundantly convinces me that some mens resentments are as much beyond modesty , as they are without reason . it cannot be unknown to any , who is not an utter stranger to the history of our reformation , upon what principles it was undertaken , and at last happily setled among us . how the prince's authority was both the means by which it was carry'd on , and the ground on which we justify'd our selves in the doing of it . and , indeed , at the first , none but the papists , ( that is to say those who had engrossed this power into their own hands , and could neither endure to part with it , nor to submit to the use which they saw we intended to make of it ; ) complain'd of what we did , in restoring the prince to his antient , and undoubted right ; or pretended to enter any process against us , upon the account of it . it is true , some time after , another party , ( how opposite soever to the papists in other matters , yet in this too nearly approaching to them ) began to set up themselves ; and to claim the same power in behalf of their kirk , that the romanists had pretended to in right of their pope and church . but against both these our bishops and clergy continued firm and costant ; and were , by all impartial judges , allow'd to be as much superiour to them both in their arguments , as they were in the justice of the cause which they maintained . thus stood this controversy till our own times : insomuch that i hardly know any author , professing himself a member of the church of england , who has either cast any aspersion upon our first reformers , for restoring the crown to its antient jurisdiction ; or pretended that the divine rights of the church , were in any wise violated , or infringed by it . but it seems the case is very much altered now : and it is , of a suddain , become an encroachment , not to be endured by our new-church-patriots , for the king to pretend to lay any restraint upon their assemblies ; and an enterprise unbecoming a minister of the gospel , tho' by more than one obligation engaged so to do , to appear in defence of the royal supremacy . it is indeed very strange to consider after what manner a certain writer has of late deliver'd his sense as to both these ; and such as will hardly be credited , except i repeat it in his own words . 't was natural ( says he ) to expect the insurrection of infidels and hereticks , against the proposals and power of a convocation . — but who would have dreamed that any clergy man — of the church , should lift up his heel against her. — when the great luminaries of the church shall sign the theta upon her rights , liberties and authorities , divine and humane ; and this voluntarily , and without any bribe offer'd , or menace denounced , the concession is taken for sincere , and for that cause , just. king henry the viii of famous memory , notwithstanding all his claims at common-law , and his interest in his parliament , thro' power , and the rewards by abby and church-lands , could not have made himself so absolute in eccesiasticals . had he not procured before the submission of the clergy . nor could he have compassed that , but by the terrour of a praemunire under which they had fallen , and upon which he was resolved to follow his blow , and so to bend , or break them . and yet this act of a popish , vnreform'd , and will nigh outlaw'd convocation , extorted for fear of ruin , and thro' ignorance , and non-suspicion of the acts consequent upon it , prejudges more against our liberties , than all secular constitutions could possibly have done without it . and must we now consecrate all these procedures , the results of which we feel in the total ruin of ecclesiastical discipline , and christian piety , by our voluntary pleas , and acclamations : and to gratifie the civil powers to an arbitrary vtmost , violate the most important truths of principles and histories ; treat the synods of the church with spite and contumely ; and recommend the greatest slavery of her to the appetite of civil powers . this is a severe charge , and a man had need have a very good cause , or a very impregnable face , who treats kings and parliaments , convocations and clergymen after such a rate . for , when all is done , it cannot be denied but that what that convocation did , and that king and parliament enacted , was , after two intermediate reigns , again repeated in the first of queen elizabeth ; is at this day approv'd of by the canons of king james the first ; and allow'd of in the nine and thirty articles of religion ; to which this author himself has more than once subscribed . and methinks the consideration of that , if nothing else , might have induced him to have been more temperate in his charge against me ; who have defended no other authority in the prince , than what both he , and i , and every other clergy-man of the church of england , have solemnly declared our assent to , and are obliged to our power to maintain . but our author does not intend to leave this point so easily ; his zeal carries him yet farther in opposition to the king's supremacy . to say nothing of his fresh invectives against that king , and that convocation , which first began to assert the royal authority , against the invasions which had so notoriously been made upon it : pag. 110. he affirms the authority of the church in the convention , freedom , and acts of synods , to be of divine right . this he again insists upon , pag. 115. and in the next page calls them divine privileges , given by god , and granted to priests , for the conduct and conservation of the church . and in the same page , speaking of the prince's breaking in upon these supposed rights , he says ; not only the romish church , but all other sectaries , and the scotch kirk illustriously scorn to admit any servitude , notwithstanding not only national protection , but promotion : being sensible that a liberty of religion , government , and church-discipline , is more valuable than all worldly wealth , or interest ; and without which they cannot apprehend any protection to religion , or the societies that profess it . from which last words i suppose i shall not injure his sense if i infer ; that then , according to his notion , the church of england is really at present in a persecuted state , and has been so ever since the reformation : and cannot be look'd upon so much as a protected church , till this act of the submission of the clergy shall be repealed . a strange reflection certainly ! and very unbecoming those manifold blessings our church has enjoy'd under its reformed princes ; and does at this time enjoy under her glorious preserver : whose greatest crime i am afraid it is , in some mens opinion , that he has delivered us from that slavery into which we were running , tho' such as our new disciplinarians seem to think the only way to a canonical liberty . i must transcribe a great part of his book , should i here repeat all that this author has said , in the most spiteful manner that he knew how to express it , against all that plead for , or speak well of , this part of the king's supremacy . see how he harangues his brethren of the clergy upon this occasion , p. 119. we , we only , says he , are the poor , tame , dis-spirited , drowsie body ; that are in love with our own fetters : and this is the only scandalous part of our passive obedience to be not only silent , but content , with an oc — n of our p — rs , which are not forfeited , nor forfeitable to any worldly powers whatsoever . ; it might perhaps be here no improper question , to ask , what this gentleman means by so warm an application to the whole body of the clergy ? whether he would have them take heart upon the matter , and having so redoubted a champion to lead them on , like true missionaries , see what they can do to raise up a croisade against these wicked magistrates , who so unwarrantably usurp upon the churches neither , forfeited nor forfeitable , powers ? at least thus far , 't is plain , he has gone towards it , that as he has before shewn the church to be out of the protection of the prince , so he will by and by declare the prince to be out of the bosom of the church ; and by both , authentically qualified for a holy war to be made upon him. for thus he goes on ; p. 122. can a claim of an oppressive supremacy be deem'd a glorious jewel in a christian crown , which if exercised , must of necessity forfeit the king's salvation ? and is it not a dangerous complaisance in priests , to fan such an ambition , as must end in the ruin of the church , the priesthood , and the soul of the prince , which the liberties , and powers hierarchical , were design'd to convert , direct , and preserve ? but still it may be doubted how far he accounts the king's supremacy to be oppressive ? that the whole act of the submission of the clergy to king henry the viiith falls under this censure , we have already seen . in short , all that he thinks fit to be allow'd to the christian prince , is this : that the church be obliged to acquaint him with her desires , reasons , places , seasons , and necessaries of convening : to petition his leave and favour ; his inspection , assistance , and succour to the piety of her designs : to secure him of her fidelity to all his proper honours and interests : that they will keep within ecclesiastical concerns ; and do all things openly , to the glory of god , and the good of souls , in the vnity , order , and purity of the church , preserved by the rules of catholick , and canonical communion ; and this under the guard and watch of temporal powers . well , but what if the prince shall not approve of the reasons that are offered to him , for their assembling ; nor think either the time convenient , or the place proper ; and shall thereupon refuse them the leave they petition for ? what if he shall think their designs not to be so pious as they pretend , but rather to have a great allay of humane passion and prejudice in them ? what if he shall differ with them in his notion of what is his proper honour and interest ? may he in such a case forbid them to meet ? may he assign them some other time or place ? or command them not to meddle with such causes , or persons , as he shall judge his honour , or interest , to be concern'd in ? what if what they call ecclesiastical concerns should chance to have an influence upon civil affairs ? and that instead of preserving , they shall act so as to divide the vnity of the church ? may he , by the temporal power which is still left to him , put a stop to their proceedings ; or annul their acts ; or receive and appeal from their sentences ? on the contrary , he flatly tells us , that all the power of calling ; moderating at , and dissolving synods ; of confirming their acts , or suspending their sentences ; is negative of those liberties and authorities of the church , which she once claim'd as of divine right ; and of which he before affirm'd , that they were neither forfeited , nor forfeitable . and here then we have a plain account of the judgment of this author in the case before us. i was willing , the rather , to put it together in this place , that so by comparing it with what is said in the following collection , the reader may be the better enabled to judge , who has acted more sincerely upon the church of england's principles ; i , in asserting the king's supremacy , as by law establish'd ; or he , in his violent , and impetuous opposing of it . or , if this shall not be thought enough to convince those , who have been dissatisfied with my undertaking , how close i have kept to our churches doctrine ; let me then , for a final proof , desire this author , in his next attempt , to satisfie the world in these ( 3 ) points . 1st . let him shew wherein i have ascribed any more , or greater power , to the prince , than our laws have given him ; and our convocations , and clergy , have either expresly , or by a plain consequence , approved of , and declared to be his right ? 2dly . let him tell us , wherein the opinion , here advanced by him , differs from that of our missionary papists and jesuits , who have written against the supremacy ; and against whom our divines have so learnedly maintain'd the king's prerogative ? 3dly . let him inform us , whether any writers of the church of england , since the passing of this convocation act , have ever made any such exceptions , as he has here done , against it ; and charged it as destructive of the divine rights and powers of the church : and who those writers are ? and in what books they have done it ? this being done , if it shall appear that in any thing i have run into an undue extreme , and , by that means , derogated from the churches authority ; i shall then be ready to comply with the advice he has given me , and not only humble my self before god for the wrongs i have done the church , but publickly make a reparation of them . but if , upon the enquiry , it shall appear , that i have affirm'd nothing but what the law establishes ; our convocations have agreed to ; and our most eminent clergy men have constantly defended ; i must then be excused if i look upon my self to have done no more than in duty i was bound to do ; and , by opposing whereof , i take this gentleman not only to have acted contrary to the laws of the land , and the articles and canons of the church ; but to have actually incurr'd an excommunication for such his offence . having said thus much with respect to the subject of my late treatise , i shall add but little more concerning the design which is here laid for the answering of it . as this author has order'd the matter , it is become absolutely necessary for him to go on with it . for having charged me with violating the most important truths of principles and histories ; having told the world that i have treated the synods of the church with spite and contumely ; and recommended the greatest slavery of her to the appetite of the civil powers ; ( and every part of which charge does , i conceive , accuse me of no small crime ) the weight of this accusation must fall very heavy either upon him or me ; and i look upon my self as concern'd to tell him , that i do expect he should make it good , or honestly own that he cannot do it . only for his own sake as well as mine , and which is yet more , for the satisfaction of those who shall think fit to interest themselves in this controversy ; some few things there are which i would here recommend to him ; and they are such , as , in my apprehension , ought not to be thought at all unreasonable by him. and 1st . since this debate , however managed , must be likely to run out into a considerable length , i would desire him not to increase the necessary bulk of it , by alledging passages out of the antient fathers , to prove that which neither of us make any doubt of . thus p. 160. he produces the authority of athanasius to prove that the nicene fathers were not constrain'd , by any force that was laid upon them , to condemn arius , but did it freely , and of their own accord . now this i allow to be very true ; but cannot help thinking it to be , in our present case , very little to the purpose . and p. 162. he cites a much larger proof out of gregory nazianzen , the appositeness of which to our debate i cannot yet imagine ; unless it be that he thinks all greek to be equally pertinent to most readers ; in which he is certainly in the right . 2dly . i would intreat him not to insist upon any testimonies of antiquity , which have been already alledged again and again , by harding and stapleton ; by saunders and dorman , and the rest of our popish fugitives , in their treatises against the oath of supremacy , and as often answer'd by our writers ; unless he shall think fit , at the same time , to take notice of their replys to them , and shew that they do not destroy the force of his allegations . to what purpose , for example , does he bring the sayings of athanasius against the synod of tyre ; of osius against constantius ; of st. ambrose against valentinian the younger ; to us who know what has long since been return'd to them by our learned ⸪ jewel and ‖ bilson ; * whitgift and † andrews ; and the rest of our writers upon this subject . this may pass with those , who are ignorant of these matters , for a shew of reading ; and they may , for a while , look with wonder on the vnknown character ; and applaud the learning of the text , and margin . but when the common place shall be lay'd open , and they shall begin to discover out of whose magazine these authorities are transcribed ; and shall be convinced how often they have already been both alledged and answered ; the most charitable reader will be apt to shake his head , and think the worse both of the cause , and the defenders of it . and this i desire with relation to other mens writings : as for my own book , 3dly , i would request him , when he cites my words , but especially when he does it with a design of reflecting upon them , that he would take them as they lie ; and not leave out , or insert , any that may have an influence upon the sense of what he quotes . of the former of these i take my self to have some reason to complain , in his references of p. 100. and 101. of his book . but of the latter yet more , p. 109. where he says , that i give the prince power to suspend not only the sentences of synods , but their canons too ; and of which i do assure the reader he will not find the least mention in the passages to which he is referr'd . but 4thly , and to go yet farther ; would his design , or prejudices , give him leave , i could wish he would take care to distinguish a little better between what i relate as matter of history , and what i deliver as my own sense . it being easie to imagine that in a work of such a nature as that is which he has undertaken to examine , many things may be recited from others , which a man is not bound himself to approve of . had he used this precaution , he would not have told his reader , as he does , p. 160. that i charge the synod of ariminum with the sin of disobedience , for dissolving themselves without the emperours leave : whereas , in truth , i only give a sincere account of the matter of fact , and shew ( from my author ) what those fathers did , and what resentments the emperour had of it ? what reasons those holy bishops had for returning to their churches , after a tedious absence , tho' not licensed by constantius so to do , it cannot be thought we at this distance should be so well able to judge , as they , at that time were . and if they were satisfied , that they had reason so to do ; far be it from me to condemn them for preferring their duty to their flocks , before the satisfaction of a violent , and heretical prince . let me to this add , 5thly , as not very different from what i have now mentioned , such other mistakes , as either want of care , or the heat of contention , has sometimes led him into ; and by reason of which , he charges me with several things which i am by no means concern'd to admit of . thus , for example ; it is not less than four several times that he speaks of my definition of a synod : and in one place censures me for the vn-accuracy of it , p. 49. and indeed a very loose definition of a synod it is , tho' fit enough to keep company with that which himself gives of it , in the same place . but then it is a great mistake , to say that i had any thoughts of defining a synod in the place to which he refers . on the contrary i acknowledge the very meeting , of which i there speak , not to be what we properly mean by a synod . only i shew both from the persons of which it consisted , and from the business which it met about ; that if the prince has authority over such an assembly as that was , there is no reason why he should not have an equal authority over synods ; which both consist of the same kind of persons , and meet about the like affairs . but 6thly , and to have done : there is yet one thing more which i cannot but think to be worthy his regard , and it is this ; that before he draws up any more charges of absurdities and contradictions against me , he would take some tollerable care to examine matters thoroughly ; and to advise with some clearer heads ; and not charge that upon my words , which is really the misfortune of his own vnderstanding . what a strange confusion , for example , is it , p. 166. because i prove from the matters of fact in the first ages after the empire became christian ; and from what was orderly and regularly done in those times too , the princes supremacy ; to fancy that i had overthrown my own foundation , by saying that in the dreggs of popery , and when princes had lost their antient and just authority , many things were done by the clergy in their synods very irregularly ; and their bare doing of which is by no means sufficient to prove that they had a right to do it . again , p. 167. because i cite eusebius for an expression of constantine's , that he was bishop in things without the church ; what strange logick is it from thence to conclude that princes have nothing to do in the affairs of synods ? whereas it is notorious that those , above any thing , were the very matters of which he spake . so , p. 168. i quote socrates for saying , that the greatest synods were called by the emperors : ergo , says he , 't is plain that the lesser ones were not ? again , p. 169. i affirm that in peaceable times , and under princes who take care of the church , synods ought not to meet but by the command or allowance of the civil magistrate . to this , he conceives it is a contradiction to say , as yet i do , that in cases of extreme necessity , when princes shall so far abuse their power , as to render it absolutely needful for the clergy , by some extraordinary methods , to provide for the churches welfare ; that necessity will warrant their taking of them . — and again ; because i assert that in quiet times , and under a pious , christian prince , the prince is to judge , when it is proper for synods to meet : to this he fancys it to be a contradiction to allow , that when the danger is apparent , and the necessities of the church will not bear the farther delay of them , if the prince does refuse to let them meet , they must rather venture his displeasure , and do it of themselves , than be wanting , in such circumstances , to the churches safety and preservation . these are some of those absurdities which this ingenious writer has been pleased to lay to my charge . many more there are of the like kind ; and by which whether he has more exposed my weakness , or his own , i am very well content to leave it to any impartial reader to judge . it is one of the ill effects that commonly attend controversial writings , that it is very difficult to manage them either with that temper and ingenuity that becomes scholars , or with that charity that good christians ought to do . and 't is this has given me almost as great a disgust at them , as ever gregory nazianzen profess'd himself to have against synods , and that almost upon the same account . pride and ill-nature commonly domineer in them ; and sometimes it so falls out that an opponent must be freely dealt with , or a good cause must suffer in the opinion of a great many , who conclude that a man therefore only spares his adversary , because he could not get an advantage against him . how far i have fallen under this censure , in the management of the present controversy , i must submit it to others to judge ; but do hope i have not so far transgress'd , as this late author charges me to have done . as for the logick , law , and history , of the person i had to deal with , what it really is , i pretend not to say ; what it appear'd to me to be , my book has shewn : and if i have any where fail'd in my allegations against him , this gentleman , no doubt , will take care to call me to account for it . but honesty is a tender point ; and i do not remember i have any where touch'd upon it . 't is true i have shewn , what was indeed too plain to be deny'd , that whosoever he were that wrote that pamphlet , he could be no friend to our present establishment . and this i am sure was to my purpose to observe , how little so ever it was to his , to have it so plainly discover'd . however , if in any thing i have been mistaken in my judgment either of his affections , of his abilities , i am heartily sorry for it ; and shall be ready to submit to whatsoever pennance his most vpright , logical , historical second , shall , from his better skill in antiquity , and the laws of our church , think fit to lay upon me for it . the contents . introduction , § . 1. the design of the following treatise , viz. to shew what has been the sense of the church of england , ever since the reformation , as to the authority of christian princes over the ecclesiastical synods of their realms , § . 2. the substance of the 25 h. 8. c. 19. to this purpose , § . 3. of its repeal by q. mary , and revival by q. elizabeth , § . 4. that the authority , therein given to the king , is no other than what did always , of right , belong to the crown , § . 5. that it was to secure this authority , the oath of supremacy was framed , § . 6. — the present obligation of which is enquired into ; ibid. that the same authority is agreed to in the 37th article , § . 7. — the sense of which is shewn , ib. and the nature of that subscription we make to those articles consider'd , § . 8. and is yet more fully enjoin'd by the canons of 1603. § . 9. — which ipso facto excommunicate all those who impugn this supremacy , § . 10. ii. this supremacy confirm'd from the sense of our divines and others , ever since the reformation , § . 11. of the times of k. h. 8. — k. edw. 6. — and q. mary 1. § . 12. queen elizabeth . the judgment , of her self , and her parliament , § . 13. of all her first bishops , § . 14. of archbishop whitgift , § . 15. archbishop bancroft , § . 16. bishop jewel , § . 17. bishop bilson , § . 18. dr. 〈◊〉 , § . 19. mr. hooker § . 20. king james 1. of the revival of the dispute , concerning the supremacy , under this king , § . 21. the judgment of the king himself , ib. and — of b. andrews , § . 22. against the papists . of the controversy which the king had on this subject , with the scotch ministers , § . 23. vpon this occasion b. andrews judgment more fully declared , § . 24. which was also the sense of the rest of the clergy at that time , § . 25. particularly of our learned mason , § . 26. king charles i. the judgment of these times , more particularly shewn , § . 27. from the sense of the king himself , § 28. of his bishops , especially a. b. laud , § . 29. and of the whole convocation , 1640 , § . 30. the judgment of a. b. bramhall , § . 31. bishop davenant , § . 32. and dr. heylin , § . 33. king charles ii. the state of the parliament and convocation , in 1660 consider'd : how far this shews the same sense to have continued of the supremacy , that had all along obtain'd before ? § . 34. this farther shewn from the opinion of ; bishop taylor , § . 35. b. s. parker , § . 36. dr. falkner , § . 37. dr. barrow , § . 38. iii. vpon this foundation , an appeal is here made , to all the true members of our church , against those who now oppose this authority , § . 39. and it is farther shewn , that i have not been mistaken in point of law , § . 39. that the cause was not unbecoming a clergy man to appear in , § . 40. that the time was not improper for the handling of it , § . 41. that it is not probable , the church will suffer by what i have done ; but may , by their fury , who oppose me in this point , § . 42. the close , § . 43. an appeal to all the true members of the church of england , &c. after an age and half 's dispute with those of the church of rome , in defence of the king's supremacy , and of the laws that have been made for the establishment of it ; it cannot but seem a little strange to us , to be now call'd upon to begin the controversy again , with some among our selves , who would be thought the best , if not the only true members , of the church of england . but that which seems yet more amazing is , that tho' our laws subsist in the same state which they have been in ever since the reformation ; our articles and canons made in pursuance of those laws continue firm , and unrepealed : tho' the books that have been written by our bishops , and clergy , in defence of both , are not only not censured , but are read , approved , and received on all hands , as delivering the undoubted sense of our church and convocations , as well as of our princes and parliaments , with relation to this matter ; it should now , nevertheless , be thought a crime to assert the supremacy of the christian magistrate ; and a scandal for a clergy-man , more especially , to appear in behalf of that cause , by defending whereof so much honour has been gain'd , by the greatest writers of that order , heretofore . had we now to do with the same adversaries that those learned men were engaged with ; were the persons who , in our days , set up against the rights of the prince , either open romanists on the one hand , or avowed members of the kirk and consistory on the other ; we should the less wonder either at the principles which they advance , or the zeal with which they appear in favour of them . but to be summon'd by members of our own communion to defend the doctrine of our own canons and articles ; to be rail'd at as little better than apostates from the church catholick , for pretending to vindicate the constitution of the church of england , as by law establish'd ; this is a novelty which we know not what to make of , a prodigy becoming a time , and place , of wonders . to lay open the design of this new-attempt , and which may otherwise , in time , improve into another schism , and produce us a third church of england , composed only of such persons as will disclaim all authority of the civil-magistrate , from having any thing to do in matters of religion ; it may possibly be of some use to represent to such , as have not yet lay'd aside all regard to her , the plain sense of our reformed church , in the points under debate ; and shew them from whom i received the doctrine which i have asserted , in vindication of the kings supremacy . and having done this , i cannot but hope that some of them will consider ; what is the true design of those who are so forward to pull down , what our wise and pious ancestors , took so much care to build : and whether the methods we are now running so blindly into , must not end either in downright popery , or fanaticism , at the last . when the foundation was first laid for a regular reformation of religion among us ; one of the first things which those , who carry'd on that great work , saw it needful to do , was , to restore the crown to that authority , which the prevalence of the papal power had so notoriously deprived it of . in order hereunto , the convocation having agreed to submit themselves to the king , an act of parliament was framed upon that submission , in which , among others , these four things were establish'd . 1st . that the convocation should from thenceforth be assembled only by the kings writ . 2dly . that it should make no canons , or constitutions , but by virtue of the kings licence , first given them , so to do . 3dly . that having agreed on any canons or constitutions , they should yet neither publish nor execute them , without the kings confirmation of them : nor , 4thly ; by his authority , execute any , but with these limitations ; that they be neither against the kings prerogative ; nor against any common , or statute law ; nor , finally , in any other respect , contrary to the customs of the realm . this act being thus pass'd , continued in force all the time of king henry the viii . and his son king edward the vi. queen mary succeeding , and rescinding whatsoever her father , or brother had done , in prejudice of the romish church , abolish'd , among others , this act also . but her reign ending within a few years after ; one of the first things done , by her sister queen elizabeth , was to revive such laws , made by those two kings , as were thought necessary for the reformation of the church ; and so this statute was brought again in force . the title of the act by which this statute was revived , and the other authorities therein express'd were again annex'd to the crown , is this ; an act restoring to the crown the antient jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical and spiritual , &c. and that taken from the words of the act its self ; wherein the design of this statute is declared to be , for the restoring of the rights , jurisdictions , and preheminencies , appertaining to the imperial crown of this realm : and in another place ; to the imperial crown of this realm , of right belonging and appertaining . and from which it is , i suppose , obvious to conclude , that in the opinion of that parliament , such an authority over our convocations , as is before shewn to have been establis'd by the 25 h. viii . c. 19. and was hereby again vested in the crown ; was not either by that , or this , statute , first given to our kings , but only restored to them , as a part of their royal jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical ; and which did always , of right belong , and appertain to them . the rights of the crown being thus once more , by law , restored to it ; to secure them the better against any new encroachments for the time to come , it seem'd good to this parliament ( after the example of those of king henry the viii . ) that an oath should be framed , in recognition of the supremacy here declared to belong to our royal sovereigns ; and be enjoyn'd to be taken by all officers and ministers ecclesiastical and temporal ; as in the act may more fully be seen . in this oath , we solemnly testify and declare in our conscience , that the king's highness is the only supreme governour of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries , as well in all spiritual , or ecclesiastical things , or causes , as temporal . — and we do promise , that , to our power , we will assist and defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , preheminences , and authorities , granted , or belonging , to the kings and queens of this kingdom ; or united , and annex'd , to the imperial crown of this realm . now this oath being design'd , as both the subject of it shews , and * the words of the act it self , expressly declare , to be for the better observation and maintenance of that statute ; it must follow , that the supremacy which we there testify in our conscience to belong to our princes , must be interpreted by what that act has united and annex'd to the crown ; and so comprehend all that authority of the king over his convocation , which in the 25th . h. viii was expressly restored to our princes ; and which being again , by the repeal of that act , recovered from them , was by this present statute , once more , re-setled in the crown , as it had been before . how those , who now appear so zealous in opposition to this authority , and have probably more than once , solemnly taken this oath , will acquit themselves either before god , or the world , of a manifest violation of it , by their present behaviour , is past my skill to comprehend : unless , because some part of that oath is now laid aside , they should chance to think , that therefore the whole obligation of it is ceased , even to those who have taken it in its former integrity . but indeed should we allow that there were some weight in this ; yet since the laws made in defence of the kings supremacy , are still the same they ever were ; our recognition of it must be look'd upon to be the same too : and in renouncing all forreign jurisdiction in causes ecclesiastical , which we still do ; we must be accounted as effectually to acknowledge the kings supremacy , according to the legal notion of it , as when we the most fully declared our assent to it ; tho' it should be granted , that we do not now so expressly oblige our selves to the defence of it , as we were heretofore wont to do . and this i say with particular respect to the present state of this oath ; for otherwise , as to what concerns us of the clergy , it cannot be doubted but that our obligation , as to the substance of it , is still the same it ever was : the declaratory part of this oath being what we in terms subscribe to , in the first article , of the 39th canon ; and the promissory , no other than what is tied upon us in the 1st canon , by an authority which our adversaries , i conceive . will not presume to except against . but not to insist upon the present obligation of this oath ; thus much , at least , must be confess'd , ( and that is enough for my purpose ) that all those who heretofore took the oath of supremacy , as it was first drawn up in the statute of queen elizabeth , did thereby , without question , both declare their approbation of the kings supremacy , as by that act establish'd , and promise to their power , to assist and defend it . but now this all our clergy , and almost all others who were admitted to any employ , whether civil or ecclesiastical did do : and therefore it must be allow'd that till within these last ten years , the authority by me ascribed to the king , was not only agreeable to the sense of the laity , but to that of the clergy too ; since every clergy man in the realm , till then , did upon his oath , both declare his approbation of it , and engage himself , to his power , to defend it . and how that authority which was so universally received and acknowledged by us , for so long a time , should now become so detestable in it self , and so destructive of the rights and liberties of the church , i would desire these gentlemen , if they can , to inform me. it was about four years after the session of this parliament , and the passing of this act , that the nine and thirty articles of religion were agreed upon in convocation , and publish'd by the queen's authority . of these the 37th relates to the civil magistrate ; and is drawn up so exactly according to the words , as well as sense , of the oath of supremacy , that we cannot doubt but that the convocation had a particular respect thereunto , in the framing of it . the queen's majesty hath the * chief power in this realm of england , and other her dominions ; unto whom the * chief government of all estates of this realm , whether they be ecclesiastical , or civil , in all causes , doth appertain . so this article determines : and what we are to undestand by supreme power , and supreme government , of all estates , and in all causes , our laws tell us ; and from which we may be sure , neither the queen , nor the convocation , had any intention to depart . but the article goes on . where we attribute to the queen's majesty the chief government , by which title we understand the minds of some dangerous folks to be offended ; we give not our princes the ministring either of god's word , or of the sacraments ; the which thing the injunctions also , set forth by elizabeth our queen do most plainly testifie : but that only prerogative , which we see to have been given , always , to all godly princes , in holy scripture , by god himself ; that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal . — and if you would know what ruling of the ecclesiastical estate is hereby intended , the injunctions to which the article referrs us will fully clear it ; where having first denied , as the article also does , that by the words of the oath of supremacy before-mention'd , the kings or queens of this realm , possessors of the crown , may challenge authority and power of ministry of divine service in the church ; they declare , that her majesty neither doth , nor ever will challenge any authority than what was challenged , and lately used , by the noble kings of famous memory , king henry the viii . and king edward the vi. which is , and was of antient time due to the imperial crown of this realm ; that is , under god , to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realms , dominions and countries , of what estate , either ecclesiastical or temporal , soever they be . these are the words of the queens injunction , and agreeably whereunto , it is manifest , the convocation design'd to frame this part of their article , as they took the oath of supremacy for their pattern in the foregoing . and in consequence whereof , as well as in conformity to the laws of the realm , then establish'd , we must conclude , that this power of calling and directing the convocation being one main part of that jurisdiction which was declared by act of parliament to belong to the crown , and was accordingly restored and annex'd to it thereby ; and having , as such , been challenged and used both by king henry the viii . and king edward the vi. is also a part of that supremacy which the convocation here intended to attribute to the queen ; as we are sure the queen must have understood it to have been hereby ascribed to her . and of this i shall give a more particular proof when i come to consider the notions which this queen , and her clergy , had of her authority as to this matter . in the mean time i cannot but desire this late writer , and all others , of the same judgment with him , who have in like manner subscribed these articles , seriously to bethink themselves with what conscience they did it ; if they had in good earnest so ill an opinion , as they now pretend , of that power which those articles , most certainly , allow of , and profess to be due to the civil magistrate . that the author of the late treatise , not so much againt my book , as against our laws , and government , must have * several times subscribed these articles , the character of a minister , which he takes to himself , sufficiently assures us. no man can be ordained a deacon , or priest , without doing of it : nor being in orders , can be admitted to any cure of souls , or to any other ecclesiastical administration whatsoever , but he must again repeat it . the method taken for performing of this subscription is full , and positive . for first , the substance of what we are to subscribe to , is drawn up into three articles ; whereof the first , and third , are these . 1. that the king's majesty , under god , is the only supreme governor of this realm , and of all other his highness's dominions and countries , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things , or causes , as temporal , &c. — which being the very words of the oath of supremacy , must be taken in the same sense , that i have before shewn , that oath was to be understood in . — and , 3. that we allow the book of articles of religion — and acknowledge all and every the articles therein contain'd — to be agreeable to the word of god. and then , to these articles we subscribe in these very words ; i , s. h. do willingly , and ex animo , subscribe to these three articles above mentioned , and to all things contained in them . he therefore who does this , either must subscribe to them against his conscience ; or he must , thereby , be concluded to profess this belief ; that the authority given to the king by our laws , and approved of in these articles , is agreeable to the word of god. the danger of impugning any of these articles , is great , and unavoidable . to affirm them , in any part , to be superstitious , or erroneous ( whether he who does it be found out or no ) is by the canons of our church , excommunication ipso facto . and if the offender be discover'd , and fortunes to be a clergy-man , he is by the statute law of the realm to be convented before his bishop for it ; and if he does not presently revoke his error , is , in the first instance , to be deprived of all his ecclesiastical promotions ; and , in the second , loses them without more ado . this is the law both of the church , and of the state , in the present case : and with what conscience any clergy-man , beneficed in such a church , can excuse himself for flying with so much virulence in the face both of these laws , and of these canons ; i shall leave it to any one , who has any conscience himself , though never so much prejudiced against the king's supremacy , to consider . to the articles of religion , set forth by queen elizabeth , let us add the next authentick evidence of our church's sense , in this particular , the canons and constitutions , made by the convocation in the first year of king james i. of these the very first is design'd to assert the supreme authority of the king's majesty over the church of england . in order whereunto it ordains , that all persons ecclesiastical , shall faithfully keep and observe , and , as much as in them lieth , shall cause to be observed , and kept of others , all , and singular laws and statutes , made for restoring to the crown of this kingdom , the antient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical . which last words being the very title of the act of the first of queen elizabeth , we must conclude the meaning of the canon to be this ; that they shall faithfully observe the laws referred to in that statute , and do what in them lies , to cause all others to observe the same . seeing then that act of the 25 h. 8. c. 19. is one of those which is there expresly revived , it will follow , that it expresly comes within the words of this canon ; and that the powers therein annexed to the crown over the convocation , are hereby approv'd and allow'd of , as part of that antient jurisdiction which always , of right , belong'd to our kings over the estate ecclesiastical . but the next canon is more express , and will come more fully up to our present purpose . it s design is to restrain the impugners of the king's supremacy over the church of england : and thus it runs , in our english version of it . whosoever shall hereafter affirm that the king's majesty hath not the same authority , in causes ecclesiastical , that the godly kings had amongst the jews , and christian emperors in the primitive church ; or impeach any part of the regal supremacy in the said causes , restored to the crown , and by the laws of this realm therein established , let him be excommunicated ipso facto , and not restored but only by the archbishop , after his repentance , and publick revocation of those his wicked errors . it is plain by comparing of these two canons together , that the design of the convocation was , in the first , to declare , and assert the king's supremacy , and to oblige the clergy to a strict , and diligent observance of it : by the second , to restrain all sorts of persons , from denying , or otherwise endeavouring to hurt , or extenuate , the legal notion of it . and two things there are which will deserve to be taken notice of in this second canon ; first , what that supremacy is which our convocation was so careful to assert , and defend ? and secondly , what it is to impugn this supremacy , within the meaning of this canon ? first , as for the former of these , the supremacy here meant ; two rules there are delivered by this canon , whereby we may come to a right understanding of it . first , it is that authority over the estate ecclesiastical , which by the statutes of king henry the eighth , and king edward the sixth , was restored , and by the act of queen elizabeth confirm'd , as of right belonging , to the imperial crown of this realm . and , secondly : it is such a power , in matters of religion , as the godly kings had amongst the jews , and christian emperors in the primitive church . and from which , by the way , it may be observed , what good reason i had to enquire into the authority of the christian emperors in these cases ; and to argue from thence in behalf of that power which our church ascribes to our own princes , on the like occasions ; how much soever some men may slight such proofs , as being sensible that they are not to be answer'd . secondly , to impugn this supremacy , within the meaning of this canon ; is either , first , to deny altogether , this authority ; and affirm , that the king either has not , or ought not to have , any such power : or it is , secondly , by any other means to impeach ( or , as the latin canon has it more plainly ) to extenuate , or hurt this supremacy : which , i conceive , is then done when men write and argue against it ; when they censure the laws for establishing of it ; and damn the prince , so long as he shall continue to exercise it , according to those laws . but these are not the only canons which justify what i have written in defence of the king's supremacy , and condemn those who appear against it . the twelfth is yet more express to my particular case , and will shew what the sense of our church is , concerning those who abet the , now so much magnified , opinion , on the other side . whosoever shall affirm that it is lawful [ cuivis ministrorum aut laicorum ordini , vel eorum alterutris simul congregatis ; ] for any sort , [ rank , or degree ] of ministers , or laics , or for either of them gathered together ; to make canons , decrees , or constitutions concerning ecclesiastical things , without the king's authority ; and shall submit themselves to be ruled and govern'd by them , let them be excommunicated ipso facto ; and not be restored until they repent , and publickly revoke those their wicked and anabaptistical errors . for if , in the opinion of our church , it be necessary for the clergy to have authority from the king to meet on such occasions ; if to say that any persons , of what order soever they be , may without his licence make any canons , decrees or constitutions ecclesiastical ; nay or but even submit themselves to be govern'd by such as shall be so made , be a wicked , anabaptistical , errour ; and for which a man deserves to be cast out of the communion of our church ; then it must without all question be allow'd , that according to the doctrine establish'd among us , the clergy can neither meet nor act , but with the king's permission : nor ought we to account those constitutions of any authority , which any persons shall make without his leave ; or , as such submit to them ; how much soever they may please to cry up their divine powers , and vnalienable rights , to justify their irregular , and anabaptistical proceedings . the sentence of both these last canons is , that they who offend against them are to be , ipso facto excommunicated : and concerning which i shall only observe thus much ; first , that in such a case there is no need of any admonition , as where the judge is to give sentence ; but every one is to take notice of the law at his peril , and see that he be not overtaken by it . and , secondly ; that there is no need of any sentence to be pronounced , which the canon it self has pass'd ; and which is by that means already promulged upon every one , as soon as he comes within the obligation of it . in other cases , a man may do things worthy of censure , and yet behave himself so warily in them , as to escape the punishment of the church , for want of a legal evidence to convict him . but , excommunicatio canonis , ligat etiam occulta delicta : where the canon gives sentence , there is no escaping ; but the conscience of every man becomes obliged by it , as soon as ever he is sensible that he has done that which was forbidden under the pain of such an excommunication . to these canons relating to the kings supremacy , i might add those which speak of the authority of our synods , and there again expressly provide for the princes rights . thus can. 139. the church affirms the assembling of synods , to be by the kings authority . in the 140th , she acknowledges the necessity of his licence , both for the making and ratifying of her decrees , in causes ecclesiastical . and can. 141. censures such as shall , upon this account , undervalue the acts of our synods , in these words : whosoever shall affirm that their proceedings in making of canons and constitutions , in causes ecclesiastical , by the kings authority , as aforesaid , ought to be despised and contemned ; the same being ratified and enjoyn'd , by the said regal power , supremacy and authority ; let them be excommunicated , and not restored untill they repent , and publickly revoke that their wicked errour . but in a case so plain i shall not need to insist on any more proofs ; and therefore shall content my self to observe , that the title given by publick authority to these canons , is this : constitutions or canons ecclesiastical ; by the bishop of london , president of the synod for the province of canterbury , and the rest of the bishops and clergy of the same province , by the kings authority , treated and concluded upon : in their synod , &c. — afterwards , by the same royal majesty , approved , ratified and confirm'd and by the authority of the same , under the great seal of england , promulged , to be diligently ; observed thro' both provinces , as well of canterbury , as york . this is the true title given to these canons : and was fit to be thus particularly taken notice of , because in our english book of canons , which is of most common use , this inscription ( as well as many of the canons themselves ) is very imperfectly rendred , and may be apt to lead men into some mistakes concerning these , as well as other matters . it were easie to make several observations , to our present purpose , upon the several parts of this truly accurate , and legal , title : but i shall chuse rather to express the process of this convocation , in the words of an author , who may perhaps be less liable to exception ; and whose account of it is this : that the clergy being met in their convocation , according to the tenour and effect of his majesties writ , his majesty was pleased , by vertue of his prerogative royal , and supreme authority in causes ecclesiastical , to give and grant unto them , by his letters patents , dated april 12. and june 25. full , free , and lawful liberty , licence , power and authority , to convene , treat , debate , consider , consult and agree upon such canons , orders , ordinances , and constitutions , as they should think necessary , fit , and convenient , for the honour and service of alimighty god , the good and quiet of the church , and the better government thereof from time to time &c. — which being agreed on by the clergy , and by them presented to the king , humbly requiring him to give his royal assent unto them , according to the statute made in the 25 of king henry viii . and by his majesties prerogative and supreme authority , in ecclesiastical causes , to ratifie and confirm the same ; his majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his letters patents — straightly commanding , and requiring , all his loving subjects , diligently to observe , execute and keep the same , &c. — and here i shall put an end to my first kind of proofs , in defence of that authority which i have ascribed to our kings , over the convocations of the clergy of the church , and realm , of england . i proceed in the next place more fully to confirm this authority to be agreeable to the doctrine of our church ; from the testimony 's of our most learned divines , who have written upon this subject , from the beginning of the reformation , to our own times . ii. it has been the endeavour of some of late who would be thought still to retain a good affection to the reform'd religion , nevertheless to cast the worst aspersions they are able , upon those who were the chief instruments of god's providence in the reformation of it . what their design in this their procedure is , or how , upon the principles now set on foot , to justifie what was heretofore done among us as to this matter ; or indeed , without a miracle , ever to have had any thing at all done in it , i cannot tell . it being certain that such a convocation , as they now seem alone to allow of as canonical , would never have departed from the way that they were in ; or have endured any proposals tending to such a change , as was otherwise happily made among us. but however since such is their prejudice , both against the opinions , and actions , of our first reformers , i will so far comply with their unreasonable humours , as to pass lightly over those times of church servitude , as well as church reformation ; and come to such authorities , as , i suppose , they will not have the confidence to except against . to pass by then the opinion of the convocation , which , about 3 years after the submission made to king henry the viii . set out the first doctrinal treatise that led the way to the discovery , and renuntiation , of the popish errors . what shall we say to the publick declaration made by king henry himself against the council of mantua ; and in which he cannot be supposed to have spoken any thing but what , he thought , carry'd its own evidence along with it ? ‖ in times past , says he , all councils were appointed by the authority , consent and commandment , of the emperours , kings and princes . why now taketh the bishop of rome this upon him ? wherefore we think it best that every prince call a council provincial , and every prince to redress his own realm . and this he spake not of his own head , but with the advice of his bishops and clergy ; of the former of which , all but two , subscribed to the instrument which was presented to him upon this occasion . and when notwithstanding this , he was again sollicited by the emperour , and some other princes , the year after , either himself to come , or to send his ambassadors to it ; he again renew'd his former protestation , and made again the same exceptions against it . nor in this did he do any more , than some even of his popish bishops had before approved ; and that on such occasions , wherein it cannot be pretended that any force was laid upon them . i shall in proof of this , alledge only the letter of tonstal and stokesly to cardinal poole ; in which the authority of the christian prince , over the convocations of his clergy , is fully asserted ; and proved from the like instances of the antient kings and emperours , that i have made use of to the same purpose . and tho' queen mary in her zeal to the papal interest , repealed whatever acts had been pass'd by her father and brother against it , and this of the submission of the clergy among the rest ; yet she did not therefore give up the power over her synods ; but still continued it , according to the substance of that statute : as is evident from her calling and dissolving , not only the first convocation of her reign , but of that which was held two years after ; and to assemble which cardinal pool himself had her licence ; as he also had to make such canons , as should be thought needful , in it . qveen elizabeth . but i will not tarry any longer in these times , but pass forward to that of the next reign ; in which the reformation was both more regularly carry'd on , and at last brought to the state in which it continues at this day . queen mary having , as i observed , abolish'd whatever laws had been made in the two preceding reigns in derogation to the papal vsurpations ; the first thing done by queen elizabeth was , to set the crown again upon its antient foundation ; and to restore it to that jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical , which of right belong'd to it . this was the work of the very first act that pass'd in her reign ; and by vertue whereof the statute made 25th henry the viii . c. 19. to ratifie the submission of the clergy , was brought again in force . i have before observed what care was taken by this parliament to secure these rights of the crown , by an oath then establish'd , under the title of the oath of supremacy . i must now add , that the more to oblige the clergy to a due observance of them , the queen her self , this same year , set out her injunctions ; and in the very first place took care , of her supremacy in them . for thus the injunctions begin : that all deans , archdeacons , parsons , vicars , and all other ecclesiastical persons , shall faithfully keep and observe ; and , as far as in them may lie , shall cause to be observed and kept of other , all and singular laws and statutes made for the restoring of the crown , the antient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical . and that this power over the convocation was one branch of it , the revival of the law of king henry the viii . relating to it , which was made the same year , and in that very act whose title the injunction transcribes , is a proof not to be gain-said . it is evident then that this queen , as well as her parliament , looked upon this power to be not only no vsurpation upon the churches priviledges , but to be a part of that jurisdiction which had always of right belong'd to the crown ; and was vsurp'd from it in the times of popery . and so , in the next place , did her bishops too . for however being not yet assembled in convocation , they could not so authoritatively settle the articles of religion as shortly after they did ; yet being met together , they agreed upon certain articles to be sent to their clergy , and by them publish'd to the people , in the mean time , till a convocation should be call'd , to consider farther of this matter . in the 7th of these their articles they treat of the power of the civil magistrate : and therein require their clergy to acknowledge the queens majesties prerogative , and superiority of government , of all estates , as well ecclesiastical as temperal , — to be agreeable to god's word ; and of right to appertain to her highness , in such sort as in the late act of parliament is express'd ; and sithence by her majesties injunctions , declared and expounded . it would be needless to observe that the act of parliament here referr'd to is that of the same year , made for the restoring the crown to its jurisdiction over the estate ecclesiastical ; and by which the so often mention'd act of king henry the viii . was expresly revived . as for the queen's injunctions , i have already shewn that where they treat of this matter the most favourably , they nevertheless assert the same power to the queen that king henry the viii . and king edward the vi. challenged , and used : and what that was , in the particular under debate , is not doubted of , or deny'd by those , who the most oppose us in the present vindication of it . so that here then we have in our first entry upon this reign ; the queen , the parliament , and the bishops , all approving of , and confirming this authority . and so they continued , all her time , to do : there being hardly any controversy either more largely debated , or more accurately handled , than this of the royal supremacy ; against which our adversaries , on both sides , appear'd with all their skill , and were as effectually answer'd , by the greatest , and most learned , of our church . among these , as there was no one higher in dignity , so neither was there any more eminent both for his abilities , and good affections to the church of england , than arch-bishop whitgift : and whose controversy with the puritans , is one of the most learned , and judicious works , of those days . in this , the xx th tract , is wholly spent in the defence of the princes right in ecclesiastical matters : wherein having charged his adversaries with holding the popish opinions , and even using their very arguments ; he tells them , pag. 698 , 699. that the continual practice of the christian churches , ( in the time of christian magistrates ) before the vsurpation of the bishop of rome , was , to give christian princes supreme authority in making ecclesiastical orders , and laws ; yea , and which is more , in deciding of matters of religion , even in the chief and principle points . this he proves by several instances ; and then concludes in these very words , whereby it appeareth , that the chief authority in — councils , was given to the emperour , and that he was esteem'd as the chief judge . in his next division he shews , that the learned and antient fathers , have committed the matters of controversy to emperours . and then adds , the practice therefore of the authority of princes in ecclesiastical matters , even in determining and judging controversies in religion , you might have learnt by these examples in ambrose time . against this t. c. then objected , as some others ( from their pattern ) do now , the disability of princes to decree of what pertains to the church . the archbishop replies : that the deb●ting , and deciding of matters in religion by bishops , doth not derogate from the prince's authority . no godly princes , having godly bishops , and ministers of the church , will alter , or change , determine , or appoint , any thing in matters of religion , without their advice and counsel . but how if there be dissention among them ? shall not the prince determine the controversie , as constantinus , theodosius , and other godly emperours did ? in short ; to t. c. 's endeavour to clear the puritans from running in with the papists in this particular , the archbishop thus replies . concerning the determination of matters in religion , i know not wherein you differ from them . for tho' the prince mislikes your determination , yet can he not himself conclude any thing ; only he may compel you to go to it again , and take better rold : but if it shall please you to go forward in your determination , or if you cannot agree among your selves , i see not what authority you have given the civil magistrate to determine the matter ; but for ought i can espy , if you and your seniors be disposed to be peevish , either must the prince have no religion , or such as you shall appoint unto him. for potestatem facti you have given him , that is , you make him your executioner ; but potestatem juris you do as fully remove from him as the papists do : for he hath not , as you say , any authority to make orders , or laws , in ecclesiastical matters . thus this great assertor both of the prince's , and of the church's power . to him let me add , his successor , both in the see of canterbury , and in this controversy , archbishop bancroft : who , in his survey of the pretended holy discipline , thus marks out those parts of it , which he look'd upon to be prejudicial to the regal authority . no civil magistrate hath pre-eminence ( by ordinary authority ) to determine church causes . no chief magistrate , in councils , or assemblies for church matters , can either be chief moderator , over-ruler , judge , or determiner . no civil magistrate hath such authority , that without his consent it should not be lawful for ecclesiastical persons , to make any church-order , or ceremony . the judgment of church matters pertaineth to god : the principality , or direction of the judgment of them , is , by god's ordinance , pertaining to the ministers of the church . as they meddle not with the making of civil laws , and laws for the commonwealth , so the civil magistrate hath not to ordain ceremonies pertaining to the church . these he calls puritane-popish assertions ; and says , that they do much derogate from the lawful authority of christian princes . there is but this only difference betwixt them , and the rankest jesuits in europe ; that what the one sort ascribe to the pope and his shavelings ; the others challenge to themselves , and their aldermen . for the better clearing of which , he compares their principles together : and thus he sets down the puritane hypothesis , from their own stating of it . the prince may call a council of the ministry , and appoint both the time , and hours , for the same — he may be assistant there , and have his voice , but he may not be either moderator , determiner , or judge . neither may the orders , or decrees there made , be said to have been done by the prince's authority . — they are to defend councils , being assembled . if any one behave themselves there tumultuously , or otherwise disorderly , the prince may punish him . lastly , he not only may , but ought to , confirm the decrees of such councils , and see them executed , and punish the contemners of them . thus far mr. cartwright : and in the next page , the archbishop shews that the papists say the very same things ; and of both he affirms in his following chapter , that hereby they exclude christian princes from their lawful authority in causes ecclesiastical . having thus seen what these masters of the consistory allow to christian princes in ecclesiastical matters , it might not perhaps be improper for me to ask of our new disciplinarians , wherein they differ from them in the point before us . but , indeed , it is clear , that if there be any difference at all between them , it consists in this , that those men , as bad as they were , yet really allow'd more authority to the civil magistrate over their church assemblies , than our modern disputers are willing to afford him over our convocations . and then i shall leave it to any one to judge , what those great prelates would have said of these , who wrote so severely , as we have seen , against those . from these archbishops of the see of canterbury , let us descend to two of their suffragan bishops ; and engaged against another party , tho' still in defence of the same authority ; viz. jewell , bishop of salisbury , and bilson bishop of winchester . as for the former of these , our learn'd jewell , he thus declares to us the right of the prince , in the defence of his apology , against harding . page 582. the christian emperors in the old time appointed the councils of bishops . — continually for the space of 500 tears , the emperor alone appointed the ecclesiastical assemblies , and call'd the councils of the bishops together . as for right of place , and voice in council , it pertaineth no less to the prince , than to the pope . — the emperor theodosius , as saith socrates , did not only sit among the bishops , but also order'd the whole arguing of the cause ; and tare in pieces the hereticks books , and allow'd for good the judgment of the catholicks . but ye say , they sate as assessors only , not as judges : that is to say , they sate by the bishops , and held their peace , and told the clock , and said nothing . the lay prince hath had authority in council , not only to consent , and agree unto others , but also to define and determine ; and that in cases of religion ; as by many evident examples it may appear . in all cases , as well ecclesiastical , as temporal , the emperor was judge over all. whatsoever the council had determined , without the emperors consent , it had no force . — theodosius , at the desire of the bishops , confirm'd the council of ephesus . so high an erastian was this good old bishop ; and so freely has he sacrificed all the rights of the church to the will of the prince . nor has bishop bilson come at all behind him : the second part of whose book , entituled , the true difference between christian subjection , and vnchristian rebellion . 4 o. oxford , 1585. is but one continued discourse in defence of the supremacy , and of which it shall suffice to point out some brief heads on this occasion . 1. that the emperors heretofore call'd councils : this he proves ; pag. 134 , 153 , 159 , 227 , &c. 2. that they appointed the time , and place of them ; p. 154 , 155. nay , and even the persons that should come to them ; p. 207. and have voices in them ; p. 208. 3. that they directed what should be handled in them ; p. 135. managed their debates ; p. 134. and forbad them to call in question the faith , that had by former synods been establish'd ; p. 155 , 208. 4. that they judged of their proceedings ; p. 135. and that in matters of doctrine ; p. 261. by the common rule of all christians , the word of god ; p. 264 , 266 , 276. 5. that they confirm'd the councils decrees ; see p. 242. and this not at all adventures ; but chose such of their canons as they approv'd , and passed them into laws ; p. 139. 6. that as to their sentences ; they received appeals from councils ; p. 135 , 151 , 152. suspended ; p. 154. and if they thought them too severe , released the rigour of their censures , and determinations ; p. 136. these are some of the points which this learned man not only allows of , but defends from the examples of the jewish princes , and christian emperors . and i will be bold to say , either his treatise is altogether false and scandalous ; contrary to the rights of the church , and the sense of the antient fathers ; or my discourse , after all that has been said against it , must be confessed to be true and orthodox , and agreeable to the doctrine of the church of england . but because bishops may be look'd upon as suspicious men , let us see what those of an inferior order , have written in this case : and for these i will take but one of a kind ; dean nowell , for the dignitaries ; and the venerable mr. hooker , for the rest of the lower house . as for mr. hooker , the latter of these , he was much too young to have had any part in that convocation , in which our articles of religion were settled . but dr. nowell , was not only one of the most considerable members of the lower house at that time , by his own dignity ; but chosen , by the clergy , for their prolocutor , and so had the chief management of all that was done in it . it was but three years after this , that mr. dorman , one of our fugitive english papists , attacking the queen's supremacy , as by law establish'd , and then newly approv'd of by the convocation ; this learned dean thought himself concern'd to undertake the defence of it . and indeed he has so well discharged his part in it , that , i believe , it will be very hard for our modern transcribers of their arguments and authorities , to alledge any thing , upon this occasion , that will not be found to have been fully answer'd , before-hand , in that book . his treatise is expresly referr'd to , and approved of by archbishop whitgift , in his discourse upon this subject ; and so may be look'd upon to deliver the sense of that great archbishop , as well as the dean's . nor can it be reasonably doubted by any , but that it does deliver the sense of the whole convocation , and clergy of the church of england , in this particular . let us see then , how he states the point , between us , and his adversary , as to this matter ; and , by what kind of proofs he undertakes to vindicate the one , against the other . the matter in debate , he thus accurately determines ; for. 23. we expresly divide the offices of christian and godly princes , from the offices of bishops , and other ministers of the church under them , as distinct , and divers offices . and we do teach , that the offices of preaching of god's word ; of the pronouncing of publick prayer in the church of christ ; the power of the keys , or of binding and loosing , and of ministring the holy sacraments , are , by the word of god , appointed to be the peculiar offices of bishops , and of other ecclesiastical ministers . — and we teach , and preach , even in presence of princes ; that neither princes , nor any other persons , saving only bishops , and other ecclesiastical ministers under them , may intermeddle with the said offices , and ministries ecclesiastical , so peculiarly , and only appertaining to the said bishops , and other ministers of the church . — p. 24. when we do speak of causes ecclesiastical , wherein christian princes are the chief governors ; we mean not that princes should execute these peculiar offices of priests , as is also in the queen's majesty's injunctions — notified to all the subjects of the realm , that will be disposed to understand the truth , without cavillation . but now touching the authority of princes , to oversee that the bishops , and clergy , do these their offices — diligently , and truly , according to the rule of god's word ; to command them to do their duty ; to admonish them , being therein slack ; to reprehend them offending ; depose , or deprive them , being incorrigible ; — this we say is the office of a chief governor over the the said persons ecclesiastical , which doth appertain to christian princes , every one in their own dominions . further ; besides the office of preaching , and ministring the sacraments — there are many other orders , matters , and causes ecclesiastical , touching ceremonies , and the outward regiment of the church , ( which may be term'd the ecclesiastical policy ) — page 25. there is also the authority to receive appellations , and finally to determine controversies arising amongst persons ecclesiastical : to summon and call bishops , and other ecclesiastical persons , as men exercised in the study of the scriptures , to synods , convocations , and councils in necessary cases ; — to order , govern , and protect , the said bishops , and clergy , being so call'd together ; and to approve , and authorize things for the outward order ecclesiastical , and policy , determined in such synods . these be those causes ecclesiastical that we do speak of , which do not pertain to bishops and priests only . in these cases , and causes , ecclesiastical , the authority of a christian prince is not only not excluded from intermedling , with the bishops and clergy , but the prince's authority is chief therein : which authority the christian prince exercising , doth not intermeddle with any office , belonging to bishops and priests only ( as the adversaries of the truth do falsly bear men in hand ) but with their own offices , by the examples , and practice , of all antient godly princes , as well in the old law , as in christian religion , proved of right to them to appertain — and to our prince also , by the antient laws and statutes of the realm , ( as to the learned in the said laws is not unknown ) of right appertaining . this is the account which he gives of the doctrin of the church of england , concerning the authority of christian princes in matters of religion . the proofs he alledges are full , and conclusive : from the examples of constantine , p. 208 , to 223. theodosius , p. 227 , to 238. the council of chalcedons , p. 239 , to 246. the third council of constantinople , p. 250 , to 253. justinian the emperor , p. 276 , &c. to omit many other particulars , in the vindication of which i am not so immediately concern'd . and i will be bold to say , there is nothing by me advanced in this argument , which has not been both more highly carried , and more particularly explain'd , in behalf of the prince , by this great champion of our church , in his accurate , and solid treatise upon the same subject . such was the opinion of dean nowell ; nor does mr. hooker come at all behind him . the antient imperial law , says he , forbiddeth such assemblies as the emperor's authority did not cause to be made . before emperors became christians , the church had never any general synod ; their greatest meetings consisting of bishops , and others the gravest in each province . as for the civil governor's authority , it suffered them only as things not regarded , or not accounted of , at such times as it did suffer them . so that what right a christian king hath , as touching assemblies of that kind , we are not able to judge till we come to later times , when religion had won the hearts of the higher powers . constantine was not only the first that ever did call any general council together , but even the first that devised the calling of them , for consultation about the business of god. after he had once given the example , his successors , a long time , follow'd the same . touching that supremacy of power , which our kings have in the case of making laws , it resteth principally in the strength of a negative voice , which not to give them , were to deny them that without which they were kings only by a meer title , and not in exercise of dominion . if it be demanded by what right , from constantine downwards , the christian emperors did so far intermeddle in the church's affairs ; either we must herein condemn them , as being over-presumptuously bold ; or else judge that by a law which is termed regia , that is to say , royal , the people having derived unto their emperors their whole power for making laws , what matter soever they did concern ; as imperial dignity endow'd them with competent authority and power , to make laws for religion ; so they were thought by christianity to vse their power , being christians , unto the benefit of the church of christ. was there any christian bishop in the world which did then judge this repugnant unto that dutiful subjection which christians owe to the pastors of their souls ? wherefore of them which in this point attribute most to the clergy , i would demand , what evidence there is whereby it may clearly be shew'd , that in antient kingdoms christian , any canon , devised by the clergy alone in their synods , whether provincial , national , or general , hath , by meer force of their agreement , taken place as a law ; making all men constrainable to be obedient thereunto , without any other approbation from the king , before , or afterwards , required in that behalf . and this shall suffice for the reign of this great , and wise queen . i shall make no apology for taking these last quotations out of that part of mr. hooker's works , which are not of equal authority with the books publish'd by himself in his life time : there being so much of mr. hooker's stile , and reason in them , as makes me undoubtedly conclude , that , as they are , they proceeded from him. and those who are supposed to have interpolated these books , were never charged with turning things to the advantage of sovereign authority . so that if any changes , or omissions , should have happened in this place , it must have been to the disadvantage , not to the interest , of the cause before us. but i shall be content to take his opinion as it still is left to us ; and is sufficiently contrary to that wild notion of chruch power , which is now again set on foot , tho' by another sort of men , in pretence at least , among us . king james i. we have before seen how the oath of supremacy , fram'd in the beginning of the reign of queen elizabeth , set the pens of those of that age , on work , in discussing the authority of the christian prince , in causes , and over persons , ecclesiastical . it was not very long after the coming of king james into england , before another oath , again revived the same controversy ; and set the most learned men of the church of rome , upon a fresh opposition of the royal authority . among those who , on our side , appeared in defence of it , as no one began sooner , so is there none that ought to be rather taken notice of by us , than the king himself ; who with good learning , as well as with a stile becoming a prince , solemnly asserted his own royal rights , and jurisdiction . and , first , in his apology for the oath of allegeance , we have his opinion plainly deliver'd , in several points relating to our present disquisition . answerably to the fathers , spake the councils in their decrees : as the council of arles , submitting the whole council to the emperour in these words : these things we have decreed to be presented to our lord the emperour ; beseeching his clemency , that if we have done less than we ought , it may be supplied by his wisdom ; if any thing otherwise than reason requireth , it may be corrected by his judgment ; if any thing be found fault with by us , with reason , it may be perfected , by his aid , with gods favourable assistance . but why should i speak of charles the great , to whom not one council , but six several councils , frankford , arles , tours , chalons , mentz and rhemes , did wholly submit themselves : and not rather speak of all the general councils , that of nice , constantinople , ephesus , calcedon , and the four others commonly so reputed , which did submit themselves to the emperours wisdom and piety in all things ? insomuch as that of ephesus repeated it four several times , that they were summon'd by the emperour 's oracle , beck , charge , and command ; and betook themselves to his godliness , beseeching him that the decrees made against nestorius , and his followers , might , by his power , have their full force and validitie . and in his defence of the right of kings , he thus confirms the same principles . it is willingly granted that emperours never challenged , never arrogated , to be sovereign judges in controversies of doctrine and faith. nevertheless it is clearer than the suns light at high noon , that for moderation at synods , for determinations and orders establish'd in councils ; and for the discipline of the church , they have made a good , and full use of their imperial authority . the first council held at constantinople , bears this title , or inscription ; the dedication of the holy synod to the most religious emperour theodsius the great , to whose will and pleasure , they have submitted these canons , by them address'd , and establish'd in council : and there also they beseech the emperour to confirm and approve , the said canons . the like hath been done by the council of trullo , by whom the canons of the fifth and sixth councils , were put forth and publish'd . this was not done because emperours took upon them to be infallible judges of doctrine , but only that emperours might see and judge whether bishops ( who feel the prick of ambition , as other men do ) did propound nothing in their convocations and consultations , but most of all in their determinations , to undermine the emperours authority ; to disturb the tranquility of the common-wealth ; and to cross the determinations of precedent councils . now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the kings hand , or power , what is it but even to transform the king into a standing image : — yea , to bring him down to this basest condition , to become only an executioner , and ( which i scorn to speak ) the unhappy hangman of the clergies will ? the king having thus asserted the authority of christian princes , in this particular ; was soon assaulted by those of the other party . cardinal bellarmine , at that time accounted one of the most learned controvertists of the church of rome , first , under the name of tortus , fell with great bitterness upon him . to him his majesty scoring to reply , bishop andrews , took the cause upon himself ; and with great spirit , and judgment , replied to him . so that here then , in these two , we may expect to see what is to be said , on either side , upon this subject . as for the cardinals opinion , i am not concern'd to take any notice of it : but that which the bishop asserts , and with great force of reason , and evidence of antiquity , defends , is to this effect : that kings have power both to call synods , and to confirm them ; and to do all other things which the emperours heretofore diligently did do ; and which the bishops of those times willingly acknowledged of right to belong to them . and 1st . that to christian princes belongs the sole right of calling synods , he proves from the history of the general councils that were assembled under them , p. 165. and from the examples of those which were afterwards held under charles the emperour ; p. 164. 2dly . that having assembled them they have a right of inspecting and examining ; of approving or rejecting their acts ; he likewise shews p. 162 , 164. you know , says the bishop , how constantine wrote to the synod of tyre : all you , as many as made up the synod of tyre , hasten without delay to come to us , and shew us truly how sincerely and rightly ye have judged : p. 173. he adds , 3dly . that they may come to , and make a part of the synod : this he proves , p. 174. and then , p. 176. thus sums up the royal authority : put this , says he , together : the king assembles the synod ; the synod presumes to do nothing without his knowledge . the king commits the whole affair to their power : they , by vertue of his princely command , proceed to do what was needful to be done . i might easily confirm this same opinion both of the king and bishop , with the concurrent authority of burhil , tooker , and some others , who , were afterwards , engaged in the same controversy . but i must not enlarge upon this subject , having so much more yet to observe both of this king , and this bishop , upon another occasion , as to the points under debate . the king being dissatisfied with the proceedings of the presbyterian ministers in scotland , for holding a generally assembly at aberdeen , contrary to his command ; sent for a certain number of the most eminent of them to come up to him , to london , and satisfy him in some things , in which he thought he had just reason of complaint against them . to these ministers , after other things transacted with them ; he deliver'd three quaeres relating to his authority in ecclesiastical matters , and demanded their several answers to them . the second of these questions , and from which we may sufficiently conclude what opinion his majesty had of his own royal supremacy , was this : whether they acknowledge his majesty , by the authority of his prerogative royal , as a christian king , to have lawful and full power , to convocate , prorogate , and cause desert , upon just and necessare causes known to him , the assemblies of the kirk , within his majesties dominions ? how they trifled with his majesty in their answer to these questions , as well as in all the other affairs about which they had been sent for , is neither material to my purpose to shew , and may at large be seen in the histories here referr'd to by me . that which i have further to observe is , that during the course of this transaction , the king caused four of his english bishops , on certain days appointed to them , to preach before him at hampton-court , and commanded the scotch ministers to be present at their sermons . the third of these turns fell upon our learned andrews , at that time bishop of chichester ; whose subject , assign'd him by the king , was , to prove the power of princes , in convocating synods and councils . in order whereunto he first laid down these two points : 1. that when the prince calls , the clergy are to meet : and 2. that they are not to meet , of themselves , unless he call them . the proof of these points he thus pursues : 1st . from the law of god , p. 104. 105. confirm'd by the law of nature , and nations , p. 106. and 2dly . from matter of fact : before christ ; from moses , to the macchabee's , in the jewish church . p. 106 , 107. after christ ; from constantine , till a thousand years after christ ; ( 1 ) by general councils ; ( 2 ) by national , and provincial councils , assembled . ( 3 ) under emperours , and ( 4 ) kings , by the space of many hundred years , p. 108. this is the substance of his sermon ; and from which i shall proceed to extract some part of what he says , in the prosecution of most of the heads , before laid down . 1st . in speaking of the law of nations he has this remark : the law of nations in this point might easily appear , if time would suffer , both in their general order for convocations so to be called , and in their general opposing all conventicles called otherwise . verily the heathen laws made all such assemblies vnlawful , which the highest authority did not cause to meet ; yea , tho' they were — sub praetextu religionis , say the roman laws . neither did the christian emperours think fit to abate any thing of that right ; nay they took more straight order . 2dly . concluding his account of the jewish state , he has these words : thus from moses to the maccabees , we see in whose hands this power was . and what should i say more ? there was in all god 's people no one religious king , but this power he practised : and there was of all god 's prophets no one , that ever interposed any prohibition against it . what shall we say then ? were all these wrong ? shall we condemn them all ? — yet to this we are come now , that either we must condemn them all , the one after another ; the kings as usurpers for taking on them to use more power than ever orderly they received ; the prophets for soothers of them in that their unjust claim ; or else confess that they did no more than they might , and exceeded not therein the bounds of their calling . and indeed that we must confess , for that is the truth . 3dly . in treating of general councils , he thus speaks of that of nice . at nice there were together 318 bishops , the lights of the whole world , the chiefest and choicest men for holiness , learning , vertue , and valour , that the christian religion ever had , before or since . — did any of them refuse to come being called by him , ( constantine ) as not called aright ? or coming , was there any one of them that did protest against it ; or pleaded the churches interest to meet of themselves ? — verily the council of nice , ( which is , and ever hath been so much admired by all christians ) cannot be excused before god or men , if they thus conspired ( all ) to betray the churches right ; and suffered it , contrary to all equity , to be carried away ; leaving a dangerous precedent therein , for all councils , ever after , to the worlds end. — there is no man of reason but will think it reasonable , if this were the churches own peculiar , if appropriate unto it , ( and so known to them to be ) there ought to have been plain dealing now , at the very first council of all , that if constantine would embrace religion , he must forbear to meddle with their assemblies . 4thly . but it may be general councils have a fashion by themselves : those congregations may be called thus ; but national or provincial , such as ours , how ? even so too , and no otherwise — yea , i add this , which is a point to be consider'd , that even then when the emperours were profess'd arians , even then did the bishops acknowledge their power to call councils ; come to them being called , sued to them that they might be called ; — and sometimes they sped — and sometimes not . and yet when they sped not they held themselves quiet , and never presumed to draw together , of their own heads . but it may be this was some imperial power , and that the emperours had , in this point , more jurisdiction than kings ? not that neither : for about 500 years after christ , when the empire fell in pieces , and these western parts came into the hands of kings , those kings had , held , and enjoy'd , and practised the same power . if it be excepted that there are of these ( provincial and national ) councils , which carry in their acts no mention how they were called ; for them we are to understand , that after the decrees of the first nicene council were by constantine's edict confirm'd , wherein , as likewise in the council of chalcedon , it was order'd , that each province should yearly hold their synods twice — we are to conceive the emperour's authority was in all afterwards ; habitually at least . — 5thly . but what say you to the 300 years , before constantine ? how went assemblies then ? — truly even as the jews did before in egypt . they were then a church under persecution , till moses was raised up by god , a lawful magistrate over them . — no magistrate did assemble them in egypt : and , good reason , they had none then to do it . true it is therefore , that before constantine's time they met together as they durst ; and took such order as they could . — but when constantine came in moses place , it was lawful for him to do as moses did . and so he did : and they never said to him — look how we have done hitherto , we will do so even still ; meet no otherwise now , than in former times we have , by our own agreement ; — no , but they went to him , as to moses , for their meetings ; at his hands they sought them ; without his leave , or liking , they would not attempt them : yea ( i dare say ) they blessed god from their hearts that they had lived to see the day , that they might now assemble by the sound of the trumphet . to conclude this point then ; these two times , or estates of the church , are not to be confounded : there is a plain difference between them , and a diverse respect to be had of each . if the succession of magistrates be interrupted , in such case , of necessity , the church , of her self , maketh supply , because then god's order ceaseth . but god granting a constantine to them again , god's former , positive order , returneth , and the case is to proceed , and go on , as before . — in a word , none can seek to have the congregation so called ( as before constantine ) but they must secretly , and by implication , confess , they are a persecuted church , as that then was ; without a moses , without a constantine . 6thly . hitherto we have seen the opinion of this learned prelate in the case before us ; let us now see what application he made of what he had offer'd on this subject . you may please to remember , says he , there was not long since a clergy in place that was wholly ad oppositum , and would never have yeilded to reform ought . nothing they would do ; and ( in eye of the law ) without them nothing could be done . they had encroached the power of assembling into their own hands . how then ? how shall we do for an assembly ? then — the prince had this power , and to him , of right , it belonged . this was then god divinity : and what writer is there extant , of those times , but it may be turn'd to in him ? and was it good divinity then , and is it now no longer so ? was the king but licensed , for a while to hold this power till another clergy were in , and must he then be deprived of it again ? was it then usurped from princes ; and are , now , princes usurpers of it themselves ? — nay i trust we will be better advised , and not thus go against our selves , and let truth be no longer truth , than it will serve our turns . i shall conclude all i have to draw out of this discourse , with the same words , that the learned preacher concludes his sermon ; it remaineth that as god , by his law , hath taken this order , and his people , in former ages , have kept this order , that we do so too : that we say , as god saith , — this power pertaineth unto moses : and that neither with core we say we will not come ; nor with demetrius run together of our selves , and think to carry it away with crying great is diana . but as we see the power is of god , so truly to acknowledge it , and dutifully to yeild to it : that so they , whose it is , may quietly hold it , and laudably use it , to his glory that gave it , and to their good , for whom it was given . it will not , i hope , be thought much of , that i have so long insisted upon the judgment of this great prelate , in the present case . no man there was in that time , or perhaps in any other age of the church , that was either fitter to deliver the sense of our clergy , or better qualified to maintain it . i might add that this discourse , being preached first , and then publish'd , by the express command of the king , carries with it somewhat more than a private authority and when it shall be consider'd how little a while it was , before this , that that convocation met , which took such care both to explain its sense of the royal supremacy , and to give the utmost cononical enforcement , that could be given to it ; we may well conclude this to have been the vniversal judgment of our church divines in that reign ; as we are sure it was of those , of the reign foregoing . i have already alledged the authorities of those two eminent archbishops , whitgift , and bancroft : to these i have added those of bilson , and hooker ; and i thought it but reasonable to give them a place in the same period in which their books were publish'd . but yet i must observe , that the most of these , not only continued to the present time ; but attain'd to their highest promotions under this government the synod of 1603 , was held under the presidence of bancroft , then bishop of london : bishop bilson , was a member of it ; and , no doubt , concurr'd heartily to the passing of those canons , which relate to the king's supremacy in it . i shall therefore , here , add only the judgment of one learned man more ( who must never be mentioned but with a particular respect by us ; ) mr. mason ; and that out of a work which he wrote expresly in vindication of the reformed church , and ministry of england . champanaeus , his adversary , had thus far allow'd of the authority of the christian prince in matters of religion ; that he might make laws in defence of the true religion ( which he was to learn from the clergy ) and might , nay was bound , to see them put in execution . but that princes should have a power of judging , or defining , in ecclesiastical matters , as the proper judges , and hearers of them , this , he says , is a paradox never heard of in the christian world , before the time of henry viii . to this mr. mason replies , that it is indeed the business of pastors to explain the doubtful things of the law : but that it belongs to the prince to promulge the truth , when known , and to command his subjects to obey it . — that he must judge whether the priests do go according to the law of god. — and to that end , must search the scriptures ; pray to god ; advise with learned men ; and not be led away with the fair titles , or characters of any , nor have so much regard to the number of votes , as to truth . upon this foundation he proceeds , at large , to assert these following points . 1. that it is the prince 's business to call councils , and to appoint the time , and place of their assembling — 2. that he has the power to propose to the bishops and clergy , what shall be treated on in their synod . 3. to prescribe the rule , and measure of judging . 4. to restrain them from calling in question the faith already orthodoxly setled , in former synods . 5. to rescind the pernicious decrees of councils , and to confirm and ratify , such as are pious , and wholesom , by his authority . [ lib. iii. c. iv . p. 298. ] to which points , thus put together by himself , let me add from the other parts of his discourse ; 6. the power to preside in synods , and to govern their acts. 7. to appoint judges in ecclesiastical matters , and over ecclesiastical persons . 8. to judge between the bishops , if they shall happen to differ , even in matters of faith. and , lastly , to suspend the acts of councils , tho' in relation to points of doctrine , so that during such suspension , they shall not take effect . this is that authority which this renowned defender of our ministry and reformation , look'd upon as due , of right , to the christian prince . of what esteem this work in those days was , may be gather'd not only from the great care , and accuracy with which it was composed ; but from that concern which the archbishop of canterbury shew'd for the publication of it . twice it was solemnly dedicated to king james : and being first publish'd in our own language , it was thought considerable enough to carry both the doctrine , and defence , of our church to those abroad , in a latin translation . and i have never yet heard that any of its adversaries could charge it with any false representation of our church's sense , how little soever they pretended to be satisfied with his vindication of it . king charles i. but i shall not tarry any longer in this reign ; but proceed to pursue the history of the supremacy , in the sense of our most eminent bishops , and divines , during the unfortunate reign of that excellent prince , and true friend of our church , king charles the first . and here , one would have thought , that the account i took care , on purpose , to give , with a more than ordinary particularity , of the convocation of 1640 , might have sufficiently convinced all unprejudic'd persons , what the judgment of those times was , in the present case . but since it is insinuated by some , who cannot deny but that that prince did , in fact , both claim , and exercise , all that power over the convocation , for which i am pleading ; as if all this were done meerly in compliance with the iniquity of our laws , and not as what either the king , or his archbishop , in their own consciences , approved of ; i will proceed to clear this matter , a little farther ; and shew , that we have all the reason in the world to believe , that in the management of that convocation , they , both of them , acted not more agreeably to the laws of the realm , than to the real sense of their own judgment . it was but about twelve years before the meeting of that synod , that upon the breaking out of some disturbances , upon the account of the arminian tenets , the king was induced to publish anew the articles of religion , and to prefix his royal declaration to them , suitable to that occasion . the words of this declaration are these : being , by god's ordinance , according to our just title , defender of the faith , and supreme governor of the church within these our dominions ; we hold it most agreeable to this our kingly office , and our own religious zeal , to conserve , and maintain the church , committed to our charge , in unity of true religion , and in the bond of peace ; and not to suffer unnecessary disputations , altercations , or questions , to be raised , which may nourish faction both in the church and commonweal . we have therefore , upon mature deliberation , and with the advice of so many of our bishops , as might conveniently be called together , thought fit to make this declaration following : that the articles of the church of england ( which have been allow'd , and authorised heretofore , and which our clergy , generally , have subscribed unto ) do contain the true doctrine of the church of england , agreeable to god's word : which we do , therefore , ratify , and confirm , requiring all our loving subjects to continue in the vniform profession thereof , and prohibiting the least difference from the said articles ; which , to that end , we command to be new-printed , and this our declaration to be publish'd therewith . such is the beginning of this declaration ; and in which we may already observe , several notable instances of that supremacy we are enquiring into . for , 1st . it is plain this king thought himself authoriz'd , as supreme governour of the church within his dominions , to take care of the vnity of it ; and to put an end to those disputes , which some had raised , to the manifest endangering of it . 2dly . upon his own mature deliberation , and with the advice of such of his bishops as he thought fit to call to his assistance ; he judges anew of the doctrine of the church , contain'd in the xxxix articles , and confirm'd by so many synods of the clergy , as had met , since the first establishment of them . and , 3dly , upon that judgment , he again ratifies and confirms them ; and requires all his subjects to continue in the vniform profession of them . but we will go on with the declaration , which the king farther makes : that we are supreme governor of the church of england ; and that if any difference arise about the external policy , concerning the injunctions , canons , or other constitutions , whatsoever , thereto belonging ; the clergy , in their convocation , is to order and settle them , having first obtain'd leave under our broad seal so to do ; and we approving their said ordinances and constitutions ; provided that none be made contrary to the laws and customs of the land. this is the next paragraph ; and it gives us a clear account of the ecclesiastical constitution of the synods of this realm . to them it belongs to deliberate of what concerns the policy of the church ; and to make canons , &c. for the ordering of it . but before they can do this , they must have the king's leave , not only to sit ; but to go about any such work , being sate : and having done it , the king is to have the last review ; he is to confirm , or reject , what they do ; and even that too within the bounds that the laws have set both to him and them. but we will go yet farther . in the next place then the king thus declares ; that out of our princely care , that the church-men may do the work which is proper unto them , the bishops , and clergy , from time to time , in convocation , upon their humble desire , shall have licence under our broad seal , to deliberate of , and to do all such things , as being made plain by them , and assented unto by us , shall concern the setled continuance of the doctrine , and discipline , of the church of england now established , from which we will not endure any varying , or departing , in the least degree . and here we have not only our former reflections , again confirm'd , but with an addition of some farther instances of the prince's authority in these cases . the clergy in convocation , are humbly to move the king for his licence , to do , what they shall judge to be necessary , for the better establishment of either the doctrine , or discipline , of the church of england . to this the king is pleased to promise them , at all times , a favourable answer : that they shall have leave to do , what they desire , and he shall judge needful , to be done by them . but still he declares it shall be with this restraint , that what they desire to do , be consistent with the doctrine and discipline of the church , already establish'd : for from that , the king resolved that the clergy , even in convocation assembled , should not be at liberty to vary , or depart in the least degree . all which being supposed , yet still they are only to deliberate , and make plain to the king , what they think to be of use , even within these restrictions . but the king is to allow , or not allow of it ; and upon his rejecting , or ratifying their resolutions , the whole authority , and even subsistence of them is to depend . such was the opinion which this prince had of his own royal authority over the convocations of his bishops and clergy . wherein the power here claim'd by him , comes short of what our laws have assign'd the king , and i , in my late treatise on this argument , have contended for ; it will , i believe , be very difficult to shew . i shall only add , that this declaration was made by him , with the advice of so many of the bishops , as might conveniently be called together . who those bishops were , with whom the king consulted upon this occasion , we are not told . but that archbishop laud was one of them , we have all the reason in the world to believe . he was , at that time , a privy-counsellor ; dean of the chappel ; and one of the commissioners for the administring of the archbishoprick , upon the sequestration of archbishop abbot ; and especially advised with by the king , in all matters of importance , relating to the affairs of the church . and upon all which accounts we may venture almost confidently to say , that this declaration was , without controversy , publish'd by his advice , above any others ; and speaks his sense , in these matters , no less than the king 's . it is indeed a thing justly to be wonder'd at , after what i have formerly publish'd , that any one who pretends to have any veneration for the memory of that great prelate , should be able to make any doubt of his judgment in this particular . the integrity which he shew'd in all his actions , sufficiently assures us , that what he swore to , in the oath of supremacy ; subscribed in the articles of religion ; approved of in the canons of the church ; advised in this last declaration ; and acted under at the head of the convocation , anno 1640 , was undoubtedly agreeable to the inward sense of his own mind . and i would desire those who , upon such slender grounds , now insinuate the contrary , to consider , what a mean spirit they must take a person of his high character to have been acted by ; who can suppose , that in a matter of such vast concernment to the church , and upon which the divine rights , and authority of it , in their opinion , so much depend ; he should nevertheless , against his own conscience , run in with the iniquity of the times , and thereby give so dangerous a countenance , to those enslaving principles , to which he submitted . however , since such is the rashness of some men , that they care not what injury they do the greatest personages , so they may but seem thereby to justify their own errors ; i will now give such an evidence , not only of that archbishop's , but with his of all the other bishops , and the whole convocations sense , in this case , as will , i think , admit of no exception . in the canons of 1640 ; ( and whose authority , tho' i pretend not to assert , yet i conceive i may , without offence , produce them as a private evidence of the judgment of those who compos'd them ; ) the very first is concerning the regal power . in this they not only approve of the acts made for the acknowledgment of the king's authority over the state ecclesiastical ; but enjoin them all to be carefully observed , by all persons whom they may concern . they add : that a supreme power is given , by god himself , to kings , to rule and command all persons , of what rank soever , whether ecclesiastical , or civil . the care of god's church , say they , is so committed to kings in scripture , that they are commended when the church keeps the right way , and taxed when it runs amiss : and therefore her government belongs , in chief , unto kings . for otherwise , one man would be commended for anothers care , and taxed for anothers negligence , which is not god's way . the power to call , and dissolve , councils , both national , and provincial , is the true right of * all christian kings , within their own realms and territories . and when , in the first times of christ's church , prelates used this power , 't was therefore only , ‖ because in those days they had no christian kings . and again , in the viiith canon , they oblige all preachers positively , and plainly , to preach , and instruct the people , in their publick sermons , twice in the year , at least ; — that they ought willingly to submit themselves , unto the authority , and government of the church , as it is now establish'd under the king's majesty . it is therefore as plain , as any thing can well be ; that this convocation undoubtedly approved of all the laws ( even this of the submission of the clergy : ) made for the security of the king's authority over the state ecclesiastical ; that they look'd upon the government of the church to belong , in chief , unto kings : that they accounted the power of calling and dissolving synods , to be the true right of all christian princes ; and that the bishops have only then a power to do this , when the church is in a state of persecution , and the necessities of it enforce them thereunto . and , by consequence , that they themselves not only met and acted under the powers , * i have formerly shewn , because they were forced so to do , but approved of the vse which the king made of them ; and were satisfied , that in meeting , and acting , according thereunto , they behaved themselves so as became christian bishops , and clergy-men to do , under the favour and authority of a christian king. i shall observe only this one thing farther , to prevent any new cavils in this particular ; that we are assured by him , who best knew it , archbishop laud himself ; that these canons were pass'd with the greatest freedom , and vnanimity , that ever any canons were : so that upon that account also , we may the more undoubtedly look upon them , as delivering the real sense of the church of england in those days . to the judgment of this archbishop , and the convocation held by him , let me subjoin that of an eminent bishop in our neighbour country , the learned bramhall , afterwards archbishop of ardmagh , and primate of all ireland . in his survey of the scotch discipline , among other exceptions which he takes at it , we have these , to our purpose , particularly insisted upon by him : that they affirm , 1st , that ecclesiastical persons have the sole power of convening , and convocating synods . 2dly , that no persons , magistrates , or others , have power to vote in their synods , but only ecclesiastical . 3dly , that synods have the judgment of true and false religion , of doctrine , heresy , &c. that they have legis-lative power , to make rules and constitutions , for keeping good order in the kirk , — and all this without any reclamation , or appellation , to any judge , civil or ecclesiastical . 4thly , that they have these privileges not from the magistrate , or people , or particular laws of the country , — but immediately from god , &c. lastly ; that they have all this power , not only without the magistrate , but against him ; that is , tho' he dissents , &c. so different a notion had this great writer of these powers of the kirk , for which our late author so highly applauds them ; and sets up their discipline above our own , slavish constitution . but the archbishop proceeds ; and against these vsurpations of the kirk , lays down , chap. ii . these orthodox , church of england principles . that all princes and states , invested with sovereign power , do justly challenge to themselves the right of convocating national synods of their own subjects ; and of ratifying their constitutions . — and that he is a magistate of straw , that will suffer the church to convene , whensoever , or wheresoever , they list : — to convocate before them whomsoever they please : — to change the ecclesiastical policy of a common-wealth ; to alter the doctrine and religion establish'd ; and all this of their own heads , by a pretended power given them from heaven . synods ought to be called by the supreme magistrate , if he be a christian — and either by himself , or by such as he shall please to chuse for that purpose , he ought to preside over them — this power the emperors of old did challenge over general councils : christian monarchs , in the blindness of popery , over national synods : the kings of england over their great councils of old , and their convocations of latter times . but , say they , we give the magistrate a political power to convocate synods ; to preside in synods ; to ratify the acts of synods ; to reform the church — here are good words , but they signify nothing . for , in plain english , what is this political power to call synods , &c. — it is a duty which the magistrate owes to the kirk , when they think necessary to have a synod convocated , to strengthen their summons by a civil sanction ; to secure them in coming to the synod , and returning from the synod : — to compel obstinate persons , by civil laws and punishments , to submit to their censures and decrees . what gets the magistrate by all this ? — for they declare expresly , that neither all the power , nor any part of the power , which synods have to deliberate of , or to define ecclesiastical things , doth flow from the magistrate . — but can the magistrate call the synod to account for any thing they do ? can he remedy the errors of a synod , either in doctrine , or discipline ? no : — this is one main branch of popery , and a gross encroachment upon the right of the magistrate . and accordingly we find him charging the papists with it , in his writings against them . he maintains , that all ecclesiastical coercive jurisdiction , did originally flow from the civil magistrate . he bids them weigh all the parts of ecclesiastical discipline , and consider what one there is which christian emperours of old did not either exercise by themselves , or by their delegates ; or did not regulate by their laws , or both. and then , particularly instances in the points of , calling councils ; presiding in councils ; dissolving of councils , and confirming councils . and pag. 93. he insists upon it as one just ground of our separation from the court of rome ; that they endeavour'd to rob the king of the fairest flowers of his crown ; namely of his right to convocate synods , and to confirm synods within his own dominions ; of his legis-lative , and judiciary power , in ecclesiastical causes , &c. to the opinion of this learned prelate , were conformable the sentiments , of all the other bishops , and clergy of these kingdoms , as to these matters . christian emperours , says bishop davenant , heretofore called councils . — as in civil causes , princes advise with their learned in the law , so in theological matters , they ought to consult with their divines . — yet are they not so tied up to the opinions of their clergy , but that if they go contrary to the law of god , princes are obliged by their duty , as kings , to set forth the true religion to their subjects , tho' the clergy should never so much , or so generally , oppose them in it . and in another of his books , he proves the last judgment , in matters of religion , to belong to princes , by this argument . he to whom the holy bishops remit their decrees to be examined ; from whom they desire the confirmation of them ; whom alone they acknowledge to have the power to prescribe to the people the true religion , by a judiciary , coactive power ; him they constitute supreme judge in the business of religion . but all this is ascribed to pious emperours and kings ; as both from councils and fathers , may evidently be made appear . i add , that the clergy cannot , by vertue of their function , compel the king to receive for the true religion , whatsoever they shall resolve , by their votes , so to be : — but they must direct him by god's word , and always leave it to him to confirm that by his authority , which shall to him , upon examination of their reasons , appear to be agreeable to god's word . kings sin when they throw off all care of religion ; and leave it to their bishops alone : confirming by their authority , and defending with their sword , whatsoever faith , they shall think fit to prescribe . it is true indeed , that as other christians , so princes themselves are to be directed in matters of religion , by the fathers of the church : but they are to be directed by the light of god's word ; and not to be drawn at the pleasure of bishops , to the defence of any errour whatsoever . the church of england did not innovate , says dr. heylin , in setling the supremacy in the royal crown . — the like authority was exercised , and enjoy'd by the christian emperours , not only in their calling councils , and many times assistiug at them , or presiding in them ; by themselves , or their deputies , or commissioners ; but also in confirming the acts thereof . the like he shews to have been done by our own kings heretofore ; and then concludes thus ; so that when the supremacy was recognized by the clergy , in their convocation , to king henry the viii . it was only the restoring of him to his proper , and original ▪ power . if you conceive that by ascribing to the king the supreme authority , taking him for their supreme head , and by the act of submission which ensued upon it , the clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves , and draw a vassallage on those of the times succeeding , inconsistent with their native rights , and contrary to the usage of the primitive church , i hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple . — its true , the clergy of this realm can neither meet in convocation , nor conclude any thing therein ; nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded , but as they are enabled by the king's authority . but then it is as true , that this is neither inconsistent with their native rights , nor contrary to the usage of the primitive times . — i grant , indeed , that when the church was under the command of the heathen emperours , the clergy did assemble in their national , and provincial synods , of their own authority . which councils being summon'd by the metropolitans , and subscribed by the clergy , were of sufficient power to bind all good christians , who lived within the verge of their authority . but it was otherwise when the church came under the protection of christian princes . as for the vassallage , which the clergy are supposed to have drawn upon themselves , by this submission ; i see no fear , or danger of it . — that which is most insisted on for the proof hereof , is the delegating of this power by king henry the viii . to sir thomas cromwell , — by the name of his vicar general in ecclesiastical matters ; who by that name presided in the convocation , anno 1536. and this is look'd upon both by saunders , and some protestant doctors , not only as a great debasing of the english clergy , but as a kind of monstrosity in nature . but certainly these men forget — that in the council of chalcedon , the emperour appointed certain noble-men to sit as judges , whose names occur in the first action of that council . the like we find exemplified in the ephesine council ; in which , by the appointment of theodosius and valentinian , the roman emperours , candidianus , a count imperial , sat as judge , or president . it is not possible to imagine any thing more express to our present concern , than what this learned , and zealous defender of our church has here advanced . if any one should be so uncharitable as to imagine , that this great man had any byass of private interest upon him , when he wrote this ; he may please to know , that this book was set forth by him in the time of oliver cromwel , when our church was in its worst estate ; and there seemed but little hopes remaining of its ever recovering its self to a new establishment . but indeed this was his real judgment ; and the general sense of our clergy in those days . nor had our greatest church-men then learnt either to think otherwise of the princes right ; or to run down the learning , and piety , of those holy men , by whose courage and conduct the reformation was carry'd on ; and many of whom sealed the sincerity of their opinions , with their own blood. king charles ii. i have now but one period more to pass over , and that a very short one too ; wherein i am to enquire , how this doctrine continued to be received after the restauration of king charles the ii. and upon that last reveiw , that was then made of our constitution . that , at that time , both the king , and his parliament , were not only well affected to the interests of our church , but ready to concur with whatever the convocation could reasonably have proposed to them , for the better settlement of it , is not to be doubted . but what then did they do , as to this matter ? was this enslaving act , made by our ‖ saint henry the viii . and continued by all his ⸪ oppressing successors of the reform'd religion ; repealed by this zealous , church-parliament ? or , because that cannot be pretended ; did that reverend synod , which altered so many other things , ever once touch upon this , and were stop'd in it ? neither can that be affirm'd . was there , in that large body , any one , ( but one ) generous , freeborn spirit , who being scandalized at the restraints under which the divine rights of the church had so long lain , moved the convocation to protest against the king's supremacy , if they could not yet be so happy as totally to shake it off ? neither does any thing of this occurr , in the diary , which i have seen , of that convocations proceedings . now that which makes me the rather to remark this , is , that both that parliament , and that convocation , had this very business of the king's supremacy , and the churches power , under their consideration : and an act was made for the better execution of the one , but still so as not to prejudice the other . here therefore was a just opportunity given to the convocation to have declared its self ; and for the parliament to have provided for the liberties of the church . they were actually repealing one branch of that very statute , of the first of eliz. c. 1. and two lines more had done the business . but alas ! they were both negligent in this particular : or rather , ( for that is the truth , ) they neither of them thought the church was at all oppress'd , by this just jurisdiction of the prince over it . but we know acts of parliament are obstinate things , and will no longer bend , as they were wont to do , to the ecclesiastical canon . did the synod therefore , at least , make bold with its own constitutions ; and rescind those base , and flattering canons , which stampt upon this act the churches approbation ; and , by so doing , sign'd the theta upon her rights , liberties , and authorities ? on the contrary , they continue still in force ; and have ( as far as one of king henry's convocations has power to do it ; ) ipso facto excommunicated some among us , who , while they make a noise in the world , as if they only were the true sons of the church of england , are really cut off from all communion with her. in a word ; when upon the review of the liturgie , several other alterations were made in the forms of ordaining of bishops , priests , and deacons ; did they slip aside the oath of supremacy , that bond of iniquity , contriv'd by the atheists , and erastians , of the parliament in the first of q. elizabeth , on purpose to run down the rights of the clergy ; and set up an oppressive supremacy over them ? but , they still stand as they did before ; and may move some to consider , who have been ordain'd by these forms , how to reconcile the solemn recognition of that oath , in behalf of the king's authority , with what they have since written , with so much bitterness , against it . but tho' the convocation therefore did nothing to recover the church out of that slavish estate , into which former convocations , and parliaments , had brought her ; it may be some others of the clergy , at least , in their writings on this subject , may have remonstrated against it . that any have done so , till this present controversy began , is what i never heard : this i know , that several have asserted , and , which is more , defended too , the supremacy , on its present legal bottom , beyond the possibility of a reasonable reply . among these i know not whom more properly to mention , in the very first place , than our pious , and learned bishop taylour . it was but a very little while before the restauration of king charles , that he published his excellent book of cases of conscience ; and which has never , i conceive , fallen under any censure , tho' often re-printed , since . in these having first , in general , shewn , that the prince has authority in matters of religion ; and asserted it so highly , as to say , that without it , he is but the shadow of a king , and the servant of his priests : he proceeds , more particularly , to lay down this , as his next rule of conscience ; that kings have a legislative power , in the affairs of religion , and the church . which having also shewn ; his next conclusion to our purpose is this ; § . 9. the supreme civil power , hath a power of external judgment , in causes of faith : that is , as he explains himself , a power to determine what doctrines are to be taught to the people , and what not . and to prevent mistake , he thus declares himself , more particularly , as to this matter . § . 16. i do not intend by this , that whatsoever article is by princes allow'd , is therefore to be accounted a part of true religion : for that is more than we can justify of a definition made by a synod of bishops . but that they are to take care that true doctrine be establish'd ; that they that are bound to do so , must be supposed competent judges what is true doctrine ; else they guide their subjects , and some body else rules them : and then who is the prince ? the prince then is to judge what is true doctrine ; yet this he must do , by the assistance , and ministries of ecclesiastical persons . — kings are the supreme judges of law : — yet in cases where there is doubt , the supreme civil power speaks by them whose profession it is to vnderstand the laws . and so it is in religion : the king is to study the law of god ; not that he should wholly depend , in religion , upon the sentences of others ; but be able , of himself , to judge . — but the prince's office of providing for religion , and his manner of doing it , in cases of difficulty , are rarely well discoursed by theodosius the younger , in a letter of his to st. cyrill : the doctrine of godliness shall be discuss'd in the sacred council ; and it shall prevail , or pass into a law , so far as shall be judged agreeable to truth and reason . where the emperor gives the examination of it to the bishops , to whose office , and calling , it does belong : but the judgment of it , and the sanction , are the right of the emperor ; who would see the decrees should be establish'd , if they were true and reasonable . ib. § . 5. this i observe in opposition to those bold pretences of the court of rome , and of the presbytery ; that esteem princes bound to execute their decrees , and account them but great ministers , and servants , of their sentences — and a little lower he saith ; if he ( the prince ) be not bound to confirm all , then , i suppose , he may chuse which he will , and which he will not . — § . 6. he shews that princes are not bound to govern their churches , by the consent , and advice of their bishops ; but only that it is reasonable they should . for ( says he ) bishops and priests , are the most knowing in spiritual affairs ; and therefore most fit to be councellors to the prince in them . in his fifth rule , § . 1. he affirms , that kings have power of making laws . — and therefore , as secular princes did use to indict , or permit the indiction of synods of bishops ; so when they saw cause , they confirm'd the sentences of bishops , and pass'd them into laws . before princes were christian , the church was govern'd by their spiritual guides ; who had authority from god , in all that was necessary , and of great convenience , next to necessity : and in other things they had it from the people . for the ( better ) providing for these , god raised up princes to the church . — and then ecclesiastical laws were advised by bishops , and commanded by kings . they were but rules , and canons , in the hands of the spiritual order ; but made laws by the secular power . — these canons , before the princes were christian , were no laws farther than the people did consent ; but now even the wicked must obey . this was the judgment of that great bishop , as to the princes supremacy in matters ecclesiastical . and this judgment he delivered in his full years ; in one of his last works , and that purposely design'd to guide the consciences of such as should make use of it . i shall from him descend but to one more , whom i fitly place the last of his order ; and to whose judgment , tho' i pay no more than it deserves , yet i cannot but think it may have some weight with those , whom i am now concern'd especially to convince . in his discourse of ecclesiastical polity , chap. 1. he affirms , the affairs of religion to be subject to the supreme civil power , and to no other . p. 2. that as , in the first ages of the world , the kingly power , and priestly function , were alway vested in the same persons ; — so when they were separated , in the jewish state , the supremacy was annexed to the civil power , and so continued until , and after , our saviour's death : ibid. this he more largely delivers , p. 32. tho' in the jewish commonwealth , the priestly office was — separated by a divine , positive command , from the kingly power ; yet the power , and jurisdiction of the priest remain'd still subject to the sovereign prince : their king always exercising a supremacy over all persons , and in all causes ecclesiastical . the power wherewith christ invested the governors of his church , in the apostolical age , was purely spiritual : they had no authority to inflict temporal punishments , or to force men to submit to their canons , laws , and paenalties . they only declared the laws of god , and denounced the threatnings annexed to them. but when christianity was become the imperial religion , then began its government to re-settle where nature had placed it ; and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was annex'd to the civil power . — so that tho' the exercise of the ministerial function , still continued in the persons that were thereunto originally commissioned by our saviour ; the exercise of its authority , and jurisdiction , was restored to the imperial diadem . constantine was no sooner settled in his imperial throne , but he took the settlement of all ecclesiastical matters into his own cognizance . he called synods and councils , in order to the peace and government of the church : he ratified their canons into laws , &c. in the exercise of which jurisdiction , he was carefully follow'd by all his successors . nay he doubts not to affirm , that had it not been for the care of christian princes , christianity had , in all humane probability , been utterly destroy'd by its own tumults and seditions . he adds , that this supremacy of the civil power , in religious matters , is expresly asserted by our church ; which is not content barely to affirm it , but denounces the sentence of excommunication against all that deny it . thus stood this author ' s judgment in this case , about the year 1669 : it is true , that being engaged against another sort of adversaries , and which led him to somewhat different reflections ; we find him a little gone off from this hypothesis ; in the year 1681. yet even there he is much more for the supremacy , than those we have now to do with . he affirms indeed , p. 105. that from the precedent of the apostles , in the first council of jerusalem , the governours of the church , in all ages , enjoy'd a power of making canons and constitutions , for discipline , and good order . but withal he adds , that by the example of the primitive church , our bishops submitted the exercise thereof to the king 's sovereign authority , as we see in that famous act called , the submission of the clergy . whereby ( says he , p. 106. ) they do not pass away their power of making ecclesiastical canons ; but only give security to the government , that , under that pretence , they would not attempt any thing tending to the disturbance of the kingdom , or injurious to the prerogative of the crown . which , in truth , is such a submission , as all the clergy in the world ought , in duty , to make to their sovereign , at least in gratitude , for his protection ; and that without any abatement , or diminution of their own authority ; viz. the standing laws of christianity being secured , to submit all other matters to his sovereign will and pleasure . and p. 108. he approves king james reply to cardinal perron , where he lets him know , that tho' christian kings and emperors , never arrogated to themselves a power of being sovereign judges in matters and controversies of faith ; yet for moderation of synods ; for determinations , and orders , establish'd in councils ; and for the discipline of the church ; they have made a full , and good vse of their imperial authority . such was the last sense , if i mistake not , of this writer ; and that when he was in his highest exaltation of the churches authority . and all the difference i can find between his own last , and first opinion , is but this ; that what he before gave the christian prince as his own due , he now grants him by the concession of the clergy ; yet so , as to declare the clergy bound to yeild it to him , and to affirm the churches rights to be in no wise injured , or impeach'd by it . but i shall not insist any longer on this authority ; but pass on to consider the judgment of an author , or two , of a lower rank ; but whose learning , and steddiness , will much more recommend them to all sober , and indifferent persons . of these the first i shall mention , shall be our excellent dr. falkner ; who in his discourse of christian loyalty , fully examines , and determines the case before us. concerning the christian doctrine , and profession , ( says he ) tho' no authority has any right to oppose any part of the christian truth ; yet princes may , and ought to , take care of the true profession thereof in their dominions ; and to suppress such dangerous errours , as are manifestly contrary thereunto . — but in cases of difficulty , for the deciding , or ending of controversies , about matters of faith ; the disquisition , and resolution of the spiritual guides , ought to take place , and be embraced . — in such cases , the catholick christian emperours , did , by their authority , establish the decisions of the oecumenical councils . but in matters of truth which are plain , and manifest from the holy scriptures themselves , or the declarations of approved councils agreeing therewith ; the saecular governour , so far as is necessary , may proceed upon the evidence thereof to his own understanding . in establishing rules and constitutions for order , decency , and peace , it belongeth to the ecclesiastical officers to consult , advise , and take care thereof . — but yet this with such dependance upon the royal power , as king charles has declared — [ that is ; that they first obtain the kings leave to do it ; and execute nothing but with his approbation . see above § . 28. ] in such an extraordinary case , as that in the primitive times was , when the civil power will not own the church ; the ecclesiastical governours , by their own authority , may establish necessary rules of order , as was then done . but since the external sanction of such things , doth flow from the general nature of power and authority ; wheresoever the temporal power will take that care of the church , which it ought , it hath a right to give its establishment to such constitutions ; and the ecclesiastical officers , as subjects , are bound to apply themselves thereto , for the obtaining of it . the calling of councils , so far as is needful for the preservation of the peace and order of the church , may be perform'd , as the former , by ecclesiastical officers , where the civil disowneth the church . but this being no particular exercise of the power of the keys , but only of a general authority , doth peculiarly belong to the prince , or supreme governour , if he will make use thereof . — the antient right , and exercise of the authority of kings , in summoning provincial , or national councils , is sufficiently observed , and asserted , by p. de marca . but indeed he himself in his 5th chapter , abundantly demonstrates both that , and all the rest that is contended for , in the present dispute . and the heads of which are such as these : that the antient emperours had power to call councils : p. 156 , 158 , 159 , 161 , 165 , 170 : to be present at them : p. 157 , 160. and by themselves , or their deputies , to preside in them : p. 162 , 167 , 170. to direct them what they should consult about : p. 157 , 163 , 170. to appoint the time , and place , of their meeting : p. 166 , 170. to keep the bishops from leaving the council , till all should be finish'd for which it was called : p. 163. to confirm what they do aright : p. 157 , 160 , 161 , 164 , 169 , 170. to rescind what they do amiss : p. 163. to suspend their acts from taking effect , till they should give way to it : p. 165. these are the instances which may be observed , in that chapter , of the jurisdiction and authority , which the antient emperours exercised over their synods heretofore : and by which we are to expound , as our church has taught us , the supremacy of our own princes in the like cases . i shall conclude what i have to observe from this learned writer , with a remark , which i wish some men would be perswaded a little more seriously to consider : p. 204. some things which , at first sight , may seem an abatement of the authority of the church , is rather such a way of regulating the exercise of its power , as , under religious princes , is for the churches advantage . of this nature i conceive that constitution [ of the 25 h. viii . ] that no new canons shall be enacted , promulged , or executed , without the royal assent , and licence , to enact , promulge , and execute the same . for hereby the cergy give such security to the king , against all jealousies of renew'd ecclesiastical usurpations , that thereupon the church may , under the kings favour , and with the assurance of greater safety and protection , practise upon its establish'd constitutions ; which are so good , that we have great reason to bless god for them . and hereupon it may also be hoped , that what shall be farther needful , may be super-added , by the royal licence ; and become more effectual to its end , by the confirmation of that authority . there is yet one author more , who must not be pass'd by ; our learned , and accurate dr. barrow : and a better than whom i could not have desired , to close up this collection withall . in his treatise of the vnity of the church ; ( a discourse which would some men more diligently read , and more judiciously consider , they would not talk so loosely as they do , on that subject : ) he gives us this account of the state of the church , in the times immediately after christ. each church did , seperately , order its own affairs ; without recourse to others , except for charitable advice , or relief , in cases of extraordinary difficulty , or urgent need. each church was endow'd with a perfect liberty , and a full authority , without dependence , or subordination to others ; to govern its own members ; to manage its own affiairs ; to decide controversies and causes incident among themselves ; without allowing appeals , or rendring accounts , to others . it is true that the bishops of several adjacent churches , did use to meet upon emergencies , — to consult , and conclude upon expedients , for attaining such ends ( as they met for . ) this probably they did at first in a free way , without rule , according to occasion , as prudence suggested : but afterwards by confederation , and consent , these conventions were formed into method , and regulated by certain orders , establish'd by consent ; whence did arise an ecclesiastical unity of government , within certain precincts . hence every bishop , or pastor was conceived to have a double relation , or capacity ; one towards his own flock , another towards the whole flock . of councils , he thus delivers his opinion . general councils , are extraordinary , arbitrary , prudential means , of restoring truth , peace , order , discipline . — during a long time the church wanted them ; afterwards had them but rarely ; and since the breach between the oriental , and western churches , for many centuries , there hath been none . the first general councils , ( indeed all ) were congregated by emperours ; — their congregation dependeth on the permission , and pleasure , of secular powers ; and , in all equity , should do so . and in his most elaborate treatise of the popes supremacy : the most just and pious emperours , who did bear greatest love to the clergy , — did call them without scruple : it was deem'd their right to do it ; none did remonstrate against their practise . the same he shews of national and provincial councils , p. 186 , &c. to these they summon'd the bishops in a peremptory manner , and directed both the time , and place of their meeting . the popes petition'd them to call [ councils ] and sometimes they prevailed , and sometimes they did not . this power , upon many just accounts , peculiarly doth belong to princes . it suiteth to the dignity of their state ; it appertaineth to their duty ; they are most able to discharge it . — they alone can , well , cause the expences needful for holding synods , to be exacted and defray'd : they alone can protect them ; can maintain order , and peace , in them ; can procure observance to their determinations . they alone have a sword to restrain , resty and refractory persons : — to oblige them to convene ; to conferr peaceably , to agree , to observe what is setled . it inseperably doth belong to sovereigns , in the general assemblies of their states , to preside and moderate affairs ; proposing what they judge fit to be consulted , or debated ; stopping what seemeth unfit to be moved ; keeping proceedings within order and rule ; and steering them to a good issue : checking disorders and irregularities , which the distemper , or indiscretion , of any persons , may create in deliberations or disputes . — this therefore he shews the emperours to have done , in all the first synods . the word presidency hath an ambiguity : — it may be taken for a priviledge of praecedence , or for authority to govern things . this latter kind of presidency , was disposed of by the emperour , as he saw reason . the power of enacting , and dispensing with , ecclesiastical laws , touching exteriour discipline , did of old belong to the emperour : and it was reasonable that it should . by many laws , and instances it appeareth , that appellations have been made to the emperours in the greatest causes . — so the donatists did appeal to constantine : athanasius , and the aegyptian bishops , to the same ; priscillianus to maximus : idacius to gratian. — iii. and here i shall put an end to these collections . it would have been a very easie matter to have added many more ‖ authors , than i have here alledged , and to have much enlarged upon those which i have produced . but what is already done may suffice ; till those who now advance the contrary opinion , shall be able , at least , to make some tolerable proof , that they do not forsake the received doctrine of our church , in opposing an authority , ⸪ by law , confessedly , establish'd : and , i think , no less confirm'd by our articles , and canons , too . it remains now , that i take the liberty freely to appeal to every sincere member of our communion , to judge in this case , between me , and those , who so warmly oppose me , and so highly charge me , upon this occasion : and to consider , what i have done , with relation to the rights , and liberties , of the church of england , for which i ought to humble my selfe before god , and to make a satisfaction to her. is it that i have asserted the king's authority , over the ecclesiastical synods of this church , and realm ? but so the laws speak , as well as i : and to these , both the articles , and canons of the church , require me to conform . nay , they do more ; they require me not only to conform my self , but to do , what in me lies , to move all others to the observance of them . and if for this i must be censured ; these laws , and canons , must run the same fate with me. and i shall always account it an honour , to suffer , for asserting the laws of the realm ; and for maintaining the doctrine , and constitutions of the church of england . or is it that i have gone beyond the bounds of the law , and given a greater , and more general authority , to the christian prince , than either the submission of the clergy , or the act of king henry the viiith founded thereupon , have declared to belong to him ? this , for ought i know , i may have done , and yet not be guilty of any fault neither , in the doing of it . i have before said , and do here again repeat it , with the same assurance i at first delivered it ; that i do not found the right of our kings to this jurisdiction , either upon that , or upon any other act , that has been made in pursuance of it . i fix it upon the right of ‖ sovereignty in general ; and upon that antient jurisdiction , in causes ecclesiastical , which the very statute of queen elizabeth speaks of ; and allows to have been always , of right , belonging to the imperial crown of this realm . to this our * laws themselves agree : they speak still of restoring to the crown its antient rights ; and our † lawyers have accordingly constantly affirm'd , that these acts ; and particularly that which we are here especially concern'd in , the 1 eliz. c. 1. was not introductory of a new law , but declaratory of the old. and therefore , before i can justly be condemn'd upon this account , my proofs must be answer'd ; and it must be shewn , that what i ascribe to the king , is not a parcel of that jurisdiction , which was once enjoy'd by the kings , and princes , of this realm ; and did always , of right , belong to them . and that , i believe , it will be no easie matter to do . 1st . i affirm that it is the right of every christian king , to call his clergy together in convocation ; and that without his call , they cannot regularly assemble , to any such purpose , of themselves . but so our law expresly declares ; that the convocation shall evermore be called by the king 's writ : and it is notorious to every one , who has any knowledge in these matters , how dangerous it would be for the clergy to presume to come together without it . 2dly . i assert that the very persons who meet in our convocations , are determined , and empower'd , by the king 's writ ; and that none have a right to assemble , but such as he calls by it . let the writs of summons be examined , and let it there be seen whether the case be not so , as i pretend it to be . let this author tell me , if he can , why such and such dignitaries are required , personally , to come to the convocation ; others to send such a certain number of delegates to represent them ; but that the writ of summons so directs , so authorizes them to do ? and tho' i do not suppose it to be now in the king's power to alter this form , yet the sovereign legislative authority , may , without controversy , do it ; and appoint any other method of framing the lower house of convocation , that should appear to them to be more proper and expedient . 3dly . i declare , that by our law , the convocation can deliberate on no canons , or constitutions , without first obtaining the king's licence so to do . it is the express resolution of the act of submission : and our convocations do accordingly , notoriously , govern their proceedings by it . 4thly , i add , that heretofore , the christian emperors prescribed to their synods , the very method they should observe , in handling the matters which lay before them . this indeed i affirm ; and , i think , i have proved it too . and , if to this end , our king should think fit , either himself to come ; or to appoint any other to preside in his stead , and direct the debates of our synods , as he should command them to do ; i do not see that he would therein do any more , than what some of the best christian princes have done before him . 5thly , i pretend , that to the civil magistrate it belongs to confirm , or annihilate , such of the acts of their synods as they think fit . our laws agree to it ; our kings claim it ; our convocations submit to , and approve , of it . and let those who scruple this , consider , how low they sink the authority of a prince ; if they leave him not the power , which every ordinary person claims , of judging for himself ; but would oblige him , at a venture , to confirm whatsoever the lords of the consistory shall please to define . 6thly . that the prince may alter their constitutions , i no otherwise affirm , than as i say it is in his power to make laws in matters ecclesiastical : and that for the doing of this , he may advise with his clergy , and follow their counsel , so far as he approves of it . thus charles the emperor made up his capitular : and thus any other sovereign prince , may take the canons of the church , and form them in such wise into an ecclesiastical law , as he thinks will be most for the honour of god , and the good of his people . 7thly . in cases of appeals , i shew what power the antient emperors both claim'd , and exercised : and i modestly vindicate to our own sovereign the same authority , which the fathers of the church , without all scruple , allow'd to their princes . and except it be in such cases where the king is a party , and the appeal therefore is to stop at the vpper house of convocation ; i see no reason why this authority should not be reserved to the king , and i conceive the law of our realm does allow of it . 8thly . as for the dissolving of the convocation , that is so evidently a part of the royal jurisdiction , and has been so fully adjudged to belong to the king ; that i do not see what exceptions can be taken at it . however the constant practice of our convocations , in this matter , is on my side : and i have herein ascribed no authority to the prince , but what our clergy , for above these hundred and fifty years last past , have constantly submitted to ; and , by that submission alone , have sufficiently vested in him. but if i am not mistaken in point of law , what is it that deserves so tragical an outcry , as this late author has made against me ? is it , that being a clergy-man my self , i appear'd in defence of the king's authority over the clergy ; and which , in some mens notion , is the same thing as to say , against the rights of the church ? so indeed the convocation seem'd to think , in the case of dr. standish , heretofore ; and so some seem to account it now . but , god be thanked , the reformed church of england , never yet thought it any offence in her clergy to stand up for the just rights of the prince ; nor have i any apprehension that i shall ever be condemn'd , upon this account , by any true members of her communion . and for others , give me leave to ask , only ; am i the first , of our order , that have appear'd on this occasion ? or do i stand alone in this cause ? but what then shall we say of all those learned bishops , and clergy-men , whose books i have here quoted to the same purpose ? nay rather , what shall we say of those whole convocations , who compiled our articles , and canons ? and have obliged us thereby , not only occasionally to defend the kings supremacy ; but to the best of our wit , learning , and knowledge , publickly to declare , and confirm it to our congregations , four times every year . if this be that for which i ought to be censured ; i am afraid so great a part of our order will go along with me , as may make it even scandalous to stay behind : and be number'd among that little , noisy , turbulent party , that now set themselves up as judges over us. but if both the law be on my side ; and it be no improper enterprize for a clergy-man to appear in ; what shall we say , more ? was the time improper ? did i take an unseasonable opportunity of asserting this authority ? nay but this they should have consider'd , who by appearing so eagerly against the princes power over the convocation , made it absolutely necessary for some or other of our church , to do her right ; and let the world know , that she never commission'd any of her members , to broach any such principles , on her behalf . that she is content to act under the royal supremacy ; and is sensible that it is her duty so to do . that if some hot men , ( for ought she knows her enemies , ) will under pretence of asserting such a power to her , as she has always disclaim'd , endeavour to raise any jealousies in the mind of her defender against her ; it is what she cannot help : and she hopes , she shall not be the worse accounted of , for such attempts , as she neither approves of , nor knows how to prevent . and now , there is but one thing more , that can , i think , be objected against my undertaking : and i shall lay it down in the words in which it is charged upon me . for what if the publick from such a work ( inscribed to the metropolitan ) should be tempted to proceed to further resolves against the powers hierarchicall ? this i confess would be such a use of it , as i should be heartily sorry for ; tho' even , in such a case , i cannot tell whether i should ever the more deserve to be censured for what i had done . there can nothing be either so well design'd , or so carefully perform'd , of which an ill use may not be made . and if that should be sufficient to cry down any undertaking , i do not see how we shall be able to satisfie our consciences , in anything we have to do . but , in reason , i am sure the church might have expected to suffer much more by the letter to the convocation man , than by the answer which i made to it . when church-men set up their divine rights , in opposition to the laws of their country ; and upon visionary notions , endeavour to lead men into discontents against their governours ; it is natural , not to say necesiary , for princes to look to themselves , and consider how to stop those attempts at the beginning , which , experience has shewn them , may otherwise , in time , grow too strong for them. it was the intollerable insolence , and vsurpations , of the roman church , that made her first fear'd , then hated ; and , at last , crush'd the hierarchic in many places , to peices . and whatever party shall think fit to pursue the same methods , ought , in all reason , to expect the same treatment . if clergy-men will enjoy the protection of princes , it is but reasonable that they should be content to acknowledge their authority . to contend for more power , than either christ has left us ; or our calling requires , or the bishops , and councils , under the first christian emperours , pretended to , or desired ; is neither prudent , nor justifyable : it is to render the church suspected by the state ; and to set those powers in opposition to , which ought mutually to help , and support , one-another . i have before shewn what opinion a very learned man , upon this ground , had of the act of submission , now so much railed at , in these days . he look'd upon it as a law of great benefit to the church , even for this reason alone , that it freed the civil powers from entertaining any more fears , and jealousies , of the clergy . this was a remark founded upon good reason , as well as upon the experience of those former miscarriages , which the clergy had run into , for want of such a restraint . and i cannot but every day more and more acknowledge the goodness of god towards our church , in that very thing , for which some men so tragically lament the oppression , and slavery , of it : being fully perswaded that nothing , at this day , preserves us from ruin , and desolation ; but that we have not power , of our selves , to do the church a mischief ; and the prince , who sees but too much of our tempers , is too gracious to us , and has too great a concern for the churches good , to suffer us to do it . these are the advantages which i look upon the church to derive to her self from this act. it prevents all jealousies , which either the odd principles , the violent tempers , or the wicked designs , of some men , might justly raise in the minds of our governours against us : and frees them from all . temptation , as well as from all need , of laying any farther restraints upon us. it encourages the civil powers to be willing to allow us both liberty to come together , and leave to deliberate , of what may be profitable to the church ; when ever they shall judge it to be , in any wise , needful , or but proper so to do . and , in the mean while , it hinders us from throwing all into confusion , in such times of faction , and discontent ▪ of heats and animosities , as we are at present in ; to the certain scandal , and division , of the church ; it may be , to a new confusion of all things in the state too . and thus have i deliver'd the real sense of my own conscience , in the matter before me . i have shewn what my principles , as to the kings supremacy , are ; and from whom i have learnt them . that the laws , the articles , and canons of our church , are my instructors : and all these , as explain'd to me , by the greatest , and most eminent of our profession , both for character , and ability , that our church has produced ever since the reformation . all that i desire , in return , is , that those who now appear so vehemently against me , in this point , would as freely declare their sense ; and as plainly shew from whom they have received it . if they can make as fair a plea to our church's patronage , as i have here done , i must then ingenuously own , i have been greatly mistaken . if they cannot , i shall then leave them under this character ; that whatever they may pretend , they must , in reality , be either of the conclave , or of the consistory ; and manage this cause , for the pope , or for the kirk . whether of these parties they will fly unto , to me it is indifferent . this i am sure of , that if they are resolved to hold to our church , in defiance of her doctrine ; they must , at least , be confessed to be in a very low degree of communion with her : she having solemnly , by her canons , excluded them from her sacraments ; and left them no regular method of returning to the participation of them , but by the archbishop's , absolution ; and that upon sincere repentance for what they have done , and after a publick revocation of their present wicked errors . finis . errata . page vii . margin , for 39 can. read 36. p. 9. f. 39. can. r. 36 : p. 68. l. 20. f. attain'd to , r. enjoy'd . the literal errors the reader will please to correct . in my other book of the authority of christian princes : p. 382. blot out line 5. 6 , 7 , 8. in which i find my self to have been mistaken . books printed for r. sare , at grays-inn-gate . the authority of christian princes over their ecclesiastical synods asserted ; with particular respect to their convocations of the clergy of the realm , and church of england . occasioned by a late pamphlet , intituled , a letter to a convocation-man , &c. 8 o price 5 s. a practical discourse concerning swearing 8 o. price 1 s. 6 d. also several sermons upon particular occasions . all by w. wake , d. d. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66109-e1060 municip . eccles . pref. ib. preface . municip . eccles . pref. pag. 2. ib. pag. 3. pag. 4. 39th . can. first can. ibid. p. 107. comp. p. 155. pag. 123 , 124. pag. 109. pag. 177. by the 1 , 2 , and 12. can. preface . p. 160. ⸪ def. of the apolog. p. 590. 605. &c. ‖ bilson . p. 174 179. 182. 184. 186. 200. * whitgift . fol. 700 † tort. torti . 169. 170. pag. 6. 8. 49. 55. see euseb. vit. const. l. 1. p. 352. comp. p. 405. pag. 177. pag. 177. notes for div a66109-e8550 §. 1. § 2. § 3. the act of 25 h. viii c. 19. 26. h. viii . c. 19. § 4. 1 & 2 ph. & m. c. 8. 1 eliz. c. 1. § 5. 1 eliz. c. 1. ib sect. 1. & 2. which i observe in answer to the peevish cavils of a late author against me on this account : municip . eccles. p. 108. 176. see below . §. 39. § 6 the oath of supremacy . 28. h. viii . c. 10. and 35. h. viii . c. 1. * 1 eliz c. 1 , sect. 7. which all persons in h. orders , are , at their ordination , obliged to do . see 1 of w. & m. c. 8. 1. eliz. c. 1. — from the 1st of eliz to the 1st of w. and m. above 130 years . §. 7. the nine and thirty articles . * in the latin article it is supreme . §. 8. see p. 10. municip . eccles. pag. 119. * especially if graduated in the university too . see can. 36. ibid. can. v. 13 eliz. c. 12. §. 9. of the canons of king james the first . comp. munic . eccles. pag. 165. municip . eccles . chap. x. p. 126. pag. 122 , 155 , 176. § 10. excommunication ipso facto . cap. 26. ext. de appellat . heylin ref justified . p. 19. 20. § 11. the testimony of our clergy in defence of this supremacy . municip . eccles . pag. 55. ib. p. 121. 122. § 12. of k. h. 8. & q. mary . institution of a christian man : anno. 1537. see the convocations address to the king ; subscribed by both houses . ‖ regis ▪ senatus , populique angliae sententia de concilio &c. witebergae , anno 1537. a. 5. ib. b. 5. bishop burnet . hist. ref. vol. 1. app. p. 155. 156. regis angl. epistola de synod . vincentina . vitebergae anno. 1539. munucip . eccles . pref. fox m●rt . 2 vol. 347. fox ibid. 3 vol. p. 19. 29. strype . hist. of a. b. cranmer . p. 368. § 13. the parliament . the queen sparrow's collect . p. 67. 1. eliz. c. 1. § 14. all the bishops together . bishop burnet hist of the reform . 2 vol. append . p. 365. 366. 1 eliz. c. 1. sparrows collect . pag. 83. see municip . eccles. p. 107. § 15. a. b. whitgift . defence of the answer to the admonition , &c. ib. p. 700. whose authority the municip . eccles. also , brings against it ; p. 163 , 164. ib. pag. 701. see municip . eccles. p. 173. very foolishlyly , as well as disrespectful , as to this matter . pag. 702. §. 16. archbishop bancroft . see the survey , &c. chap. xxii , xxiii . page 259. page 267. p. 269. municip . eccle . p. 123 , 124. §. 17. bishop jewell . jewell def. of the apolog. p. 582. ibid. p. 592. pag. 558. ibid. p. 600. pag. 597. ibid. p. 604. pag. 602. ibid. p. 558. §. 18. municip . eccles . pref. and pag. 7. bishop bilson . pag. 192 , to 198. — ibid. p. 200 , 249. §. 19. dean nowell . dean nowell's reproof of mr. dorman's book , entituled , a proof , &c. 4 o. lond. 1565. part second . against t. c. before : §. 15. comp. pag 51 , 68 , 257 , 263. §. 20. mr. hooker . eccles. polit. p. 457. pag 459. page 468. §. 21. king james . the king 's works , p. 255. ib p. 427. § 22. bp. andrews . tort. torti . p. 177. comp. municip . eccles. p. 14. 15. see also . p. 174. §. 23. see spotswood , lib. vii . p. 486. calderwood hist. p. 543. ⸪ let the author of the municip . eccles. answer this question better , if he can . §. 24. sermons . pag. 105. pag. 106. comp. municip . eccles. p. 100. 101. pag. 107. comp. municip . eccles. p. 131 , 132 , &c. pag 108. comp. municip . eccles p. 126 , 135 , &c. pag. 109. pag. 110. comp. municip . eccles. p. 6. ib. p. 159. ib. p. 110. ib p. 111. comp. municip eccles. p. 168. comp. municip . eccles. chapt. vi . & vii . ib. p. 112. ib. p. 113. see municip . eccles. p. 115. ib. p. 113. § 25. anno 1603. §. 26. mr. mason . de ministerio anglic. lib. 3. c. 3. pag. 271. page 272. ibid. p. 273. pag. 291 , 292 , — 294. 298. comp. munic . eccles. pag. 108 , 109. ibid. 292 , 300. ib. p. 292 , 298. — 295. — 297. — 289. §. 27. municip . eccles . p. 117. §. 28. king charles i. book of articles , printed anno 1628. rolles rep. hill. 14. jac. in cam. scacc. colt vers . glover . p. 454 , &c. §. 29. archbishop laud. municip . eccles . pag. 117. §. 30. sparrow's collect . p. 345. * therefore not of ours only ; nor by the stat. of h. 8. municip eccles. ‖ therefore not by a divine , unalienable right which they had so to do . * from the writs and commission of king ch. 1. hist. of a b. laud , p. 80 , 81 , 154 , 155 , 282. §. 31. archbishop bramhall . see his w●rks , page 496. municip . eccles . p. 116. page 494. p. 497 , 498. comp. municip . eccles. p. 123 , 124. see his works tom. 1. pag. 88. comp p. 233. ib. § 32. bishop davenant . determin . qu. xix . p. 95. de doub . controv . par . i. p. 73. ib. p. 76. ib. p. 93. § 33. dr. heylin . historic & misc. tracts fol. lond. 1681. pag. 24. comp. municip . eccles. pref. & . p. 107 , 108 , 136 , &c. ib. numb . vi . see the same tract : p. 7 , 23 , 24 , 39 , 40 ▪ 41 , &c. more to the same effect . § 34. ‖ municip . eccles . p. 107. ⸪ ib. p. 114 ▪ 122. &c. ib. p. 119. 13 car. 2. cap. xii . an act for explanation of the 17 car. 1. c. xi . entituled , an act for repeal of a branch of a statute 1 eliz. c. i. concerning commissioners for causes ecclesiastical . ibid. pref. and p. 122. ibid. pref. p. 1 , 2. ibid. p. 119. § ▪ 35. bp. taylour . book iii. ch . 3. rule 4. ib. §. 7 , 8 , 9. ib. rule 8. §. 36. bp parker . ibid. p. 43. ib. p. 48. ib. p. 49. ib. p. 50 , 51. ib. p. 53. ib. p. 56. the case of the church of england stated . § 37. dr. falkner . christian loyalty . p. 42. ib. pag. 44. ib. pag 46. can. 2. comp. munic . eccles. pref. § 38. dr. barrow . see his works , 1st vol. p. 311. ib. comp. p. 211. 216. if the author of the municip . eccles. thinks this account , of the original of synods , clearer than mine , he may take it , as an explanation of my meaning ; and which i see no cause yet to retract . municip . chap. 1. ib. p. 312. ib , p. 320. ib. p 321. comp. p. 185. ib p. 185. ib. p. 188 , 189. ib. ib. p. 191. comp. 192. ib. p. 193. ib. p. 194. 206. ib. p. 204 , 205. ib. p. 24. ib p 251. § 39. ‖ horn against fecknam : bridges against sanders : burhill and tooker mention'd §. 22. sarravia : sutcliffe : whitaker : abbot bp. of salisbury : reynolds against hart : morton bp. of durham against bellarmine : carleton bp. of chichester : dr. ferne. &c. ⸪ municip . eccles. p. 107 , 136. 176. municip . eccles . p. 177. can. 1. ‖ see mr. hooker's judgment , §. 20 bishop andrews , § 34. convoc . of 1640 , §. 30. a. b. bramhall , sect. 31 , &c. * 1 eliz. c. 1. sect. 1. † coke v. rep. cawdries case — id. 4. inst. p. 325 , 326. more 's rep. p. 755. 2. crook rep. p. 73. heylin . ref. just. p. 7 , 23. — see the queen's injunctions ; above sect. 7. canons of k. james , §. 9. 4 inst. pag. 340. §. 40. municip . eccles . pref. 1. can. § 41. §. 42. municip . eccles pref. p. 5. comp. p. 3. see above §. 37. §. 43. an historical treatise, written by an author of the communion of the church of rome, touching transubstantiation wherein is made appear, that according to the principles of that church, this doctrine cannot be an article of faith. traitté d'un autheur de la communion romaine touchant la transsubstantiation. english dufour de longuerue, louis, 1652-1733. 1687 approx. 226 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36765) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66013) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 688:20) an historical treatise, written by an author of the communion of the church of rome, touching transubstantiation wherein is made appear, that according to the principles of that church, this doctrine cannot be an article of faith. traitté d'un autheur de la communion romaine touchant la transsubstantiation. english dufour de longuerue, louis, 1652-1733. wake, william, 1657-1737. the second edition. [8], 73 p. printed for richard chiswell ..., london : 1687. translation of traitté d'un autheur de la communion romaine touchant la transsubstantiation. running title: an historical treatise of transubstantiation. addenda: p. 73. includes bibliographical references. translated by william wake. first edition of same year has title: a treatise ... reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng transubstantiation. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2005-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historical treatise written by an author of the communion of the church of rome . touching transubstantiation . wherein is made appear , that according to the principles of that church , this doctrine cannot be an article of faith . the second edition . london , printed for richard chiswell , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard . mdclxxxvii . the preface . it is well known that there are in the communion of the church of rome , a great many learned persons , that do not approve of all which it teacheth , and that do earnestly long for a reformation , although they remain within its bosome . but it is no less true that there 's but very few , that have the courage to make their thoughts known , and 't is no hard matter to guess at the reasons of it . in the last age , one picherel , and some others of great note , wrote solid treatises on certain matters of controversie , and explain'd themselves just as protestants do now . and in the present , monsieur de marca did the same , on the doctine of the eucharist , and barnes , an eminent benedictine , on most of the principal questions wherein protestants differ from the church of rome . but as if every one feared such usage as father paolo , and poor barnes found , for the liberty they had taken , the works of these sincere and learned men , have almost always been supprest during their life-time , and not suffer'd to come abroad till after their decease . it is therefore something more than ordinary , to behold the work of a person now living , and of the communion of the church of rome , that dares shew the like affection for the reformation of his church in the doctrine of the eucharist , and that heartily wishes , the bishops and clergy of france , would take it into their serious consideration . this person is considerable for his quality , but much more for his great learning . he was an intimate friend of the late monsieur de launoy's , a noted divine of the faculty of paris , who mightily desired to see a free council , wherein men might speak their thoughts touching the reforming of the romish church ; and it plainly appears he was of the same judgment with this eminent person , touching the doctrine of transubstantiation . the reader may rest assured that the author's manuscript copy has been exactly follow'd in the edition of this work ; which not only his letters , now in our hands , will justifie , but also the original of these papers , which he sent to a friend to be printed . it is to be hoped the world will not take it ill , if the author of this work be not more particularly described , which could not be done without exposing him to the malice of those who use all manner of ways to destroy such of their party , as do own the truth . it nearly behoves the bishops and clergy of france , to make some serious reflections upon what the author thought fit to represent to them concerning transubstantiation . the same might have been said to the other articles of the romish belief , which are rejected by protestants , as so many additions to the ancient faith of the primitive christians ; which are impos'd upon mens consciences by the clergy , by such unheard-of ways , and that are so contrary to the nature of religion . if such remonstrances as these , are not of sufficient force to make them change their proceedings against protestants ; they will at least serve to shew their injustice before men , and will one day aggravate their condemnation before the tribunal of god. the contents . introduction . the method proposed by the assembly of the clergy of france to judge of articles of faith. pag. 1 this method admitted by protestants . 2 transubstantiation to be examined by it . ib. part i. that several of the doctors of the church of rome have confess'd that transubstantiation is no ancient doctrine . 3 so suarez . 3 scotus . ib. d'alliaeo . ib. card. cusa . ib. erasmus . ib. alphonsus à castro . 4 tonstal , bishop of durham . ib. cassander . ib. ch. du . moulin . ib. j. yribarne . ib. mons. de marca . ib. part ii. that the ancients did not believe transubstantiation . proved : in general . first , the papists themselves confess , that transubstantiation is not expresly mentioned not taught in scripture . 5 so , scotus . ib. ockham . ib. alphonsus de castro . ib. gabriel biel. ib. card. cajetane . ib. secondly , that transubstantiation comprehending infinite difficulties , we do not yet find that either the jews or gentiles have objected any thing to the christians in their disputes against it . ib. not trypho . ib. not celsus . ib. not julian . ib. who yet have traduced most of the mysteries of our religion . 7 which plainly shews that transubstantiation was not then known . ib. in particular . transubstantiation was not believed by any of the fathers of the church . this shewn in those of the several ages . cent . ii. justine martyr . 8 irenaeus . 9 clemens alexandr . 10 theodotus . ib. cent iii. tertullian . 11 origen . 13 cyprian . 15 cent . iv. eustathius . 16 eusebius caesariensis . ib. cyrillus hierosol . 17 macharius . ib. s. basil. 18 ephrem edessenus . ib. epiphanius . 19 gregorius naz. ib. gregorius nyssen . 20 s. ambrose . 21 gaudentius . 22 s. chrysostom . ib. cent . v. s. jerome . 26 s. austine . 27 theodoret. 37 arnobius jun. 38 prosper . ib. hesychius . 39 procopius gazeus . ib. p. gelasius . 40 cent . vi. fulgentius . 41 ephrem antioch . ib. facundus . ib. primasius . 42 cent . vii , viii . isidorus hispalensis . 43 beda . 44 sedulius . ib. jo. damascenus . ib. concil . constantinop . 45 alcuinus . 46 carolus m. 47 officium ambrosianum . ib. ordo romanus . ib. cent . ix . theodorus studita . 48 ahyto . ib. theodulphus . 49 rabanus . 51 amalarius . 52 walafridus strabo . 54 herribald . ib. trudegard . 55 ratramne . ib. jo. erigena . 56 prudentius . 58 christian drutmar . ib. florus diacon . 60 cent . x. alferic , a. b. cant. 61 wolphinus . ib. saxon homil. ib. fulcuinus . 62 herriger . ib. monast. cluny . ib. ratherius . 63 cent . xi . auth. life of s. genulphe . 64 leuthericus . ib. fulbertus . ib. berno . 65 bruno . 66 gregory vii . p. ib. theophylact. 67 nicetas pectoratus . ib. chronicon malleac . ib. cent . xii . honorius . 67 rupertus . 68 zonaras . ib. amalaricus . ib. cent . xiii . &c. of the council of lateran . 69 that several after it did not believe transubstantiation . guido le gros. 69 reginald peacock . 70 guido cluv. 71 jo. of paris . ib. albert. m. 72. durand . ib. cornelius bp. of bitonte . ib. dominicus bannes . ib. conclus . to the clergy of france , that they ought not to press upon the protestants the belief of transubstantiation . 72 an historical treatise of transubstantiation . written by one of the church of rome . the bishops of france in their last assembly held at paris in the year 1682. compos'd a pastoral letter addressed to the protestants , to invite them to return to the communion of the church of rome . and because in order to put an end to their differences in matters of religion , some rule must be agreed on to be received by the different parties ; they laid down several principles which they called methods , as fit to be made use of , whereby to judge what should be received as an article of faith. in the fourth method they laid down as a maxim , that the true means to discern what relates to matter of faith , or not ; is to see if the article which is to be admitted , was always believed as matter of faith ; that is to say , that the french bishops admitted in their pastoral letter , the maxim which vincentius lyrinensis left us above 1100. years ago ; that great care must be taken to retain in the catholick church , what hath been believed every where , by all , and at all times , as being the true means whereby to discern what is matter of faith , and what is not . this same is the rule given by pope pius the fourth , who obliges them to swear in the profession of faith , added to the council of trent , that the holy scriptures should not be interpreted , † but by the unanimous consent of the ancient fathers . the protestants have thought this maxim so reasonable , that monsieur larroque a french minister , saith in his preface to the history of the eucharist , that he believes there is no man of sense , but ought to admit of it . and it was received as a rule of faith by the reform'd church of england , by philip melancthon , by peter martyr , gallasius , scultetus , casaubon , grotius , vessius , beza , and by gesselius , ( who recites their authorities , ) in the preface of his history of memorable things from the creation of the world , to the year of christ , 1125. seeing therefore that the bishops of france have propos'd to us so just a method , let us examine if the doctrine of transubstantiation be a doctrine of faith ; and prove it , not because the council of trent has defin'd it so ; or that the council of lateran in the year 1215. suppos'd it to be so , non quia ipsam quam tenemus fidem commendaverit milevitanus optatus , vel mediolanensis ambrosius , aut quia collegarum nostrorum conciliis ipsa praedicta est , saith s. austin against the donatists , de unit . eccles. cap. 16. but because 't is contain'd in the holy scriptures , and understood in that sense by the unanimous consent of the doctors and councils that have gone before us . this is what we now undertake to perform by the assistance of god's holy spirit , and with a disposition of mind free from all malice and prejudice , according to what caesar saith in salust , in the beginning of the book of cataline , omnes homines qui de rebus dubiis consultant , ab ira & odio vacuos esse debere , & haud facile animum pervidere verum , ubi illa officiunt . and st. austin upon the book against the letter of the manichean , by them called the letter of foundation ; ut autem facilius mitescatis , &c. nemo nostrum se jam quaeramus quasi ab utrisque nesciatur , ita enim diligenter & concorditer quaeri poterit , si nulla temeraria prasumptions inventa & cognita esse credatur . but not to over-burthen this small treatise with too great a number of arguments or citations , we will chiefly examine two things ; first , who those catholick doctors are , that believed the doctrine of transubstantiation not to be ancient . secondly , if what those doctors have writ be true : and whether we can indeed produce sufficient authorities to believe that the ancient church did not hold nor believe it . part i. in the first place , that there have been catholick doctors which have taught , that transubstantiation is no ancient doctrine , * suarez formally asserteth it , although indeed he saith , their opinion ought to be corrected . the truth , is , peter lombard master of the sentences , saith expresly , si quaeras qualis sit illa conversio , an formalis , an substantialis , an alterius generis , definire non audeo . secondly , † scotus saith , that there were formerly three opinions touching the changing the bread into the body of christ , the first of which held that the bread remain'd in the eucharist , in the paragraph , quantum ergo ad istum articulum , &c. he saith , that at present the church of rome holds transubstantiation . nunc ⸫ autem ipsa tenet ( sancta rom. ecclesia ) panem transubstantiari . and a little under , he saith , ad tertium ubi stat vis , dicendum quod ecclesia declaravit istum intellectum esse de veritate fidei , in illo symbolo edito sub innocentio tertio in concilio lateraenensi . and since this declaration made by this council held in the year 1215. it . is an article of faith. tenendum est esse de substantia fidei , & hoc post istam declarationem solemnem . * bellarmine doth own that scotus did believe transubstantiation was no article of faith before the council of lateram under innocent the third ; but he adds , that 't was because scotus did not know of the council held under gregory the seventh , and that he had not read the authorities of the fathers which saith bellarmine , i have now recited . thirdly , † peter dayly , cardinal and bishop of cambray saith , it doth not clearly follow from the determination of the church , that the substance of bread ceaseth , therefore he doth not believe this to be the ancient doctrine . fourthly , * cardinal cusa , excit . l. 6. serm. 40. super una oblatione , consummavit , &c. saith , that there were some ancient divines which did not believe transubstantiation . fifthly , † erasmus in his notes on the first to the corinthians , saith , that it was late ere the church established transubstantiation . * sixthly , alphonsus à castro , saith , that the ancient writers very seldom spake of transubstantiation . seventhly , † tonstall bishop of durham about the middle of the last century , speaking of the breads being changed into the body of christ , saith , it were much better to leave it to the liberty of christians to believe as they pleas'd , of the manner in which this change is made , as it was practis'd in the church , before the council of lateran . eighthly , cassander in his consultation with the emperour maximilian the second , touching the differences of religion , confesseth that transubstantiation is a novelty , and that 't were much better to keep to the terms of the ancients ; that the abuses therein , approach near to idolatry . ninthly , charles du moulin , the oracle of the french civilians , upon the edicts and ordinances of france , against the injuries of popes , num. 406. speaks in these terms ; innocent the third , forged , or at least established it as a general article of faith , and as necessary to be believed by all , as that of the holy trinity , the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the true body and true blood of jesus christ. tenthly , john yribarne a spanish divine , in the 4th . sent. dist. 11. q. 3. disp. 42. s. 1. saith , that in the primitive church is was matter of faith , that the body of jesus christ was contain'd under the species of bread and wine , but that 't was not any matter of faith to hold that the substance of bread was changed into the flesh of jesus christ , and that it subsisted no longer after consecration . eleventhly , monsieur de marca , archbishop of paris in his posthumous dissertations , saith , in his french treatise of the sacrament of the eucharist , that until s. chrysostom's time , it was believed the bread was the body of jesus christ by a marvelous change that comes on the bread ; but that it becomes united to the incarnate word and to his natural body , the bread not changing its nature , and yet not going into the draught ; which is a kind of pious consideration which he added against origen . part ii. as for the second point , which is to see if there is effectively to be found in the writings of the ancients , sufficient authorities to believe that the ancients did not believe transubstantiation . before i alledge their authorities , two reflections may be made . first , that our own authors do observe , that transubstantiation is not expresly mention'd nor taught in the scriptures . * scotus cited by bellarmine , of the eucharist , lib. 3. cap. 23. saith , it doth not plainly follow from the words of jesus christ , this is my body , that the bread is transubstantiated . † ockam saith of transubstantiation , that it cannot be proved by natural reason , nor by authority of the bible , but only by the authority of the ancients . * alfonsus de castro disapproves what ockham says , that it can be proved by the authority of the ancients , for he saith , that it was not to be found , no more than indulgences were , in the writings of the ancients . gabriel † biel speaking of transubstantiation , saith , that it is not expresly taught in the holy scriptures . cardinal * cajetan does not find the words of jesus christ this is my body , clear , neither for the real presence , nor for transubstantiation , without the determination of the church be joyned to them . the second reflection , is that transubstantiation comprehending a great many difficulties quite contrary to natural reason , none of the jews nor pagan philosophers , disputing against the ancient christians , ever dream'd of making any objections against it in their disputations . trypho the jew charges us with things monstrous , incredible , and strangely invented ; as what we teach of jesus christ's being before aaron , and abraham , that he took on him our nature , that he was horn of a virgin , that god should be born , be made man ; that we should adore a man , that we should put our trust in him , and that we should invoke another god besides the creator , all this appears in s. justin martyr , in his dialogue against trypho . the pagans reproach us for saying god has a son , that this son should appear in humane shape , and they stile it the follies of the christian discipline ; that god should be born , and that he should be born of a virgin , and be a god of flesh , crucised and buried ; the last judgment , the pains of eternal fire , the joys of heaven , the resurrection of the dead . all this appears by clement of alexandria stromat . l. 6. by tertullian his apologet. ch . 21. 47. in his treatise of the flesh of christ , ch . 4. and 5. and in his treatise of the testimony of the soul , ch . 4. by s. justin in his second apology , and arnobius in his second book . celsus , in * origen , scoffs at the incarnation , as of a thing unworthy of god. in the sixth book , he laughs that we should believe god should be born of a virgin. in the third and eighth book , he saith of christians , that they honour with a religious worship even above all religion , a man that was a prisoner and that suffered death . he even thereby pleads for the plurality of his gods : as if christians were not satisfi'd in worshipping one god , under colour that they adored jesus christ ; if christians , saith he in the eighth book , worshipped but one god , they might have some colour to despise others . but they pay infinite honours to him that has but very lately appear'd , and yet they don't think they displease god when they serve and honour his minister . julian the apostate oppos'd the mystery of the incarnation , the divinity of jesus christ , the salvation he purchas'd for us by the price of his blood ; he reproaches us with the glorious title of mother of god , which we give to the blessed virgin ; he contests the mystery of the trinity of persons and unity of essence , accusing us of contradicting moses , who said , there is but one god. he reproaches us for baptism ; see , saith he , what paul saith to them , that they are sanctified and cleansed by water , as if water could penetrate to the soul , to wash and purifie it ; baptism can't so much as cleanse a leper , nor a scurf , it cannot heal a cancer nor the gout . he aggravates what we read , that god visits the iniquity of the fathers upon the children , thereby to endeavour to attack the doctrine of original sin. he boldly questions what god saith in the book of numbers touching phineas , that thrust his javelin through the body of an israelite that committed folly with a midianitish woman , which turn'd away god's anger from the children of israel , and hinder'd him from consuming them . let us suppose , saith he , that there had been to the number of one thousand that had attempted to have transgressed the law of god , ought six hundred thousand to have been destroy'd for the sake of one thousand ; it seems to me to have been much juster to have saved one ill man with so many good ones , than to involve so much good men in the ruine of one bad one . there 's scarce any of our mysteries that have not been censur'd by the jews or pagans ; yet 't is very strange that not one should accuse us of admitting in the eucharist , accidents without substance , whiteness without any thing that 's white , roundness without any thing round ; weight without any thing that 's weighty ; a corruption whereunto the species are subject , without any thing that 's capable of being corrupted ; a nourishment in the symbols , without any thing that can nourish ; a power in the wine to be smelt without any thing that may be smelled . no body ever reproach'd us with so strange a thing , that a man with one word should destroy a substance which he holdeth in his hands , and that nevertheless against the testimony of all the senses , i see that which is no more ; i feel that which i do not feel , i taste that which i do not taste , i understand that which i do not understand ; i touch that which i do not touch , that i should be nourished with nothing ; that my taste should be delighted with nothing ; that my eyes and ears should de struck with nothing . the three reflections we have hitherto made , that many of the antient catholick doctors have not believed transubstantiation to be antient ; that they have judged it could not evidently be deduced from the holy scriptures ; and , that the antient pagan philosophers have not reproached us with it , are three very strong suppositions to make us mightily doubt the antiquity of this doctrine . but to shew evidently that 't was but in the last ages that this opinion was made an article of faith , we need only consult the doctors of the primitive church , and see if they have effectively explain'd the eucharist by the systeme of transubstantiation . that the fathers of the second century did not believe transubstantiation . s. iustin martyr saith , that after the common prayers were ended , there was presented to the chief of the brethren , which was god's minister , the bread and the wine , mixt with water , which he receiv'd into his hands , and giving thanks and glory to the father of heaven and earth , through iesus christ his son , and the holy ghost , &c. and the said president or minister having ended his thanksgiving , the people having all said amen , those whom we call deacons and ministers , attending on this holy service , give to every one present at the holy communion , part of this holy bread , so blessed and glorify'd ; and also of the holy liquor mixt of wine and water , upon which prayers had been made . and a little lower , behold , lord , we do not receive this bread nor this wine as common bread and wine , but as iesus christ is become flesh and blood by the word , so also the nourishment which by the word is become a sacrament , and of which by conversion and change , our flesh and blood are nourish'd , is as we have learned , the flesh and blood of iesus christ incarnate . if st. iustin had believed that the substance of the bread , wine , and water had been changed after consecration , so that they had been destroy'd , how could he have said , that after consecration the deacons did distribute to the people the bread , the wine , and the water ? secondly , when he saith , we do not take this bread and wine as common bread and wine : this language amongst the antient doctors intimates , that both the one and the other do still subsist , but that by consecration , they have acquir'd a new use and quality . as when cyril of ierusalem catech. 3. ad illum . saith , approach not to baptism as to common water . or as gregory nyssen saith of baptism , do not despise the holy font , and look not upon it as common water . to conclude , this blessed martyr saith , our body and blood are nourish'd by the change of the eucharistical food , which converts and turns it self into our flesh and blood. these words plainly shew , that 't is the bread and wine which are turn'd into our substance , into our flesh , and into our blood , seeing that 't is certain , that the real flesh and blood of jesus christ , is not converted into our flesh and blood. so when iustin saith , that the sacramental food is the body and blood of jesus christ , that imports , that 't is not common bread and wine , but a bread and wine which is to be consider'd as the flesh and blood of the word incarnate . s. irenaeus proves against valentine and his followers , that our bodies shall not be destroy'd , and by consequence that they shall be raised incorruptible by receiving the sacrament , as the bread of the eucharist becomes supernatural by the invocation of the holy ghost . we establish in the eucharist , saith s. irenaeus , the communion and unity of the flesh and of the spirit ; for as the bread which is of the earth , receiving the invocation of god , is no longer common bread , but is the sacrament compos'd of two things , one terrestrial , and the other celestial : so also our bodies which receive the eucharist , are no longer corruptible , but have the hope of a future resurrection . this passage doth suppose , that the bread remains in the eucharist ; in the first place , because if consecration did destroy the substance of the bread and wine , it must be confess'd the holy doctor had taken wrong measures , to shew that the flesh is not destroy'd by the grace of the holy spirit , by the bread of the eucharist , which it self should be destroy'd by the grace of the spirit which comes upon it . secondly , because a little before , irenaeus saith , how is it they say , the flesh shall be destroy'd and turn to corruption , seeing it is nourish'd with the body and blood of christ ? now the flesh is fed by the conversion of nourishment into the body , which not being to be said of iesus christ , is only to be apply'd to the bread. moreover these words , that the eucharist is compos'd of two things , sufficiently shew , that the bread remains ; for to say irenaeus means by a terrestrial thing , the accidents of bread & wine , besides that s. austin saith in the second book of soliloquies , chap. 12. that 't is a thing monstrous to say that accidents subfist without a subject ; irenaeus also himself saith , book 2. cap. 14. that water cannot be without moisture , fire without heat , a stone without hardness . for these things are so united , that the one cannot be separated from the other , but the one must subsist in the other . so in like manner , by this terrestrial thing must be understood the bread , as s. gregory naz. saith in his fourth oration according to bilius his version , baptism also is compos'd of two things , water and the spirit ; the one is visible and is meant in a corporal manner , but the other is invisible and operates after a spiritual manner ; the one is typical , the other cleanseth that which is inward , and most hidden . clement of alexandria saith the same in different terms . the blood of christ is twofold , the one is carnal , whereby we are deliver'd from corruption , the other is spiritual , whereby we are anointed , and that is to drink the blood of iesus christ , to be partakers of the incorruption of the lord. now the virtue of the word is the holy spirit , as the blood is the vertue of the flesh. by analogy then , the wine , mixt with water , as the spirit with man ; and this mixture makes the wine the pleasanter to drink , but the spirit leadeth to incorruption . now this mixture of the one with the other , to wit , of the wine and the word , is called eucharist , which is highly esteem'd , whereby those who worthily partake of it by faith , are sanctify'd both in their body and soul. when clement of alexandria said that the eucharist is a mixture of wine and the word , it is a composition , a mixture , which could not be , if there was but the word only in the eucharist . for a mixture is at least of two things . so the fathers have called jesus christ , a mixture of god and man. the body of man , saith s. austin , is a mixture of body and soul ; the person of christ is a mixture of god and man. the epitome of theodotus saith , the bread and oyl are sanctified by the virtue of the name , and they remain not what they were before , though to look on them they seem to be the same , but by virtue , they are are changed into a spiritual force . so water sanctified is become baptism , it not only retains what 's less , but also acquires a sanctification . the author saith , the bread is changed , but when he adds that 't is into a spiritual virtue , he quite excludes the change of its substance ; for by virtue , and spiritual , cannot be understood any other change but that of virtue and quality , seeing this author speaks of this change , as being common to the water of baptism , to the oyl of unction , and to the bread of the eucharist . that the fathers of the third century did not believe transubstantiation . tertullian in his first book against marcion , shewing that jesus christ is not contrary to the creator , as this heretick affirm'd , saith in his 14th . chap. hitherto jesus christ has not condemn'd the water wherewith he cleanseth his children , nor the oyl wherewith he anoints them , nor the hony nor the milk whereby he makes them his children , nor the bread by which he represents his body . by this passage , the bread represents the body of jesus christ , therefore the bread remains in the sacrament , and this bread is not really jesus christ , because what doth represent , is another thing than what is represented . two things have been said on this place of tertullian ; first , that the bread signifies the accidents of bread ; the second that the word represent , does signify in this place , to make present : as when in a court of justice a prisoner is made appear as often as he is demanded . against the former , there 's no reason to believe that tertullian speaking of water , of oyl , of hony , and milk , should intend to speak of their accidents , but of their very substance , and that speaking of bread , he should speak only of its accidents . against the second it 's most certain that in matter of sacraments , the term to signify is taken literally , to signify . s. austin saith , ep. 5. the signs , when applyed to holy things , are called sacraments . tertullian explains himself clearly lib. 3. against marcion , so that there 's no cause of doubting , when he saith , that jesus christ has given to the bread the priviledge of being the figure of his body . the same tertullian lib. 4. contra marcion . cap. 40. doth prove that jesus christ had a real body , and not one in shew only , as marcion dream'd , and he proves it by this argument : that which hath a figure ought to be real and true ; now jesus christ hath in the eucharist a figure of his body , therefore the body of jesus christ is real and true , and not a phantome . jesus christ , saith tertullian , having taken the bread which he distributed amongst his disciples , he made it his body , saying , this is the figure of my body : now it had been no figure , if jesus christ had not had a real and true body ; for an empty thing as a phantasm is , is not capable of having any figure . from hence 't is concluded , that the bread being the figure of the body of jesus christ , and that which is a figure , being distinguished from the thing signified , the bread of the eucharist is not properly and truely the body of jesus christ , and so the bread is not destroy'd , but remains to be the figure of the body of jesus christ. if it be said , the bread is destroy'd , and that the accidents of bread are the figure of the body of jesus christ , this gives up the victory to marcion , to prove , that jesus christ had a true body , and not one in shew only , because jesus christ hath in the eucharist the figure of bread , which is bread only in appearance . marcion might have retorted the argument and said , according to you , tertullian , the sacrament is the figure of the body of jesus christ ; now as this figure is bread in appearance , and is called bread only because of the outward accidents and qualities which it retains , so also the body of jesus christ was only a body in appearance , and was called a body because it had the outward accidents and qualities . again , as tertullian saith , that jesus christ distributed to his disciples the bread which he had taken to make it the figure of his body ; it is most certain he took true bread , and by consequence , that he distributed true bread. the same tertullian in his treatise of the soul , disputing against the accademitians that questioned the truth of the testimony of the senses , saith to them , that we must not at all doubt of the testimony of the senses , lest occasion might farther be taken to doubt the actions of the humanity of jesus christ , that it might not be said , that it was untrue that he saw satan fall from heaven ; that it was not true , that he heard the father's voice from heaven bearing witness to his son ; that he was deceived when he touched peter's wifes mother ; that he was deceived when he smelt the sweet odour which he was pleas'd to accept for the preparation to his death ; or , that he tasted the wine that he consecrated in remembrance of his blood. it is evident that to consecrate wine in remembrance of blood , cannot be understood of a substance which is destroy'd all saving the accidents ; this manner of expression in the language of the ancients signifying no more , but that a substance remains always in its first state , only attains to a higher degree , which is , to be the sacrament of a heavenly and supernatural thing . to conclude , if tertullian had believed that the wine had been destroy'd , and that nothing but the appearance was left , against the testimony of all the senses , had it not been an unpardonable fault in tertullian , to prove that the senses could not be deceived by the example of the eucharist , where the senses are quite deceived ? origen did not believe transubstantiation when he said in his commentary on the 13th . chap. of s. matth. expounding these words of the gospel , what enters into the mouth defiles not the man &c. as there 's nothing that 's impure of it self to him that 's polluted and incredulous , but a thing is impure , by reason of his impurity and incredulity ; so also , that which is sanctifyed by the word of god and prayer , doth not sanctify by its proper nature , him that uses it : if it were so , it would also sanctify him that cats unworthily of the lord , and none should have been weak , nor sick , nor should have fallen asleep , by reason of so eating — . if all that enters into the mouth goes into the belly , and there is cast out into the draught , this food which is sanctifyed by the word of god , and by prayer , goes also into the belly and is cast out into the draught , according to its material substance ; but according to the prayer which has been thereunto added , it becomes profitable according to the measure of faith , by causing the mind to become inlightned , having regard to what is profitable ; and 't is not the matter of bread , but the words which have been pronounc'd upon it , that avails him which eateth in such a manner as is not unworthy of the lord , and this may be said of the body typical , or symbolical ; many things might be said also of the word made flesh , and true nourishment , the which whosoever eats shall never dye , and which no wicked person can eat ; for could it be that he which continues wicked should eat of the word incarnate , seeing he is the word and bread of life , it would not have been written , whosoever eateth this bread shall live eternally . when he saith of the bread of the eucharist , that it sanctifieth not of it self , it cannot he understood of the true body of jesus christ , but of the bread which remains . when he saith , this bread sanctified by the invocation of god , and by prayer , remains in its material being , it means plainly , that it remains in its former substance . when he saith , that this bread as to the matter of it goes down into the belly , and is cast into the draught as the other meats : this not being to be understood of jesus christ without blaspheming , is necessarily to be understood of the bread. when he calls this bread the typical body , it shews plainly , that this not being the true body , it is not transubstantiated . when having spoken of the typical body , he after speaks of the word made flesh , which cannot but give life to those which eat and receive him ; he sufficiently distinguisheth the bread of the eucharist from jesus christ ; the former of which may be mortal , but the latter can never be so to those who receive and eat him . this passage is so clear and evident , that sixtus senensis in his bibl. l. 6. annot . 66. found no better expedient than to say , that 't was probable , this passage had been corrupted by the hereticks . gennebrard and du perron suspected erasmus to have ill translated it : but the learned monsieur huet , nominated to be bishop of soissons , saith , it evidently appears by the original greek , that this passage is no way changed . the same origen saith , in tom. 32. of his commentary on s. john , that the morsel of bread christ gave to judas and those he gave the apostles , saying , take , eat , were of the same sort . now if the morsel given to judas was true bread , as it is granted , and if the bread given the other apostles was not true bread , then the one and the other were not of the same kind . the same origen in the seventh homily on leviticus , saith , that jesus christ before his passion , drank wine , but being ready to suffer , he refused to drink it ; ubi vero tempus advenit crucis suae , accipiens , inquit , galicem benedixit , & dedit discipulis suis , dicens , accipite & bibite ex hoc . vos , inquit , bibite quia non accessuri estis and altare , ipse autem tanquam accessurus ad altare dicit , amen , dico vobis quia non bibam de generatione vitis hujus , usque quò bibam illud novum vobiscum in regno patris mei . origen affirms , that our saviour in celebrating the eucharist , did not drink wine , because he was ready to approach the altar ( of his passion ) and that the apostles did drink wine , because they were not yet ready to approach to the altar of martyrdom . and that in this sense , the figure of the old testament was accomplished , where 't was forbidden to aaron and his priests to drink wine when they were about to approach to the altar . all this discourse is false , if jesus christ spake not these words of true wine , i will not drink , &c. and if what the apostles drank was not true wine . let us see now what st. cyprian saith , the sacrifice of the lord recommends to us unity : for when jesus christ called his body , the bread which is made of several grains , he recommended the unity of christian people ; and when he called his blood , the wine , made of several grains and grapes , he represented one flock united by the band of charity . now these words , where jesus christ called the bread his body , and the wine his blood , is as if he had said of the bread , this is my body , and of the wine , this is my blood. and if hereunto we add the words of the jesuite salmeron , who said , if jesus christ had said , this bread is my body , and this wine is my blood , it would have obliged us to have understood these words in a figurative sense , because the bread cannot be a humane body , nor the wine blood , but in a figurative sense . bellarmine saith the same ; if jesus christ had said , this bread is my body , this proposuion must be understood in a figurative sense ; otherwise the expression would be absurd and impossible . now as we see s. cyprian saith , that jesus christ said of the body , that 't is his body , and of the wine , that 't was his blood , it must be concluded therefore that jesus christ said of the bread and wine , that they were his body and blood , that is to say , that the bread and wine were his body and blood in figure , both the one and the other being represented and signified by the bread and wine . and therefore in his epistle to cecilius , where at large he proves the wine must be mingled with water , he saith , if there be no wine in the cup , the blood of jesus christ cannot be represented to us , because 't is the wine that represents to us the blood of jesus christ. and again , vini ubique mentio est , & ideo ponitur ut i omini sanguis vino intelligatur . he saith of the water , that , sola christi sanguinem non potest exprimere . in aqua vidimus populum intelligi , in vino ostendi sanguinem christi . so that seeing st. cyprian saith , that the wine representeth , expresseth , sheweth , and makes us see the blood of jesus christ , as the water representeth , expresseth , and shews us the christian people , it cannot be imagin'd that st. cyprian believed the wine was destroy'd , but on the contrary , he believed that after consecration , the wine remained , and that 't was true wine that he called his blood , according to what he saith in the same letter , quia in parte invenimus calicem mixtum fuisse quem dominus obtulit , & vinum fuisse quod sanguinem suum dixit . that the fathers of the fourth century did not believe transubstantiation . eustathius , patriarch of antioch , upon these words of solomon in the proverbs , eat my bread , and drink the wine which i have prepar'd ; saith , that the wise man by the bread and wine did foreshew the antitypes of the body of jesus christ : now that which is a type , is an image ; what is an image cannot be the thing but in figure : so that the bread is not destroy'd , because it is the type and the image . eusebius of caesarea , interpreting these words of genesis , chap. 49. vers. 12. his eyes shall be red with wine , and his teeth white with milk , saith , that the first words signifie the joy that the mystical wine doth cause in the disciples of jesus christ when he saith to them , take , drink ye all of this , &c. and these words , the teeth white with milk , do signifie the purity and cleanness of the mystical food , which are the symbols which jesus christ left to his disciples , commanding them to celebrate the image of his proper body ; not requiring any more bloody sacrifices , and commanded to make use of bread for the symbol of his body . seeing then that according to this ancient doctor , the wine is the symbol of the blood of christ , and the bread the figure of his body , and both the one and the other an image of the body and blood , the image is not that of which 't is an image ; and by consequence , in the eucharist , besides the body of jesus christ , there is also bread and wine , which do represent and shew him ; it being evident by the text of this author , that he understood the words of jesus christ , this is my body , in this sense , this is the symbol of my body . cyril of jerusalem saith , quemadmodum panis eucharisticus post spiritûs sancti invocationem , non amplius est panis communis , sed est corpus christi , sic & sanctum hoc unguentum non amplius est unguentum illud . macharius , a noted hermite in egypt , who wrote his homilies about the year 368. saith in the 27th homily , that before the birth of jesus christ , the wise men , holy men , kings and prophets , knew that jesus christ was to come to be a redeemer , but they knew not that he was to suffer death , that he was to be crucify'd , and that he should shed his blood on the cross , and that they had not attain'd so far as to know there should be a baptism of fire and of the holy ghost , and that in the church should be offered bread and wine , antitypes of the body and blood of jesus christ , and that those which eat of this visible bread , should spiritually eat the flesh of the lord. this father saying that the antitype of the flesh and blood of jesus christ is bread and wine , doth suppose the bread remains , as not being the real body of jesus christ , but a type of it : now the type is not the verity , sed umbra veritatis , saith st. ambrose , de side l. 3. c. 8. and by consequence , there is in the eucharist something else besides the body it self of jesus christ. and when he saith , that those which take the visible bread , do spiritually eat the flesh of christ , he gives us sufficiently to understand , that in this august sacrament , there is besides the flesh of jesus christ a visible bread , and that the visible bread is eaten corporally , and the flesh of jesus christ spiritually . st. basil , bishop of caesaria , in his epistle to caesarea , saith , that at alexandria , and in aegypt , each lay-person for the most part , kept the eucharist by them , and communicated themselves when they pleased ; and if they receive from the priest a morsel of the consecrated bread , they may receive the holy sacrament daily if they list , taking some of it to day , and the rest to morrow . for , saith he , the priest in the church gives a good piece or morsel of the eucharist , and he that takes it , doth communicate himself at his pleasure . now , saith he , as to the validity and vertue of the sacrament , it is one and the same , whether one receives one morsel , or two , of the priest. in what sense can it be understood that one receives several parts or parcels in the eucharist ? it cannot be meant of jesus christ , whose body cannot be divided into morsels ; it must therefore be understood , that st. basil believed that the bread remained in the eucharist as a typical and symbolical body of jesus christ. ephrem deacon of the church of edessa , contemporary with st. basil , and whose writings st. jerom reports in his catalogue , were read in the church after the holy scriptures ; he saith , in the treatise he wrote , that men should not search too curiously into the nature of god ; consider diligently ( saith this holy deacon ) how jesus christ taking the bread into his hands , blessed and broke it as a figure of his immaculate body ; and taking the cup , he blessed it as a type of his blessed blood , and gave it to his disciples . it is evident that ephrem believed the bread is the figure of the body , and the wine the type of the blood of christ ; figura autem non est veritas , sed imitatio verit atis , saith s. gaudentius upon exodus , tract . 2. the body of jesus christ is the verity , there must then be in the sacrament , besides the real body , a material and typical body , which may be the figure of the true body of jesus christ. s. epiphanius having said , that jesus christ descended into the waters to be baptiz'd , not to receive any virtue from the waters , but to confer it upon them , he adds , that 't is in jesus christ the prophecy of esay is accomplished , who in the third chap. speaks of the vertue of bread and water , he gave strength to the waters , illuminans eas , & roboran● in typo earum que in ipso erant perficienda ; and as for the bread , cibus quidem panis est , sed virtus in eo est ad vivisicationem . s. epiphanius speaks here of the eucharist as he doth of baptism , he saith , that both one and the other receive their virtue from jesus christ , who communicates to them spiritual strength , sufficient to sanctify ; now as the water of baptism is changed only by a change of virtue , and quality , it is apparent s. epiphanius did not mean that the bread of the eucharist should be destroy'd , no more than the water was in baptism ; else he would not have said , that the consecrated bread was a food , for accidents cannot nourish , nothing can be fed by that which is not a body ; nourishment proceeds from a substance or matter , saith aristotle , and boëtius . in praedic . saith , that 't is impossible an accident should pass into the nature of a substance , ut accidens in substantis naturam transeat fieri nullo modo potest . gregory nazianzen , speaking of the miraculous recovery of his sister gorgonia , speaks in these terms , pouring forth a flood of tears after the example of her that washed christ's feet with her tears , she said , she would not depart thence till she had recover'd her health , her tears were the perfume which she spread over all his body , she mingled them with the antitypes , or the symbols of the mody and blood of jesus christ , as much at least as she could hold in her hands , and immediately , o the miracle , she found her self healed . and in his seventeenth oration , this godly prelate interceding to the emperor 's prefect , that he would extend his favour , and not deliver up the city to be plundred , i set before your eyes the table where we joyntly receive the sacrament , and the figure of my salvation , which i consecrate with the same mouth wherewith i make my request to you ; this sacrament , i say , which lifts us up to heaven . it appears by these words , that s. gregory lookt upon the consecrated bread and wine as figures of the body and blood of jesus christ : now if they are figures , then they are not that whereof they be figures , and by consequence , there is in the sacrament something else besides the very body of jesus christ , to wit , the bread and wine , which are the types and figures of it . for to say that s. gregory means only that the accidents of bread and wine are the types and figures , when he saith , his sister mingled her tears with the antitypes of the body and blood of jesus christ , as many as she could keep in her hands , si quid antityporum pretiosi corporis aut sanguinis manus thesaurisasset , these words , as many as she could gather in her hands , signify , as many portions and parts of the eucharist as she could gather up , paululum eucharistiae , as eusebius speaks in the sixth book of his hist. chap. 36. as having gather'd together a little of the sacrament , and having separated it from a greater mass , or from a greater quantity of liquor . now all antiquity agree , that the lines , the superficies , the qualities , are inseparable from their subject , so that this little parcel of antitypes , this parcel of the figures , cannot be a part of accidents , and of appearances . gregory nyssen going to prove that the water of baptism , for being water , ought not to be despised , but that after consecration it hath a marvellous virtue , he proves it by the example of the eucharist , and extream unction . the bread , saith he , before consecration is but common bread , but after consecration it is called , and is the body of christ ; so also the mystical oyl , and wine , before benediction , are common things , and of no virtue , but after benediction , both of them have a great virtue . now these words shew , that the bread and wine remain after consecration ; for it appears that st. gregory's design is to prove , that common and ordinary things have a marvellous force after consecration , and if the bread and wine were destroy'd after consecration , what did operate would not be a vile and mean thing , because it would be the very body of jesus christ , and st. gregory would not well have proved that vile things have any marvellous virtue in them after consecration ; for instance , bread and wine , which not subsisting after consecration , could not have the virtue to sanctify . s. ambrose in his epistle to justus , explaining what gomer is , saith , it is a measure , and that this measure signifies the quantity of wine which rejoyces the heart of man ; and having explain'd the wine , of the drinking wisdom , sobriety , and temperance , he saith , that it is to be understood more fully of the blood of jesus christ , which neither admits increase , nor decrease , as to grace ; but of which if one receive more or less , the measure however of redemption is equal to all . plenius de sanguine intelligitur cujus ad gratiam nihil minuitur , nihil adaugetur , & si parum sumas , & si plurimum haurias , eadem perfecta est omnibus mensura redemptionis . this manner of speaking of taking more or less of the blood of jesus christ , is not to be understood of the proper body of jesus christ , which is indivisible ; there must be therefore in the eucharist , besides the proper blood of jesus christ , a typical and symbolical blood , which is the wine , which is so called , and of which we may say , we receive more or less . the same father saith elsewhere , that as often as we receive the sacraments , which by the virtue of holy prayer are transfigur'd into the flesh and blood of jesus christ , we shew forth the death of christ. it is certain that by these words , s. ambrose lookt upon the bread and wine as figures of the flesh and blood ; now the figure being a thing distinct from what it represents , as being two correlatives , the one of which is not the other , it must be concluded , that s. ambrose believed that there is bread and wine in the eucharist , which are the figures of the bread and heavenly power . the same father speaking of the blessing of aser , explaining these words , ashur his bread is fat , he shall feed princes ; saith , jesus christ who is ashur , that is rich , has nourish'd princes . when he multiply'd the five and seven loaves , and gave them to his apostles to distribute to the multitude , he every day gives us this bread , saith he , when the priest doth consecrate : we may also by this bread understand the lord himself ( continues s. ambrose ) who has given us his flesh to eat . by these words it appears s. ambrose distinguishes three sorts of bread which jesus christ gave to these princes ; the first is that which he gave in multiplying the five and seven loaves , john 6. and matth. 15. the second is the bread which the priest consecrates at mass ; the third is that of which it is said , i am the bread of life , which is jesus christ himself . as then the second is not the first , so neither is the second the third : the consecrated bread is another thing than jesus christ , the bread of life ; and by consequence , there is in the sacrament a bread distinct from jesus christ , the heavenly bread. gaudentius upon exodus saith , with great reason we receive with the bread the figure of the body of christ , because as the bread is compos'd of many grains , which being ground into flower is kneaded with water , and baked by fire , so also the body of christ is made and collected of the whole race of mankind , and is perfected by the fire of the holy ghost . now as this author places the figure of the body of jesus christ in that the bread is made up of sundry grains , reduced into meal , kneaded with water , and baked with fire : it follows , that he believed the bread remained in the sacrament , and so much the rather because this bishop saith elsewhere , figura non est veritas sed imitatio veritatis . s. chrysostom expounding these words , i will no more drink of this fruit of the vine , until i drink it new in the kingdom of my father , saith , because jesus christ had spoke to his disciples of his passion and of his death , now he speaks to them of his resurrection , making mention of his kingdom , calling his resurrection by this name ; now wherefore did jesus christ drink after his resurrection , fearing lest ignorant persons should think his resurrection was only imaginary , because many took the act of drinking as a true sign of the resurrection ; therefore the apostles going to prove his resurrection , say , we that have eat and drank with him , jesus christ. therefore assuring them that they should see him after his resurrection , and that he would stay with them , and that they might bear witness of his resurrection , might see and behold him , tells them , i will no more drink the fruit of the vine , until i drink it with you in a new manner , whereof you shall bear testimony , for you shall see me after my resurrection ; but wherefore , continues s. chrysostom , did he drink wine after his resurrection and not water ? it is because he would thereby destroy a pernicious heresy . for because there would be hereticks that would only make use of water in the mysteries , be would represent the mysteries ; he gave wine , and when , after the resurrection , he eat his common repast , he drank wine , the fruit of the vine ; now the vine doth produce wine and not water . this passage marketh in the first place , that jesus christ drinking the fruit of the vine after his resurrection , and not water , he accomplish'd what he said in celebrating the eucharist , i will no more drink of this fruit of the vine , until i drink it new in my fathers kingdom . this shews that jesus christ drank true wine in the institution of the eucharist , for what is to be done again , must needs be done before . secondly , st. chrysostom doth not only say that jesus christ drank wine , but he saith further , that he distributed wine amongst his disciples , and the fruit of the vine , which doth not produce water but wine . so that these words of st. chrysostom import clearly , that the wine remains in the eucharist . the same father on these words of the first to the corinthians , the bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of christ ? ( speaks thus ) what is the bread ? it is the body of jesus christ. what becomes of them which receive it ? they become the body of jesus christ. now this proposition , the bread is the body of jesus christ , cannot be in a literal sense , for saith vasquez , the bread without a figure , cannot be called the body of jesus christ , nor the body of jesus christ be called bread. the same father in his commentary upon the epistle to the galatians , chap. 5. explaining these words of the apostle , the flesh lusteth against the spirit , and the spirit against the flesh ; the manicheans understood by the flesh , the substance of the body , and by the spirit they understood the soul ; and they said , that the apostle cut man into two , and intimated , that man was compos'd of two contrary substances , one bad , which was the flesh ; and the other good , which was the spirit , which proceeded from the good god , and the body from the bad god — s. chrysostom answers , that the apostle in this place doth not call the flesh the body , apostolum non hic carnem appellare corpus , as the manicheans supposed , and saith , that the apostle do's not always mean by the flesh , the nature of the body , naturam corporis , but that very often by the flesh , he means something else , as evil desires ; and having proved this by sundry passages of the apostle , and other holy writers , he proves it at last by the example of the iucharist , and of the church , which , he saith , is called body in the holy scriptures ; he saith farther , that the scripture is wont to call by the name of flesh , as well the church , as the mysteries , saving , it is his body , rursum carnis vocabulo scriptura solet appellare tum mysteria , tum totam ecclesiam , dicens eam christi corpus esse . it appears by these words of st. chrysostom's , that he did not believe that the consecrated bread and wine were the same with the body of christ , seeing he proves by the eucharist , that the consecraeted bread and wine are called flesh ; and that the word flesh in this place , is taken for something else besides body , and that he puts the term flesh , given to the consecrated bread and wine , which are the mysteries , in the rank of other terms of flesh given to evil desires , and to the church , which are mystical and figurative terms . so st. chrysostom believed the bread and wine remained , and are so called the body of jesus christ mystically , as the church is called the body of jesus christ. the same st. chrysostom wrote a letter to caesarius , which indeed is not inserted in his works , but is sound in manuscript in the library at florence , and it was also found in england in archbishop cranmer's library , it is mention'd in the bibliotheca patrum , printed at collen , 1618. in this bibliotheque , tom. 4. there is found the collections of an ancient nameless author , who wrote against the severian , and acephalian hereticks , wherein is recited a passage taken out of this letter . so also monsieur de marca arch-bishop of paris , acknowledges the truth of this letter in his posthume and french treatise of the eucharist , witness the abbot fagget in his letter to monsieur de marca , president of the parliament at pan , who saith also this letter was found by monsieur bigot in a library at florence . st. chrysostom in this letter writeth against apollinarius , and saith , jesus christ is both god and man , god because of his impassibility , man by his passion , one son , one lord , both natures united making but one , the same power , the same dominion ; although they be two different natures , each conserves its own nature , because they are two , and yet without confusion ; for as the bread before it is sanctified , is called bread , when by the intercession of the priest , divine grace has sanctified it , it loses the name of bread , and becomes worthy to be called the body of jesus christ , although the nature of bread abides in it , so that they are not two bodies , but one sole body of the son ; so the divine nature being united to the humane nature of jesus christ , it did not make two persons , but one only person and one son. st. chrysostom saith plainly , that the nature of bread abideth after consecration ; and this father's argument would be of no validity , if this nature of the bread was nothing but in shew , for apollinarius might have made another opposite argument , and say , that indeed it might be said there were two natures in jesus christ , but that the humane nature was only in appearance , as the bread in the eucharist is but in shew , and hath only outward and visible qualities remaining in it , whereby it is term'd to be bread. the author of the imperfect work upon st. matthew written in the time of the emperour theodosius , did not believe transubstantiation , when he spake in these terms in homily eleventh , if it be dangerous to employ the holy vessels about common uses , wherein the true body of jesus christ is not contain'd , but the mysteries of his body ; how much rather the vessels of our bodies , which god has prepared to dwell in . that the fathers of the fifth century did not believe transubstantiation . s. jerom in his epistle to eustochium speaking of virgins , saith , that when they were reproved for drunkenness , they excus'd themselves by adding sacriledge to drunkenness , saying , god forbid that i should abstain from the blood of the lord. in the second book against jovinian it is said , the lord in the type of his blood , did not offer water , but wine . these words are indeed jovinian's , but st. jerom sinds no fault with them . for he himself saith the same , upon the 31 chapter of jeremy , vers. 12. on these words , they run after god's creatures , the wheat , the wine , and the oyl , the bread , and the wine , saith he , whereof is made the bread of the lord , and wherein is accomplished the type of his blood. now saith st. ambrose * , the type is not the truth , but it is the shadow of the truth . there must then be in the eucharist , bread , and wine , distinct from the body and blood of jesus christ , to be the types and figures of it . the same father in his letter to hedibia , let us hear , that the bread which the lord broke and gave his disciples was the lord's own body , saying , take , eat , this is my body ; and a little after he saith , if the bread that came down from heaven is the body of the lord , and the wine which he distributed among his disciples his blood , &c. st. jerom saith , that jesus christ brake and distributed bread to his disciples , that he gave them bread , and that the bread and wine were his flesh and blood. it cannot then be said , that what jesus christ gave in communicating his disciples was not bread and wine ; and when he saith , both the one and the other was his body and blood , it cannot be understood but only figuratively ; for we see above in st. cyprian , that the jesuites salmeron and bellarmine , do confess , that if jesus christ said of the bread , this is my body , it must be meant , this bread is the figure of my body , the one not being capable of being the other but figuratively : and the reason is given by vasquez , when he saith , if the pronoun , this , in the words of consecration be understood of the bread , undoubtedly by virtue of it , there can be wrought no transubstantiation , because of necessity the bread must needs remain ; si pronomen hoc in illis verbis demonstraret panem , fatemur fore ut nulla conversio virtute illorum fieri posset , quia panis de quo enunciatur manere debeat . the same s. jerom in his commentary upon the 26 chapter of st. matthew , saith , jesus christ having eaten the paschal lamb , took bread which strengthens the heart of man , and proceeded to the accomplishment of the sacrament of the true passover , that as melchisedeck had offered bread and wine in figure , he also himself would represent the truth of his body . according to this father , the bread and wine , represent the body and blood of jesus christ , and therefore are not properly and truly the flesh and blood of jesus christ , but are something else besides them , and by consequence remain in the sacrament . for to say , as the author of the second book of the perpetuity of the faith of the eucharist doth against monsieur claude , that st. jerom means by representing , to make a thing be present , we before refuted this fancy , in tertullian , who speaks just as st. jerom : and the terms sufficiently declare , that st. jerom's meaning is , that jesus christ made use of bread and wine , to signifie and shew forth his body and blood , as melchisedeck had done , that is to say , as he had represented both the one and the other by the oblation of bread and wine . st. austin in his sermon to the newly baptized , which it's true is not found in his other works , but was preserv'd and is cited by st. fulgentius de baptismo aethiop . cap. 7. what you see , saith he , upon the altar of god , you saw also the last night , but you were not yet aware of how great a thing it is a sacrament ; that which you see is bread , and a cup of wine , and it is also what your eyes declare unto you ; but what your faith should instruct you in , is , that the bread is the body of jesus christ , and the cup his blood. if you tell me , jesus christ is born , he was crucified , he was buried , he rose again , and is ascended into heaven , whither he has carry'd his body , and is at present on the right hand of god , from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead , how then can the bread be his body , and the cup his blood ? these things , my brethren , are called sacraments , because one thing is seen in them , and another thing is understood by them ? what is seen hath a corporeal substance ; what is understood hath a spiritual fruit. if then you desire to understand what the body of jesus christ is , hearken to the apostle which saith , you are the body of christ and his members : if then you are the body of jesus christ and his members , it is the mystery of what you are , which is upon the holy table , it is the mystery of the lord , which you receive ; in saying amen , you answer and subscribe to what you are . all you that are united in charity , you make but one body of jesus christ , of which you are the members , which is what is signified by the bread compos'd of several grains , and by the wine which is made of sundry grapes . for as bread to be made a visible species of bread , is made of sundry grains collected together in one , and the wine , &c. st. austin saith , that the bread is the body of christ , which cannot be but improperly and figuratively , as hath been shewed above ; for by confession of roman catholick doctors , every proposition that saith of the bread , that it is the body , must needs be typical and figurative . he saith what is seen is bread , as our eyes declare to us ; now what our eyes report to us is true bread , as when one says , what you see is true gold , and silver , or marble , and 't is what your eyes testifie , that is to say , that one sees true gold , and true marble , and that one makes use of their eyes to confirm it . in the same sense he saith ; that jesus christ although in heaven , yet the bread is the body , and the wine the blood , because they are the sacraments of it . he saith , what one sees hath a bodily species ; now in this passage , by bodily species , he means the very substance , and not the accidents . for he saith afterwards , speaking of bread in general , as bread to be a visible species of bread , must be made of several grains reduced into one lump ; now by the species of bread , it is plain , st. austin there means true bread , and a true substance . he saith , what you see , is bread , and a cup ; now by cup , he doth not mean the appearance of a cup , he means a true cup. he saith this bread is the mystery of the lord. which is nothing else , but that 't is the figure of the lord , as when he saith , this bread is the mystery of believers . mysterium vestrum in mensa domini accipitis . that is to say , that the bread and wine are the figure of jesus christ , as they are the mystical body of jesus christ. to conclude , st. austin saith , the faith of the new-baptized was to be strengthened ; it was therefore here the proper place for him to have said , that the bread was no more bread , that the wine was no longer wine , but that there remained only the accidents of the one and the other . the same holy father answering bishop boniface , who desired to know how it might be said of an infant newly baptis'd , he hath faith , he believes , who is incapable of believing , and of whom no assurance can be given what he will be afterwards ; he saith , that as every sunday , and easter day , is called easter , and the resurrection , although the lords easter , and resurrection , are things happened several ages past ; so it may be said , an infant hath faith , because he hath the sacrament of faith. for , saith he , if the sacraments had not some resemblance with the things whereof they are sacraments , they would be no sacraments ; as therefore in some sort the sacrament of the body of jesus christ is the body of jesus christ , and the sacrament of his blood , is the blood of christ , so also the sacrament of faith , is faith ; now to believe , is nothing else but to have faith. he saith , the eucharist is called flesh and blood , because it is both the one and the other in some sort : now according to st. gregory nyssen , what is not truly that by the name by which it is called , is but figuratively or improperly that by the name whereof it is called . now that the bread and wine which are the sacraments of the body and blood of jesus christ , are his body and blood in some sort , secundum quendam modum , it follows , the bread and wine are not properly the flesh and blood , and by consequence , are not transubstantiated . moreover st. austin doth explain the manner according to which the eucharist is the body and blood of christ , and he shews it , by reason that generally the signs are called by the name of the things they signifie , not that they are the things they signifie , but because they are the signs , and that they have some resemblance to them . the same father upon the third psalm , admires the patience of jesus christ that bore the treachery of judas to the end , although he was not ignorant of his thoughts , and admitted him to the banquet , at which , saith st. austin , jesus christ recommended and gave to his disciples , the figure or type of his flesh and blood , cum adhibuit ad convivium , in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis commendavit & tradidit . now the figure is not the truth , but the imitation of the verity , saith gaudentius in exod. tractatu 2. moreover , st. austin cannot find in the scriptures , that jesus christ in instituting the sacrament , gave to his disciples the figure of his body and blood , but in these words , take , eat , this is my body , this is my blood , he must then understand these words of the institution , in a figurative sense . and according to the same doctor , a * sign is that which shews it self to the senses , and besides that shews something else to the mind ; it must then follow , that the sign is a thing which remains , to shew it self . the same father disputing against adimantus the manichean , chap. 12. and against the adversary of the law and the prophets , in the second book , cap. 6. who said , the blood is the soul , as is said , deuteronom . 12. and by consequence , that men killed the soul when they shed blood. s. austin replies , that this precept in deuteronomy , that blood must not be eat , because 't is the soul , is a precept that must he understood as many other things contained in the scriptures , which are to be taken in types , and figures , illud praeceptum posicum esse dicimus sicut alia multa & pene omnia scripturarum illarum sacramenta signis & figuris plena sunt . and concludes towards the end of that chapter , that the blood is the soul , as the rock was christ , sanguis est anima quomodo petra erat christus . and upon leviticus , quest. 54. the thing which signisies , is wont to be called by the name of the thing signified , as 't is written , the rock was christ : for 't is not said , the rock signifi'd christ , but as if it were that which indeed it was not in substance , but only in signification . and as in the beginning of the chapter he saith , that it must be understood in the sign , jesus christ making no difficulty to say , this is my body , when he gave the sign of his body . sanguis est anima , praeceptum illud est in signo positum , non enim dominus dubitavit dicere , hoc est corpus meum , cum daret signum corporis sui . seeing then st. austin doth say , that the blood is the soul , as the rock was christ ; and as the eucharist is the sign of jesus christ , he must of necessity have understood the words of institution of the sacrament , in a figurative sense ; and that so much the rather , because this manner of speech , jesus christ made no difficulty , plainly shews , that jesus christ did not speak in a proper but in a figurative sense , as fulgentius saith , although the apostle saith , that jesus christ is the head of the body of the church , nevertheless he makes no scruple to call jesus christ the church , which is his body . this manner of speech is never used in proper expressions : no body will say , jesus christ made no difficulty to give gold , or water , if it were true gold or water which he gave . the same holy doctor saith in several places after the apostle , that the bread in the sacrament after consecration , is broken , and distributed ; and he doth very well recommend this breaking the bread , as being a great mystery . in his epistle to paulinus , he saith , in that jesus christ was known by the two disciples in breaking the bread , no body ought to question but this breaking was the sacrament whereby jesus christ brings us all to the knowledge of his person . a little before he saith ; by the prayers , we mean those which are said before one begins to bless what is upon the lords table . the prayers are said when that which is on the lords table is blessed , sanctifyed , and distributed . in his epistle to casulanus he saith of s. paul , that in the night time he went to break bread , as it is broken in the sacrament of his body . in his commentary upon the first epistle of s. john , it was very reasonable that jesus christ recommending his flesh , broke bread , and it was very just that the disciples knew him in breaking of bread. in the 140. sermon de temp . and in the hom. of the consent of evangelists , lib. 3. c. 25. and de diversis , serm. 87. he saith , where would jesus christ be known ? in the breaking of bread. we are then secure ; we break bread , and we know the lord. if then after consecration we break bread to distribute , then of necessity the bread must remain : for to say that 't is the accidents which are broken , and distributed , s. austin doth say the contrary , when he affirms , that one breaks and distributes what is on the table , being blessed and sanctify'd . now to bless and sanctify , one shall never find to have signifi'd to destroy , and change the substance . the same doctor in several places does always call the eucharist , the sacrament of bread and wine , he saith , s. paul doth teach the unity of the church in the sacrament of bread , when he saith , we are all one bread , and one body . in the questions upon the evangelists , he saith , jesus christ by the sacrament of wine , recommends his blood. in his books against faustus , we are very far from doing what the heathens did for their gods , ceres and bacchus , although we have a ceremony of celebrating the sacrament of bread and wine . now to what end were it to call the eucharist a sacrament of bread and wine , if there did not remain bread and wine after consecration ? for what means this manner of speech , the sacrament of bread and wine , but the bread and wine which is the sacrament ? as when the apostle saith , rom. 4. v. 11. the sign of circumcision . what else doth this import , but the circumcision which is the sign ? when tertullian de baptismo , calls baptism sacramentum aquae nostrae : what else can that mean , but our water which is a sacrament ? when s. austin upon s. john tract . 11. saith , the figure of the sea , figura maris ; what more can this signify , but the sea which is the figure ? when it is frequently said , the sacrament of the eucharist , what else can that import , but the eucharist which is a sacrament ? the same father in his 52 sermon , de verbis domini , saith , almost all do call the sacrament the body of jesus christ. now if the bread were the real body of jesus christ , wherefore should s. anstin observe that all called it the body of jesus christ ? for one cannot make such a remark , but when one saith of a thing , that 't is that which properly it is not . it would be ridiculous to say , almost all call lewis 14 king ; & the reason is , because 't is not strange that persons should be called by their names : but on the contrary , it is very strange , to call one by a name that doth not at all belong to him . the same father in his 26. treatise upon s. john , going to shew upon these words of the apostle , they did all eat the same spiritual meat , and drink the same spiritual drink : the relation and difference there is betwixt the sacraments of the old and new testament , saith , the fathers did eat the same spiritual food as we do , not the same corporal food as we do ; because they did eat manna , and as for us , we eat something else ; they drank the same spiritual drink we do , the same as to the signification , but different as to visible and outward kind . and upon s. john , treatise 45. if you consider the visible species , it was another drink , if you consider what was signify'd by their drink , and ours , it was one and the same thing . si speciem visibilem intendas aliud est , si intelligibilem significationem , cundem potum spiritualem biberunt . and upon the 77. psalm , their food was the very same with ours , the same as to what it signify'd , but different in kind . idem in mysterio cibus illorum qui noster ; sed significatione idem , non specie . this reasoning does intimate , that the fathers under the old testament did , and we now do eat a corporal food , and that we drink a corporal liquor . now by this corporal meat and drink , we must understand either the accidents of bread and wine , or the body and blood of jesus christ , or the bread and wine it self . it cannot be spoken of the first , because the accidents of bread and wine are only qualities , or dimensions ; now qualities and dimensions are not corporal . the quality is something which is incorporeal , saith nemesius , of the soul ; as concerning dimensions , s. austin de genesi ad literam , saith , we call that a body which taketh up some space by its length , by its breadth , and by its depth . nemesius gives the reason of it , because , saith he , nothing that is immaterial is a body , for all bodies are material . there being nothing material then in the eucharist , as is suppos'd , there being nothing that takes up place , that is large or long , or deep ; there is nothing corporeal in the sacrament , and by consequence , nothing that can be termed corporal meat or drink . moreover , when jesus christ speaks of corporal nourishment and drink in the eucharist , as the fathers under the old testament had done , he speaks of bodily meat and drink , s. austin did not understand the corporal meat and drink spoke of by the fathers of the old testament , to be only the accidents of one and the other , so that s. austin speaking in the same terms of bodily meat and drink , in relation to that of the antients , he did not mean meer accidents or qualities . the body of jesus christ nor his hood , cannot be this corporal nourishment which s. austin compares to that of the fathers under the law : for by bodily meat and drink which he saith we receive in the eucharist , he means a visible subject , aliud illi , aliud nos , sed specie visibili , si speciem visibilem intendas , aliud est . it remains then that in s. austin's sense , we understand by the corporal nature of the eucharist the visible bread , the visible wine , and not their qualities and accidents . the same father in the third book of the trin. cap. 10. speaking of things that are taken to signify , saith , a thing is taken to signify , either after such a manner , as that the thing should subsist and remain some time , as did the brazen serpent , lift up in the wilderness , or as do the letters of the alphabet , or in such a manner as the thing taken to signify is not to subsist any long time , but is to pass away and be destroy'd when the thing 't is to represent is passed away ; as the bread of the sacrament , which being taken to signify passeth away and is consumed in receiving the sacrament . s. austin there saith , that the bread of the sacrament which is taken to signify , passeth and is consumed in receiving the sacrament ; now if the bread be destroyed and transubstantiated by these words , this is my body , then it passeth not away , and is not consumed in the act of receiving . the same doctor in the seventeenth of the city of god saith , to eat bread , is in the new testament the sacrifice of christians ; and against the enemy of the law. l. 7. c. 20. those , saith he , which read know what melchisedeck offered where he blessed abraham , and those which are partakers , see that the like sacrifice is now offer'd through all the world. how is it that the sacrifice of christians , is to eat bread , if the bread do not remain ? how is it that communicating , one is partaker of what melchisedeck offer'd , if in communicating , one do not receive neither bread , nor wine ? the same father in the third book against parmenian , reproving the donatists for forsaking the church , tells them , s. cyprian , and the other bishops , did not separate themselves because they would not communicate with covetous persons , and usurers ; but that on the contrary , they did eat with them the bread of the lord , and drank his cup. this passage sheweth , that when s. austin said to the new baptised , as hath been shewn , that the bread is the body of jesus christ , it could not be understood but figuratively : for here the bread is said to be of the lord ; now saith s. athanasius , that which is another's is not that other himself , to whom it belongs . id quod alicujus est , non idipsum est cujus est . and s. austin elsewhere distinguisheth betwixt the bread which belongs to the lord , and the bread which is the lord. speaking of judas and the other apostles , he saith of the apostles , they are the bread which was the lord ; and of judas , he did eat the bread of the lord against the lord ; they ate life , he death ; for 't is said by s. paul , that he which eateth unworthily , eateth his own judgment and condemnation . seeing then that the eucharist is distinguish'd from the lord , it necessarily follows , that bread remains in the sacrament after consecration . the same father in his 33 sermon of the words of our lord , saith , the lord gave to his disciples the blessed sacrament with his own hands , but we were not at the banquet ; nevertheless by faith we daily eat the same supper ; and do not think that it had been any great advantage to have been present at that supper that he gave with his own hands to his disciples , without faith ; faith afterwards was of greater advantage than treachery was then ; st. paul who believed , was not there present , and judas who betray'd his master , was present . how many be there now that come to the communion , that altho they did not see that table , and tho they never saw with their eyes , nor tasted with their palate , the bread which the lord held in his hands , nevertheless , because the same supper is still prepared , do there eat and drink their own damnation ? it plainly appears , that the bread which st. austin saith our saviour had in his hands during the sacrament , was true bread , because st. austin saith , that those who at present participate of the sacrament , do not tast , nor eat the bread which our saviour held in his hands , and which he distributed , and of which the disciples did formerly eat . the same father teaching that the good might participate of the divine sacraments with the wicked , saith , judas and peter had each of them a part of the same bread , which they received at the same hand of the lord ; and nevertheless what society or likeness was there betwixt peter and judas ? in the 7th chap. the wicked and the good hear the same word of god , do partake of the same sacraments , and eat the same holy nourishment . now what is this holy food ? what is this bread , whereof one receives one portion , and another , another part ? are they accidents ? but accidents are neither bread nor food . it is not the real body of jesus christ , for it cannot be received by parcels ; it must then be true bread which remains after consecration , and which is , as is said before , blessed , sanctified , and broke in pieces on the holy table to be distributed . benedicitur & sanctificatur , & ad distribuendum comminuitur . the same doctor in ep. 120. speaking of the rich in opposition to the poor , of whom it is said , that they shall eat and be satisfied . these rich persons , saith st. austin , have been brought to the lords table , and receive from his hand his body and blood , but they only adore , and are not satisfied . for just as st. ambrose distinguisheth betwixt drinking the wine , vinum bibere ; and drinking of the wine , de vino bibere ; that is to say , to tast of a little wine , de ejus portione libare : so also st. austin his disciple , distinguisheth betwixt receiving the body and blood of the lord , accipere corpus & sanguinum domini , and to receive of the body and blood of the lord , accipere de corpore & sanguine christi . st. austin explains himself more fully , when he saith in his 86th epist. that one receives in the eucharist a portion of the body of the immaculate lamb , de agni immaculati corpore partem sumere : and in the 35th sermon on the words of our lord , he saith , in receiving the sacrament , we know what we should think of , we receive a little , and we are satned in the heart , modulum accipimus & in corde saginamur . now that cannot be understood of the proper body of jesus christ , which cannot be received by parcels ; therefore it must be meant of bread , which is the figure of his body , or the sacrament of it . it is what st. austin intends , when he saith , nec quando manducamus ( when we eat jesus christ ) de illo partes facimus ; equidem in sacramento sic fit . we do not make morsels , but it is done in sacrament , that is to say , that we break and divide the sign and the bread , which is the sacrament . the same father saying that the accidents cannot in any wise subsist without their subject , saith in his 2d book of soliloquies , chap. 12. what can reconcile what you demand ? or who can think it possible to be done , that that which is in a subject should remain , the subject it self ceasing to be ? for 't is a thing monstrous , and very far from the truth , that that which doth not subsist , if it be not in a subject , can be , the subject it self not remaining . also in the 13th chap. 19th book , and in the book of the immortality of the soul , chap. 5. the subject being changed , of necessity all that was in the subject must be changed . in the 8th chap. what is not of it self , if it be abandoned by that by which it is , must undoubtedly cease to be . also in the 10th chap. and in the book of categories , speaking of accidents , a colour cannot be without a subject . and in the epistle to dardanus , take away the bodies from the qualities of bodies , they will have no place to remain in , and by consequence it is necessary that they cannot be . and against julian , chap. 5. it 's true , saith st. austin , that the things that are in a subject as the qualities are , cannot be without the subject wherein they are , as the colour or form , &c. it 's impossible , had st. austin believed that the bread did not remain in the eucharist after consecration , that he should have esteemed that absurd and ridiculous which happened every day . it also seems that st. austin had been too wide , when he doubts in the 146th ep. to consentius ; whether jesus christ has blood , when he saith on the 98th psalm , you shall not eat this body which you see , nor shall drink this blood , which those that shall crucify me shall shed , i have given you a sacrament , &c. and in the 20th book against faustus , the flesh and blood of this sacrifice was promised by sacrifices of resemblance before the coming of jesus christ ; it was given by the verity in the passion of jesus christ ; after the ascension of jesus christ , it is celebrated by the sacrament of commemoration . to conclude , st. austin in his 33d sermon on the words of our lord , having said , as hath been seen before , that of things which are put to signify , there are some that are to remain , others to be destroy'd , when the ministry of their signification is accomplish'd ; as the bread of the sacrament ; he adds , but because these things are obvious to men , as being practic'd by men , they may deserve our veneration , as being holy and religious things ; but they cannot cause any wonder in us , as if they were miraculous . certainly if st. austin had held transubstantiation , as it comprehends many things repugnant to natural reason , which are so many astonishing miracles , st. austin could not have said , that the sacraments , wherein he includes that of the eucharist , have something in them that deserves our respect and veneration ; but have nothing that deserves our astonishment and admiration . these are some of the reasons which made monsieur de marca , archbishop of paris , predecessor to him that with so much reputation now fills the chiefest . see of france , say , that the catholick doctors are to blame , when they pretend that st. austin expounded the text of the institution of the eucharist , as it is done in the schools . and a little before ; that in st. austin's divinity , this is my body , should be expounded in this manner , this bread is the sign and sacrament of my body : for according to st. austin , saith monsieur de marca , the bread , to speak properly , is but the sign and sacrament of the body , to which jesus christ made no scruple to give the name of the thing signified . it is also the judgment of tertullian , when he saith , when jesus christ said , this is my body , that is to say , this is the figure of my body ; and saith monsieur de marca , the reasons that are given to the contrary , are not satisfactory . bullenger writing against casaubon , recites this passage of theodoret , who was a priest at antioch , in the year 411. as the king , saith he , and his image are not two kings ; so also the personal body of jesus christ , which body is in the heavens , and the bread which is his antitype , and is distributed to believers by the priest , are not two bodies . it appears by this comparison , that theodoret did believe the bread of the eucharist is something else besides the body of christ ; and by consequence , he believed that there remained true bread in the sacrament , and not bread in shew and appearance only . theodoret , who in the year 423 was bishop of cyrus , doth so fully explain himself hereupon , that there is no doubt to be made of his opinion , he was pleas'd , saith he , that those who participated of the divine mysteries , should not have any regard to the nature of the things that are seen ; but that they should believe by the change of names , the change that is made by grace : for having called his body , wheat and bread , and having called himself a vine , he honours the visible symbols with the name of his body and blood , not in changing their nature , but in adding grace to their nature . he could not more fully express that he did not hold transubstantiation . arnobius the younger , who wrote in the year 431. upon the 4th psalm saith , speaking of the sacrament , we have received wheat in the body , wine in the blood , and oyl in the chrism . on the 22d psalm , and on the 51st and 54th psalms : let us see what the church keepeth ; she hath a table , from which she gives bread to believers ; she hath oyl , wherewith she refresheth the head , in libertatem conscientiae praesumenti , &c. on psalm 103. we receive bread because it strengthens the body ; we receive wine , because it rejoyces the heart ; and having received double comfort in the heart , our faces are made shine by the oyl of chrism . to conclude , on psalm 104. he saith these words , speaking of the lord , that the lord in the eucharist gives us the species of bread and wine , as he doth the species of oyl in baptism ; which cannot be understood of appearances and accidents , as the terms of species of oyl cannot be taken for the accidents and appearances of oyl . moreover , he observes we receive in the eucharist bread and wine , as we receive oyl in the holy chrism ; now in the holy chrism , it is true oyl that we receive ; arnobius then could not reason so , if he believed transubstantiation . the author of the books of the promises and predictions of god , attributed to st. prosper by cassiodorus , and which were written about the year 450 , under the empire of valentinian the 3d , relates a history of a young unchast girl that was possessed with the devil , who in communicating , had received a little morsel of the lord's body , which the priest had moistned ; it was half an hour before she could swallow it down , till such time as the priest touched her throat with the chalice ; then she cried out instantly that she was healed . after which , prayers being made for her , she received a portion of the sacrifice , and was restor'd to her former health . these terms of some portion of the sacrifice , and of a little part of the moistned body of the lord by the priest , cannot be understood of the true body of jesus christ ; of necessity then the bread by this author must be called by the name of the body of jesus christ ; and by consequence he believed it remained in the sacrament after consecration . hesychius , one of the priests of the church of jerusalem , in the year 480 , saith in the second book on leviticus , ch . 8. this mystery ( speaking of the eucharist ) is at once bread and flesh , illud mysterium simul panis & caro . in this same place he saith , it was the custom of the church of jerusalem in his time , to burn what remained after the communion . procopius of gaza , who in all likelihood wrote in the end of the fifth century , expounding these words of genesis , where jacob saith to juda , his eyes be red with wine , and his teeth white with milk , &c. applying them to our blessed saviour in the mystery of the sacrament , saith , that 't is a metaphor taken from those that having drank , are the merrier for it , &c. and saith that the holy scritures would denote the gladness which the lord left to his disciples in giving them the mystical wine by the words of institution , take , drink ye all of this : these words , saith he , do shew that jesus christ doth with mercy look on all those that believe in him , because 't is the nature of wine to make every one merry . and upon these words , his teeth are white as milk ; milk , saith he , doth denote to us the whiteness and purity of the mystical nourishment ; for jesus christ gave to his disciples the image of his true body ; not desiring any of the bloody sacrifices of the law , he would by the white teeth , signifie to us the purity of the food wherewith we are nourished ; for according to holy david , sacrifice and burnt-offerings thou wouldest not , but a body hast thou prepared me . when procopius speaketh of the mystical wine that rejoyced the disciples , it being the nature of wine to make merry ; this mystical wine is not the blood of jesus christ , for 't is not the nature of blood to rejoyce . it must therefore be meant , that procopius said , by the wine which jesus christ distributed to his disciples , was to be understood true wine : and by the whitness of the mystical food , he meant the whiteness of the bread which is both food and image , which cannot be understood of the true body of jesus christ , which is neither the image of himself , nor bodily food ; nor of the accidents , which cannot nourish the body , because nourishment proceedeth from matter . the same procopius in his commentary on esay , expounding these words of the prophet , chap. 3. the lord of hosts will take away from judah and jerusalem the staff of bread and water ; saith , that in the first place these words of the prophet may be understood of jesus christ , and of his flesh and blood. the bread being to be understood of him of whom david saith , he gave them bread from heaven ; and the waters , of those of which jesus christ said to the samaritan , whosoever drinketh of this water , it shall be a fountain flowing unto everlasting life . then he adds , there is another bread which giveth life to the world , which was taken from the jews ; and another water , which is that of baptism . now by this other bread which was taken from the jews , he means that of the eucharist ; and whereas he distinguishes it from the bread , which is the lord , as he distinguisheth the water of baptism from that which was given to the samaritan ; it follows , that the bread of the eucharist is something that is distinguisht from jesus christ himself , the bread of heaven . gelasius bishop of rome , in the year 492 , wrote a treatise of the two natures against nestorius and eutyches , and he excludes transubstantiation , when he saith , that the substance or nature of bread and vvine doth still remain . this work is assuredly of pope gelasius . as is confessed by cardinal du perron , because first fulgentius cites four passages of this treatise as being writ by pope gelasius . and pope john the second in epist. ad amaenum , also cites some passages of this work , as being writ by gelasius ; and though he doth not give him the title of pope , 't is because his name was well enough known at rome when john the second lived . that the fathers of the sixth century did not believe transubstantiation . saint fulgentius saith , the catholick church doth continually offer to god , the father , son , and holy ghost , a sacrifice of bread and wine throughtout all the world. for in the fleshly sacrifices of the old testament , there is a type of the flesh of jesus christ , which he was to offer without spot for our sins ; but in this sacrifice , there is a thanksgiving and commemoration of the same flesh , which he offer'd for us , and of the blood which he shed for us . he saith , that this sacrifice consists in offering bread and wine ; there must then be true bread and wine in this sacrifice to be offer'd . ephraem first a lieutenant of the eastern part of the empire , then made bishop of antioch , in the year 526. wrote books , which he intituled sacred laws , in the first of which disputing against the eutychians , he saith , when our fathers said , that jesus christ is compos'd of two natures , they meant two substances , as by two substances two natures . no body of any sense , but may say , that the nature of that which is to be felt , and not felt in jesus christ , is the same nature . thus it is , that the body of jesus christ , which is received by believers , doth not quit its sensible nature , and remains without being separated from the intelligible grace . the which he confirms by the example of water , which doth not lose its nature by consecration . this argument is of the same kind of that we see of theodoret , and of gelasius , whereby these three others prove , that in the incarnation , the presence of the word did not destroy the human nature in jesus christ , as the presence of the holy ghost doth not destroy the substance of bread and wine in the eucharist . we may say of this triple and same argument , funiculus triplex difficile rumpitur . mons. de marca , saith in reference to this passage , and of those we have instanced , of theodoret , and st. chrysostom , that these three authors have owned a real change of the bread , which nevertheless leaves the species in their natural substance . facundus bishop of hermiana in africa , in the year 552. whose books , which he wrote in defence of the three chapters of the council of chalcedon , are justly praised by victor of tunes in his chronology , and by st. isidore of sevil , and which father sirmond the jesuit got out of the vatican library ; going about to excuse theodore de mopsuest , who taught that jesus christ had taken the adoption of the children of god ; from whence it might have been concluded , that he believed that jesus christ is only an adoptive son , saith , baptism , which is the sacrament of adoption , may be call'd adoption , as we call the sacrament of his body and blood , which is in the consecrated bread and wine , his body and blood ; not that the bread is properly his body , and the cup his blood ; but , because they contain in them the mystery of his body and blood. therefore , as the faithful servants of jesus christ , receiving the sacrament of his body and blood , are very rightly said to receive his body and blood ; so also jesus christ having received the sacrament of the adoption of children , might very well be said to have received the adoption of children . certainly , if the sacrament of bread and wine is not properly the body of jesus christ , as facundus saith , but barely body and blood , as baptism is adoption ; the bread and wine are not transubstantiated into the eucharist , and are but simple signs , and something that is distinguished from the body and blood of jesus christ. primasius bishop of adruemetum in africa , in his commentary upon the 10th chapter of the 1st to the corinth . saith , as the bread which we break , is the participation of the body of christ , so also the bread of idols , is the participation of devils . now as the participation of the bread of idols , is no transubstantiation , or real change into devils : so also the participation of the bread of the lord , is not a real and substantial change of bread into the body of the lord. the same doctor , on the words of the 11th chap. of the same epistle , where 't is said , that the lord took bread the night in which he was betrayed , relates . that jesus christ thereby gave to us the commemoration of his body . and on the following words , the lord , saith he , hath given us an example , to the end that as often as we do this , we should think in our minds , that christ died for us . it is for this end , that 't is said to us , the body of christ , that so thinking of it , we should not be ungrateful and unthankful for his grace . as if any one at his death , should leave to his friend a pledg of his love , could he , when he saw it , refrain from tears , if he really loved his friend ? there must therefore needs be in the sacrament bread and wine to be pledges of jesus christ , for he cannot be a pledg of himself . that the fathers of the seventh and eighth century 's did not believe transubstantiation . isidore bishop of sevil , anno 600. saith , that by the command of jesus christ himself , we do call body and blood , that which being the fruits of the earth , is sanctified and made a sacrament by the invisible operation of the holy ghost . in the 1st book of ecclesiastical offices , he saith , that the bread is called the body of jesus christ , because it strengthens the body , and that the wine is called his blood , because it increaseth blood in the body ; and that the bread and wine are two visible things , which being sanctified by the holy ghost , do go on to be the sacrament of the divine body . now a sacrament signifies a holy sign . it would therefore be a strange kind of way of isidore , if he had believ'd the bread and wine were transubstantiated , to say , the bread and wine are two things visible , which being sanctified by the holy ghost , do become the sacraments of the divine body . by this language it might as well be said , that the fathers believed that the water of baptism was transubstantiated after their consecration . the same bishop saith , melchisedeck , that offer'd of the fruits of the earth a sacrifice to god , thereby represented the priesthood or reign of jesus christ , which is the true king of peace , of whose body and blood , that is to say , the oblation of bread and wine , is offer'd throughout the vvorld . and in the treatise de vocat . gentium , cap. 26. these are not any longer jewish sacrifices , such as were offer'd by aaron the priest , which are now offer'd by believers , but they are such sacrifices as were presented by melchisedeck king of salem , that is to say , it is bread and wine , the true sacrament of the body and blood of jesus christ. he saith , the sacrament of the body and blood of jesus christ is bread and wine , that both the one and the other are such sacrifices as those offer'd by melchisedeck ; there is therefore no question , but st. isidore did not believe that the bread was destroy'd in the sacrament , because he establishes the sacrament in the bread and wine , such as melchisedeck had offer'd . beda , an english priest , saith , that jesus christ having ended the ceremony of the ancient passover , which was celebrated in commemoration of the bondage in egypt , out of which the jews had been deliver'd , proceeded to the new passover , which the church celebrates in remembrance of his redemption , the figure of his body ; to the end , that instead of the flesh and blood of the lamb , substituting the sacrament of his flesh and blood in the figure of bread and wine , he might shew that it was him to whom god had sworn , and repented not , saying , thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchisedeck . now , continues beda , jesus christ broke the bread which he distributed to his disciples , to shew , that the breaking of his body did not come to pass without his good will. it appears from these words , ( substituting the sacrament of his flesh and blood in the figure of bread and wine ) that the bread and wine remain after consecration , to be the figure of the body and blood of christ. as when the apostle saith , the sign of circumcision , signum circumcisionis ; that is to say , circumcision which is a sign and a figure . so beda maketh the sacrament consist in the bread and wine . therefore in the homily , de sanct is in epiphania , he saith , that jesus christ the heavenly lamb , having been offer'd up , transfer'd into the creatures of bread and wine , the mystery of his passion , and thereby became a priest for ever after the order of melchisedeck . and elsewhere he saith , melchisedeck priest of the most high god , did long before the time of the legal priesthood , offer up bread and wine . therefore our saviour is called priest after the order of melchisedeck , because he abrogated the sacrifices of the law , and instituted a sacrifice of the same kind to be under the new testament , the mystery of his body and blood. certainly , as our mystery is no mystery till after consecration ; and that 't is of the same nature as was that of melchisedeck , it must be concluded , that the bread and wine do remain in the sacrament of the eucharist . sedulius a scotchman , author of the commentaries upon st. paul , and who flourished about the year 735. in his commentary upon the first to the corinthians , chap. 11. saith , jesus christ in the eucharist , hath left us the remembrance of himself , as if one going a far journey should leave with his friend the pledg of his love , to remember their ancient amity . there must then needs be something that is not jesus christ himself , for no one is a pledg of himself . damascen a fryer , who lived about the year 750 , saith in his fourth book of orthodox law , chap. 14. the shew-bread did typifie this bread , and 't is this pure and unbloody sacrifice which our saviour foretold by the prophet , should be offered to him from the rising of the sun to the setting of the same , to wit , the body and blood of jesus christ , which passeth into the substance of our body and soul , without being consumed , without being corrupted , without going into the draft , god forbid , but passing into our substance for our preservation . now every body agrees this cannot be said of the proper body of jesus christ. it must then be concluded , damascen supposed that the bread remained . in the same place he adds , that as in baptism , because men are wont to wash with water , and anoint them with oyl , god has added to the water and oyl , the grace of his holy spirit , and has made it the washing of regeneration ; so also , they being accustom'd to eat bread , and to drink wine and water , he has joined them to his divinity , and has made them his body and blood. in the same place , the prophet esay saw a light coal ; now the coal is not of meer wood , but it is joined to fire ; so also the bread of the eucharist is not common bread , but it is united to the divinity , and the body which is united to the divinity , is not one and the same nature , but the nature of the body is one , and that of the divinity which is united to it , is another . in the same place , how is it that the bread is made the body of jesus christ , and the wine and water his blood ? he answers , the holy ghost comes and disposes these things after such a manner as surpasseth our thoughts and expressions . the bread and wine are taken , panis & vinum assumuntur , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word used by st. athanasius to express the hypostatical union . now these kinds of expressions of damascen do imply , that the bread and wine do remain in the sacrament . the council of constantinople composed of 338 bishops , held in the viiith century , for regulating the business of image-worship , having condemn'd their use , they would by the way explain the doctrine of the church touching the eucharist , and to draw a proof against those very images , they call it the true image of jesus christ ; they say he gave it to his disciples to be a type of the evident commemoration of his death ; they say that jesus christ chose no other species under heaven , nor no other type that should express his incarnation . behold then , say they , the image of his quickned body , which was made after a precious and honourable manner . they affirm , that as the word did not take a person , that so the addition of a person might not be made to the divinity : so also he appointed , that an image should be offered , which is a chosen matter , to wit , the substance of bread , that has not the figure of man , to avoid giving occasion of idolatry : as then , say they , the body of jesus christ which is according to nature , is holy , as having been deified ; so also 't is apparent , that that body also that is by institution , is holy , and it's image is holy , as having been deified by grace , by a kind of sanctification . they maintain , that as the human nature was deified by its union with the word , so also the bread of the sacrament , as the true image of the natural flesh of jesus christ , is sanctified by the coming of the holy ghost , and becomes the body of jesus christ , because the priest transfers the oblation from the state of a common thing , to something that is holy. to conclude , they clearly distinguish the natural flesh of jesus christ , which is living and intelligent , from his image , which is the heavenly bread , filled with the holy spirit . all these continued expressions are so far from any idea of transubstantiation , that one must needs see , that the destruction of the bread and wine in the sacrament , was not believed by the fathers of the council , nor by the church in their time . alcuin speaking of the consecrating of bread and wine to be the body and blood of christ , saith , that the sanctification of this mystery doth foreshew to us the effect of our salvation : that by the water is signified the christian people ; by the grains of the wheat ground into meal to make bread , is meant the union of the universal church which is made one body by the fire of the holy ghost , which unites the members to the head ; and that by the wine is shewed the blood of the passion of the lord. doubtless alcuin did not believe transubstantiation , seeing he places in the bread and wine , the signification of the body and blood of jesus christ ; and that he saith by the wine is shewed the blood of jesus christ ; for that which is a figure , and that which is figured ; that which sheweth , and that which is shewed , are two different things , the one of which is not the other . therefore the same alcuin doth formally distinguish the eucharist from the body and blood of jesus christ , when he saith after st. austin , whosoever abideth not in jesus christ , and he in whom christ abideth not , doubtless doth not spiritually eat his flesh , altho he visibly and carnally eats with his teeth the sacrament of the body and blood of jesus christ. charles the great , his disciple , writing to the same alcuin , calls the eucharist , the figure of the body and blood of the lord. the lord , saith he , being at supper with his disciples , broke bread , and gave likewise the cup , in figure of his body and blood ; and by this means offered us a very profitable sacrament : now whatever he said of the figure it contain'd , or that it contain'd not the truth , the figure was never the same as the thing is that 's figured . in the ambrosian office which was abolish'd in the year 796 , there was this clause , which is still to be seen in the fourth book of st. ambrose his sacraments , nobis hanc oblationem adscriptam rationabilem , acceptabilem , quod est figura corporis & sanguinis domini nostri jesu christi . the ancient roman order doth frequently call the bread and vvine , the body and blood of the lord ; but it sufficiently shews by these manner of expressions , that it doth not mean that the bread and vvine are the same thing with the body and blood of jesus christ ; for in the first place it saith , that the sub deacons when they see the chalice wherein is the blood of the lord cover'd with a cloth , and when the priest hath said these words at the end of the lords prayer , libera nos a malo , they should go from the altar , and prepare chalices and clean cloths to receive the body of the lord , fearing lest it should fall to the ground , and crumble to dust . now who doth not see that this cannot be spoken but of the bread , figuratively and improperly called the body of jesus christ ? 2ly , it saith , that the bishop breaketh the oblation on the right side , and that he leaveth the part which he brake , on the altar : now who can say that the body of jesus christ can be broke into parts ? 3dly , the fraction being made , the deacon receives from the sub-deacon the cup , and carries it to the chair , that the bishop might communicate , who having communicated , puts part of the holy oblation of which he bit a morsel , into the arch-deacons hands . can it be said that one doth bite the true body of jesus christ , and that one breaks off part of it ? 4thly , it adds , he is to take great heed that no part of the body and blood of the lord doth remain in the chalice , or on the plate . by these words , the roman order gives us to understand , that it speaks of such a body and blood that a part of it may be separated from the whole : now this is what can only be said of the bread and vvine , improperly called the body and blood of jesus christ. the now roman order at present used in the church of rome , doth also furnish us with the like reflections . it expresly marketh , that jesus christ gave in the oblation , bread and wine , to celebrate the mysteries of his body and blood. therein is desired , that this blessed oblation may be accepted of god in such a manner , as that it might be made to us the body and blood of jesus christ ; after all which , is recited the history of the institution , and the sacramental words . the eucharist is called , the sacred bread of eternal life ; and the cup , the cup of everlasting salvation . to conclude , they pray god to behold those gifts , and that he will accept them as he did the offering of abel , and the sacrifice of melchisedeck , which it's very well known , was bread and wine . all which doth plainly shew , that the roman order at this time observed , cannot reasonably be interpreted , but in supposing that the bread and wine remain in the eucharist after consecration . that the fathers of the ninth century did not believe transubstantiation . theodorus studita , as is related by michael studita in baronius , in the year 816. n. 15. seeing himself reduced to the extremity of being starv'd , said to his disciple , if men are so cruel as to make me perish with hunger , the participation of the body and blood of the lord , which is the ordinary food of my body and soul , shall be my only nourishment : now the real body of jesus christ cannot be the nourishment of the body ; therefore of necessity this author must be understood to speak of bread , which is his body figuratively and improperly . it is what is also confirm'd by this michael studita , who saith in the same place , that theodore had always about him , some parcels of the quickning body of the lord ; which cannot be meant of the true body of jesus christ , which is not now subject to be broken , nor divided . ahyto bishop of basil , sent ambassador by charlemaine in the year 814 , to constantinople , to treat a peace with the emperor of the east , as is declared by the annals of france , by eginhart author of the life of charlemaine , the annals of fulda , herman contract , and others . this ahyto died in the year 836 , and left a capitulary for instruction of the priests of his diocess , publisht by dom luke d'achery in the sixth tome of his spicilegium , pag. 692. now amongst many other instructions he gives his priests in his capitularies , this is one : in the fifth place , the priest should know what the sacrament of baptism and confirmation is , and also what the mystery of the body and blood of our lord doth mean. how a visible creature is seen in the same mysteries , and is nevertheless the invisible . salvation is communicated for the souls eternal happiness , which is contained in faith only . by visible creature , he can only mean a creature , not in appearance , but effective ; for otherwise , according to this author , it must be said that in baptism , and confirmation , there should be only an apparent creature , and not the substance of water and chrism . besides , ahyto attributed the same effect to these three sacraments , to wit , the communication of eternal and invisible salvation to them that with faith do receive these holy sacraments . theodulphus in the year 810 , bishop of orleans , saith in his treatise of the order of baptism , there is one saving sacrifice which melchisedeck also offer'd under the old testament , in type of the body and blood of our saviour , the which the mediator of god and man accomplished under the new , before he was crucify'd , when taking the bread and wine he blessed and gave them to his disciples , commanding them to do those things in remembrance of him . it is this mystery which the church doth celebrate , having put an end to the ancient sacrifices , offering bread , because of the bread which came down from heaven ; and wine , because of him which said , i am the true vine ; to the end that by the visible oblation of priests , and by the invisible consecration of the holy ghost , the bread and wine should have the dignity of the body and blood of our lord , with which blood there is mingled some water , either because there came out of the side of our saviour water with the blood ; or because according to the interpretation of our ancestors , as jesus christ is signify'd by the wine , so also the people is signify'd by the water . now this bishop , saying that jesus christ gave bread to his disciples in commemoration that this mystery is an oblation of visible bread which is consecrated by the holy spirit , and which receiveth the dignity of the body ; that he indifferently calls the blood , wine , and the wine , blood ; that with the blood , water is mingled , and that jesus christ is signify'd by the wine ; that 't is said the wine signifies jesus christ , as the water doth the people ; these words cannot suppose any transubstantiation . the opposers of paschasius radbertus frier of the monastry of corby , who wrote a book of the body and blood of jesus christ , did not believe transubstantiation . that the said paschasius had several adversaries , appears by his own writings , for towards the end of his commentary upon st. matthew , he saith himself , i have inlarged upon the lords supper a little more than the brevity of a commentary would permit , because there be several others that are of a different judgment touching these holy mysteries , and that several are blind , and do not perceive that this bread and cup is nothing else but what is seen with the eyes , and tasted with the palate . and in his epistle to frudegard , as well as in his commentary on st. matthew , ch . 12. it appears he had opposers , because in his epist. to frudegard , he saith , you advise with me touching a thing that many do make doubt of . and in his commentary , i am told that many , saith he , do censure me , as if i had attributed to the words of our lord , either more , or something quite contrary to what the genuine sense permits . so that paschasius had adversaries , and they did not believe transubstantiation , because they held that in the eucharist , there was only the virtue of the flesh , and not the very flesh ; the virtue of the blood , and not the very blood of christ. that the eucharist was figure , and not verity ; shadow of the body , and not the body it self . they would , saith paschasius , extenuate the word , body , and perswade , quod non sit vera caro christi , sed quaedam virtus & figura corporis christi . now paschasius rathbertus was the first author that wrote fully and seriously of the truth of the body and blood of jesus christ in the eucharist , as bellarmin saith , de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis in paschasio ratberto . and father sirmond saith , he is the first that hath explain'd the sense of the church touching this mystery ; so that , saith he , he hath opened the way to others , in vitae ratberti praefixa ejus operibus . therefore it is nothing strange that paschasius had enemies , and that he was accused for departing from the common faith , and to have spread abroad visions of a young man. for he saith to frudegard , you have , saith he , at the end of this work , the authorities of catholick fathers succinctly marked , by which you may perceive , that 't was not through rashness , that formerly when i was young i believed these things , but by divine authority . he also endeavours to clear himself from this charge in alledging passages , as of saint austins , the which nevertheless are not to be found in him ; as these words , receive in the bread what hung on the cross , receive in the cup what issued out of the side of jesus christ. which is not to be found in st. austin . rabanus archbishop of mayance in the year 847 , stiled by baronius in the year 843. n. 31. the bright star of germany , fulgens germaniae sidus ; saith in his institution of clerks lib. 1. cap. 31. our saviour liked better that believers should receive with their mouth the sacarments of his body and blood , and that they should be turned into their nourishment , to the end that by the visible work the invisible effect should be shewn . for as the material food , doth materially nourish the body and support it , so also the word of god doth nourish the soul inwardly , and doth strengthen it . and in the same place , the sacrament is one thing , and the virtue of the sacrament is another . the sacrament is turned into the nourishment of the body , but by the virtue of the sacrament one acquires everlasting life . as the sacrament therefore is turn'd into our selves , when we do eat and drink it , so also we are converted into the body of jesus christ , when we live with piety and obedience . the same doctor on st. matthew , chap. 26. saith with venerable beda , that jesus christ hath substituted instead of the flesh and blood of the paschal lamb , the sacrament of his body and blood. that the creator of the world , and the redeemer of mankind , making of the very fruits of the earth , that is to say , of bread and wine , a fit mystery , turn'd it into the sacrament of his body and blood , that unleavened bread and wine mixt with water , must be sanctified to be the sacrament of the body and blood of jesus christ. afterwards he gives the reason wherefore our saviour chose bread and wine to make them sacraments of his flesh and blood , and saith , that 't is because melchisedeck offer'd bread and wine , and that jesus christ being a priest after the order of melchisedeck , he was to imitate his oblation . and shewing the reason why the sacrament takes the name of the body and blood of the lord , he saith with isidore archbishop of sevil , 't is because bread strengthens the body , it is conveniently called the body of jesus christ ; and because wine augments blood in the flesh and veins , for this reason it is compar'd to the blood. now both these things are visible , nevertheless being sanctifi'd by the holy ghost , they pass into the sacrament of the divine body . a sacrament which in the 33. chap. he calls the mystical body of jesus christ , in opposition to his natural body , from which he distinguishes it , and draws a resemblance from the mystical body , to the proper body of jesus christ. the holy vessels , saith he , are set on the altar , viz. the cup and patten , which in some sort are the figure of the grave of jesus christ ; for as at that time the body of jesus christ was laid in the sepulcher , having been embalm'd by godly people ; so also at present , the mystical body of jesus christ , as it were imbalm'd with holy prayers , is kept in the holy vessels to be administred to believers by the hands of the ministers . the same doctor in his penitential , or letter to herribald bishop of auxerre , which monsieur baluze got printed at the end of his regino at paris in 1671 , saith , chap. 33. as to what you demand of me , whether the sacrament after it is eat and consum'd , and cast into the draft after the manner of all other meats , does return to the former nature it had before 't was consecrated at the altar : to such a needless question may be reply'd , the lord himself said in the gospel , that what enters into the body goes into the belly , and is cast into the draft . as for the sacrament of the body and blood , it is made of corporeal and visible things , but it produceth an invisible sanctification , as well to the body as to the soul. what reason is there , that that which is digested in the stomack , and is cast out into the draft , should return to its former state , there being never any that affirmed that such a thing was done ? for of late some persons not having a right judgment of the sacrament of the body and blood of christ , have said , that the same body , and the same blood of the lord which was born of the virgin mary , and in which the lord suffered on the cross , and rose again from the dead , is the same which is taken at the altar ; against which error we have as much as was necessary written to the abbot egilon , explaining what ought truly to be believed of the body of christ in the eucharist . amalarius , esteemed a very learned man , in the manuscripts cited by dom luke d'achery a learned benedictin , in his preface to the seventh tome of his spicilegium , was sent by the emperor charles le debonnair to pope gregory to find out antiphonaries , ( amalar. in prolog . antiphon . ) and who by express command of the same emperor , was chosen in a council held at aix la chappel , auno 816. to make rules for prebends , as is testified by ademar a monk of angoulism , in his chronicle on the year 816 , saith in his treatise of church-offices , lib. 3. cap. 25. that the sacrament is to us instead of jesus christ. the priest , saith he , bows and recommends to god the father , that which was offered in the room of jesus christ. in the 26th chap. he saith , the oblation and the cup , do signifie the body of the lord , when jesus christ said , this is the cup of my blood , he sanctified his blood , which blood was in the body , as the wine is in the chalice . in the third book , chap. 25. he calls the eucharist , the sacrament of bread and wine : and saith , that jesus christ hath in this bread recommended his body , and in the cup , his blood. the same amalarius having been consulted by rangart bishop of noyon , how he understood those words of institution of the eucharist , this is the cup in my blood of the new and eternal testament , with this addition which is in the canon of the mass , the mystery of faith ; answers him by a letter , wherein after having spoken of the cup of the passover , he proceeds to that of the eucharist ; and having alledged what is mention'd by st. luke , he adds , the cup is in type of my body , wherein is the blood that shall run out of my side , to accomplish the ancient law ; and after it is shed , it shall be the new testament . and a little lower he saith , the mystery is faith , as st. austin saith in his letter to the bishop boniface , as the sacrament of the body of jesus christ is in some manner the body of jesus christ , and the sacrament of his blood , his blood ; so the sacrament of faith , is faith. so also we may say , this is the cup of my blood of the new and eternal testament . as if he should say , this is my blood which is given for you . the same doctor in a letter which he wrote to one gontard , whom he calls his son , saith , that it is our saviours good pleasure to shed his blood by the members and veins , for our eternal salvation . that 't is a body of jesus christ that may be cast out in spitting after having receiv'd it , and of which , a part may be flung out of the mouth . to all which he adds , having so received the body of the lord with a good intention ; i don't pretend to dispute , whether he be invisibly lifted up to heaven , or whether he remains in our body , till the day of our death , or whether he evaporates into the air , or whether he issues out of the body with the blood , or whether he goes out at the pores ; our saviour saying , all that enters in at the mouth , goes down into the belly , and from thence into the draft , &c. now when this great man saith , that the sacrament is to us in the stead of jesus christ ; that what is offered in the eucharist is sacrific'd instead of jesus christ ; that the cup is in type of the body ; that the blood is in the body , as the wine is in the cup ; that jesus christ represents his body by the bread , and his blood in the wine ; that the sacrament of the body is in some sort his body , and that 't is so that the cup of the blood is his blood , that the body is poured forth upon our members for our salvation ; that there is a body of jesus christ that may be cast out by spitting , and whereof some part may be flung out of the mouth ; that he will not dispute whether this body evaporates in the air , or whether it departs out of the body with the blood , or whether it goes out at the pores , or into the draft , all this doth sufficiently shew , that this doctor distinguished the bread and wine , as a typical body , from the real body of jesus christ ; and that by consequence , he believed the bread and wine remained after consecration , to be called the body and blood of jesus christ , but improperly . valafridus strabo , abbas augiensis , stiled a very learned man , by herman contracted , in the year 849. jesus christ , said he , gave to his disciples the sacrament of his body and blood in the substance of bread and wine , teaching them to celebrate it in remembrance of his most holy passion , because there could nothing be found fitter than these things to signifie the unity of the head and members ; for as bread is made of sundry grains , and brought into one body by means of water ; and as the wine is squeez'd from several grapes , so also the body of jesus christ is made of the union of a multitude of saints . and a little after , he declares , that jesus christ hath chose for us a very fit sacrifice , for the mystery of his body and blood , in that melchisedeck having offer'd bread and wine , he gave to his children the same kinds of sacraments . and afterwards , cap. 18. that for that great number of legal ordinances , jesus christ gave us the word of his gospel ; so also instead of the great diversity of sacrifices , believers are to rest satisfied with the sole oblation of bread and wine . it is evident strabo makes the holy sacrament to consist in the substance of bread and wine , which according to him , is differenced from the body , because it is but the memorial of it : that 't is the figure , that it consists in being made of sundry grains , and the wine of sundry grapes . that the sacrifice of the new testament , is of the same kind as that of melchisedeck , and that the eucharist is an oblation of bread and wine . all these things intimate , that the bread and wine remain in the eucharist after consecration . herribald was bishop of auxerre , in the time that vallafridus strabo wrote . now he was of the same opinion with rabanus . thomas waldensis assures us so . herribald of auxerre , saith he , and rabanus of mayence say , that the sacrament of the eucharist goes into the draft . the anonimous author , contemporary with herribald , which was published by father cellot the jesuit , saith also the same . nevertheless lupus abbot of ferriers , ep. 19. speaking of him , calls him a most excellent prelate , excellentissimum praesulum . in the 37th ep. he stiles him a man of a lofty and divine understanding , altissimi & divini ingenii . and hincmarus archbishop of reims , calls him the bishop of venerable qualities . so that the very chronicle of auxerre intimates , that there was ingrav'd on his monument this inscription , here lies the body of st. herribald . therefore the author of the 1st treatise of the perpetuity of the eucharist , saith in pag. 843 , that herribald and rhabanus , were adversaries to paschasius : tho in the 2d treatise of the perpetuity , in pag 842. he saith , speaking of the minister claude , who told him , that amalarius and herribald were in any wise adversaries to paschas ? it appears by the letter paschasius wrote to frudegard , that he was not of the same judgment paschasius was of , seeing he opposes to him st. austin's 23d letter to boniface , sic widefort contra wickliff , ad art. 1. * ratramne , priest and frier of corby , experienc'd in the scriptures , equally esteem'd for his learning and manners , whom † hincmar , ‖ lupus abbot of ferriers , his contemporaries ; ⸫ sigebert who liv'd in the xi . century , and father ‡ cellot the jesuits anonimus , do all make mention of , under his true name of ratramne ; wrote a book under the reign of charles the bald , as is reported by the same trythemius , which he intitul'd , of the body and blood of the lord : from a monk of corby , he was made abbot of ovias . the president : ⸫ mauguin speaking of him , saith , he was a learned doctor of the church , eminent in probity , and in doctrine , an undaunted defender and protector of the catholick truth , against innovators . he dedicated his book to the emperor charles the bald. now this author did not believe transubstantiation , because he saith , for as to the substance of those creatures , they are after consecration what they were before ; they were before bread and wine , and it is plainly seen , that after consecration these created substances do remain in the very same species . and a little after he saith , this spiritual flesh which spiritually feeds believers , is made of grains of wheat , by the hands of the baker , such as it appears to our sight ; but it hath neither bones nor sinews , nor no distinction of parts , nor is it enliven'd with a soul , or reasonable substance . to conclude , it is unable to move of it self , and if it gives life , it is the effect of a spiritual virtue , of an invisible , and a divine virtue and efficacy . a little after he saith again , as the water represents the people in the sacrament , if it were true , that the bread consecrated by ministers was corporally changed into the body of jesus christ , it must also necessarily follow , that the water which is mingled with it were changed into the blood of the faithful people ; for where there is but one sanctification , there ought to be but one operation ; and the mystery should be equal where the reason of the mystery is the same . it is evident there is no corporal change in the water , and by consequence , there is no corporal change to be expected in the wine . all that is said of the body of the people represented by water , is understood spiritually ; it is then a necessary consequence , that what is said of the blood of jesus christ represented by the wine , must be understood spiritually . again , the things which differ amongst themselves , are not one and the same thing . the body of jesus christ which was dead and rose again , and become immortal , doth dye no more , death has no more dominion over it , it is eternal , and can no more suffer ; but that which is celebrated in the church is temporal and not eternal , and it is corruptible and not incorruptible . and again ; it must then be said , that the body of jesus christ , such as it is made in the church , was incorruptible and eternal . nevertheless it cannot be denied that what is so cut into morsels to be eat , changed and corrupted , and that being eat with the teeth , it goes into the body . again , now 't is true that the figure and the reallity are things distinct , therefore the body and blood which are celebrated in the church , are different from the flesh and blood of the body of jesus christ , which it is well known , is glorious since his resurrection , therefore the body that we celebrate is a pledg and figure . these words of ratramne or bertram , are so clear , that it is wonder'd the author of the perpetuity should say in the first treatise , p. 3. that bertram is an obscure author , and not evidently favourable to calvinists , but that the catholicks may explain him in a good sense . i cannot tell what to call this confidence . john erigen , a scotch man , whom the emperor charles the bald commanded to write touching the body and blood of the lord , as he had done also to ratramne , which appears by borrenger's letter to richard , publish'd by dom luke d' achery in the 2d tome of his spicileg , was of an opinion contrary to paschasius , as is acknowledged by * lanfrank ; and berenger in his epistle to the same lanfrank ; and hincmar saith of john erigen , that he taught , ‖ that the sacrament of the altar was not the real body and blood of jesus christ , but only the remembrance both of the one and the other : and berenger writing to lanfrank , saith to him , if you hold john for a heretick , whose judgment we have been inform'd of touching the sacrament , you must also hold for hereticks , ambrose , chrysostom , austin , not to mention many more . nevertheless * william of malmsbury , ‖ roger de hoveden , and ‡ matthew of westminster , speak of john scot , as of the greatest man of his time ; and molanus professor in divinity at the university of lovain , in his appendix to the martyrology of ussuart , at the letter j has left these words engraven , john scot , martyr , translated dionysius ' s ecclesiastical hierarchy , after which by authority of the popes , he was put into the number of the martyrs of jesus christ. to conclude , the roman martyrology , which we have in our library , printed at antwerp , anno 1586. by order of gregory the 13th , as is said in the title of the book , martyrologium romanum jussii gregorii 13 , editum , at the 4 of the ides of november , makes mention of john scot : it 's true , the author of the 1st dissertation upon john scot , which the author of the perpetuity chose , having placed the said dissertation at the end of his 2d treatise , to which he often refers his readers , has made in the same dissertation , a chapter which bears the title , that john scot was not put into the catalogue of martyrs by the sacred authority of popes , and that his name is not to be sound in any edition of the roman martyrology . but it is also certain , that the same author , who hath also publish'd the belief of the greek church touching transubstantiation , has inserted in the end of his book , a treatise entituled , a refutation of the answer of a minister of charenton , to the dissertation which is in the end of monsieur arnauds book , concerning the employments , the martyrdom , and the writings of john scot , or erigen ; and the last chapter of this refutation hath this title , a sincere declaration of the author touching some things he had said in his dissertation , the which he since confesses were not true . and in numb . 6. of this chapter , the author saith in these terms , in art. 7. p. 25. ( he speaks of the 7th art. of the first dissertation upon john scot , which is at the end of mr. arnauds perpetuity ; ) it is said that 't is false that there was a martyrology printed at antwerp by command of gregory the 13th in the year 1586. 2dly , that there is not to be found in any roman martyrology , printed at antwerp or any where else , the commemoration of john scot on the 4th of the ides of november . it would be superfluous here to relate the reasons that they have had , so positively to deny these matters of fact. it is sufficient to observe , first , that there is a roman martyrology set forth by order of gregory the 13th , and printed by platin at antwerp in the year 1586. 2dly , that there is seen in this martyrology , the commemoration of john scot on the 4th of the ides of november in these words , eodem die sancti joannis scoti qui grafiis puerorum confessus , martyrii coronam adeptus est . this author is of good reputation , and doubtless was not ignorant of what st. austin saith in some of his works , that to lye in a matter of religion , is meer blasphemy . nevertheless we may observe , before proceeding any farther , that if scot had advanced any new doctrine , he would certainly have been reproved for it by the church of lyons , by prudentius , by florus , by the councils of valence and langres , which condemn'd and censur'd his opinions on the doctrine of predestination . st. prudentius bishop of troys in champaign , who assisted at the councils of paris in the year 846 , of tours in 849 , at soissons in the year 853. to whom leo the 4th wrote an honourable letter , which is to be seen in the 6th tome of the councils , of the which the bishop of toul in the french martyrology on the 7th of april , having said , that at troys his anniversary is solemnized , as of a holy bishop and confessor ; he also makes a magnificent elegy of him . this holy bishop , i say , was of the same judgment with john scot in the subject of the eucharist , for hincmar arch-bishop of rhemes , numbers him with john scot , against whom he observes nevertheless , that he wrote touching predestination , and saith , that they both held , that the sacraments of the altar are not the true body and blood of our lord , but only the commemoration of his body and blood. christianus drutmar priest and frier of corby , famous for his learned works , saith sigebert of illustrious men , as also the abbot trythemius ; wrote a commentary upon st. matthew , about the year 845. it is in the bibliotheca patrum , tom. 16. pag. 301. jesus christ , saith drutmar , took bread , because bread strengthens the heart of man , and doth better fortifie our body than any other food . he therein establishes the sacrament of his love ; but this propriety ought much rather to be attributed to the spiritual bread which perfectly strengthens all men , and all creatures , because 't is by him we live , move , and have our being . he blessed it : he blessed it first , because as in his person he blessed all mankind , then afterwards he shewed that the blessing and power of the divine and immortal nature was truly in that nature which he had taken from the virgin mary . he broke it : he broke the bread which was himself , because exprsing himself willingly to death , he broke and shattered the habitation of his soul , to the end that he might satisfie us , according to what himself saith , i have power to lay down my life , or to save it . and he gave it to his disciples , saying to them , take and eat , this is my body . he gave to his disciples the sacrament of his body for the remission of sins , and for the keeping of charity , to the end that not forgetting this action , they should always perform this in figure , and that they should not be unmindful of what he was about to do for them . this is my body , that is to say , sacramentally ; and having taken the cup , he blessed it , and gave it to his disciples . as amongst all things which are necessary to preserve life , bread and wine are those that do most of all repair and strengthen the weakness of nature : it is with great reason that our saviour was pleas'd in these two things to establish the mystery of his sacrament ; for wine rejoyces the heart , and increases blood , therefore it is very fit to represent the blood of jesus christ , because whatsoever comes from him , rejoyces with true joy , and encreaseth whatsoever there is of good in us . to conclude , as a person that is going a long journey , leaves to those u hom be loves , some particular pledg of his kindness , on condition that they should look daily upon it , to the end that they may retain him always in remembrance ; so in like manner , god by spiritually changing the bread into his body , and the wine into his blood , has commanded us to celebrate this mystery , that these two things should make us never forget what he hath done for us with his body and blood , and keep us from being unthankful and ungrateful for his so tender love. now because water is wont to be mingled with the sacrament of his blood , this water represents the people for whom jesus christ was pleas'd to suffer , and the water is not without the wine , nor the wine without the water , because as he died for us , so also we should be ready to die for him , and for our brethren , that is to say , for the church , therefore there came out of his side water and blood. this passage is taken out of the commentary , where the author expounds these words of the institution , this is my body , by these other words , that is to say , in sacrament , which are words quite contray to those of paschasius ; for paschasius said in his letter to frudegard , fearing it should be thought that jesus spake in sacrament , he said demonstratively , this is my body . ne putares quia in sacramento loquebatur ( deminus ) &c. demonstrative dixit , hoc est corpus meum . so drutman makes a difference 'twixt the body and the sacrament which he establishes in the bread and wine , which he blessed , brake and gave to his disciples ; he ascribes to the wine , only the dignity of representing the blood of christ ; and that , to conclude , the bread and wine are pledges of his love. therefore the same author , chap. 56. on these words , i will drink no more of this fruit of the vine , until i drink it new with you in my father's kingdom ; from that very hour of supper , saith he , he drank no wine , until he became immortal and incorruptible after his resurrection . the deacon florus wrote about the same time , an exposition of the mass , which is mention'd in the bibliotheca patrum , tom. 6. pag. 170. he there saith , this body and this blood is not gather'd in ears of corn , or in clusters of grapes ; nature doth not give it us , but it is consecration that makes it mystical to us : jesus christ is eaten when the creatures of bread and wine do pass to the sacrament of the body and blood , by the ineffable sanctification of the holy ghost . he is eaten by parcels in the sacrament , and remains whole and intire in heaven , and whole and intire in our hearts . again , all that is done in this oblation of the body and blood of our saviour , is a mystery , we there see one thing , and we understand another ; what we see , hath a corporal substance ; what we understand , hath a spiritual fruit. he saith , jesus christ saith to them , take , eat ye all of this ; and speaking of the cup , the wine , saith he , was the mystery of our redemption , and he proves it by these words , i will drink no more of the fruit of the vine . to conclude , explaining these last words of the canon , by which , o lord , thou daily makest these good things for us , which contain a kind of thanksgiving , which in the latin liturgy does follow the consecration ; he sufficiently intimates to us , that he did not believe the bread and wine were changed into the substance of the body and blood of jesus christ , seeing he speaks of them , as things god had created from the beginning of the world , which he creates every year by propagation and reparation , which he sanctifies , which he sills with grace and heavenly benediction , the which himself expounds to be bread and wine . see here nine or ten authors , contemporaries with paschasius , which are formally contrary to his doctrine , besides those which paschasius himself speaks of in general , in his own writings . to conclude the ninth century , there might be added the manner that charles the bald , and the count of barcelona signed the peace , which was done with the blood of the eucharist , as is reported by monsieur baluze in his notes on agabard , out of odo aribert , in the year 844. it was in the same manner that pope theodore in the seventh century signed the condemnation of pirrbus the monotholite , as appears by baronius on the year 648. § 15. that the fathers of the tenth century did not believe transubstantiation . alferick archbishop of canterbury , about the year 940. in one of his sermons to be seen in the fourth book of bedes ecclesiastical history , cap. 24. which we have copied in the library of st. victor , saith , the eucharist is not the body of jesus christ corporally , but spiritually ; not the body in which he suffered , but the body of which he spake , when consecrating the bread and wine he said , this is my body , this is my blood ; he adds , the bread is his body , just as the manna ; and the wine his blood , as the water in the desart was . there is another sermon cited by some under the name of wolfin bishop of salisbury , others say 't is of alfric , wherein the author uses near the same language . this sacrifice , saith he , is not the body of jesus christ wherein he suffered for us , nor his blood which he shed , but it is spiritually made his body and blood , as the manna that fell from heaven , and the water that sprang out of the rock besides these two testimonies , which shew what was believed of the sacrament in england , there is a sermon seen , which was read every year to the people at easter , to keep in their minds the idea of the ancient faith ; it is almost wholly taken out of ratramne ; there is great difference , saith this homily , betwixt the body wherein jesus christ suffered , and the body which is consecrated for the eucharist ; for the body wherein jesus christ suffered , was born of the virgin mary , and was provided with blood , bones , nerves and skin , with bodily members , and a reasonable soul ; but his spiritual body , which we call eucharist , is compos'd of several grains of wheat , without blood , without bones , nerves , and without a soul. the body of christ which suffer'd death , and rose again , shall never dye more , it is eternal and immortal ; but the eucharist is temporal and not eternal , it is corruptible and divided into sundry parcels , ground by the teeth , and goes along with the other excrements . this sacrament is a pledg and figure ; the body of jesus christ is the truth it self ; we have this pledg sacramentally until we attain to the truth , and then the pledg shall be fulfill'd . and a little lower , if we consider the eucharist after a corporal manner , we see 't is a changeable and corruptible creature ; but if we consider the spiritual virtue that is in it , we easily see that life abides in it , and that it gives immortality to those that receive it with faith. there is great difference betwixt the invisible virtue of this holy sacrament , and the visible form of its proper nature . by nature it is corruptible bread , and corruptible wine , but by the virtue of the word of god , it is truly his body and blood , yet not corporally but spiritually . a little below , he explains this change , in saying , jesus christ by an invisible virtue did change the bread and wine into his body and blood ; but 't was after the same manner as he heretofore changed manna , and the water that came out of the rock , into the same body and blood. fulcuin abbot of the monastry of lobes , in the county of liege , who departed this life in the year 990. speaking of the eucharistical table , saith , that 't is the table on which is consumed the sacred body of our lord , which not being to be said of the proper body , cannot be understood but of the bread which is called body , an expression which in all likelihood this abbot had learn'd of st. austin , who faith , the bread made for that use , is consumed in receiving the sacrament . that which is set on the table is consum'd , the holy celebration being ended . herriger , successor to fulcuin , and whom he that continued the history of the abbots of lobes , mentions as a man whose virtue and knowledg was known even to strangers , he collected , saith this author , several passages of catholick fathers against paschasius ratbertus , touching the body and blood of our lord. the ancient customs of the monastry of cluny , reprinted by the care of dom luke d' achery , l. 2. ch . 30. say , the outside of the challice is carefully rub'd , lest there should the least drop of the wine and water remain ; and being consecrated , it should fall to the ground , and perish ; by which it appears they believed the wine and water still remain'd after consecration , for the true body of jesus christ cannot perish . again , the priest divides the host , and puts part of it into the blood ; of one moiety he communicates himself , and with the other , he communicates the deacon . it cannot be so spoke of the body of jesus christ ; then after the priest has broke the host , he puts part of it into the cup , after the usual manner , two parts on the patten , and covers both the one and the other with a clean cloath ; but first of all , he very carefully rubs the challice , and shakes it with the same hand with which he touched it , fearing , lest that breaking the bread , there should rest some part of the body of our lord ( which cannot be said of the true body of jesus christ ; ) and elsewhere is prescrib'd what should be done , if there chance to remain ever so little of the body of our saviour , which is expounded to be a very little crum , as 't were indivisible , and like an atome . to conclude , treating of the communion of sick folks , it is observ'd that the body of our lord is brought from the church , that it is broke , and that the priest holds on the challice the part that he is to bring . it must needs be , that by the sence of these customs , there must be bread and wine in the sacrament , that it may be broken , and improperly called body . ratherius bishop of verona saith , as to the corporal substance which the communicant doth receive , seeing that 't is i that do now ask the question , i must also answer my self , and i thereto yield ; for seeing that to him that receives worthily , it is the true body , altho one sees that the bread is the same it was before ; and true blood , altho the wine is seen to be the same it was : i confess i cannot say nor think , what it is to him that doth receive unworthily , that is to say , that doth not abide in god. now the communicant , can he receive a corporal substance ? can one say , that one sees that the bread is what 't was before , if the communicant receives no substance ? it is known on the contrary , that what is seen , is not bread nor wine . moreover , ratherius condemning drunkenness and excess in some of his priests , saith , that some of them spew'd before the altar of our lord upon the body and blood of the lamb ; this can be understood only of the sacrament , which borrows the name of the thing signified , the abuse whereof reflects on him that instituted it . that the authers of the eleventh century did not believe transubstantiation . the author of the life of st. genulphius , who in all probability lived in the beginning of the eleventh century , and was published by john a bosco a celestin frier , relates of this saint , that from the very day of his ordination , he spent the rest of his life without tasting any wine , except it was that he receiv'd in the celebration of the holy sacrament . one would not speak in this manner , and believe that there was not wine remaining in the cup after consecration . leutherick arch-bishop of sens , who died in the year of our lord 1032. did not believe transubstantiation , because we read of him in the life of pope john the xvii . or according to others the eleventh , that in this popes life , leutherick arch-bishop of sens , laid the foundation and elements of the heresy of berenger . whence it is , that helgald wrote in the life of king robert , that his doctrine grew and increased in the world ; cresebat , saith he , in saeculo , notwithstanding the threatnings which this prince made to depose him from his dignity , if he continued to teach it . fulbert , anno dom. 1007. bishop of chartres , and ordain'd by leutherick , did not believe transubstantiation , when he said in his 1 st epistle to adeodatus , that jesus christ intending to take up his body to heaven , left us the sacrament for to be a pledg of his body and blood. that under the visible form of the creature , there is a secret virtue that operates in the holy solemnities . that the divine majesty is diffus'd and spread abroad in that , which before was but a common thing , but being sanctifi'd by the heavenly word , it inwardly becomes the body of jesus christ. that this is effected by the holy spirit that joyns , unites and binds the sacrament to the body of jesus christ , ( compaginante spiritu sancto ) that the terrestrial matter surpassing the merits of its nature and kind , is changed into the substance of the body of jesus christ ; that this change is not impossible , no more than that is , which arrives to us by baptism , being changed into the body of the church ; not by any priviledge of nature , but by the purchase of faith ; non naturae privilegio , sed fidei precio , being the same outwardly , and changed inwardly : of servants being become children , being vile and abject , and all of a sudden acquiring a new dignity . what wonder is it , that he that produced these natures out of nothing , should convert them into the dignity of a more excellent nature , and make them pass into the substance of his body ? now the terms of pledges of the body and blood of the lord , do sufficiently shew that he made a difference betwixt the sacrament and his body ; therefore we see before , that ratramne drew the same consequence in saying , that which is a pledg and image , is distinct from that whereof it is an image and pledg . these terms of a secret virtue by which it operates , of the sacred majesty which it spreads abroad , of the holy spirit that joins and unites , of the matter which is advanced to a greater dignity ; and in that he confirms the change of the bread , by that which happens to believers in baptism ; and by that which besel the manna in the wilderness ; as also what he farther says to frudegard in his 2d epistle of the communion , as of a thing whereof the priest newly ordained , during 40 days , received a little portion , parvam particulam , which might be taken by morsels , or by bits , minutatim sumere , in that he calls the sanctified bread , eucharist , and that he saith , that the sanctified bread is called the true body of jesus christ ; in that he saith elsewhere with st. austin , that he that abides not in jesus christ , and in whom jesus christ abideth not , doth not eat his flesh , nor drink his blood , though he eats and drinks to his condemnation , the sacrament of so great a thing . all this sheweth , that berenger had all reason to alledg in his defence the authority of fulbert , as appears by berenger's letter to richard , which letter is printed by dom luke d' achery in the 2d tome of his spicileg . if things be so , saith berenger to richard , how is it that this doctrine of the eucharist , contained in the writings of bishop fulbert of glorious memory , should come to my knowledg , which some indeed imagine to be of this bishop , but was indeed taught by st. austin ? bernon abbot of auge , who about the year 1030. wrote a treatise of things concerning the mass , saith in the 1 st chapter , that pope sergius commanded to sing the agnus dei at the breaking of the body of the lord ; now this being not to be understood of the proper body of jesus christ , it must be understood of the sacrament , which is the figure of his body : they do not speak so now , they say the sign is broken , but they do not say the body of jesus christ is broken : and in the 5th chapter he saith , that we are refreshed with the wine which is in the cup , in type of the blood of jesus christ. bruno bishop of argers , was of berengers opinion , as appears by the 3d tome of the bibliotheca patrum , p. 319 , in a letter the bishop of liege writ to k. henry against bruno and berenger , his arch-deacon . sigebert in his chronicle of miroeus his edition at antwerp , 1608 , saith , that many did dispute for and against berenger , by word of mouth , and by writing . the manuscript of this chronicle , which is seen in monsieur d'thous's library saith the same : as also conrart de brunwill , apud surium vita wolphelmi ad ap . matthew of westminster on the year 1080 , saith , that berenger had almost corrupted all france , italy , and england , with his doctrine . matthew paris , and william of malmsbury do affirm , that all france was full of his doctrine . thomas waldensis relates the acts of the council held under gregory the 7th , wherein there was a more moderate confession of faith touching the sacrament prepared , than that under alexander the 2d , predecessor to gregory ; berenger was forced to sign it , after which greg. 7th . gave him letters of recommendation , which dom luke d' achery , has caused to be printed in one of the tomes of his collection . nevertheless it appears by the acts , and by hugh de flavigny , in the chronicle of verdun in the 1st tome of father l' abbes bibliotheque , in an. 1078 , that there were several in that assembly that maintained berengers doctrine against paschasius , that this arch-deacons adversaries knew not how to answer his reasons , as the chronicle of mount cassin test sies , l. 3. c. 33. and sigonius de regno itali , relates lib. 9. on the year 1059. that they were forc'd to send to the monastry of mount cassin , for a learned frier called albert , whom pope stephen , saith sigonius , made cardinal deacon , who being come , and not able to answer berengers arguments , desired a weeks time to consider of them ; neither was pope gregory the 7th himself well satisfied with what was urged against berenger , seeing that cardinal bernon , in the life of hildebrand , and the abbot of ursberg in the year 1080 , do write , that gregory the 7th , wavering in the faith , caus'd a fast to be kept by his cardinals , that it might be discover'd whether the church of rome , or berenger were in the best opinion touching the bidy of jesus christ in the sacrament . one argument that gregory the 7th , was not very contrary to berenger , is , that the abbot of ursberg , and aventin , that has it from otto fraxinensis , relate on the year 1080 , that thirty bishops and lords being assembled apud brixiam nomicam , did depose gregory the 7th , amongst other things , for being a disciple of berengers . before i end my discourse of berenger , it is necessary to observe , that the confession that was extorted from him , is not maintainable , seeing that , as is related by lanfranc and alger , it is therein said , that jesus christ not only in sacrament , but also in reality , is touched and broken by the teeth . theophylact arch-bishop of bulgary said in his time , that god , condescending to our infirmity , doth preserve the species of bread and wine , and changes them into the virtue of the body and blood of christ. also in his time the greeks did not believe transubstantiation . in all probability nicetas pectoratus did not believe it , seeing cardinal humbert whom pope leo the 9th sent to them , upbraids him , perfidious stercoranist , says he to him , you think that the participation of the body and blood of our lord breaks the fasts of lent , and other holy fasts , believing that the heavenly , as well as the terrestrial food , is cast out into the draft , by the sordid and stinking way of the belly . alger de sacram. l. 2. c. 1. tom. 6. of the fathers , lib. and the jesuit cellot , in append. miscel. opusc. 7. p. 564. do frequently impute this error to the greeks . the author of the chronicle malleacensis , on the year 1083 , observes in the monastry ( cormoriacensi ) , that there was a fryar called literius , of such great abstinence , that for ten years time , he drank neither wine nor water , but what he received in the sacrament ; of necessity then , what one drinks in the eucharist , must be true wine , and true water . that the authors of the twelfth century did not believe transubstantiation . honorius priest and theologal of the church of rutan , did not believe transubstantiation , seeing thomas waldensis , tom. 2. c. 90. saith , that this theologal was of the sect of the bread-eaters of rabanus , de secta panitarum rabani ; and honorius saith with raban , that the sacrament which is received with the mouth , is converted into bodily food , but the virtue of the sacrament is that whereby the inward man is fed and satisfied . he saith also , that the host is broken , because the bread of angels was broken for us upon the cross ‡ . * that the bishop bites one piece , that he divides it in parts , that it is not received whole , but broke in three parts , ‖ that when 't is put in the wine , it is shewed that the soul of our lord return'd to his body , and he calls that which is broke , the body of the lord ; then he observes , that the sub-deacon receives from the deacon the body of our saviour , and that he carries it to the priests to divide it to the people ; all this can only be understood of the bread , which is improperly called the body . rupert abbot of duits , near cologne , upon exodus , l. 2. c. 10. saith , that the holy ghost doth not destroy the substance of bread , as he did not destroy the human nature , when he joined it to the word ; and in his 6th book on st. john , of the paris edition , in the year 1638 , he saith , that as the word was made flesh , not being changed into flesh , but in assuming flesh , so also the word made flesh , is made visible bread , not being changed into bread , but taking and transferring the bread into the unity of his person . we will say no more of this author , because bellarmin and several others , do freely confess that rupert did not believe transubstantiation ; also honorius of auter gives him extraordinary commendations , saying , that rupert illuminated with a vision of the holy ghost , explained almost all the holy scriptures in an admirable stile . zonaras in the east did not believe transubstantiation , seeing he saith of the eucharist , that it is a shew-bread which is subject to corruption , and which is eat and ground with the teeth . panis propositionis corruptioni est obnoxius , ut pote caro existens vere christi , & secatur dentibus nostris , & molitur . so that he was of the opinion of damascen and rupert . the abbot francus , in all likelihood , abbot of lobes , did not approve the opinion of transubstantiation , seeing the centuriators of magdebourgh observe , that he had no right judgment of the lords supper , asserting that the true body of christ was not in the holy sacrament . amalaricus bishop of chartres in they ear 1207. a man of great reputation for his knowledg and wisdom , saith gaugwi● in his 6th book of the history of france , in the reign of philip the august , amongst other things , denied transubstantiation . bernard of luxemburg , prateolus and alphonsus alastro , report the same of amaury , as also genebrard in his chronicle , lib. 4. anno 1215. opinions of authors of the thirteenth century , and afterwards , touching transubstantiation . it 's true , pope innocent the 3d , did condemn this amaury at the council of lateran , after his death , in the year 1215. but 't is not said wherefore ; and what was transacted in this council , deserves not to be much regarded , if it be consider'd after what manner things were there transacted . the pope , who then presided , was a man full of vain glory and ambition ; mathew paris and mathew of westminster intimate so much of him , and that the liberty of voting and speaking was denied to the prelates of the assembly , for they were not seen to propose , nor deliberate , nor advise , nor prepare any of the constitutions which were there in great numbers ; but they were presented to the council ready drawn up , it not appearing that the advice of the assembly was taken on each of them , as is usually practis'd in all free and lawful councils . mathew paris , on the year 1215. speaks in these terms , every one being assembled in the place abovesaid , and each having according to the custom of the general councils , taken their place , the pope having first made an exhortatory sermon , there was read in full council sixty articles ; which were liked by some , and disliked by others . godfry a fryer of st. pantalion at cologne , saith , there was nothing worth the remembrance done at this council , only that the eastern church submitted to the western , which before was never known . naucerlus and platina , in the life of innocent the 3d. affirm the same , for they mark , that several things were there propos'd , but that nothing was clearly determin'd . and kings and princes have no reason to allow of this council , because in the 3d chap. of the said council , power is given to the pope to deprive princes and lords of their lands , and to give them to others . guy legros archbishop of narbonne , in the year 1268. did not believe transubstantiation ; for being at rome , and discovering his mind to a certain doctor , being return'd to narbonne , pope clement the iv. wrote him a letter , telling him that a certain doctor inform'd him , that discoursing with him , he held that the body of christ was not essentially in the sacrament , and no otherwise than as the thing signified is in the sign ; and that he said also this opinion was common at paris . this appears by the register'd manuscript of the letters of clement the iv. and to shew that the arch bishop of narbonne said this doctrine was very frequent at paris ; we find that two years after , that is to say , in the year 1270. which was in the year st. lewis died ; stephen bishop of paris , by advice of some doctors in divinity , condemned those which held , that god cannot make an accident to be without a subject , because it is of its essence to be actually in its subject . 2ly , that the accident without a subject , is not evident , unless it be equivocal . 3ly , that to make the accident subsist without its subject , as we think it does in the eucharist , is a thing impossible , and implies a contradiction . 4ly , that god cannot make the accident be without its subject , neither that it should have several dimensions . which maxims being inconsistent with transubstantiation , doth plainly shew , that even at that time , men were divided on the subject of transubstantiation . one william , saith the fryer walsingham , in the life of richard the 2d , king of england , on the year 1381. preached at leicester on palm-sunday , that the sacrament of the altar is real bread after consecration ; and that the bishop of lincoln going to punish him for it , the people appearing concern'd for him , made the bishop not dare do any thing against him , which doth plainly shew , that in that time the doctrine of transubstantiation had not taken any deep root in the minds of the people . reginal peacock bishop of chichester in england , in the year 1457 , did not hold transubstantiation , seeing baleus reports on the credit of thomas gasconius and leland , that he had no sound thoughts touching the eucharist , and that he asserted the doctrine of wickliff . now the doctrine of wickliff , as is related by this frier walsingham and thomas waldensis , was , that after consecration by the priest in the mass , there remains true bread and wine , such as they were before ; nevertheless , saith walsingham , the lords and nobles of the land favour'd wickliff ; which shews plainly , that the belief of transubstantiation was not generally received . guy of cluvigny , doctor in divinity , of the order of carmelites , and reader of the sacred palace , did not hold transubstantiation , but held the opinion of rupert de duits , to wit , the impanation ; and said , that this opinion was so agreeable to him , that if he were pope , he would establish it . thomas waldensis reports the same thing , having receiv'd it from john of paris . it 's certain that john of paris teacheth so in his manuscript treatise in the library of st. victor , having for its title , determinatio fratris joannis de parisiis praedicatoris de modo existendi corpus christi in sacramento altaris alio quam sit ille quem tenet ecclesia . the same john de paris wrote the treatise above mention'd , about the year 1300. he was a jacobin , and doctor of the sorbon ; he held that the eucharist is the body of christ , as rupert de duits , and guy of cluvigny did , to wit , by assumption , jesus christ having taken the bread into the unity of his suppositum , as he took the human nature into the unity of his person . and towards the end of the manuscript it is said , that the faculty thought fit , that the manner of explaining the eucharist , by assumption of the bread , or by conversion , was a probable opinion ; but that neither the one nor the other was decided as a matter of faith ; and that whoever said otherwise , did not say well , and run the risque of excommunication . in praesentia collegii magistrorum in theologia dictum est ; ( says the end of the manuscript ) utrumque modum ponendi corpus christi esse in altare tenet pro opinioni probabili , & approbat utrumque per. — et per dicta sanctorum . dicit tamen quod nullus est determinatus per ecclesiam , & idcirco nullus cadit sub fide , & si aliter dixisset , minus bene dixisset , & qui aliter dicunt minus bene dicunt , & qui determinate assereret alterum praecise cadere sub fide incurreret sententiam , canonis vel anathematis . thomas waldensis attributes this opinion to john de paris . there is commonly found in the library of the franciscan friers , a book called the poor's reckoning , writ by one , called de goris , a doctor of tholouse , and native of arragon ; he dedicated his book to alphonsus of arragon arch-bishop of sarragossa . he chargeth john de paris with the opinion of the impanation , and doth not condemn it . it is on the 4th book of sentences , dist. 11. q. 3. the continuator of william de nangis , his manuscript chronicle in the library of st. german de pres , that john de paris is stiled , doctor of great knowledg and learning . * trythemius and auctuar . ‡ le mire , give him also the same epithets . i observe , that in this manuscript , john de paris to confirm his opinion , makes use of the authority of the master of the sentences , in 4th sent. dist. 21. ( i take it to be dist. 12. ) as if the master of the sentences should there say , that the impanation is a probable opinion . he also cites to the same purpose , dominus hostiensem , &c. super corpus juris extra de summa trinit . & fide cathol . c. firmiter oredimus , & de celebratione missarum , cap. cum marta . albertus magnus expounds the eucharist by transubstantiation , but he saith , salvo meliori judicio , which shews that he did not believe it as of faith. durandus of st. porcien taught , that the substance of bread remain'd , but that the form was chang'd . durand in the 4. sent. dist . 10. q. 13. saith , that in his time there were catholick doctors which taught , the bread remain'd in the eucharist , and did prove it by the confession which berenger was forc'd to make , affirming this opinion was not condemn'd . cornelius bishop of bitonte , declared against transubstantiation in the council of trent ; canus locor . theol. l. 12. c. 13. dominicus bannes taught , that the existence of bread doth remain , that so the accidents of bread and vvine may remain by this existence . at least suarez and mairat attribute this opinion to him . to all which , if we add the doctors that we have mention'd in our first part , that could not speak of transubstantiation but as of a new doctrine , and which could not be proved by the scriptures , without intimating that they were not all satisfied with it ; we shall see it plainly appears , that we cannot apply to the doctrine of transubstantiation , the rule of vinc●●tius lirrinensis , which is offer'd to us by the bishops of france . the conclusion . wherefore the bishops are humbly desired , that they would not continue to exercise so much rigor and severity against the protestants of france , who having yielded farther than they well could with a safe conscience , to obey the kings orders , yet cannot in any wise resolve to make any profession of the doctrine of transubstantiation , it appearing that they oppose it only for conscience sake , and as being contrary to the very rule offered to them by the bishops themselves . if st. austin could say , that those ought not to be esteemed hereticks that with an honest mind maintained the errors of their ancestors , and are ready to relinquish them when they are better inform'd of the truth ; how much greater reason is there to bear with people who do shew by the very confession of romish catholick doctors , that the doctrine of transubstantiation is a new invention , and by consequence , that it ought not to be imposed as an article of faith , by the very rule laid down by the bishops of france . no reasonable person can find any question in matter of religion whereto this rule of st. austin's can be more justly applied . for if it be not observ'd in this controversie of transubstantiation , there will never be any thing found that it may be used in . if then such persons are not hereticks for seeking the truth , and that they think 't is their duty to seek it ; that they are of the judgment of catholick doctors , and that they observe the rule prescribed by the bishops ; it is no way safe to persecute them to that degree of violence , to make them believe that which is contrary to the rule which is laid down ; and therefore , what is said by st. austin on psalm 54. should seriously be consider'd , plerumque cum tibi videris odisse inimicum , fratrum odisti , & nescis . finis . addenda . these words in their place , are also to be added . the heavenly sacrament which truly represents the flesh of jesus christ , is called the body of christ , but improperly ; and nevertheless it is so called after its manner , not according to the truth of the thing , but by a significant mystery ; so that the meaning is , 't is called the body of jesus christ , that is to say that the body is thereby signified . and also the text of the canon taken out of st. austin ; sicut coelestis panis qui christi caro est , suo m●do vocatur corpus christi , cum re vera sit sacramentum corporis christ illius videlicet quod visibile , palpabile , mortale , &c. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36765-e3260 the clergy of france's method to judge of articles of faith. † secundum unanimem consensum patrum . admitted by the protestants . transubstantiation to be examined by it . several doctors of the church of rome have believed the doctrine of transubstantiation not to be very ancient . * suarez in 3. tom. ●1 euch. disp. 70. sect. 2. † scotus in 4. d. 11. q. 3. § haec duo videnda . ⸫ lombard l. 4. d. 11. * lib. 3. de euch. cap. 23. † p. dayly on 4th sent. q. 6. art. 4. * card. cusa . † frasmus . * alphonsus à castro lib. 8. contr . haeres . † tonstal lib. 1. of the sacrament . cassander . du moulin . jo. yribarne . de marca . that the ancients indeed did not believe transubstantiation . obs. 1. the papists confess that it is not expresly in scripture . so * scotus . † ockham . lib. 4 q. 34. * alfonsus de castro . vacabulo indulgentiae . † biel. lect. 40. in can. mis. * cajetan in 3. p. 8. th. 9. 75. art. 7. obs. 2. none of the pagans objected to the ancient christans the difficulties of it . not trypho . * l. 1. & 2. contr . cels. nor celsus . nor julian . hence it follows , that transubstantiation was not antient . iust. martyr . iustin martyr . irenaeus adversus heres . l. 4. c. 24. irenaeus clem. alexand. p. edag . l. 2. graece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies mixture . s. austin f. p. 3. ad volusen . theodotus . tertullian . tertullian . tertullian . origen . du perron saith on this passage , christians , stop your ears . origen . origeniana l. 2. q. 14. pag. 411. edit . huet . g. l. origen . cyprian . tom. 9. tract . 2. & tract . 16. de euch. l. 1. c. 1. eustathius . nicen. syn. 2. act. 6. eusebius lib. 8. de dem. evang. eusebius . cyrillus hierosol . catech. myst. 3. macharius . macharius . st. basil. ep. 289. ephrem . epiphanius . s. ep. in compond . de side eccles. deus ad aquas descendit . incorporea re nihil augetur . arist. de generat . & corruptione . alimentum vel materiam partim . ibid. l. 2. greg. naz. orat. 11. gregory nazianz. greg. nyss. in his oration of the baptis . of j. c. s. ambrose . l. 1. ep. 1. id. tom. 4. de side l. 4. c. 5. idem tom. 1. of the blessing of the patriarchs , c. 9. ambrose . gaudentius . gaud. bishop of bress , tract . 2. chrysostom . s. chrys. hom. 83. on s. matth. chrysost●● . idem in hom. 24. chrysostom . chrysostom . this author goes under s. chrysostom's name . s. jerom. it appears by these words , that they imply the common belief , that there was true wine in the eucharist ; because they say , that should they abstain from wine , they must abstain also from the blood of the lord. * de fide l. 2. c. 5. st. jerom. st. austin . st. austin . st. austin st. austin . ep. 23. ad bonif. de opif. l. 1. c. 15. quod non per omnia est id quod esse dicitur , illud abusive appellationem illam habet . st. austin . * de princip . dialect . l. 5. signum est quod seipsum sensibus , & praeter si aliquid animo ost endit . st. austin . ad monym . l. 2. c. 10. . cum electionis vas dicat quia christus caput est corporis ecclesiae , ipsum tamen corpus christi non dubitat christus veraciter appellare . ad paulin. ep. 59. ep. 86. tract . 2. de consensu evangelist . l. 3. c. 25. st. austin . l. 1. q. 43. l. 20. c. 13. penè quidem sacramentum omnes corpus ejus dicunt . st. austin . st. austin . in joan. tract . 59. st. augustin . lib. con. donat . c. 6. de ipso quippe pane , de ipsa dominica manu , &c. ep. 59. et ipsi quidem adducti sunt ad mensam christi , &c. de noe & arca . c. 29. s. augustine . s. augustine . french posthum . treatise of the euch. theodoret. theodoret. dial. 1. arnobius junior . accipimusfrumentum , &c. quod nunc habeat intra se ecclesia videamus , &c. accipimus panem quod confirmat , &c. exurgens a mortuis , &c. prosper . prosper . hesychius . procopius gazeus . procopius . p. gelasius . resp. 1. ad 2. interrog . ferr. fulgentius . de fide ad pet. diac. c. 19. ephraem . apud pho. bibl. cod . 329. ecclesiast . 4. v. 12. facundus . lib. 9. de viris illustribus , c. 18. facundus . lib. 9. primasius . isidorus hispalensis . orig. l. 6. c 19. in alleg. veter . test. beda . in lucae 22. & in marc. 14. & in hom. quadrages . feria 3a palmarum . rom. 4. 11. hom. aest . & c. 55. in virg. st. joan. bapt. sedulius . j. damascen . damascen . concil . constant . act. 6. conc. const. alcuinus . ep. 69. in joan. c. 13. v. 15. carol. m. de offic. septuag . ad alquin . ambrosian office. ordo roman . ordo romanus . theodorus studita . ahyto . ahyto . theodulphus . opposers of paschasius radbertus . rabanus . rabanus . amalarius . amalarius . amal. ad rangart , tom. 7. spicilegii , pag. 166. amalarius . valafridus strabo lib. de reb. eccles. c. 16. bill . p. 7. to. 12. herribald . tom. 2. ch . 19. 52 , and 61. herribald . de praed ch . 6. frudegardus . * trithem . de script . eccles. † de praedest . ratramnus . ‖ ep. 79. ⸫ de script . eccles. ‡ de euchr. ch . 1. ⸫ maug . disser . hist. & chron. c. 17. tom . 2. pag. 133. & 135. ratramnus in the apology of the fathers , is stiled a learned benedictin defender of grace , a man of great wisdom and reputation ; and in the first treatise of the perpetuity , p. 3. c. 5. he is stiled an obscure kind of a person ; that evaporated himself in obscure reasonings , which he added to those of the church , and explained as he pleased himself , as some are pleased to say . ratramnus . joan. erigena . * de euchar. ‖ de praedest . chap. 41. jo erigena . * de gest. reg. angl. l. 1. c. 5. ‖ annal , per pred . ad 882. ‡ ad. an. 883. j. erigena . prudentius . hincmar de praedest . c. 31. christianus drutmarus . christianus drutmanes . christianus drutmanes . florus diaconus . alferic a. b. cant. the expurgat . index orders these words to be blotted out wolphinus . apud usserium de christianae ecclesi success . & stat. c. 2. p. 54. saxon homily . saxon homily . fulcuinus . tom. 6. spicil . de gestis abb. lob. p. 573. herriger . idem tom . 6. p. 591. monastry of cluny . tom. 4. in spec. p. 146. customs of the monastry of cluny . lib. 3. ch. 28. p. 217. ratherius . de contempt . canon . port . spicileg . tom. 2. the author of the life of st. genulphius . lib. 1. ch. 6. leuthericus . in epistola roberti regis . fulbertus . bib. pat . tom . fulbertus . bernon . bible of the fath. tom. 10. bruno . in willel . 2. in willel . l. 6. 3. tom. 2. spicileg . p. 508. p gregory 7. bruno . 1. 1. c. 19. theophylact. in marcum . c. 14. nicetas pectoratus . humber . tom. 4. bibl. of the patr. edit . ult . 245. honorius . an. 1120. in gemma anim. l. 1. c. 111. ‡ ib. c. 63. honorius . * ib. c. 64. ‖ ibid. c. 65. rupertus . a. 1111. de scriptor . eccles. l. 3. c. 11. & 15. de script . eccles . zonaras . tom. 6. cyr. alex. in notis vulcani ad lib. advers . anthropom . zonar . ep. 2. francus . amalaricus . in catal. in almar . contra haeres . verb. euch. 4. ad ann. 1215. in richard. 2. anno 1282. tom. 2. ch. 19. tho. waldens . in epist. ad mart. 5. in rich. 2. tom. 2. ch 64. * de scrip. ecclesiast . ‡ auctuar . in 4. dist . 11. q. 3. disp. 49. sect. 4. disp. 9. sect. 8. epist. 162. notes for div a36765-e38140 the gloss on the canon hoc est , in the 2. dist . of the consecrat . de consec . 2. c. 48. a brief history of several plots contrived, and rebellions raised by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes, since the reformation. taken from faithfull historians. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1692 approx. 233 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66123) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35434) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2085:06) a brief history of several plots contrived, and rebellions raised by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes, since the reformation. taken from faithfull historians. wake, william, 1657-1737. [8], 96 p. printed for richard wilde at the map of the world in st. paul's church-yard, london : 1692. by william wake. marginal notes. includes advertisement at foot of p. 96. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 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proquest page images 2005-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief history of the several plots contrived , and rebellions raised by the papists , against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes , since the reformation . taken from faithfull historians . london , printed for richard wilde at the map of the world in● st. paul's church-yard . 1692. to the reader . it is strange , that of all men papists should calumniate protestants with treason and rebellions ; were modesty an essential in the complexion of a jesuite , surely they would forbear , or charity they so much talk of , and so little practise , to be found among them . are horrid massacres , villanous assassinations , or poisonings , the effect of charity ? or , is malice inveterate , traducing or lying the fruit thereof ? yet nothing is more obvious in the whole course of history than those diabolical machinations and hellish conspiracies of priests and jesuites , especially within this last hundred and fifty years ; and , generally speaking , princes , and crowned heads , have been most the objects of their fury , and lest the palliation of villany should pass on the weaker sort , and this objection any way obtain , that forsooth most of these contrivances were against heretical princes , excommunicated by the pope and church , and by consequence delivered over to satan , and that the killing of them really was no murther , no more than of wolves or bears . to this i answer , that princes of the same communion , as henry the third of france , could not escape their fatal stab , who never made profession of any other ; and though henry the fourth was first a protestant , and by them constrained to change , nay , and highly indulging them in his latter years , and as mathieus says in his life , to all appearance was devout , i mean in their way ; yet from ravilliac's hand all this could not defend him . we need not long here six , but look on former times , where for five or six hundred years nothing 〈◊〉 been more common , or more lamentable , than the story of several princes , struck with the lightening of the court of rome , and others wholly ruined by the vatican thunder , the consequences being either their own tragical ends , or , at the most favourable , strong and lasting rebellions , which all conversant in history may plainly see ; and so dextrous were they in translating to the other world , that in the very host it self was poison given to one of the german emperours , so that silence to none is a more necessary virtue , especially in this case , than to regular monks and friars , who for several ages have been the very pest and bane of secular princes , acting not only their villanies in the time of the holy war , but in the time of their antipopes also . but to return to our own nation : what barbarities have they not committed ? what impieties have they not been guilty of ? what cruelties have they left unattempted ? and yet with a brazen front daily bespatter protestants , accusing them of what themselves were authours of ; imitating herein the very skum of mankind ; for none shall sooner call another rogue than he that really is one ; in whose mouth is whore and bitch more frequent , than hers that is a common prostitute ? and to proceed : what disorder did they not cause , to plague and pester harry the eighth ? what commotions did they not raise all the reign of queen elizabeth , besides the attempts upon her person ? what divisions did they not nourish all the time of edward the sixth , and in his death had no small share ? how horridly desperate they were in king james's time , appears by their inhumane powder-treason ; how intriguing they were in his cabinet councils is but too sad a truth to relate ; fomenting his humour in the spanish match , a blemish inglorious to his memory , leaving the pallsgrave ( though his son in law ) a victim to the house of austria ; and after by the match with france , how did he embroil his son ! they managing underhand the queen , and she by her powerfull influence did the king ; so that all the mischievous evils of charles the first they , like a mole , wrought under ground , spotting his life with that business of rochell , and the attempt of the isle of rhee , from whence the protestants generally date the ruine of their church in france , and by the rising of the french monarchs since that time has endangered the ruine of the whole protestant interest all over europe , as of late years has been manifestly evident ; and lastly they drew a civil war upon him , though the effects proved fatal , as well to themselves as others , ( priests generally being no reaching politicians ; ) the consequence of which all men here do know : but that which most surprizes is their villany in conclusion ; for when his farther life could yield them no advantage , they then conspired his death ; and to that end was a correspondence kept with ireton and some others , not doubting , he being gone , to have the bringing up of the children , the queen being wholly theirs , and managed to their devotion ; and how fatal this has been i need not farther speak ; and if any are desirous of farther satisfaction , let them read dr. moulin's answer to philanax anglicus , written by an apostate protestant , who found not his account by turning papist , as indeed few of them have done ; a man i must needs say of very good natural parts , though in several things but ill applied them ; and his convers●tion spoke him a gentleman , but withall of a violent and impetuous temper to whatever he took , and unfortunate in most things he projected . i am the longer on this character , because most of our whiffling priests and noisie jesuites have raked for their clamours against protestants about the business of rebellion , for many years last past , out of the dunghill of that book , written not long after the king 's coming in ; so that 't is plain , that by their legerdemain tricks in the parliament army they made them mutinous against their lords and masters ; and in the time of the agitatour's being rampant , meeting , as they say , in putney church , they were very brisk in masquerade among them , several priests , some as troupers , others private soldiers then listed , and though these agitatours were first set up by ireton , yet in process of time they became so unruly , and so beyond measure insolent , that they were by force necessitated to suppress them , and they were the occasion of breaking up that separate party of cromwell and ireton in the name of the army which they had entred into with the king , and by reason of them the king was frighted from hampton-court , making his escape to the isle of wight , which did not long precede his death . now after a lapse of some years his son charles the second , with the rest of the royal family , were restored , and let us take a short view of their transactions under him , where no sooner he was settled , but there came in whole shoals of priests from several parts beyond seas , and ireland , who for several years before had scarce any , and those that were skulking and lying close , was in a little time almost over-stocked ; and father walsh , who was a kind of a trimmer among them , and , to speak truth , an honester sort of a man than most of them were , and willing to introduce the king's authority as well as that of the popes , to that end went over with the duke of ormond ; and being countenanced by him , summoned an assembly in dublin to be held , of the most principal of them , where what a stir he had , and how strangely bigotted those irish understandings were to the see of rome , is by himself at large set forth in his loyal formulary : but one thing which himself notes is not unworthy the recital , the general among them were so strongly possest with some strange catastrophe that was to arrive ( eminently no doubt ) to their advantage , in the year approaching of sixty six , that they generally expressed themselves so averse from complying with the king in those matters , a violent presumption that the firing of london had been for some years in contriving ; and the mention that is made of a plot in the april gazette , — 63. was put into the heads ( by some rascally priests ) of those poor little rogues that were hangued , one of the main things charged upon them being the firing of the city of london , and what influence their councils had in that prince's reign , is obnoxious to all considering men , by the breaking the triple league by that close alliance between france and england for the extirpation of protestancy out of heretical holland , and no doubt , had it succeeded , out of england also , and the reason why it was not effected , was the parliament's and people's aukwardness to the war ; but notwithstanding they were so not discouraged , but they resolved to go on with their designs still in england , keeping , by the means of coleman and father le chaise , a constant correspondence with the court of france , and so strong was their ascendent with charles the second , that he publishes a declaration for liberty of conscience , by which , as coleman in his letters says , he doubted not the bringing in of their religion ; but this so allarmed the parliament , that they were strangely uneasie and restless with him , resolving to give him no more money untill he had recalled it , which at last with regret he did . this strangely nettled our roguish catholicks , who by this thought their game cock sure ; but being frustrated , used him in their discourses as if he had been a cobler , as pitifull , irresolute , nothing of honour , his word no ways to be relied on , and not worthy of a crown ; and from that day forward plotted his removal , to make way , as they supposed , for a man of honour and resolution , and who would not be balked with any thing of a parliament ; which at the last , as a great many suppose , they effectually did . and now james the second ascended the throne , and how the sceptre by him was swayed , needs no long characterising ; for father petre , with his ghostly associates , managed most things under him , who with that priestly violence so hurried on things , that on him at last the tower of siloam fell , and so weak and ridiculous were their politicks , that they are not worth blurring paper . now to sum up all , it is plain by what precedes , that the several popes and court of rome , in places where they power had , have been most imperious and domineering , and nothing so bloudy , base , or cruel , but by their priests has acted been , not in other countries only but in this our nation too , for since the twelfth year , or thereabouts , queen elizabeth's reign , popery we may compare to an imposthume breeding in the very trunk of this political body , and broke in the year forty two into a civil war , discharging only part , not all the corrupt matter ; and since regathering head , and filling up , about four years ago broke the second time , casting forth filth and corruption in quantity abounding , the stench thereof offending almost all men in the nation , but i do not doubt but our state physicians will use such detersive or cleansing medicines , as well as sanative , as shall not effect a palliative but a real and thorough cure , and that the countrey may be restored to its sound habit of body . now therefore as to the ensuing treatise , it was occasioned by that hero of english jesuitism , mr. pulton , who being strangely nettled at those stinging truths contained in the missionaries arts , challenges the authour to make good his assertion in page 76. viz that the romanists treasons owned by their popes , and by their great men approved of since the reformation , do far outnumber all the plots and insurrections that the papists , or malice itself can lay to the charge of protestants ; all which notwithstanding have been wholly condemned by the body of our famous divines : to satisfie therefore this savoy champion , and vindicate the assertion aforesaid , the authour of this account with no little pains has endeavoured to give entire satisfaction : but such has the misfortune been of writers protestant , that in dealing in controversies they have to doe with a sort of men , that when they have , yet will seemingly take no answer ; and their last refuge is generally banter and whiffle , if downright railing will not doe the feat . the subject of this treatise is most matter of fact , and the citations , though from their own selves no way unfairly used ; for if otherwise they appear , let them openly be exposed , that all that are impartial may see and judge , whether any thing of passion , envy , or malice , has prepossed the authour , i know 't is natural for men , when they have a bad cause to manage , to be froward and testy , and where they are galled to kick and wince , and instead of arguing closely to the purpose , to seek evasions that may seem plausible , at least to the less refined understandings , which has been the great masterpiece of romish priests and jesuites for many years together ; for by their little witticisms and jokes upon names , they keep up among their party a kind of reputation , not unlike jack pudding's on a stage , they please ( though at the same time delude ) the foolish and gazing people ; and if it happens that one slip falls from a protestant pen , or a citation carelesly passed , that has not proved true , what a clutter have they not made about it , though the main of the subject still remains good . this , as a demonstration , plainly proves the weakness of their cause ; and had mr. pulton but candidly read the history of the last hundred years , he must have acknowledged that this his great challenge was a vain and frivolous motion , and never needed to have given the authour this trouble ; which being done , it 's hoped will be to his firm conviction , and not only his , but any other who have been imposed on by false notions . the truth is , this treatise has been written above this year , but such was the iniquity of the times , that they would not bear , much less permit its then publication ; however it s hoped 't is not too late the world in this point to satisfie , the only scope , design , and end of this discourse . a brief account of the several plots contriv'd , and rebellions rais'd by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes , since the reformation . in the year a 1520. anno 1520 about three years after luther began to preach , was that almost universal rebellion in spain , against the emperour charles the fifth , which lasted four years . three years after , anno 1523 the earl of desmond entred into a b conspiracy against our king henry the eighth , and had procur'd a promise of assistance from king francis the first of france ; the articles of which agreement are yet extant ; whereby it appears that the design was , to make the duke of suffolk ( then in france ) king ; but king francis being taken prisoner at the battel of pavia the year following , anno 1524 and the duke of suffolk slain , the design fell . the next year the irish rebell'd , anno 1525 and murther'd many of the english inhabitants . but c ten years after , anno 1535 the pope drew up his bull against k. henry , though he did not publish it till 1538. anno 1538 wherein he asserts his authority over kings , to plant and destroy as he sees good ; and then proceeds with the advice of his cardinals to summon the king and all his adherents , to appear before him at rome on a day appointed ; threatening them with the greater excommunication , in case of non-appearance ; and declaring him and his posterity incapable of any honours , possessions , or even of being witnesses ; absolves all his subjects from their oaths of fidelity , and commands them upon pain of excommunication , not to obey him or his officers ; enjoyning all christians to have no commerce with him , all ecclesiasticks to leave the land , and all dukes , marquesses , &c. under the same penalty , to drive him out of his kingdom ; declares all leagues made with him by any princes void , exhorting them to endeavour his ruine with their whole power ; bestowing all the goods of his adherents upon such as would seize them ; commanding all bishops to declare the king and his followers excommunicate , and denouncing the same censures against whosoever should hinder the publication of this bull. this piece of prodigious impudence and vanity would not satisfie the pope , but he immediately set his instruments to work to prosecute the design of his thundering bull ; so that the beginning of the next year this letter was written from paris to one fryar forrest . anno 1536 * brother , we behold how the king is changed from a christian to an heretick ; and how he hath robb'd christ's vicar of his rights and privileges , by placing himself in his holiness's seat there , as supreme over the catholick church within the realm . it was the late damn'd assembly of lords and commons furthered his pride , otherwise he could not nor durst not assume it to himself : we have thought of these passages , and do agree , that there is no way to break this tyrant's neck but one ; puff him up in his pride , and let our friends say unto him , that it is beneath so mighty a monarch as he , to advise with parliaments , but to act all in person ; and that it behooveth his majesty to be chief actor himself . if he assumes this , it will take off great blemishes from the nation , which the church holds them guilty of , and doe our business : for then the people ( it being contrary to their laws ) will fall from him ; also the catholick party of his council will be too strong for the hereticks , and then the common sort will be the abler to declare his tyranny . this is to be contriv'd with the church's members , and cautiously , because it is observed that the parliaments of england have hindred the church in most of the kings reigns , otherwise she had held her party better than she does now . you have our convent's hearty prayers for your guide . from st. francis at paris prim● . id. jan. 1536. thomas powell . this letter was found two years after among father forrest's papers , together with an account of vast summes which he had expended for the church of rome and her designs . * but this design not being sufficient , the pope offered england to james the fifth , king of scots , and presented him with a cap and consecrated sword. when that offer of what was none of his succeeded not according to his desires , the same pope paul the 3d. by his bull of the † year following , absolv'd in general , anno 1537 all subjects from their oaths of allegiance , unto heretical kings , princes and states , as they be enemies unto the holy see of st. peter ; all men from the tye of their heretical wives ; wives from their heretical husbands , &c. which was accompanied with a ‖ rebellion in lincolnshire , under the conduct of one mackarel , a monk , to the number of twenty thousand ; against whom the king prepar'd to march in person : but their first fury being over , they embraced the king's pardon , and returned home . but this commotion was succeeded by * another more dangerous , led by the lord lumley , several knights and gentlemen , with most of the clergy : this army in the north consisted of 40000 men , well armed , who call'd themselves the holy pilgrimage , and the pilgrimage of grace ; they had the five wounds of our lord , the chalice , and the host , painted in their standard , and the name of jesus upon their sleeves ; their whole pretence was for religion : in their march they took pontefract castle , but were at length appeas'd . but † soon after the same persons raised another insurrection , in which several monks came armed into the field as souldiers , who were taken , and with the ring-leaders of the rebellion executed . ‖ two years after ( if not the next year to the last rebellion , anno 1539 for some place it in the year 1538. ) the marquess of exceter , the lord montacute , and his brother , sir edward nevill , and others , enter'd into a conspiracy to depose the king , and advance reynold pool , then dean of exceter , and afterwards cardinal to the throne ; for which , the marquess , lord montacute , and sir edward nevill , were beheaded upon tower-hill . in the year 1546. anno 1546 * pope paul the third , not content with his shewing his pretended authority over kings in the two bulls mention'd before , published another in favour of the jesuits , whereby he exempts them and their goods from the power of any but himself ; and commands all princes to swear not to molest the society , or invade their privileges ; and pronounces an anathema against all who will not obey the bull. * two years after this , anno 1548 king edward the sixth being settled in the throne , one body , a commissioner , pulling down images by the king's order , was stabbed by a priest , and a rebellion was rais'd in cornwall , humphrey arundell , governour of the mount , with other gentlemen , gathering together ten thousand men , besieged exceter , and reduc'd it to very great extremity ; declaring they would have popery and the six articles restor'd : they fought four several battels with the king's forces , but at last were entirely routed , and their leaders executed . anno 1549 yet the next year in † norfolk they rebell'd again , and when the king sent them his pardon they refus'd it 〈◊〉 after which , they took the city of norwich , and fir'd it , beat the marquess of northampton , and were very near defeating the earl of warwick , whose cannon they took , and refus'd the king's pardon a second time , but were at length defeated ; and so were a another party , who took arms upon the same account , that year in yorkshire . there were other insurrections in this king's time , which i will not at present mention , only observe what is confess'd by a late noted authour of the romish church , ‖ that these risings of the laity in such numbers , for their former way of religion , would not have been , had not their clergy justified it unto them . b after this , anno 1555 we find that pope paul the fourth , following the steps of his thundering name-sake , when the dyet of the germans at ausburgh made an edict for full liberty of conscience , whereby the protestants were maintain'd in the possession of their church revenues , fell into a furious rage , publickly threatening the emperour and king of the romans , that he would make them repent it ; protesting , that if he did not recall the edict , he would proceed against them with as severe censures as he intended to use against the protestants ; telling all the ambassadors in his court , that he was above all princes , that he expected not that they should treat with him as with their equal , that he could alter and take away kingdoms as he thought good : and one day at dinner , in the presence of many persons of the highest quality , he affirmed , that he would subject all princes under his foot. no wonder then that the same spirit of opposition to princes actuate the members of the church , which possess'd their head in such a degree , that upon the resignation of the emperour c charles the fifth , anno 1558 ferdinand his brother was rejected by the pope ; who affirmed , that none had power to resign but into his hands ; and so it belong'd to him to nominate a successor , not to the electors : but he kept the imperial crown , though the pope would never acknowledge him for emperour . with the same haughtiness did he demean himself towards d sir edward karn , the english agent at rome ; who acquainting him , by order from her majesty , of queen elizabeth's accession to the crown , the pope answer'd , that the kingdom of england was held in fee of the apostolick see , that she being illegitimate could not succeed , and therefore it was great boldness in her to assume the government without his leave ; yet if she would renounce her title , and refer all to him , he would act as became his honour . but the queen took no care to satisfie this blustering gentleman , who soon after dyed . * but the pope who succeeded him , anno 1560 pius the fourth , issued out a strict bull , commanding all the learned of that church to find out arguments to persuade subjects to break their oaths of allegiance , in favour of the apostolick see ; in order to which , he granted several dispensations to preach among the protestants of england , and to marry , if need were . and the same year his good sons in ireland , by their example , shewed their obedience to it ; * for shan o neale , earl of tyrone , rebelled , but finding himself too weak , submitted and had his pardon , though not till two years after . in the mean while , anno 1561 viz. † the next year , the pope's nuncio in ireland joyn'd himself to the rebels , publickly assisting them ; and by his authority pronounced the queen deprived of that kingdom . but the year following , anno 1562 though the irish submitted , yet ‖ arthur pool and others , contriv'd to joyn themselves with the duke of guise , land an army in wales , and proclaim the queen of scots : to which , the * following pope afterwards added his endeavours to get our queen murthered , as the writer of his life informs us . but in the mean time , anno 1563 that it might not be said of this , that he neglected any thing for the advantage of his supreme power , to keep his hand in ure , † he published a monitory against the queen of navarre , declaring , that if she did not turn romanist within six months , he would deprive her of her dominions , and give them to any that would conquer them ; but the king of france promising to stand by her , his terrible threat serv'd only to shew how ready he was to depose all princes that offended him , if his power had been equal to his will. ‖ and in this year it was that the council of trent made that excellent decree , whereby they confirmed all the canons of popes and councils ; which set the pope above princes , gave him power over them , and exempted the clergy from being subject to them ; thereby endeavouring to depose all princes , who knew themselves and their rights too well to truckle under the usurped power of their supreme head. * but though the pope could not send any sovereign prince of his errand to destroy the house of navarre , anno 1564 yet such obedient sons were the cardinal of lorrain , and the rest of the house of guise , that they resolv'd its ruine . to which end they sent captain dimanche into spain , to get assistance , there , designing to fall upon bearn , seize the queen of navarre , the young king , and his sister , and send them to the inquisition in spain , to be proceeded against as hereticks : but this design was discovered , and so came to nothing . but in the same year we are informed by one of the english spies at rome , that the pope granted indulgences and pardons to any person that should assault queen elizabeth , either in private or publick ; or to any cook , baker , vintner , physician , brewer , grocer , chirurgion , or any other calling , that should make her away ; together with an absolute remission of sins to such person 's heirs , and an annuity for ever , and to be one of the privy council , successively , whosoever reigned . † to the endeavours of the pope , o neale likewise added his , by rebelling again , and murthering the english ; committing the most barbarous cruelties imaginable ; anno 1565 but his power was broken in a pitcht battel the year following ; notwithstanding which , he continued his rebellion till two years after , when he was stabb'd by alexander oge , whose brother he had slain before . anno 1567 but though the rebels had such ill success , anno 1568 yet the pope will not be disheartened , but the next year sends one ‖ rodolpho , a rich florentine gentleman , into england , to stir up the people against the queen : to him the king of spain joins the marquess of cetona , who , under the pretence of an embassy , was sent over to countenance the rebellion , and command the forces which the duke of alva should send from the low countries ; in order to which la motte , governour of dunkirk , had come privately , in the habit of a sailer , to sound the ports . rodolpho was furnished with plenty of money from the pope , which he distributed to make a party ; into which they drew the earls of northumberland and westmorland , with others , who , perceiving their plot discovered , submitted , and begged pardon . this design the pope was so zealous for , that he assured the spaniards he would go along with them himself , if need were , and engage all his goods and treasure in the service . nor was this the only design of the pope * at this time ; for in pursuit of his predecessour's bull against her , he advised the queen-mother of france to seize on the dominions of the queen of navarre , because she was an heretick ; offering ( if she approved of it ) by his papal authority to appoint one of the house of valois to be king of those territories ; which if she did not like , he was resolved to give them to the king of spain ; but that prince , knowing they must be won by the sword , declined accepting the pope's bounty . † hitherto the members of the church of rome made no scruple to resort to the protestant churches , anno 1569 both for prayer and preaching ; but this year pope pius quintus published his bull against the queen , upon which they all withdrew from any such communion with us . ‖ in this bull the pope calls the queen the pretended queen of england , a servant of wickedness ; affirms that her council consisted of obscure , heretical fellows , declares her an heretick , and cut off from the unity of christ's body ; that she is deprived of her title to her kingdoms , and of all dominion , dignity , and privilege whatsoever , and her subjects absolved from all manner of duty and obedience to her ; and that by the authority of this bull he doth absolve them , and depose her ; and forbidding all her subjects , under pain of anathema , to obey her : with this bull he sends * morton , a priest , into england , to spread this censure , and persuade the people to back it with an insurrection ; upon which , as ‖ surius tells us out of sanders , many persons of quality resolved to execute it : accordingly the * earls of northumberland and westmorland , who were pardoned but the year before , took arms in the north , trampled under feet the english bible and service-book , bearing in their standard the cross and five wounds of our saviour , and being betwixt five and six thousand men , they grew so insolent , that they would give the queen no better title , than the pretended queen ; but the pope being too slow in sending the hundred thousand crowns he promised them , and they at length finding their numbers too small to cope with the queens . army , dispersed , and every one shifted for himself . † the earl of westmorland escaped into flanders , where he dyed miserably ; but northumberland being taken , was beheaded at york ; who was nevertheless looked upon by the romanists as a glorious martyr , and the drops of his bloud kept by them as holy relicks . that this rebellion had no better success , sanders , and from him ‖ surius , give this reason , because the catholicks had not timely notice of the pope's bull : and the same * person informs us , that those that were executed for this treason , refused to the very last to acknowledge the queens authority . among which sanders mentions plumtree , and others , as well as the two earls , who are termed glorious martyrs of the catholicks by bristow in his motives , and several others . to correspond with the pope's intentions in his bull , † ireland puts in for a share this year , where jame fitz-morice , of the house of desmond , and two of the botelers , raised a rebellion ; but the latter being drawn to a submission by the loyal earl of ormond , fitz-morice , after many shifts , followed their example , and was pardoned . but though the two earls and their accomplices had sped so ill , yet * leonard dacres renew'd the rebellion in the north , anno 1570 and fought a bloudy battel against the queens forces with great obstinacy , though in the end he was forced to fly into scotland . and now , that the catholicks might no longer remain in ignorance of the queens being deprived of the kingdoms by the pope , one felton this year had the hardiness to fix the bull at the bishop of london's gates ; for which being apprehended , he confessed the fact , and gloried in it , at his death affirming the queen had no right to the throne , being deposed by the sentence of the pope : yet doth † surius affirm , that he dyed a martyr for the catholick faith , justifying the action as done out of zeal for the church , and in obedience to the lawfull commands of the pope : the fame is affirmed by * parsons , † spondanus , and ‖ hilarion de coste , who styles him the valiant soldier of jesus christ , commends his invincible courage and zeal for the faith ; and affirms , that his martyrdom is one of england's most glorious trophies ; though the same person can afford the queen no better a title than the impious and wicked queen the true jezebel of our days : and that all the world may see what they thought of him at rome , no sooner could thuanus affirm that it was a very rash action , but the index expurgatorius commands that passage to be blotted out ; so jealous are they of the honour of this grand traitor . with as great encomiums do we find the memory of dr. story celebrated by the writers of that church : this man was one of the most violent persecutours in queen mary's days , anno 1571 for which cruelties being questioned in parliament in the beginning of queen elizabeth's reign , he answered , that he knew no fault he was guilty of , but only that he busied himself in cutting off the branches , while he neglected to pull up the root it self ; which if he had done , heresie had not got up again : for this being imprisoned , he found means to escape into flanders ; but being apprehended and brought into england this year , he rejoiced that he should suffer martyrdom : upon his tryall he declined the jurisdiction of the court , affirming that he was a subject to the king of spain , and acknowledged no lawfull judge in england ; for which he gave this reason , that seeing the pope had declared the queen deprived of her right , he durst not acknowledge her authority , left he should fall under the censures of that bull : and at the moment of his execution , being asked by an earl whether the queen was his sovereign , he replied , she was not ; yet is he reckoned among the martyrs for the romish faith. the next year was that bloudy massacre of paris , anno 1572 though contrived two years before , wherein ( it being carried over all france ) above 100000 protestants were butchered in cold bloud ; the duke of guise and his party did all they could to have the king of navarre , and prince of conde , slaughtered with the rest ; but they being preserved by the king , the chief design of the papalins in that bloudy action was prevented . but four years after was that desperate confederacy entred into by that duke and his adherents in france , anno 1576 which they and the pope afterwards termed the holy league , which had all the parts of a most desperate rebellion ; and continued for so many years , to the destruction of one prince , and infinite vexation of another : it was first begun at * peronne , and afterwards formed into a more † strict union , by which , under a shew of maintaining the king , they took from him all his authority , to confer it upon the head of their conspiracy : nay , the zeal for this rebellious association was so great , that they subscribed it with their bloud ; and in order to the prosecution of what they had there promised , they sent nicolas david , an advocate of the parliament of paris , to rome ; but he being slain by the way on his return , cardinal de pellive afterwards managed their business with the pope . but among the memoirs of that advocate there was found an account of the transaction between the pope and the duke of guise , wherein the design laid down is to pull down the house of valois , then reigning , from the throne , and set up the duke of guise : in this transaction the liberties of the gallican church are called a damnable errour , nothing else but the shift of the waldenses , lutheranes , and calvinists ; and it is affirmed that france shall never prosper as long as the crown continues in that line . the whole platform of the design is there laid down , and the pope is to advance that duke to the crown of france , as the successour of charlemagne ; in consideration whereof the duke is bound to cause the see of rome to be plainly acknowledge by the states of the kingdom , without restriction , or modification , abolishing the privileges and liberties of the gallican church . thus do we find the pope promoting the most rebellious designs , to advance his own usurped greatness . and his missionaries not desiring a better example than that of their holy father , anno 1577 in prosecution of his designs cuthbert mayne came into england , dispersing libells to maintain the pope's authority over the queen ; and he confessed under his own hand , that he brought with him several holy grains to distribute among the catholicks , which they should keep as so many preservatives , by the producing of which they should be safe , when the protestants were to be destroyed . in the same business several * others were employed , and one hemford sent over with a dispensation of the pope's bull , whereby the romanists had liberty to yield outward obedience till an opportunity offered itself for the execution of that deposing sentence . and one haydock was employed to prepare things against such a time , and to note the fittest places for landing an army , as himself wrote to allen the jesuite . besides these one paine , a priest , and fifty others , were furnished at the pope's charge , who undertook to kill the queen as she went to take the air. and yet these are the men whom † sanders , in his letter to the aforenamed jesuite , terms chosen vessels . but our countrey was not the onely nation afflicted with these plots and traiterous contrivances ; for about the same time was ‖ sebastian , king of portugal , betrayed by the jesuits to the loss both of his life and kingdom , which they had before engaged to transfer to the spanish king , in which they were as good as their word ; ( though near fifty years since it is returned to the obedience of its lawfull heir ; ) during which war , attempting to deliver one of the isles of the azores to the spaniards , they were discoved , and treated as their wickedness deserved ; but of this more hereafter . the pope's designs upon the queen's life being by the good providence of god frustrated , anno 1578 the holy father , anno 1579 gregory the 13th . carried on the projects of his predecessour , ( who had willingly lent an ear to the advice of thomas stukely , an english fugitive , ) and in hopes of getting the kingdom of ireland for his own son , the marquess of vineola , ( where we find , though popes do not marry , yet they can get children , ) created stukely marquess of leinster , adding several other titles , and assisting him with forces and a plenary indulgence , dispatcht him away for ireland ; but by the way being persuaded by the king of portugal to join with him against the moors , he was slain in the battel together with that king. but though ireland was delivered from this danger , yet soon after † james fitz-morice , who was pardoned in the year 1569. went over into france , where he desired assistance to beat the english out of ireland , and reduce that nation to the french obedience , but king henry the third then reigning , having sufficient employment for his forces at home ; fitz-morice addressed himself to the pope and the king of spain ; the former embraced this opportunity , and sent sanders with him as his nuncio , with a consecrated banner ; and the latter assisted them with men and money ; the pope in the mean while raising souldiers in his countrey for their assistance and relief . fitz-morice and sanders , with the spaniards , landed in kerry in ireland , anno 1580 and committedall manner of outrages , in one of which fitz-morice was killed by the sons of william a burgh , soon after made baron of castleconnel ; in his place succeeded his brother john e. of desmond , to whom the pope sent an indulgence , dated may 13. 1580. wherein he highly magnifies the piety of james , laments his death , and exhorts all the nobility , clergy , and people of the land , to follow this john , in fighting against the hereticks for the catholick cause ; and to encourage them in that good work , he grants a ‖ plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins , in the same extent as was granted to those who were engaged in the holy war. and when the spaniards were required by the lord gray , then deputy of ireland , to express their intention in thus invading her majesties dominions , they returned answer , that they were sent from the pope and king of spain , to whom his holiness had given ireland ; for that elizabeth had justly forfeited her title to the kingdom by heresie , that they would keep what they had got , and get more if they could : but in a small time after they were glad to surrender upon mercy , the earl of desmond having been routed before , and allen , the priest , who came with the legate sanders , slain . this ill success put a stop to the recruits the pope was preparing to send after them . sanders dyed of hunger in the woods , and the earl of desmond was slain two years after by a common soldier . and to encourage these rebels , and to excite to more such attempts , this pope gregory the thirteenth , the same year , renewed the bull of pius quintus against the queen : there were five hundred copies of it printed at rome , and the bull it self dispersed over all italy , spain , and part of germany , as is attested by one who was then in the english college at rome * who likewise assures us , that one of their readers in divinity , before above two hundred scholars , affirmed , that it was lawfull for any man of worship in england to give authority to the vilest wretch that is , to endeavour the queen's death ; but that this pope did excommunicate the queen we find in our excellent † annalist , and is acknowledged by the * romish priests in their ‖ important considerations , printed the last year of that queen's reign . but though he pronounced that terrible sentence against her , yet ( as is observed by * one who had been a great stickler for the romish church , ) he dealt a great deal more subtilly , and more dangerously than his predecessour ; for finding the danger the romanists were daily exposed to , by their endeavouring the destruction of the queen , whom they durst not obey , or cease to hurt , for fear of the curses denounced in the bull ; he qualified it in such a manner , that the jesuite hart ( as the lord burleigh tells us ) acknowledg'd , † the bull of pius quintus , for so much as it is against the queen , is holden by the english catholicks for a lawfull sentence , and a sufficient discharge of her subjects fidelity , and so remains in force ; but in some points touching the subject , it is altered by the present pope : for where in that bull all her subjects are commanded not to obey her , and she being excommunicated and deposed , all that do obey her are likewise accursed , which point is perilous to the catholicks ; for if they obey her , they are in the pope's curse , and if they disobey her , they are in the queen's danger : therefore the present pope , to relieve them , hath altered that part of the bull , and dispensed with them to obey and serve her , without peril of excommunication : which dispensation is to endure but till it please the pope otherwise to determine . here we have a plain confession of that learned gentleman , ( who is by them termed a * noble champion of christ , and holy priest , one that had taken deep root in the foundations of the faith , and of sound learning , ) that the loyalty of the romanists depends upon the will of man , ( except they will affirm their pope to be more than man ; ) which is a point they have been put in mind of from rome itself , since his majesties restauration , as we shall observe anon . this qualification of the bull was granted to parsons and campion , two jesuites , upon their coming into england , when among other things they desired of the pope , that the bull should always oblige elizabeth , and the hereticks , but by no means the romanists , as affairs now stand , but hereafter , when the publick execution of the bull may be had or made . furnished with this and other faculties , those two gentlemen ‖ repaired into england , setting themselves to contrive a way how to set her majesties crown upon another head : * at first they came in the habits of soldiers , afterward they went about in the garb of gentlemen , and in the north they altered their habits into the vestments of our ministers , preaching there , and being secretly entertained by the popish gentry and nobility , courageously executed their commission ; in discharge of which parsons exhorted the roman catholicks of those parts to deprive her majesty of the crown ; and the way being thus broken , many flocked after them for the same purpose . at this time † mr. sherwin being apprehended , and asked whether the queen were his lawfull sovereign , notwithstanding any sentence of the pope's , he desired no such questions might be demanded of him , and would give no other answer : but the pope well knowing that this generation of sturdy blades would in time be all gone , for the breeding up of more to succeed them , assisted allen in setting up the seminary at doway for english romanists , allowing an annual pension for their maintenance , purposely for to plot and contrive ways to expulse the queen , and demolish the church of england , in obedience to the pope's bulls , † for which end every scholar among them , at his education , took this oath : i a. b. do acknowledg the ecclesiastical and political power of his holiness , and the mother church of rome , as the chief head and matron , above all pretended churches throughout the whole earth ; and that my zeal shall be for saint peter and his successors , as the founder of the true and ancient catholick faith , against all heretical kings , princes , states , or powers , repugnant unto the same . and although i may pretend , in case of persecution or otherwise , to be heretically disposed , yet in soul and conscience i shall help aid , and succour the mother church of rome , as the true , ancient , apostolical church . i farther do declare not to act or contrive any manner of thing prejudicial unto her or her sacred orders , doctrines , tenents , or commands , without the leave of her supreme power , or the authority under her appointed , or to be appointed ; and when so permitted , then to act or further her interest more than my own earthly gain and pleasure , as she and her head , his holiness and his successours , have , or ought to have , the supremacy over all kings , princes , estates , or powers whatsoever , either to deprive them of their crowns , sceptres , powers , privileges , realms , countreys or governments , or to set up others in lieu thereof , they dissenting from the mother church , and her commands , &c. thus by all imaginable ways did this pope provide for the death or deposition of that virgin queen ; anno 1581 in order to which he had so possess'd the missionaries with his power to dethrone princes , that it was offer'd to be prov'd to the world , that the priests which were apprehended and executed for treason , * always restrained their confession of allegiance only to the permissive form of the pope's toleration ; as for example : if they were asked whether they did acknowledge themselves to be the queen's subjects , and would obey her , they would say yes , for so they had leave for a time to doe ; but being asked if they would so acknowledg and obey her any longer than the pope would so permit them , or notwithstanding such commandment as the pope would or might give to the contrary , then they either refused to obey , or denied to answer , or said they could not answer to those questions without danger : and at their very arraignment , when they laboured to leave in the minds of the people and standers by , an opinion that they were to dye , not for treason , but for matter of faith and doctrine , they cried out that they were true subjects , and did and would obey her majesty . immediately to prove whether that speech extended to a perpetuity of their obedience , or so long time as the pope so permitted , they were openly in the place of judgment asked by the q's learned counsel , whether they would so obey , and be true subjects , if the pope commanded the contrary ; they plainly disclosed themselves in answer , saying by the mouth of campion , this place ( meaning the court of her majesties bench ) hath no power to enquire or judge of the holy fathers authority ; and other answer they would not make . the very same account , with some other particulars , is given us by the † secular priests themselves , of the behaviour of mr. campion , and the rest ; some of whom being asked which part they would take , if the pope , or any other by his appointment , should invade the realm , or which part ought a good subject to take , answered , when that case happened , they would then consider what they had best doe ; others , that they were not yet resolved what to doe ; and others positively , that if such a deprivation , or invasion should be made for any matter of faith , they were then bound to take part with the pope . nay , so zealous was mr. campion in defence of that rebellious doctrine , that being visited in prison by some gentlemen of * oxford , one of them asked him whether he thought the queen lawfull heir or no ; to this he made no answer ; but when the question was put , whether if the pope invaded the land , he would take part with him or the queen , he openly replied , he would join with the pope , and very earnestly demanded pen , ink , and paper , with which he signed his resolution ; which principle he was so rooted in , that he affirmed in the tower to several * persons of quality , who demanded whether he did acknowledge the queen to be a lawfull queen , or did believe her deprived of her right , that this question depends much on the fact of pope pius the fifth , whereof he is no judge , and therefore refused to answer farther . the same loyal doctrines were vented by several other priests the ensuing year , anno 1582 who affirmed under their hands to the commissioners who examined them , that the pope had power to depose princes , and that her majesty was not be obeyed against his holiness's bull , who hath authority to discharge subjects of their allegiance ; which all of them , viz. kerby , cottom , richardson , ford , shert , johnson , hart , and filbee , agreed in , two of them only sheltring themselves with this general assertion , that they held as the catholick church held . johnson particulary affirming , that if the pope invaded her majesty upon a civil account , he would take part with her , but if upon a matter of faith , it was his duty to assist the pope . in which diligence to poison the members of their church , these zealous priests did but follow the example of their holy father , who this very year , ( as mr ▪ gage , agent for the spanish match at rome , informs us , out of the records of the dominican convent there , ) laid out one hundred fifty two thousand pounds , and some odd money , for maintaining his designs here ; of which sixty thousand was allotted to foment disturbances in scotland and ireland ; so very desirous was the pope to regain his usurped power over these nations . and it was not long before the end of all that labour and charge was found to be the murther of that excellent princess , which one † sommerville of elstow in warwickshire undertook to effect , at the instigation of hall , a priest , who finding this desperate young man to waver , and that his resolution was much shaken with the horridness and danger of the attempt , anno 1583 advised him to proceed , promising his prayers for good success ; but the design being discovered , sommerville strangled himself , after condemnation . but this was not the only plot which the enemies of england had laid for its destruction ; for throgmorton , * one of sommerville's accomplices , was the same year discovered , having been employed to sound the havens , and procure a list of such gentlemen in the several counties as were disposed to joyn the spanish forces , who were to land under the conduct of the duke of guise ; all which was confessed by throgmorton , before his death . thus we find how vast summs were expended by the pope ; which had the same influence in ireland , where desmond continued so desperately in rebellion , that he swore he would rather forsake god than forsake his men ; but neither the pope's blessing nor purse could protect him from that deserved death which after long wandring in a miserable condition he suffered the latter end of this year . but though the pope could not preserve his rebellious instruments from the just punishment of their treasons , yet he would ( for the encouragement of others ) doe honour to their memories : thus the rector of the english college of jesuits at rome , in presence of all the students , sung a collect of martyrs in honour of campion , of whose treasons we gave an account before ; and his relicks , with sherwin's and others executed for treason , were kept and worshipped by our english papists . and because those positions which were found so usefull for the propagating sedition , anno 1584 might ( if trusted only to the missionaries to instill them into the people by their sermons and discourses ▪ ) be in time forgotten , and neither believed nor obeyed ; the romish factors considering that litera scripta manet , to provide against the ill consequences which the fearfulness of the priests , or diligence of the state might produce , by hindring the preaching of the former , caused gregory martin's treatise of schism to be reprinted this year , in which he exhorted the ladies of the court to deal with the queen as judith did with holofernes ; for the printing of which , carter , the romish printer , was executed , and is reckoned among their martyrs . at the same time there was one harper in norwich , ( a great friend of throgmorton's who was executed the year before , ) who though pretending to be a zealous puritan , preaching with great diligence and fervour , kept a constant correspondence with that traitor , among whose papers was found a letter , in which he desired throgmorton to let him know how their friends in spain and london did correspond , * and whether that king continued in his purpose , that the engagers might be satisfied , and have notice ; upon this discovery a pursuvant was sent to apprehend him , but he escaped just as the officer arrived at norwich . and now was discovered a design , in which the pope was particularly engag'd , if we may believe parrie's own confession , who in his travels falling into acquaintance with palmio , a jesuite , told him that he had a great desire to doe something for the romish cause in england , by whom he was encouraged , his zeal commended , and the lawfulness of assassinating her majesty was maintained ; but being somewhat dissatisfied , the jesuite recommended him to campeggio , his holiness's nuncio at venice ; by this means he wrote to pope gregory , informing him of his design , and desiring a passport that he might confer of it with his holiness at rome ; in the mean while he went to paris , where he was animated by thomas morgan , who sollicited the queen of scots affairs , when receiving such a passport as he desired , he resolved to kill the queen , if it were warranted by some learned divines , and he could procure a full pardon for it from the pope . that the first might not be wanting , cedretto , a noted jesuit , and provincial of guyenne , approv'd his resolution , and ragazzani , the nuncio , recommended him to the pope , promising that his prayers should not be wanting for the success of the attempt : with which encouragement he came to london , where he received a letter from cardinal como , wherein the cardinal informs him , that his holiness did exhort him to persevere , and bring that to effect which he had promised ; and that he might be the better assisted by that good spirit which moved him thereto , his holiness granted him his blessing , a plenary indulgence and remission of all his sins , assuring him that he should merit highly by the action , which he terms holy and honourable ; to which the cardinal added his prayers and wishes for its success . this he confessed confirmed his resolution to kill his sovereign , and made it clear to his conscience , that it was lawfull and meritorious ; which redounding so highly to the dishonour of that bloudy church , the whole relation is by the index expurgatorius commanded to be left out of thuanus's history : and well they might ; for as it shewed the pope's inclination to bloud and treason , so it was one of the greatest instances of ingratitude imaginable , parry owing his life to the mercy of this princess , who had four years before , pardoned him , when he was tried and condemned for burglary . but though the divine goodness was so conspicuous in the many wonderfull preservations of that great queen , yet it pleased the all-wise providence to permit the devilish designs of the jesuites to be attended with success in holland , where the renowned prince , william of nassaw , was this year murthered by * balthasar gerard , a burgundian , who confessed that a jesuite , regent of the college of trers , told him , that he had conferred with three of his brethren , who took the design to be from god , assuring him , that if he dyed in that quarrel , he should be enrolled in the kalendar of martyrs . this method of satisfying their consciences with their confessour's authority , was so generally taken by the zealous assassins of those times , that the leaguers in france kept several priests in pay , who daily preached and asserted , that princes ought to be deposed who do not sufficiently perform their duty ; and a bachelour in divinity of the sorbonne maintained in a publick disputation , that it was lawfull for any private man to depose or kill any prince , who is a wicked man , or an heretick : which opinion had so entirely possest the * cardinal of bourbon , that because the king of navarre was an heretick , he had the confidence to tell king henry the third , that if his majesty should dye , the crown would belong to him , and he was resolved not to lose his right : but because these doctrines without force to practise them would prove but empty speculations , the duke of guise had the latter end of this year a conference with the king of spain's commissioners , whereby he associated himself with the spaniards against his sovereign , obliging his party to maintain war against the kings as long as the king of spain pleased . to promote which design cardinal pellevee sollicited the pope for his approbation of it ; anno 1585 and when the duke of nevers , declared his resolutions to have nothing to doe with them , unless he had the opinion both of eminent divines , and the pope too , in favour of the undertaking ; his confessour , and monsieur faber , told him , that he ought to take up arms with the leaguers , by which he would be so far from sinning , that he would merit highly , and perform an action very acceptable to god ; and the aforesaid cardinal , with other divines , assured him that the pope approved of it , declaring it lawfull to fight against hereticks , and such as favour or adhere to them , though it were the king himself ; he indeed advised them not to attempt his life , but to seize his person , and force him to promote their ends ; in obedience to which the cardinal of bourbon published a declaration , dated march 31. 1585. justifying his arms , but professing great respect to the royal person . this pope dying , his successour , sixtus the fifth , was more open in avowing the leaguers cause , and therefore published his bull against the king of navarre , declaring him an heretick , depriving him and his posterity of all their rights , absolving his subjects from their allegiance , and excommunicating all such as should obey him . while this pope was making tryall of his thunderbolts in france , he had his agents privily endeavouring to execute the commands of his predecessour in this nation , for which henry piercy , earl of northumberland , being apprehended , shot himself through the heart during his imprisonment ; he had been pardoned for a former rebellion , and being found a prosecutour of throgmorton's design , became this year his own executioner . but a more formidable , anno 1586 because more threacherous and secret , design was managed by some english seminaries at rhemes , who thought it meritorious to destroy the queen ; where one savage was so wrought upon by the persuasions of dr. gifford , the rectour , and two other priests , that he vowed to murther her ; to whom ballard , another priest , joining , treated with mendoza , the spanish embassadour in france , about an invasion ; after which he drew in mr. babington , a rich and well accomplish'd gentleman , who desired that five more might be joined to savage , to make sure work ; * babington affirmed , that several counties in england were ready ; and being assured of assistance from spain , they resolved that the usurper ( so they termed the queen ) should be sent to the other world , assoon as the invaders landed ; * but ballard being taken , babington resolved to effect her death immediately , though divine providence prevented it by his apprehension , who , with the rest of his companions , freely confessed the fact , for which ‖ sixteen of them suffered death . yet did not this deter mr. william stafford , at the sollicitation of the french ambassadour , from engaging in an enterprise of the same horrid nature ; which though he refused to act himself , yet he directed them to one moody , who willingly embraced the motion upon promise of preferment from the duke of guise ; but while he was contriving a way to effect it , stafford discovered all , and justified it to the ambassadour's face , who at first denied any knowledge of it . with the same diligence were the romanists in france driving on their treasonable designs ; for at a council , held by the chief conspiratours at the jesuites college near st. pauls in paris , they resolved to surprise boloign , there to receive the spaniards who should land to their assistance : a plot was laid to secure the king , as he returned from hunting , and another to seize the bastile , assault the louvre , and put the king into a convent ; during which action their word was to be , let the mass flourish ; and the king of navarre was to be cut off by the spaniards ; but these designs being discovered , as also another plot to seize the king in the abby of st. germains , their hopes were disappointed ; in which conspiracies cardinal pellevee , a french man , then at rome , was so deeply concerned , that the king ordered his revenues to be seized and distributed to the poor . but his majesty going from paris , anno 1578 they proposed the seizing of the city in his absence , the duke of guise designing to secure the king in the countrey ; and for the exciting those rebellious spirits to some action , the preachers at paris generally vented nothing but sedition , affirming that the king was a tyrant , and an enemy to the church and people ; and when the king sent to apprehend one of these furious leaguers , he retired into the house of one hatte , a notary , where bussy , and his men , fought in his defence against the king's officers , headed by the lieutenant civil : and the sorbonne doctours made a decree , that princes might be deposed from their government , if they did not what became them , as the charge taken away from a negligent guardian . and that there might want no encouragement , the pope presented the duke of guise , the head of the rebels , with a rich sword , thereby declaring his approbation of his proceedings . the same year * sir. william stanley being made governour of deventer , anno 1587 and rowland york of zutphen , for the queen , they betrayed both these places to the spaniard , upon which the former beginning to sink in his reputation , lest the sense of his treasons should put him upon thoughts of returning to his loyalty , ‖ dr. allan , afterwards cardinal , wrote to him and his traiterous accomplices , telling them that the queen being deposed by the pope , could make no just war , and all her subjects were bound not to serve or obey her in any thing : and in another of his books he affirms , that god had not sufficiently provided for our salvation , or the preservation of his church , if there were no way to restrain or deprive apostate kings : therefore ( saith he ) let no man marvel , that in case of heresie the sovereign loseth his superiority and right over his people and kingdom . and now we are come to the year eighty eight , anno 1588 wherein as the conspirators acted more publickly , having prepared all things ready for their designed subversion of the government , and being aided by that armado of the spaniards , which they vainly thought invincible ; so the divine providence as openly declared against them , notwithstanding their navy was blessed by the famous nun of lisbon , ‖ and the assistance given by the fiery pope , who published his crusado as against the turks , and promised to contribute a million of gold ; to which he added the apostolical benediction , covenanting that the crown of england should be held as feudatary to the see of rome ; and for encouragement to those who should assist his cause , he ‖ gave plenary indulgences to them all ; neither did he stop here , but having provided for the invaders , by securing them of money and heaven , he thundred out his * bull against the queen , whereby he deprived her again of her dominions , confirming the censures of pope pius , and gregory , his predecessours ; commanding all , under penalty of god's wrath , to render her no obedience , or assistance , and enjoining them to aid the spaniards against her ; concluding all with declaring it both lawful and commendable to lay hands on her , and granting a full pardon to all undertakers . to second which bull cardinal allen ( advanced to that dignity the year before ) published a book at antwerp , wherein he enlarges upon the bull , and tells the world , that it was at the vehement desire of some english men , that the pope engaged the spaniard , and appeared in the cause himself . this book is said to be written by one parsons , though it was owned by the cardinal ; and therein it is affirmed , * that the roman catholicks in england were destitute of courage , and erroneous in conscience , or else they had never suffered her majesty to reign so long over them . the way thus prepared , the spanish armado put to sea , while the prince of parma was preparing a great army in flanders , where the ‖ earl of westmorland , and the lord pagit , and sir william stanley , lay with seven hundred english , ready to be transported ; and the hopes of the romanists came nothing short of what was to be expected in men elevated by such great preparations ; insomuch that the * jesuites at rome had appropriated several palaces in london to themselves , and were so sure of success , that they would have had te deum sung in the college church for joy , upon the news of the spaniards being arrived in the narrow seas ; and the secular priests acknowledge the like disposition in the party here † we had ( some of us greatly approved the said rebellion , many of our affections were knit to the spaniard . — in all these plots none were more forward than many of us that were priests . with the same zeal towards the action were the foreign clergy actuated , * among whom johannes osorius , the jesuite , preached two sermons in defence of the attempt , and in commendation of the spaniards for thus fighting against hereticks ; in one of which his confidence of the success transported him so far as to give thanks for the victory ; but he and his party trusted too much in the arme of flesh , they thought themselves so powerfull , that they forgot one that was above them , who made that terrible fleet the scorn of the world , and so protected the just cause of the queen , and assisted her navy , that most of that armado perished in the sea , or were taken , or burnt ; so vain a thing it is to forget and fight against the almighty , who blessed where the pope cursed , and turned the harangues of the thanksgiving-jesuite into three sermons of humil●ation , for so great a disappointment of the papal designs , and the entire destruction of its strongest forces . in the beginning of the year several missionaries were sent into scotland , to get the assistance of the papists there : the lord maxwell actually took the field with a small party , who were defeated : the lord bothwell secretly listed soldiers ; and collone sempill arriving at leith , in order to the design , was seized , but soon rescued by the earl of huntley . yet could not these wonderfull disappointments work any remorse in the papists , who still laboured , by means of the jesuite * holt , and others , to persuade the king of spain to another invasion ; which ‖ parma comforted the romanists in scotland with promises of effecting , and sent them ten thousand crowns to prepare matters against the next spring . as busie were the leaguers in france , prosecuting their intended rebellion with all diligence , * the duke of guise and his council resolved to put the king in a monastery ; in order to which , when he went his usual processions in the time of lent , they designed to seize him ; but being prevented by a discovery , another resolution was agreed on , to secure his person at his return from bois de vincennes , slenderly accompanied ; but failing in this also , the duke of guise came to paris , contrary to the king 's express order , where he was received with great joy , and soon after , his party being numbred , and found considerable , he openly rebelled , barricadoing the streets , and forcing the king to flie , who made his escape with very few attendants : soon after the king of spain sent six hundred thousand crowns to the rebels , and the pope by solemn letters applauded the duke's zeal , compared him to the maccabean heroes , and exhorted him to go on as he had begun ; but here the insignificancy of the pope's blessing again appeared , the duke of guise being soon after slain at blois , and so receiving the just reward of his continued rebellions . thus were the designs of wicked men , who prostituted the holy name of religion to serve their lusts , baffled and defeated , both in their attempts against the incomparable queen elizabeth , and the french king , as also in * a plot against the k. of navarre , which by the same divine providence , was this year discovered . but the scotch papists were so possessed with spanish promises , anno 1589 and influenced by their gold , and the persuasions of ‖ holt , creighton , and other jesuites , that several noblemen conspired to seize the king ( afterwards king james the first of england ) at his palace in edinburg , where huntley coming before the others , was upon suspicion apprehended , which terrified the rest ; but being set at liberty , joined himself to the earl of crawford , and others , in open rebellion , entred aberdeen , but were so terrified by the approach of the royal army , that they retreated , were taken , and after tryall imprisoned . and here i find such an account of the conversions made by the jesuites in scotland , as fully confirms the observation made before of their design , in their diligent endeavours to make proselytes ; for mr. bruce , the chief agent for the spaniards , in his ‖ letter to the d. of parma , commending the zeal of the missionaries in scotland , tells him that they had converted the earls of arroll and crawford who were very desirous to advance the catholick faith , and spanish interest in this island , and resolved to follow entirely the directions of the fathers jesuites ; whence it appears their main design is to enlarge their empire , for as the same gentleman affirms , † no sooner any person of quality is converted by them , but they forthwith encline and dispose their affections to the service of the king of spain , as a thing inseparably conjoined with the advancement of true religion in this countrey ; so that by the confession of this great man , popery and treason were inseparable at that time ; the romanists being so in love with it , that they made their address † to the broken fleet of the spaniards the last year , to land what forces they had , several great persons being ready to receive them . and the two new noble converts wrote to the duke of parma , testifying their entire devotednes to the spanish interest . nor was scotland alone thus infected ; for in england the † earl of arundell was this year tried , and dyed in the tower , who rejoiced at the spaniards coming , prayed for their success , and exceedingly grieved at their overthrow : and the jesuite parsons prevailed to have a seminary , wherein to instruct youth in such treasonable principles as his own , founded at valedolyd . but though this island was sufficiently pestered this year by the papal agents and factours for rebellion , yet were we favourably dealt with , in comparison of the treasons and insurrections in france against henry the third , a prince of their own communion , who , after the death of the duke of guise , was opposed by an almost universal rebellion , † the priests calling on their auditours to swear to revenge the duke's death , and railing with all manner of virulency against the king ; insomuch that father lincestre affirmed , that if he were at the altar , and the eucharist in his hand , he would not scruple in that very place to kill him . the rebels styl'd him tyrant , & heretick ; * and to have his picture , or to call him king , was crime enough to deserve death ; they threw down his arms and statues , and practised all sort of magick , incantations , and charms , to hasten his death . ‖ the parisians wrote to the pope , desiring to be absolved from their allegiance , with several other requests of the same nature ; and in their * letters to the cardinals styled their sovereign , the late king of france , and sent agents to rome , giving them , among other instructions , orders to desire the pope not to entertain or hear the king's ambassadours , and messages , and to excommunicate all that join with him , and having chosen the duke of mayenne for their general , would have had him take the title of king , but he refused it ; yet they broke the king 's great seal , and made a new one . to these the city of lyons joined , affirming that kings ought to be resisted , and they will resist the king in conjunction with the holy union , to whom the parisians sent a letter , exhorting them to defend their religion , &c. against that prodigal , perjured , cruel , and murthering prince ; the duke of mayenne refusing to have any peace , or admit so much as of a truce , and prosecuting the war with the utmost vigour . to these attempts and perseverance in them they were encouraged by the sorbon doctours , who in a decree made jan. 7. 1589. * resolved , that the people were freed from their oaths of allegiance and fidelity , and that they may legally , and with a safe conscience , take arms for the defence of the roman religion , against the wicked counsels and practices of the king. which decree they ordered to be sent to the pope for his confirmation ; and this they affirm was concluded on and resolved by an entire consent of the whole faculty , not one dissenting . and with the same zeal , and no more loyalty , they licensed † a book , which asserted that the king ought to be assassined ; affirming , that there was nothing in it contrary to the roman church : to promote which they concluded that the king ought to be no longer prayed for , declaring all such of the body as should not agree to this , to be guilty of excommunication , and deprived of the prayers and privileges of the faculty . and that there might remain no badg of royalty to put them in mind of their duty , the cordeliers struck off the head of the king's picture which was in their church , and the jacobins defaced those in their cloisters : but this was done after the pope had once more publickly owned the rebels and their cause , who by his bull asserted his power of rule over all kingdoms and princes of the earth , proceeded to admonish the king , to release the cardinal of bourbon , and archbishop of lyons , in thirty days , and within sixty days to make his submission to his holiness for the death of the cardinal of guise , or he would proceed to absolve his subjects from their allegiance ; which so pleased the leaguers , that they reported stories of * god's immediate judgment against the opposers of this thundering bull. but the king's army pressing the parisians , and having reduced them to the last extremity , they found an instrument for their purpose ; who was so wrought upon by the fiery preachers , that he resolved to kill the king : he was a jacobin friar , and confessing it to father bourgoin , prior of the convent , he encouraged him in it , telling him he should be a saint in heaven , and accounted an holy martyr by the church ; which so emboldened him , that with a knife , given him by that father , he stabbed the king into the belly , and was himself slain upon the place . this jaques clement was accordingly honoured by the clergy of the league , as they had promised , his picture was made , and shewed publickly , and they were about setting up his statue in the churches instead of the king 's , and pared off the very ground where he was slain to preserve as relicks ; and several divines preached and wrote in his praise , compared him to ehud , and affirmed he had done a greater work than judith . the cardinal de montalto rejoiced at it , and the pope made a long oration in its praise , and decreed that no funerals should be celebrated for the king. immediately upon this murther the leaguers at paris would have made the duke of mayenne king , but he declining it , they proclaimed the cardinal of bourbon by the name of charles the tenth ; and the parliament of tholouse commanded all the bishops within their churches to give thanks to god for this deliverance ; and that the first day of august ( on which the king was slain ) should be kept for ever in remembrance of that action ; and that their rancour against the king of navarre might the better appear , they forbad any to accept him for their king. and not the leaguers only , who had been in open rebellion against henry the third , but the roman catholicks of his army , refused to obey him any longer , unless he would become a romanist ; nay , there were many of that party found , who absolutely renounced him , and joined with the rebels , some few only remaining loyal ; by which defection of the greatest part of his army , he was forced to raise the siege for his own security . things standing in this posture , the pope , fearfull lest any rebellion should be prosecuted without his assistance , sent a legate into france , with great summes of money for the leaguers , who was accompanied with bellarmine , afterwards cardinal , and a famous defender of the deposing power . to encourage them farther , anno 1590 the king of spain by his declaration exhorted all to join with him against the hereticks of france , protesting he designed nothing but the advancement of the catholick religion , and extirpation of heresie : and the parisians were so poisoned in their principles , that the city being straitened by the king's forces , and provisions failing , they threw several into the river , for murmuring at the hardships they endured . about this time the cardinal of bourbon , their pretended king , dyed ; upon which the states were summoned to meet for the election of another ; and for the encouragement of the people the legate ordered a procession of all the religious orders , who , to shew their zeal , marched in order , armed like soldiers , the bishop of senlis leading them , and their relicks carried before them ; at which the cardinal legate was present in his coach ; and the parliament forbad any , upon pain of death , to talk of any agreement with the king ; in which madness the parliament of roan had led the way , who decreed , that whoever joined with the king should be guilty of high treason , and put several prisoners to death , only because they were the king's servants . nor could all the prodigious straits to which paris was reduced , incline that headstrong people to obedience ; the famine was so great as no age can shew the like ; all eatable things were devoured , and but one little dog to be found in all the city , which the dutchess of montpensier kept for her self , and refused two thousand crowns only for its brains ; yet was the rebels obstinacy as great as ever , accounting those who dyed of famine martyrs , and continuing as intent upon the war as in their plenty ; but finding force not successfull , they again employed assassins , of whom two franciscan friars and a priest were seized by the king at st. denis in a secular habit , who confessed there were three and twenty more , besides themselves , who had sworn the king's death ; at length the city was relieved by the duke of parma's army , and the king raising the siege retired . but as we have not hitherto found a plot without a priest in it , so they contributed all they could to the vigorous resistance which the leagues made ; ‖ for the doctours of the sorbon finding some propositions spread about the city , importing , that henry of bourbon ought to be king , and that the pope hath no power of dominion over sovereign princes , presently condemned them ; which decree was confirmed by the legate , and sworn to by the bishops and curates . but not content with this , the same faculty , on may 7. this year , decreed by an unanimous vote , † that all catholicks by divine law are forbid to admit any prince that is an heretick , or a favourer of hereticks ; that if he should procure an absolution for his heresie , yet if there be evident danger of his hypocrisie , he is by divine law to be rejected : that whosoever endeavours that he should be king ought to be opposed : and then they apply all to henry of bourbon , affirming , that there is evident danger of hypocrisie , and therefore though he should obtain sentence of absolution , yet the french are obliged to keep him from the crown , and abhor the thoughts of making peace with him : that those who favour him are deserters of religion , and remain in continual mortal sin ; but such as oppose him every way they can invent , do merit very both of god and man ; and they who are slain in the cause , are to be reputed champions for the faith , and shall obtain an everlasting crown of martyrdom . and soon after they ‖ renewed this and their former decrees ; and when the city was so very much straitened , they wrote a letter to the pope , complaining that his legate had not proceeded with severity enough against the king , commending bourgogn , and other rebels , who were executed , calling them maintainers and defenders of the truth ; and earnestly supplicating for assistance from his holiness , who , besides what power he exerted by his legate , sent them * fifty thousand crowns for a supply . thus they went on with an excessive spleen against the king in france , but the jesuites attempting to doe the same things in † transilvania , were expelled the countrey ; yet in scotland their designs went on , from whence william creighton , the jesuite , went into spain , into whose king he so insinuated himself , that he resolved to be guided by his advice , both for the invading england , and the alteration of religion in scotland ; which was the account himself gave of his negotiation by a message to the earl of huntley , desiring as many blanks and procurations as could be had of the scottish noblemen , for the greater credit of his agitations . in the mean time the duke of mayenne solicited the pope and spaniard for aid , anno 1591 and entred into an obligation with the duke of lorrain , and others , not to admit any to the crown except he were of their family ; but if they failed in that , to exclude all , who were not of the roman catholick religion : but the leaguers drew up a letter , and sent it to the king of spain , affirming that it was the desire of all the catholicks to see his catholick majesty sway the sceptre of that kingdom , and reign over them ; or that he would appoint some of his posterity , offering the crown to the infanta isabella , that king's daughter , in particular : and to make all sure within themselves , they contrived a new oath , whereby not onely the king , but all the bloud royal were excluded from the crown ; and set up a court of justice to proceed against the royalists . in which rebellious actions they were encouraged by the pope , greg. 14. who sent a nuncio into france with two bulls , one interdicting the clergy , if within 15 days they forsook not the obedience and part of the king ; and depriving them of all their benefices , if they left him not within thirty days ; the other threatening the nobility , and all others , with the papal curse , if they assisted that heretick , persecutour , excommunicated person , who was justly deprived of his dominions ; which were the mild expressions with which this meek servant of servants treated that great prince : and farther , to shew his fatherly care of the rebels , he sent an army to their relief , under the command of his nephew , and allowed them fifteen thousand crowns a month ; whose steps were followed by his successour , innocent the 9th , who remitted them fifteen thousand ducats every month of his popedom , which was but short ; for he sate not much above eight weeks in that chair . yet were not these designs of the leaguers , and mayenne , sufficient to content the pope , but the young cardinal of bourbon hoped for the crown , and so formed another party of seditious persons , called thirdlings , among whom was perron , afterwards cardinal ; and this faction also had the countenance of the last pope , who , to advance this cardinal , exhorted the states to chuse a roman catholick for their king. and his example was so far approved of by clement the eighth , anno 1592 who was chosen in his room , that he continued the same allowance to the leaguers , renewed the same exhortations , and declared any other but a romanist incapable of the crown . the parliament of roan published a severe edict against all who adhered to the king ; and discourses were spread abroad , maintaining , that it was unlawfull to desire his conversion , and that such as proposed or endeavoured it were excommunicated , and ought to be driven away , lest they should infect the rest ; and the parliament of paris enjoined obedience to the pope , and his legate , declaring that the convention of estates designed to chuse a popish king : and by this time those few romanists who had continued with the king , became rebellious too , requiring him to change his religion within a time which they prescribed , otherwise protesting they would elect another of their own persuasion . thus rebellion and the roman catholick cause went on prosperously in france ; but not having the same strength and opportunities in england , the more secret methods were made use of ; ‖ the spaniard was importuned to make another invasion , which he prepared for ; but the romanists , unwilling to trust to that alone , took a shorter course , and by * mr hesket's means attempted to persuade the lord strange , † afterwards earl of derby , to take upon him the crown , which they pretended he had a title to ; and soon after father holt , and others , employed patrick cullen , an irish fencer , to murther the queen , which he readily undertook , and for a very small reward ; but his barbarous intention was discovered , and he , upon apprehension confessing the design , and who set him on , was executed . two years before this the jesuite creighton , upon his going into spain , had desired blanks , to be filled up with credentials and procurations , from the noblemen of the popish party in scotland ; and this year he received them ; the persons who sent them farther engaging , that all the romanists in scotland should assist them , upon the arrival of the army , which the king of spain promised should be with them by the end of the spring , to the number of thirty thousand , whereof some were to remain in scotland , and the rest march directly into england : these blanks were sent by a servant of the king 's , with letters from several jesuites , but he was apprehended , and some of the conspiratours imprisoned and executed ; ‖ the jesuites complained in their letters , that the spaniards were too slow , and therefore desired the invasion with great earnestness . upon this discovery , the earls of angus , anno 1593 huntley , and arrol , rebell'd , but the king's army marching against them before they had formed any considerable body , they fled into the mountains , submitted , and were imprison'd in order to a tryall . at the same time , tir oen in ireland , after having persuaded , and underhand maintained several insurrections , openly declar'd himself for the rebells , taking on him the title of o neal ; which by an act of parliament was declared treason for any to assume . nor was england long free from open rebellion , yet clear'd of a treasonable generation , who were daily employ'd in new conspiracies against the queens life ; for * lopez , one of the queens physicians , undertook to poison her , for which he was to have fifty thousand crowns ; but being discovered , confessed all , and with two of his accomplices was executed . but being unwilling to depend wholly on this doctour , the jesuite , holt , dr. worthington , and others , employed edmond york , nephew to him who six years before had betrayed zutphen to the spaniards , and richard william , with others , to kill the queen ; who upon their apprehension confessed , that after several consultations among the priests and jesuites in flanders ; holt threatned , that if this plot failed , they would take this honourable work out of the hands of the english , and employ strangers for the future ; that they had vowed to murther the queen ; and that one young , tipping , garret , with two others , had undertaken the same design . while god was thus confounding the designs of these bloudy men in this nation , the leaguers in france seemed to have forgotten , that an all-seeing eye beheld their actions , where the duke of mayenne put forth a declaration , affirming , that henry of bourbon could not be lawfull king , because he was an heretick ; and therefore they cannot be blamed for opposing him in obedience to the pope's bulls , and admonitions : to which , his holiness's legate added another , assuring the romanists that the pope would never consent to the admission of an heretick , that such who assisted the king were in a desperate condition , and exhorting all to be obedient to the pope ; and when the estates were met , he proposed that all should take an oath , never to acknowledge the king , though he should be converted to their church ; nay , so great was his fury , that when the romanists with the king sent to the states some propositions for a treaty , he declared the very proposals to be heretical , and by his influence the doctours of sorbon asserted the same , as intimating a declared heretick might be king ; but the proposition was accepted , and a conference agreed on , but with this clause in the answer to the proposal , that to fight against an heretical king is not treason ; yet the legate entred his protestation against the meeting , and the parisians attempted to make the young duke of guise king : nor were things better in the royal army , where the romanists , whom the king most trusted , were falling from him ; upon which resolving to change his religion , his intensions were no sooner published , than the legate forbad all bishops to absolve him , pronouncing all that should be assisting to his reception into the roman church excommunicated , and deprived , and all their actions in that affair null and void . but hower the king was reconciled , and sent his ambassadours to rome ; but the pope , who had formerly refused to admit any message from him , prohibited their entrance , neither would he receive the prelates that absolved him . in the mean while the leaguers stormed at the king's reconciliation , and set themselves to destroy him by private treason , now force could doe no good ; for which purpose one barriere , or le barr , was employed , who confessed that the curate of st. andrews of arts in paris commended the design , ‖ telling him he would merit heaven and glory by the act , and recommended him to varade , rectour of the jesuites college , who affirmed that the enterprise was most holy , exhorting him with good constancy and courage to confess himself , and receive the b. sacrament , and then leading him to his chamber , gave him his blessing : he mentioned also another preacher of paris , who counted it meritorious . thus encouraged , he bought a knife seven inches long , and went to st. denis where the king then was , but being discovered was executed , affirming at his death , that there were two black friars that went from lyons upon the same account . it is probable the preacher at paris , mentioned in his confessions , was father † commolet , the jesuite , who two days before this barriere's execution at st. denis , in a sermon at paris ( which yet continued obstinate against the king ) exhorted his auditours to have patience , for they should see in a few days a wonderfull miracle of god. but the next year paris was reduced to its obedience , anno 1594 soon after which the university endeavoured the expulsion of the jesuites , accusing them of all manner of injustice , of the ruine of families , and many other crimes , but insisting particularly on their treasons , charging them with being abettors to the spaniard , fomenters of civil wars , and always ready to assassinate the french king , whom they omitted to pray for , while they extolled the spaniard ; that they taught and asserted the pope's deposing power ; that they refused to give absolution to several persons of quality , because they would not renounce the king ; that they had been the cause of the death of twenty-eight barons , fifty noble-men of france , and above five hundred monks and friars in the tercera islands , and had refused to renounce the league . which spirit of rebellion was so strong amongst the leaguers , that a little before the seduction of paris , the pope's legate published a declaration , exhorting all catholicks to oppose the king ; assuring them that the pope would never grant him absolution ; and upon the rendition of aix to his majesty , the famous genebrard was so vext at the loyalty of the place , that he left it , resolving not to live among the royalists ; nay , when the king entered paris the cardinal pellivee , lying upon his death-bed , very angrily told those about him , that he hoped the arms of the spaniards , and good catholicks would yet drive the huguonots out of paris : and hay , a scotch jesuite , affirmed , that if the king passed by their college , he would leap from the top of it upon him , and did not doubt to go directly to heaven . but to return to the jesuites , who finding their banishment out of the kingdom thus zealously endeavoured , and fearing lest the king , to whom they had been such bitter enemies , should consent to it , resolved to dispatch him ; † * francis jacob one of their scholars at bourges had boasted that he would doe it ; but john chastel who was bred under them at paris , went farther , and with a knife struck the king in the mouth , and beat out one of his teeth , he was immediately apprehended , and on examination , confessed , * that he esteemed it an act highly conducing to promote religion ; and that father gueret , his master in the jesuites school , had taught him those doctrines ; upon which sentence of death was pass'd upon him , by which also the * jesuites were banished as corrupters of youth , disturbers of the publick peace , enemies to the king and kingdom ; and enjoined to depart the realm within fifteen days ; and all their goods confiscated , to be disposed of as the court should see fit . this sentence was published after the search made in the jesuites college , wherein was found a book of t. guignard's , which he confessed to be his own writing , lamenting that the king was spared in the parisian massacre , applauding the murther of king henry the third , affirming , that if the king were shut up in a monastery , he would be treated more gently than he deserved ; and concluding , that if he could not be deposed without force of arms , they ought to be taken up against him ; for which , and his other treasons , he was executed ; but † gueret , chastell's master , of the same order , was only banished with the rest ; in memory of which fact , and to the perpetual ignominy of that order , chastell's house was demolished , and a pillar erected in the place ; on one side of which was engraven the decree of the court , † on another a copy of verses expressing the crime , and discovering to the world that it was attempted by the persuasions of the jesuites ; on the third another inscription to the same purpose ; and on the fourth a summary account of their banishment , and the reasons of it , * wherein the jesuites are termed , a mischievous and novell sort of superstitious men , and disturbers of the nation , by whom that young man was encouraged and persuaded to that horrid fact. this pillar , as appears by the date of the inscriptions , was not erected till the following year ; however , having such a relation to their banishment , which was decreed the 29th . of december , 1594. i thought it most proper to give an account of it in this place . one would think that if any fact would render men ashamed , this murtherous attempt was so horrid as to make those concerned in it blush ; but so far were they from that , that francis veron , † a jesuite , wrote an apology for the murtherer , calling the enterprise ‖ a most holy , most humane , most laudable and worthy act ; that it is acceptable to god , and conformable to all laws and decrees of the church ; and in the same book he extolls clement , that stabbed the former king. thus fruitfull were the french romanists in their contrivances of rebellion and murther , and as willing were their brethren in these nations to promote enterprises of the same nature ; for † tir-oen in ireland , continued in the rebellion which he began the year before , but distrusting his own power , submitted himself to the lord deputy ; yet the very same month he rebelled again ; several provinces revolting to him ; by which accession of forces he grew very powerfull : and in scotland the noblemen who were imprisoned and condemned for their insurrection the last year , having been pardoned by the king , took arms again , being assisted with money from the spaniards , and defeated the king's forces under the earl of argyle , though much superiour in number to them , but were at length reduced so low , that they begged leave to depart the land , which was granted them ; so promising to enterprise no more against the king , they left the kingdom : bothwell , the chief of them went to naples , where he lived miserably ; the rest about three years after got their pardons , and returned home . yet were not these all the popish enterprises upon the estates and persons of princes which were discovered this year ; for i find that about this time they employed le four , and others , to murther prince maurice of nassaw , general of the forces of the united provinces . but the indefatigable romanists , anno 1595 though so often disappointed , would once more apply themselves to the spaniard , to favour their cause in england ; who to correspond with their desires and satisfie his own ambition , sent diego brocher , upon the english coast , who with four gallies put into mounts bay in cornwall , fired st. paul's church , and * three small fish towns ; and this was all the king of spain made of his vast expences and preparations against england . tyr-oen having the two last years strengthned himself , anno 1596 writes this year to the king of spain , desiring him not to give ear to those who affirmed , that he design'd any accommodation with the english ; assuring him , that he was resolved never to submit to , or have any treaty with them . about the same time the jesuites at london had laid a plot to seize the tower , and keep it till the spaniards arrived to their assistance ; in one of their letters from their correspondents in spain , dated june the 20th . 1596. they are put in hopes that the spanish armada should be with them about the august following ; cautioning them to advise all the romanists of the design before-hand , and proclamations were ready printed in spain , to be dispersed at their arrival here ; and the better to secure the spaniards landing in scotland , the conspiratours fortified the isle of elsay in the western seas , for their reception ; but were surprized before they had proceeded far , so the enterprize miscarried . and now we are come to the last conspiracy that hath been discovered against the life of queen elizabeth , which was the attempt of edward squire , a servant in her stables , to whom walpoole , anno 1597 the jesuite , gave a very strong poison , which squire undertook to press out upon the pommel of her saddle ; but before he could bring himself to undertake so horrid an action , he had several conflicts in his own mind ; which the jesuite perceiving , told him , * that the sin of backsliding did seldom obtain pardon , and if he did but once doubt of the lawfulness , or merit , of the act , it was enough to cast him down to hell ; exhorting him to go through with it ; † for if he failed , he would commit an unpardonable sin before god ; and at parting , after having bless'd him , he used these words , my son , god bless thee , and make thee strong ; be of good courage ; i pawn my soul for thine ; and being either dead or alive , assure thy self thou shalt have part of my prayers . thus satisfied with the jesuites , he , upon the first opportunity , poisoned the pommel of the queens saddle , but it pleased god the poison had not the expected effect ; upon which the jesuites not hearing of her death in some time , suspected squire of unfaithfulness , and got him under-hand accused of some design against the queen ; upon which being apprehended he confessed all , and was executed . but tyrone created more trouble to the queen in ireland , where daily he encreased his strength , took fortified places from the english , and in several skirmishes got the better of the queens forces . and continuing his rebellion , anno 1598 slew sir henry bagnall , and routed the english under his command , took the fort of black-water , and in it great store of ammunition and arms , and created james fitz-thomas earl of desmond , and got several advantages over the forces of the kingdom . in england anthony rolston was employed by the jesuite creswell to prepare things for an invasion , which the spaniard intended to make very suddenly ; in order to which a fleet was prepared , and a proclamation drawn up by the admiral , justifying the action , and declaring his intention to be , to reduce these kingdoms to the obedience of the catholick roman church . this year also was apprehended in holland one peter pan , a cooper of ipres , who confess'd , that his design was to murther prince maurice of nassaw , * that the jesuites of daway , for his encouragement , promised to make his son a prebend , and the provincial gave him his blessing in these words , friend , go thy ways in peace , for thou goest as an angel under god's safeguard and protection . but almost innumerable were the conspiracies against king henry of france , against whom ( after mayenne and all others had submitted ) the dukes of aumale , and mercent continued obstinate , refusing to acknowledge him ; and the pope's agent at brussels , first employed ridicove , a dominican of ghent , to murther the king ; assuring him , that the pope and cardinals approved of the action ; but he , after two journeys into france about it , was apprehended , and executed ; confessing , that the daily sermons he had heard in praise of clement , who stabb'd the former king , and was esteemed a martyr among them , had so enflam'd him , that he resolv'd to follow his steps . besides this man , one arger , of the same order , undertook the same exploit ; to whom the pope's agent added clement odin , another son of st. dominick ; but god defeated all their designs , and preserv'd that great king's life some years longer . in the mean while tir oen continued his rebellion in ireland , anno 1599 having received assistance from the spaniard , and a plume of phoenix feathers from the pope ; and the new earl of desmond wrote two * letters to the king of spain , begging his assistance to drive the english out of ireland , and to advance the catholick cause , which he was resolved to maintain . what effect these and other addresses had , we shall see presently . but tir oen not resting wholly on the spaniard , anno 1600 wrote a very earnest letter to the pope , subscribed by himself , desmond , and others ; † desiring his holiness to issue out a bull against the queen , as pius the fifth , and gregory the thirteenth had done ; which they press him to doe , because the kingdom belonged to his holiness , and next under god depended solely on him . in the mean while , the rebellion went on , and daily conflicts happen'd ; but lest the tediousness , or danger of the war should discourage them , pope clement the eighth sent a letter , directed to all the prelates , noblemen , and people of ireland , wherein ‖ he owns , that they had taken up arms by his advice , for recovering their liberty , and opposing the hereticks , commends the fitz-geralds who headed former insurrections , highly extolls tyrone , and grants a full remission of all sins to him and his assistants . yet could not this concurrence , and benediction of the pope preserve their strength from being broken by the lord mountjoy , who this year arrived lord deputy in ireland ; insomuch that several of the chief rebels submitted , * but at the same time sent to rome to crave pardon for their outward compliance : but tyrone continued obstinate , which forced the lord-deputy to proclaim him traitor , setting a reward of two thousand marks upon his head ; however the spaniard sent a ship to his relief , laden with arms and monies , as an earnest of more supplies . it is certain from the confession of the traitors themselves , that the foundation of the gun-power treason was laid the following year ; but it is very probable that there was a rough draught of it made in this , as appears by the case resolv'd by delrio the jesuite ; whether if one discover in confession , that he hath laid gun-powder under an house , by which the house is to be blown up , and the prince destroyed , the priest ought to reveal it ? upon which he concludes , that he ought not ; it was a case that had never happened before and so not likely to have been thought of by a person not cautious of such a design ; and this resolution garnet after served himself of , alledging , that all the knowledge he had of the treason was communicated to him in confession , which he was bound not to disclose , upon any account whatsoever . soon after his last letter in tyrone's behalf , anno 1601 the same pope sent his breves into england , commanding all the roman catholicks not to admit , after the queen's death , any prince whatsoever , unless he would bind himself by oath to promote the roman catholick religion to his utmost power : in prosecution of which , knowing that king james , the next successour , was a firm protestant , several designs were formed against his life ; hay and hamilton , two papists , were sent into scotland , to stir up the jesuites there , who were received and cherished , notwithstanding the king had by his proclamation forbidden any to harbour them , affirming that if any did , he would look upon them as designers against his life . but while these jesuites , and others of the same stamp , were endeavouring to prepare matters for a rebellion , one ‖ mowbray , son to a scotch nobleman ; undertook to destroy the king , but was apprehended at london , and sent prisoner into scotland by the queen ; and about the same time the * duke of tuseany , by some letters he had intercepted , discovered another design against his life , which was to be effected by poison , an account of which he sent immediately to the king by sir henry wotton , then in his court , with several antidotes against the poison , if it should be given him , notwithstanding all his diligence to prevent it . during these designs in scotland the pope sent a letter to tyrone , calling his rebellion an † holy league , ‖ assuring him that he was exceedingly pleased at their courage and zeal , extolling his piety , exhorting him to go on as he had begun , and praying that god would fight for him ; promising to write to all catholick princes to assist him , and to send a nuncio to reside with him ; and giving his blessing to him and all his followers , who should hazard themselves for the catholick cause . besides which he sent a † breve to the whole body of the irish nation , requiring them to join with tyr-oen against the queen ; and if we may believe * don juan de aquila , general of the war in ireland for defence of the faith , he went farther than this , and excommunicated , and ( as far as in him lay ) deposed her majesty . this spanish commander arrived at kings all with a great fleet , and began to fortifie the town ; and published a declaration , affirming , that the war made against queen elizabeth by his master , in conjunction with tyr-oen , was just , she having been excommunicated , and her subjects absolved from their fidelity by several popes ; exhorting them , that now christ's vicar commanded them , they would in obedience to him take arms ; protesting , that if any continued in obedience to the english , they should be prosecuted as hereticks , and hatefull enemies of the church . soon after don alonso del campo landed with a supply of soldiers , but suddenly after his arrival was taken prisoner , the army of the spaniards and rebells in conjunction routed , and the former glad to be permitted to return home . yet were the english papists as diligent as ever to introduce the spaniards , and therefore dispatched away ‖ thomas winter , to trie what could be done for their assistance , who were ready to sacrifice their lives for the catholick cause ; and to assure the king of spain , that if he would send over an army , they would have in a readiness fifteen hundred or two thousand horses for the service ; being introduced by the means of the jesuite creswell , the duke of lerma assured him of assistance , and the count de miranda told him , that his master would bestow two hundred thousand crowns for that use , and would have an army in england by the next spring . with this gratefull account of the posture of affairs he returned , anno 1602 and great preparations were made , that they might be ready against the arrival of the forces ; but all their measures were broken by the queen's death , yet was mr. wright sent into spain , and guy faux after him ; but the king refused to meddle , having sent his ambassadour to conclude a peace with king james ; upon which disappointment the entertained new designs , which we shall have account of in a little time . while these matters were transacting in spain and england , tyr-oen and osulevan continued their insurrection in ireland , the latter keeping the castle of dunboy for the king of spain , to whom he sent to desire him to accept it , which he did , and sent osulevan twelve thousand pounds , with a supply of arms and ammunition ; and the rest of the rebells received encouragement from their correspondents in spain , who assured them , his catholick majesty would not omit the winning of ireland , if it cost him the most part of spain ; and that an army of fourteen thousand men , with a nuncio from the pope , were set sail for their relief , which news rendered them so obstinate , that they endured all extremities ; but the taking of dunboy by the lord deputy put a stop to those succours , there being no place for to receive them at their landing ; yet did mac eggan , the apostolical vicar , revive the fury of the rebells , but he was slain the latter end of this year , fighting at the head of his men , with a sword drawn in one hand , and his breviary and beads in the other . we have seen the pope approving this rebellion , so that the divines of his church could doe no less than follow the dictates of their supreme head , which the jesuites of salamanca did this year by a declaration of theirs ; in which they resolve , * that we must hold for certain that the pope hath power to bridle and suppress those who forsake the faith : and having farther stated the question , they proceed to affirm , that it is lawfull for any catholick to assist tyr-oen , and that with great merit , and good hope of eternal reward , because it is by the pope's authority , that all such romanists as take part with the english sin mortally , and cannot be saved , or receive absolution , till they forsake the english army ; and those are in the same condition who give the english any tribute , except such as the pope hath given them leave to pay , ( so that they are to be subjects no longer than the pope pleases . ) and then they proceed to shew , that the bull in favour of the rebells was not procured by surreption , but proceeded from the pope's own inclination to them , and that the permission given to the roman catholicks to obey her , extended only to such obedience as doth not oppugn the catholick religion , which the assisting her against tyrone doth . and this declaration is dated the seventh of march. 1602. and it could be nothing less than such an extraordinary encouragement , that could render the irish so audacious as they were upon the queen's death ; in limrick they seized the churches , and set up mass in them ; the same they did at waterford , in the cathedral , and at the sessions house they pulled down the seats of justice ; in cork they refused to proclaim the king , and by force opposed the commissioners ; they went in a solemn procession , took the sacrament to spend their lives in defence of the roman catholick religion ; wrote to several cities to assist them , seized upon the king's stores , and assaulted his forces , alledging that he could not be lawfull king , because he was not appointed by the pope . and for their farther satisfaction the university of salamanca , anno 1603 subscribed the declaration which the jesuites made the year before ; and the divines of valedolid did the same . about this time the jesuites laboured to get the sentence of their banishment out of france reversed , the pope interposing his mediation in their favours , upon which the parliament of paris attempted to dissuade the king from consenting to it by a long * oration ; alledging , that it was their avowed doctrine , that the pope hath a power of excommunicating kings ; that a king so excommunicated by his holiness , is no other than a tyrant , whom the people may oppose ; that clergy-men are exempt from the prince's power , are none of his subjects , and cannot be punish'd by him for any crimes : and having enumerated several of their treasons , they affirm , † that it is absolutely necessary for them to renounce these doctrines , or else france cannot with safety admit them to return . but though they were very desirous of admission , they would not renounce those positions for it ; however by importunity , and the solicitation of the pope , and others , they were at length received , but upon conditions , ‖ two of which were , that they should build no colleges without express permission from the king ; and that one of their number should be always near the king , to be accountable for the actions of the society . thus were they admitted , but marks of distrust set upon them ; though they have , by their address , turn'd the latter of these conditions , which was at first design'd for their disgrace , into a mark of honour , the king's confessour being ever since a jesuite . though the gun-powder plot was not ripe for execution till two years after , yet they were consulting about it at this time ; when after a long complaint of their grievances , mr. percy told mr. catesby , that there was no way but to kill the king , and he was resolv'd to doe it : but that gentleman desired him not to be so rash , for he had laid a surer design , which would certainly effect it , without any danger to themselves ; and then imparted to him the contrivance of blowing up the king and parliament . which design in may , the following year , anno 1604 the conspiratours obliged themselves by oath upon the holy sacrament to keep secret ; † catesby justifying the action by the breves which the pope had sent to exclude king james ; it being as lawfull to cast him out as to oppose his entrance ; and bates , another of the conspiratours , was assured by the jesuite greenwell , that the cause and action were good , and therefore it was his duty to conceal it . upon the approaching of the parliament they began to work , endeavouring to make a mine under the parliament-house ; but soon after percy hired a cellar , in which they stowed the gun-powder , with billets heap'd upon it , to hide it in case of search . the may before the plot was to be executed there was an insurrection of the romanists in wales , but it was soon supprest ; anno 1605 yet all things went on in order to the fatal blow ; when about a week before the parliament was to sit , the design was discovered , and so prevented ; upon which the conspiratours flew into † rebellion , but were all either killed or taken by the sheriff of worcestershire the ‖ king in his speech to the parliament soon after , told them that faux confessed that they had no other cause moving them to the design , but merely and only religion ; which was acknowledged by sir everard digby at his tryall , to be the chief motive which enduced him to make one among them , and which he resolved to hazard his life , his estate , and all , to introduce ; protesting , that if he had thought there had been the least sin in the plot , he would not have been of it for all the world ; and the reason why he kept it secret , was because those who were best able to judge of the lawfulness of it , had been acquainted with it , and given way unto it ; and therefore afterwards he calls it the best cause . the persons , upon whose authority he so much relied , were the jesuites , who asserted the holiness of the action ; for garnet , their superiour , had affirmed that it was lawfull , and father hammond absolved them all after the discovery , when they were in open rebellion ; and greenwell , the jesuite , rode about the countrey to excite as many as he could to joyn with them ; nay , † garnet confessed that catesby in his name did satisfie the rest of the lawfulness of the fact. * parsons had kept a correspondency with that jesuite to promote it , and at the same time ( not willing to discover it to them , and yet desirous of their prayers , ) ‖ ordered the students of his college at rome to pray for the intention of their father rectour : and after the discovery , * father hall , encouraged some of the traitors , who began to doubt that the action was unlawfull , seeing god had defeated it in so providential a manner , telling them , that we must not judge of the cause by the event ; that this was no more than what happened to the eleven tribes when they went up at first to fight against benjamin , and that the christians were often defeated by the turks ; nay , so highly was it approv'd by that order , that , not to mention here the honours done to the conspiratours , since their deaths , several jesuites gloried in , and bragg'd of it ; for a little before the discovery , † father flood caused the jesuites at lisbon to spend a great deal of money in powder , on a festival day , to try the force of it , and persuaded one john how , a merchant , and other catholicks , to go over into england , and expect their redemption there : and father thompson was wont afterwards to boast to his scholars at rome , how oft his shirt was wetted with digging under the parliament house . and that the pope himself was concerned in the design is more than probable , for it is confessed by a jesuite that there were three bulls granted by him , which should have been published if the conspiracy had succeeded ; and sir everard digby hath left it under his hand , that it was not the pope's mind that any stirs should be hindered which were undertaken for the catholick cause . the pope's carriage after the discovery is another shrewd argument that he was privy to the plot , for he not only made no declaration either by word or writing in abhorrence of it , but when * greenway , one of the conspirators , escaped to rome , he advanced him to the dignity of penitentiary , and † gerard , * another , was a confessour at st. peters in the same city . this execrable conspiracy appeared so horrid and unworthy , not only of religious men , but contrary to humane nature , that † sixteen of the students under the jesuites at rome , forsook the college , and some of them renounced the roman church ; and * mr. copley , who had been a priest some years , ( as appears by his reasons , one of sound learning and judgment , ) assures us , that it was one of the causes of his conversion . yet were there many found among the romanists who justified the design , hardly any condemning it : thus the same gentleman professes , that though some termed it an inconsiderate act , yet he could never meet with any one jesuite who blamed it . the * conspiratours justified themselves , and even at their deaths would acknowledge no fault : and when † faux and winter were admitted to discourse together in the tower , they affirmed , they were sorry that no body set forth a defence or apology for the action ; but yet they would maintain the cause at their deaths ; nay there was one who had the hardiness to attempt * to justifie the design from the imputation of cruelty , because both seeds and root of an evil herb must be destroyed ; and when some of the plotters escaped to callis , the governour assured them of the king's favour , and that though they lost their country they should be received there ; they replyed , that the loss of their country was the least part of their grief ; but their sorrow was that they could not bring so brave a design to perfection . and notwithstanding garnet was so deep in the conspiracy , yet † mr. wilson placed him among the martyrs , in his english martyrology ; and it is affirmed by * one who liv'd among them , that he and campion are beatified by the pope , which is the next degree to canonization , and that every one of them is painted in the jesuites churches , with the title of blessed father ; † and we are assured that garnet's picture was set up in their church at rome , among their martyrs , several years after ; and * st. amour , a doctour of sorbon , found his pictures commonly sold at rome , in the year 1651. with this inscription , father henry garnet , hang'd and quarter'd at london , for the catholick faith ; by which they shew themselves either approvers of the design , to that degree as to count it a point of their faith , or else they must appear deceivers of the people , and slanderers of the english nation , in affirming , that he dyed for his religion , when he justly suffered for the most hellish conspiracy that was ever laid ; yet delrio , and gordon , two jesuites , went farther ; the first in prosecution of his determination in the point which we mentioned before , compares him to dionysius , the areopagite ; the latter placing him in heaven , desires him to intercede there for the conversion of england , and it was once publickly prayed in louvain , o holy henry ! intercede for us . but they had designs elsewhere at the same time that this their holy martyr was promoting their cause in england ; king henry of france his life was so burthensome to the jesuites , that they were impatient , so that father coton , the king's confessour , or rather hostage for his society , to be satisfied in the point , wrote down several questions which he had propounded to a maid said to be possessed , one of which was how long the king should live ; which is a capital crime in itself ; * for ( as tertullian long since argued ) who hath any business to make such an enquiry , except he hath designs against his prince , or hath some hopes of advancement by his death . and as busie was the pope paul the fifth for the advancement of the roman cause , he fell out with the duke of * savoy this year , for presenting an abbey to cardinal pio ; and to shew his authority over princes and states , ( which is a kind of deposing them , and clear evidence of popish principles , ) when the commonwealth of luca made an edict against the protestants , though he liked the thing , yet he pretended they had no power in those matters , and therefore commanded them to raze the edict out of their records , and he would publish one for the same purpose by his own authority ; and when the state of genoa prohibited some seditious meetings of ecclesiasticks , he threatened them with excommunication , and forced them to recall their order . but the venetians would not be frighted by his thunders , though he threatened them with the same censure , if they did not speedily revoke their decrees concerning the building of churches , and giving lands to the church , ( which they had prohibited any to doe without the senate's order , ) and required them to deliver two clergymen , whom they had imprisoned for many horrid crimes ; concluding his breve with an assertion of his power to deprive kings , and that he had legions of angels for this assistance . but when the senate would not gratifie him in thus yielding their rights to an usurper , anno 1606 the pope told their ambassadour , that the exemption of clergy-men from the jurisdiction of the magistrate was jure divino , that his cause was the cause of god , and he would be obeyed ; and therefore in a consistory of one and forty cardinals he published a bull of excommunication against that state , wherein he declares , * that by the authority of almighty god , and the apostles peter and paul , the duke and senate of venice , if within four and twenty days after the publication of the bull they do not revoke their decrees , are excommunicated ; and if they continue obstinate three days more , he lays an interdict upon the whole state , forbidding the clergy to perform divine offices in any part of their dominions , and threatens farther punishments , according to the sacred canons . this bull he expected would gain his point , by causing the ecclesiasticks to withdraw themselves , and that the people , seeing themselves deprived of church-offices , would run into sedition ; but the event answered not his expectation , for the people joined unanimously with the senate ; but the jesuites , and others , refused to celebrate mass , upon which they were banished the dominions of venice ; after † which they did all they could to stir up the common people : but not succeeding in this , the pope published a jubilee , granting indulgence to all but those of interdicted places ; this he expected would make the people murmur , but he was deceived in that point too ; so that he declared in a full consistory that he would have war with the state of venice , and called the spaniards to his aid ; but finding the senate resolute in defence of their rights , he was glad to recall his bull , and make a peace with them , and though he earnestly pressed for the restauration of the jesuites , yet he could not obtain it . about this time the oath of allegiance being established by law , the romanists sent to rome to know what they should doe in this case , where it was consulted by seven or eight of their learnedest divines , who all agreed , that the pope's power of chastizing princes is a point of faith , and consequently cannot be denied without denying of the faith ; and the pope told father parsons , and fitzherbert , he could not hold those for catholicks who took the oath ; which he soon after declared by his breve , addressed to the romanists of england , septemb . 22. 1606. wherein he affirms , † that they cannot , without most evident and grievous wronging of god's honour , bind themselves by the oath , seeing it contains many things contrary to faith and salvation . but when some romanists who had taken it began to question the breve , anno 1607 willing to think it was obtained from his holiness by surreption ; he sent † another to undeceive them , wherein he blames them for entertaining such thoughts , and assures them , that it was written upon mature deliberation , and therefore they are bound fully to observe it , rejecting all interpretation to the contrary ; upon which several who were willing before refused it , some of whom were imprisoned . it is an hard thing for men accustomed to doe evil to learn to doe well , which truth tyr-oen is a great example of , for notwithstanding after his frequent rebellions he was pardoned by king james , and received into favour , yet returning into ireland he began new contrivances , and fearing he was discovered , fled this year into flanders , which caused the king to publish a severe proclamation against him ; from thence he went to rome , where he was maintained at the pope's charge this his death . this same year parsons published his treatise tending to mitigation , wherein he labours to take off the imputation of rebellious principles from the romanists , and yet he tells us in the same book , that this is catholick doctrine , that in publick perils of the church , and common-wealth , christ our saviour hath not left us wholly remediless , but besides the natural right which each kingdom hath to defend themselves , in certain cases , he left also supreme power in his high priest , and immediate substitute , to direct and moderate that power , and to add also of his own when extraordinary need requireth , though with great deliberation . where we have a plain justification of the pope and people's power to depose and resist their princes , a most excellent argument to clear the papists of disloyalty . though we find no plots discovered this year in england , yet in transilvania the jesuites were employed in poisoning stephen potscay the prince : and in france father cotton recommended a spaniard to the king , who had not been in the court many hours , when the king had intelligence of his coming from barcellona purposely to poison him ; upon this he sent for father coton , who desired his majesty not to give any credit to the advice ; and when the king ordered him to produce the spaniard , he pretended to seek him , but at his return told his majesty that he was escaped , and he could not find him . this year the pope sent another breve into england , directed to the arch-priest , anno 1608 forbidding him to take the oath , and commanding him to deprive all priests of their faculties who took it , except they immediately renounc'd it ; prohibiting likewise the resort of any to the protestant churches . at the same time divines of italy , germany , and france , wrote against it , all grounding their exceptions upon this , that it takes away the pope's power of deposing kings . so rebellious had the writings and practices of the jesuites been , that the bohemians petition'd the emperour against them ; anno 1609 and the valesian magistrates refused to admit them , because wherever they came they disturbed the publick peace , and were under such a tie of blind obedience , that if their superiour enjoin'd them a treasonable attempt they must obey . they had made it their business , anno 1610 for some time , to endeavour to get footing in transilvania , but when all their importunity could not prevail , they engaged several of the nobility in a design against the prince's life , which proceeded so far that one of the conspiratours attempted to run him through , but was prevented , and several of his companions taken , the rest escaped . and now king henry the great of france having amassed a very considerable treasure , prepared for some great design , which the romanists grew so jealous of , that they secretly caused several to subscribe their obedience to the pope , in a book which was kept on purpose ; it was half written through , and some names subscribed in bloud ; several designs were formed against his life , four piedmontiers , a lorrainer , and three others , conspired his death ; advice was given of several other plots from many other places , and reports were spread in foreign parts that he was killed : father hardy , in his sermon at st. severius in paris , reflecting upon the king's treasure , said , that kings heaped up treasures to make themselves feared , but there needed but a blow to kill a king. all these were but fore-runners of that horrid murther which was committed in a few weeks after by ravilliac , once a monk , who stabbed him to the heart with a poisoned knife , as he was going to the arsenal in his coach , so that he expired in an instant ; upon his examination he confessed that he resolved to murther the king , who he supposed had a design to make war upon the pope , because making war against his holiness is the same as to make war against god , seeing the pope was god , and god was the pope ; and that he had revealed his design to the jesuite d' aubigny in confession , and shewed him the knife , and that he had heard several of that order maintain the lawfulness of it in their sermons . no sooner was the king dead , anno 1611 but the jesuites desired leave to teach schools in their colleges ; which acquest the parliament took into consideration , and required that they should first declare , that it is unlawfull for any person to conspire the death of the king ; that no ecclesiastick hath any power over the temporal rights of princes ; and that all are to render the same obedience to their governours , which christ gave to caesar. these positions were proposed to them to subscribe , but they refused to doe it without leave from their general ; upon which they were prohibited by a decree of parliament to teach , and threatened with a farther deprivation if they would not obey . the romanists had tried all manner of ways to deprive king james of his life or crown , anno 1613 but finding none successfull , they had the impudence to publish a book this year , affirming , that his majejesty was a counterfeit , and not the son of queen mary of scotland . the year following cardinal perron , anno 1614 who had been one of the young cardinal of bourbon's party against king henry the fourth , in the assembly of estates in france , asserted not only that subjects may be absolved from their allegiance , and princes deposed in case of heresie , but that they who hold the contrary are schismaticks and hereticks . this speech was made to divert the estates from imposing an oath like our oath of allegiance ; which design so disturbed the ‖ pope , that he affirmed the voters of it were enemies to the common good , and mortal adversaries to the chair of rome . and about the same time suarez printed his book at colen , wherein he teaches , that kings may be put to death by their own subjects ; which treatise came into the world with the approbation of the bishop of conimbria , of silvis , and lamego , and the university of alcalum , with several others . in scotland one father ogelby , a jesuite , was taken , who being asked whether the pope be judge in spirituals over his majesty , refused to answer , except the question were put to him by the pope's authority ; but affirmed that the pope might excommunicate the king ; at his trial he protested against the judges , that he could not own them , for the k. had no authority but what was derivative from his predecessours , who acknowledged the pope's jurisdiction ; adding , if the king will be to me as they were to mine , he shall be my king , otherwise i value him not : and as for that question , whether the k. deposed by the pope , may be lawfully killed , doctours of the church hold the affirmative not improbably , and i will not say it is unlawfull to save my life . in france several of the princes raised commotions , which were appeased with conferring places of trust and honour upon the chief among them , who were headed by the prince of conde ; fruits ( as the historian observes ) accustomed to be reaped in france , from that which in other places is punished by the executioner . not satisfied with their honours , anno 1615 they took arms again under the same leader , and passed the loire ; but the prince of conde falling sick , matters were composed by the endeavours of the english ambassadour , and some others . in savoy conspiracies were formed against that duke's life , anno 1616 and to deliver up the prince , his son , anno 1617 to the spaniards , but timely discovery prevented them , and preserved the duke from another design of some who undertook to poison him . the next year the jesuites were banished bohemia , anno 1618 and moravia , for coining money , and sowing dissentions between the magistrates and people , and a plot was discovered at * venice , against the senatours , whom the conspiratours designed to murther , by a sudden insurrection , ( assisted by the marquess of bedmar , ambassadour from spain , and the duke of ossuna , viceroy of naples , ) and make an utter subversion of the state ; * this was carried on , in conjunction with the spaniards , by those citizens , and others , who were the pope's partisans , and a number of factious persons , discontented with the actions of the senate , who longed for a change , and would stick at nothing to effect it . and in france the † queen mother being imprisoned , the duke d' espernon , with a strong party , rebelled in her defence ; but before the king's army was come up against him , he procured his pardon , and the liberty of the queen . soon after this the jesuites were driven out of ‖ hungary , anno 1619 and silesia , for their seditious practices ; and * another rebellion broke out in france , anno 1620 which the king marched in person to suppress : † in the valteline the revolt was universal , the governours of provinces , and the heads of families , were all murthered , and under pretence of defending the roman catholick religion , all manner of outrages were committed , and a new form of government erected ; these broils continued some time , and the bitterness of the papists was such , that they would make no accommodation , if the protestants were tolerated there ; * so that if a protestant bailiff be sent among them , he cannot publickly exercise his religion . at this time the match between prince charles and the infanta was prosecuted , anno 1622 at least with a seeming willingness on both sides , and being to have some romish priests of her houshold , the pope urged very earnestly that they might be exempt from his majesty's jurisdiction , so very diligent he was in catching at any shadow which might seem to favour the exemption of the clergy . three years after this sanctarellus his book was printed at rome , anno 1625 wherein the deposing power was asserted in its utmost latitude , and though father coto , and two other jesuites , were required to answer it , yet no reply appeared ; the former affirming before the parliament , that though he disapproved the doctrine in france , yet he would assent to it if he were at rome . the oath of allegiance being vigorously press'd in england , anno 1626 the pope sent a bull to the romanists , exhorting them to continue firm , * and let their tongue rather cleave to the roof of their mouth then permit the authority of st. peter , to be diminished by that oath ; and commanding them strictly to observe the breves of pope paul the fifth ; and † father fisher justified suarez , and the doctrine of his book , asking , what could be found prejudicial in it to princely authority ; and affirming that if it contained any such thing it would not be permitted in catholick kindoms . we have mention'd that the exemption of the clergy was desired by the pope in the treaty for anno 1627 the spanish match ; and now his emissaries in this nation affirmed that the king could have nothing to doe with her majesties chaplains , because he was an heretick ; and his holiness threatned to declare those to be apostates who should seek their establishment in the queens family from the king. but though these were plain indications of what they desired , anno 1628 yet they kept their designs so secret , that they were not discovered till some time after ; but there was a conspiracy detected at genoa , which , if it had not been prevented , would have ended in the murther of the nobility , and alteration of the government . and the next year a plot was detected in mantua against the life of the prince , anno 1629 and some officers apprehended , who would have betray'd viadana to the governour of millan . in ireland the papists assaulted the archbishop of dublin , wounded several of his followers , and forced him to fly for his life ; following him in a tumultuous manner along the streets ; and that they had several seditious designs in hand at the same time , anno 1620 is evident from the confession of † mac-enerry , a dominican , who for this very reason left the church of rome , because of her rebellious doctrines , and the many conspiracies he had taken an oath of secresie to conceal , which he observed inviolably ; and though he informed the bishop of limrick , that there were many plots then contriving against his majesty's government , yet for his oaths sake he would not name any persons who were concerned in them . the duke of orleance had retired in disgust from court some years since , and was received by the duke of lorrain ; anno 1632 but being forced this year to leave that retreat , he went to brussells , from whence , aided by the spaniards , he marched at the head of an army into france , but was defeated , and several of his adherents executed . while france was thus almost continually pestered with rebellions , anno 1633 the designs of the papists ripened apace in ireland , ; they had erected friaries , in the countrey instead of those which were dissolved in the dublin ; and even in that city they had a college of students , whereof father paul harris was dean , and at a synodical meeting of their clergy , they decreed , that it was not lawfull to take the oath of allegiance . if it were not that all the designs of that party from the year 1630. to 1640. anno 1640 were summed up , and perfected in the rebellion in ireland , and the execrable civil wars of england , i should wonder how they came to be so still , and that no more conspiracies were discovered , besides that great one which andreas ab habernsfield was informed of in holland , and of which he sent the king an account , under the hand of the discoverer , who affirms , that one maxfield was sent into scotland , to stir up a rebellion there , and that the king was to be poisoned ; for which end they kept a strong poison in an indian nut , which he had often seen : they had likewise another design , if they could prevail upon the scots , or discontented english , to rebell , that thereby the king should be straitened , and forced to depend on the papists for assistance , and then they would make their own terms , and secure to themselves a publick liberty , which if he refused to consent to , they would not only desert him , but dispatch him with the indian nut , which they reserved on purpose . he gives also an account of the persons concerned in the plot , among whom were several ladies of quality , for whose encouragement the pope sent a breve to sir toby mathews , one of the principal conspiratours , wherein he exhorts him , and the women engaged with him , to proceed with diligence in the design ; assuring them , that he did not despair to see the authority of the holy see ( which was subverted in england by a woman ) again restored in a very little time , by the endeavours of those heroick ladies . this breve is an unanswerable evidence that the succeeding troubles derived their original from the insatiate lust of rule which possessed the pope , anno 1641 who herein approves of those very methods which afterwards proved the ruine of that excellent prince , and so miserably distracted these poor nations . but he appeared more publickly an abbettor of the irish massacre and rebellion , wherein so many thousand protestants were murthered in cold bloud , sending his nuncio to assist , and affording them all the aid that he was able to give ; a design laid with so much secresie , and executed with so much cruelty , that nothing but the very spirit of popery could be barbarous enough to engage in it ; in prosecution of which they did all they could totally to beat the english out of the kingdom . the same year the marquess de villa real , the duke de camina , and the marquess d' armamar , who by the instigation of the archbishop of braga , had undertaken to kill the king of portugal , father to her majesty the queen dowager of england , and to fire the ships and the city in several places , that they might have the better opportunity to promote the interest of the spaniards , were put to death . nor did france yet enjoy any more quiet , where the count de soissons , and the duke of guise , and others , raised a rebellion , and routed the king's army , but the count being slain with his own pistol , the confederacy was soon broken . yet the very next year the duke of orleance combined with the spaniards , anno 1642 who were to assist him with forces for a new rebellion . the pope had involved ireland in bloud the former year , and in this the wars began in england , where several † priests were found among the dead at edghill battle ; but the endeavours of his holiness to encrease those miserable confusions , were managed with all imaginable secresie , while the irish were openly commended by him , and * assured of his prayers for their success in his breve to owen o neal , dated octob. 8. 1642. and so willing was he to lay hold on all occasions for the exercising his deposing power , that because the † prince of parma offended him , he declared him to have incurred the greater excommunication , and deprived him of all his dominions and dignities . but not content with sending the forementioned breve to o neal , anno 1643 his holiness granted a bull of plenary indulgence , may 25. 1643. to all the catholicks in ireland , anno 1644 who joined in the rebellion ; which was prosecuted as fiercely as the pope could desire , and a defence of it set forth by an † irish jesuite in portugal , anno 1645 ( though the title-page mentions franckfort , ) who asserts , that the english kings have no title or right to ireland ; that if they had , yet it is the duty of the irish to deprive them of their rights , seeing they are declared hereticks , anno 1607 and tyrants ; that this power of deposing such princes is inherent in every state ; but if the authority of the holy see be added to that power , none but a fool , or an heretick , will deny what the doctours of divinity , and of the civil and canon law , do generally teach , and which is confirmed by reasons and examples . and so far did the pope approve of the contents of this book , that when , soon after its publication , the irish had submitted to the king , and promised to assist him in his wars , his holiness by his nuncio took upon him to be their general , absolved them from their oaths , and imprisoned and threatened the lives of those who had promoted the peace , and desired to return to the king's subjection , which renewed the rebellion again , and brought infinite miseries on that bigotted nation . at the same time above * an hundred of the romish clergy were sent into england by order from rome , who the better to promote the divisions there , were instructed in several trades , both handicraft and others ; these , upon their arrival , were ordered to disperse themselves , and give intelligence every month to their superiours abroad ; accordingly they listed themselves in the parliament army , and kept a constant correspondence with their brethren , anno 1609 who for the same end served under the king. the next year many of these missioners were in consultation with those in the king's army , to whom they shewed their bulls , and licenses , for taking part with the parliament about the best methods to advance their cause ; anno 1647 and having concluded that there was no way so effectual as to dispatch the king , some were sent to paris , to consult the faculty of sorbonne about it , who return'd this answer , that it is lawfull for roman catholicks to work changes in governments for the mother church's advancement , and chiefly in an heretical kingdom , and so they might lawfully make away the king ; * which sentence was confirmed to the same persons by the pope , and his council , upon their going to rome to have his holiness's resolution in the point . and now those of them who had before followed the king after his flight from oxford , * agreed to desert the royal cause ; and , as one of them inform us , to ingratiate themselves with the enemy , by acting some notorious piece of treachery ; and father carr , who went by the name of quarter-master laurence , declared , that he could with a safer conscience join with and fight for the round-heads than the cavaliers ; in prosecution of which resolve they dispersed themselves into all the garisons of the king's party , to endeavour the revolt of the soldiers to the parliament ; in which they succeeded as they had projected , my authour being one of those who seduced the wallingford horse from their obedience ; and in scotland the lord sinclare , a pretended presbyterian , but a real papist , commanded a regiment of his own religion , and it being a maxim receiv'd among them , that the surest way to promote the catholick cause was to weaken the royal party , and advance the other , they bent all their endeavours to expedite and accelerate the king's death ; and his majesty having in the treaty of the isle of wight consented to pass five strict bills against popery , the jesuites in france , at a general meeting there , presently resolved to take off his head ; and this his majesty had notice of by an express from thence , but two days before his removal from the isle of wight . this year mr. cressey published the reasons of his leaving the church of england , and turning romanist , wherein obviating the objection so often made against the romanists about their rebellious principles and practices , he sets down a declaration , which he affirms that they were all ready to subscribe , and which differs but little from our oath of allegiance : but here we may see what credit can be given to the representations of their doctrines , which their writers study to make as favourable as possible : for though mr. cressy thought himself a good representer in this point , yet his superiours were of another mind ; and therefore that edition was soon bought up , and in the next the profession of obedience quite left out ; and that this was not an omission of the printer , but the action of his superiours , we are assured by an honourable person from mr. cressy's own mouth , and we shall find in a little time , that the same form hath been condembed by the pope himself . but the ensuing year , anno 1648 as it was dolefull to the english nation , so it brought great disturbances to the most potent princes of europe ; in france the parisians rose in arms , shot at the lord chancellour sequier , and wounded his daughter , barricadoed the streets , and forced the king to set the counsellour broussell , and other factious persons , at liberty . and at the treaty at osnebrugh , when by several articles of the peace the possession of church lands were assured to the protestant princes ; the pope displeased with it , took upon him to make void the peace by a * special bull , declaring all those articles unjust , and of no force , and commanding the princes concerned to observe his bull , in which he renews his claim to the superiority over princes , and particularly the emperour , not only by the bull in general , but by asserting , † that ‖ the electours of the empire were established by the authority of the bishop of rome . but to come to their contrivances in england ; where , when several papists had subscribed to some propositions , importing the unlawfulness of murthering princes , and breaking faith with hereticks ; and that the pope hath no power to absolve subjects from their allegiance ; the very same with the declaration published the year before by mr. cressy , this action was condemned at rome , where by a congregation it was decreed unlawfull . and now in prosecution of the pope and sorbon's sentence the last year , that excellent prince , king charles the martyr , was by their contrivances brought to the block ; which though they were willing to disown now , yet at that time they were very sollicitous to let the world know that they were the promoters of it ; * the friars of dunkirk expressed great resentment that the jesuites would engross to themselves the glory of that work , whereas they had laboured as diligently and succesfully as any , and in several other places the friars were very jealous , lest that order should rob them of their part of the honour : and the benedictines were not a little carefull to secure their land in england from the jesuites , for they thought their return sure upon the king's death ; so that the nuns contended vigorously among themselves who should be abbesses in their own countrey . at the time of his majesty's execution mr. henry spotswood , riding casually that way , saw a priest on horseback in the habit of a trouper , with whom he was well acquainted , flourishing his sword over his head in triumph as others did ; he told mr. spotswood , that there were at least forty priests and jesuites present in the same equipage , among whom was preston , who afterwards commanded a troup of horse under cromwell . father sibthorp , in a letter to father metcalfe , owns that the jesuites were contrivers of this murther , and that sarabras was present , rejoycing at it ; one of the priests flourishing his sword , cryed , now our greatest enemy is cut off . when the news of this tragedy came to roan , they affirmed , that they had often warned his majesty , that if he did not establish the romish religion in england , they should be forced to take such courses as would tend to his destruction ; and now they had kept their words with him : and in paris a lady having been perverted from the reformed church by a jesuite , upon hearing her ghostly father affirm , that now the catholicks were rid of their greatest enemy , by whose death their cause was much advanced , and therefore she had no reason to lament , left that bloudy and rebellious church , and continues a protestant ever since . but though , as secretary morris affirms , there are almost convincing evidences , that the papists irreligion was chiefly guilty of the murther of that excellent prince ; yet we are beholden to the guilty consciences of those gentlemen , that the world hath not been long since more fully satisfied , as to every particular ; for dr. du moulin in the first edition of his book ann. 1662. had challenged them to call him to an account for affirming , that the rebellion was raised and promoted , and the king murthered by the arts of the court of rome ; the book came to a fourth edition , in all which he renewed the challenge , and in the last in these words : i have defied them now seventeen years to call me in question before our judges , and so i do still ; affirming that certain evidence of what he asserted should be produced whenever authority shall require it . i remember once a jesuite attempted to prove the truth of the nag's-head ordination , because that charge had been laid to our church some years before any offered to confute it , or to produce the lambeth record , which he affirmed was an evident sign that the thing was true , or else having such means to confute it they would not have been so long silent ; what then may we think of those gentlemen who had so heavy a crime charged on them , and yet for near twenty years together never called the accuser to account ? the doctour always refused to produce his evidences , till required by authority ; only he gives us this account , that the papers of resolution in favour of the murther , when it was found to be generally detested , were by the pope's order gathered up and burnt ; but a roman catholick in paris refused to deliver one in his possession , but shewed it to a protestant friend , and related to him the whole carriage of the negotiation . and i am sure if the protestants had been under such an imputation , the papists would make good use of their silence to prove their guilt . but farther to shew their aversion to the royal party , no sooner had the rebels of ireland , in consideration of the straits they were in , made a cessation for some time with the lord inchequin , but the nuncio excommunicated all who observed it ; and upon the conclusion of a second peace with the duke of ormond , his majesty's lieutenant , the assembly of the bishops and clergy at james-town renounced it , and as much as in them lay , restored the former confederacy anew ; but of this we shall have a farther account in its due place . in the mean while reilly , anno 1649 vicar general to the a. b. of dublin , betrayed the royal camp of rathmines to coll. jones , governour of dublin for the parliament , which service he afterwards pleaded for himself to the safety of his life , which was in danger for his cruel actions in the rebellion , and he well deserved more than bare safety from those men , that defeat being the total ruine of his majesty's affairs in ireland . at the same time the rebels in france encreased both in insolence and power daily , the coadjutour of paris going to st. germains , in obedience to the queens commands , was tumultuously stopt by the people , who hindered the nobility from following the king , and broke their coaches ; the parliament forbad all places to receive any garisons from the king , listed men , and resolved upon a war ; the duke d'elbease , duke of lonqueirlle , prince marsilliack , afterwards d. of rochfecault , the prince of conty , and many other persons of the greatest quality joining with them . soon after normandy and poictou declared for the parsians , who sent deputies to call in the spaniards to assist them ; but these troubles being in a little time appeased , new ones began in provence , and guienne , the parliaments of those provinces , prosecuting the war with great fury , declared they would have no pardon from the king ; and one gage , a priest , endeavoured to persuade them to take the sovereign power on themselves , which they declined ; but to maintain the war they treated with the spaniards for assistance , both of men and moneys . this year the prince of conde joined himself to the troudeurs , anno 1650 which was the usual nickname of the discontented party ; but finding that they intended the advancement of chasteau neuf , his mortal enemy , he left them in disgust ; however the parisians made several insurrections ; and upon the imprisonment of that prince an open rebellion broke out in berry , whose example was followed by normandy , and burgundy , to support which the spaniards agreed to contribute 2000 foot , and 3000 horse , besides great summes of money ; and soon after the parliament of bourdeaux declared for the rebells . during these transactions the popish bishops of ireland met at james-town , published a declaration against all that should adhere to the d. of ormond , his majesty's lord-lieutenant in that kingdom ; upon which my † authour makes this remark , that if the archbishops , &c. in ireland will take upon them to declare against the king's authority where his majesty hath placed it , they assume an authority to themselves that no other clergy ever pretended to , and declare sufficiently to the king , how far they are from being subjects , or intend to pay him any obedience longer than they are governed in such manner , and by such persons as they think fit to be pleased with . but not satisfied with refusing obedience to the king's commissioner , the confederates agreed , that if compounding with the parliament should be best for the people they should doe it : and presently after the marquess of clauricard had at their request taken the government upon him in his majesty's name , it was proposed in their assembly , that they might send to the enemy to treat with them upon surrendring all that was left into their hands . thus did they chuse rather to submit to the parliament , than obey the king , for they were not forced to that submission ; the army of the enemy having made no progress at that time , neither had it been flusht with any new success . as forward was father bret to persuade the gentlemen who had defended the castle of jersey for the king , anno 1651 to renounce the royal family , and kingly government , by taking the engagement ; affirming , that they were not to acknowledge any supreme but the prevailing power . all this while the rebellion in france increased , the parisians took arms , designing to seize the king ; and the prince of conde fortified several places , and confederated with the spaniards , whom , under the conduct of the duke of nemours , he called into france to his assistance , with which he maintained the war all this year , to whom the duke of orleance joined himself , and with all his interest increased the party . the next year mr. tho. anno 1652 white published his book of the grounds of obedience and government , wherein he asserts , that if a prince governs ill he becomes a robber , and the people may expell him , in which case they are not bound by any promise made to him ; and that they have no obligation to endeavour the restauration of a prince so dispossessed of his dominions , but rather to hinder it ; nay , though he were wrongfully driven out ; and such a prince is absolutely obliged to renounce all right and claim to the government ; and if he doth not , he is worse than an infidel . thus after their designs had effected the death of that good king , and expulsion of his late and present majesty , they contributed their endeavours to hinder their return , and debauch those who might attempt it ; yet had some the confidence to commend this gentleman to his late majesty , though the king knew him too well to take any notice of him . that they designed to hinder the restauration of the king , by an absolute compliance with the usurping power , is affirmed by one of their communion , who tells them that they were refractory to the queen's desires at rome for his majesty's assistance , and that collonel hutchinson could discover strange secrets about their treating with cromwell . and it is certain that in ireland there were several precepts granted by the archbishop of armagh , and others , to pray for the success of that usurper's forces ; while dominick decupsy , a dominican , esteemed a person of great holiness , and long , the jesuite , asserted , that the king being out of the roman church , it was not lawfull to pray for him particularly , or publickly on any other day except good fryday , as comprehended among the infidels and hereticks ; and then only for the spiritual welfare of his soul , not for his temporal prosperity . the civil wars continuing still in france , our present sovereign , then duke of york , went into the king's army ; and the princes being straitened , called in the duke of lorrain , who with his army marched to their succour , so that they kept the field all this and the ensuing year . anno 1654. anno 1654 there was a discourse written by benoist de treglies , collateral of the council , or regent of the chancery of naples , in which this proposition was maintained , that when a pope intends to exercise any jurisdiction in a countrey , he ought to let his writs be examined by the temporal prince , that so it may be known whether the causes and persons contained therein be of his jurisdiction : which proposition having been examined by the inquisition at rome , at the express command of the pope , that congregation declared it to be heretical and schismatical , prohibiting the book , and threatening the severest censures against the authour . the following year affords us a farther evidence of the hopes the romanists had conceived of the restauration of their religion here ; anno 1655 for dr. baily , at the end of the life of fisher , bishop of rochester , speaking of the lord cromwell , and the great influence he had upon the proceedings in the beginning of the reformation , expresses their hopes of his party from the usurper , and his counsels , in these words : who knows but that the church may be healed of her wounds by the same name , sit hence the almighty hath communicated so great a secret unto mortals as that there should be such a salve made known to them , whereby the same weapon that made the wound should work the cure. oliva vera is not so hard to be construed oliverus , as that it may not be believed that a prophet , rather than a herald , gave the common father of christendom , the now pope of rome , ( innocent x. ) such ensigns of his nobility , ( viz. a dove holding an olive branch in her mouth , ) since it falls short in nothing of being a prophesie , and fulfilled , but only his highness running into her arms , whose embleme of innocence bears him already in her mouth . three years after this popish loyal flattery , anno 1658 father ferrall , a capuchin , presented a treatise to the cardinals of the congregation , de propaganda fide , proposing some methods to revive the rebellion in ireland , and drive out not only the english , but also all the irish who were descended from the old english conquerours , as not fit to be trusted in so holy a league ; and about the same time father * reiley , the popish primate , coming through brussels , refused to kiss the king's hand , though some offered to introduce him : and to obtain favour with richard cromwell , anno 1659 he alledged that the irish natives had no affection to the king , and his family ; and therefore were fit to be trusted by the protectour ; and upon his arrival in ireland , he made it his business to gain a party there to hinder the king's restauration , promising them great assistance ; upon which the king gave notice of those contrivances to don stephano de gamarro , the spanish ambassadour , in holland , so that he was recalled to rome , to avoid the danger of the law. and ( which is a farther evidence of the enmity of that party to the royal family ) when general monk was at london , in prosecution of that great and good design which he afterwards completed , and had by his prudent conduct gained the affections of the people monsieur de bourdeaux , the french ambassadour , told mr. clergis , † that cardinal mazarine would be glad to have the honour of his friendship , and would assist him faithfully in all his enterprises ; and that the general might be more confident of the cardinal , he assured him that oliver cromwell kept so strict a league with him , that he did not assume the government without his privity , and was directed step by step by him , in the progress of that action ; and therefore if he resolved on that course , he should not only have the cardinal's friendship and counsel in the attempt , but a safe retreat , and honourable support in france , if he failed in it . soon after his majesty's restauration , anno 1662 which all the contrivances of these men could not hinder , the jesuites presented a paper to several persons of honour , pleading to be included within a favourable vote which had been made with reference to all other romanists ; in which they acknowledge , that no party in their church think the deposing doctrine sinfull , but themselves , who are by order of their general forbidden to meddle with it : but , as their answerer observes , this makes them but the more guilty , seeing their loyalty depends upon the will of their general , which is all they pretend to be influenced by in this matter : but this is not all , for they impose upon the world in that assertion , there being no such decree which respects any other countrey but france ; and whereas ( if we should grant them that ) they pretend to be bound by it under pain of damnation , this likewise is false ; for none of their constitutions oblige them under so much as a venial sin. therefore the same person advised them to join in a subscription of abhorrence of those deposing doctrines , which had been too often maintained by them ; but this was a piece of loyalty to which they could never arrive . the former year some of the irish clergy and gentry , to make some amends for their rebellion , had subscribed that declaration which mr. cressy published in the year 1647. which hath since been called the irish remonstrance , and made a great noise in the world for some years ; for no sooner was an account of this loyal action transmitted to rome , but the internuncio de vecchiis , then resident at brussels , by the pope's order declared , that his holiness had condemned it ; and cardinal barberini , in a letter to the noblemen of ireland , affirmed , that such as subscribe it do , to shew their fidelity to the king , destroy their faith ; and therefore exhorted all to beware of those seducers who promoted the subscriptions to it , ‖ and † father macedo , a portugueze , who had formerly made a latine panegyrick upon cromwell , was employed to write against it . the * dominicans refused absolution to some of their order , because they would not retract their approbations ; and the provincial box'd another for the same cause ; † the augustinians absolutely refused to sign it ; so did the ‖ franciscans , and * the jesuites . † anthony mac gheoghegan , popish bishop of meath , and several others , sent father john brady to rome , to get a direct censure published against it : and the theological faculty at ‖ lovain , declared that it contained many things contrary to the catholick faith , and ought not to be signed by any ; but father shelton , and several other priests , were more particular , who told father wash , the procurator for the irish clergy in this affair , ‖ that they would not subscribe that form , nor any other , denying a power in the pope to depose the king , or absolve subjects from their allegiance , because this is a matter of right , controverted between two great princes . two years after † de riddere , anno 1664 commissary general of the franciscans for the belgick provinces , in a national congregation of all the provincials of that order subject to him , declared the subscribers of the remonstrance to be schismaticks , reserving a power to their superiours to proceed against them when it should be convenient . and the nuncio de vecchiis , anno 1665 in a letter to father caron , ‖ calls the remonstrance a rock of offence ; but the bishop of * ferns he declared himself more positively for the deposing power in his letter to dr. james cusack , jun. 18. 1662. and therefore in his letter to the ‖ d. of ormond , sep. 22. this year , he justifies all that was done at james-town by the romish bishops , who broke the peace of 1648. and two years after they excommunicated the duke , then his majesty's lieutenant there , refusing to obey him any longer . and the same bp , in two † letters to father walsh the next year , seriously professed that he durst not renounce the pope's deposing power , which was maintained by 7 saints , ( st. thomas one , ) 7 cardinals , 1 patriarch , 3 a. bps. 10 bps. and 31 classical authors , with other eminent divines ; and chose rather to continue a banisht man , than declare against them . and when his majesty had granted liberty to the r. clergy of that nation to hold a national synod that year , to try if they would give any assurance of their loyalty , * card ▪ barberini wrote to them not to subscribe that protestation ; and the † internuncio rospigliosi affirmed , that to sign the remonstrance rendered the subscribers instruments of the damnation of others . * the cardinal minded them that the kingdom remained under excommunication , and therefore advised them to consider what they did . at length the assembly met , and the card ▪ sent letters dissuading them to give any such assurance of their loyalty , as being prejudicial to the cath. faith , which was seconded by another from the internuncio , and the bp. of ipres , directed to some of the synod , who were very obedient to these admonitions ; for when father walsh endeavoured to prove that several great divines had opposed the deposing doctrine , † father nettervile interrupted him , affirming that none had asserted the contrary , but a schismatical historian , and a poet , meaning sigibertus gemblacensis , and dante 's aligherius ; * soon after which they resolved not only not to sign the remonstrance , but not to suffer it to be read in the house : and when the procuratour desired them to beg his majesty's pardon for the late execrable rebellion , * they not only refused to ask pardon but so much as to acknowledge there was any need of it ; affirming publickly that they knew none at all guilty of any crime for any thing done in the war. and when the lord lieutenant desired them to give his majesty some assurance of their future obedience , in case of any deposition or excommunication from the pope , they refused even this without so much as putting it to the question . they offered indeed several forms instead of the remonstrance , but in none of them renounced the deposing power ; in that the assembly signed at their breaking up , they disowned the doctrine , but would not declare that doctrine which abetts it unsound and sinfull ; wherein they have been imitated by some late writers , who though called upon to affirm it such , never did it . once indeed they seemed to come something near what was expected , when their * chairman told father walsh , that it was not out of any prejudice against the remonstrance they would not sign it , but because they thought it more becoming their dignity and liberty to word their own sense ; for the rest , they were far from condemning that remonstrance or the subscribers thereof : yet would they not own this when desired under their hands , but refused ; so that no good being expected , they were dissolved , leaving an undeniable evidence of their aversion to loyalty , and approbation of the treasonable doctrine of the ch. of rome . soon after the dissolution of this synod the e. of sandwich , ambassadour in spain , informed his majesty that primate reilly was emplyed to stir up his countrey-men to rebell , upon which a gurd was set upon him , and in a little time was sent into france . the bp. anno 1674 of ferns still justified the rebellion , defending the actions of the clergy for laudable , vertuous , meritorious deeds , and becoming good men ; anno 1679 and therefore needing no repentance : and this is the last account i find of him , for he soon after dyed . and now the controversie about the regale growing hot between the king of france and the present pope , his holiness had so much of the spirit of his predecessours , who were for asserting their power over all the kingdoms of the world , as to threaten the king with excommunication , and that speedily , if he would not renounce his claim , anno 1682 and he was as good as his word ; for the king not being affraid of his thunders , and refusing to lose his right , and the assembly of the clergy joining with his majesty , the pope sent a bull of excommunication to his nuncio , requiring him to publish it in the assembly ; but by the diligence of the cardinal d'estree , the assembly was adjourned before the arrival of the bull. at the same time szlepeche , my primate of hungary , with his clergy , maintained the deposing power , by a censure of the contrary opinion ; and the next year the spanish inquisition at toledo did the same ; anno 1687 which was followed three years after by four theses , anno 1686 publickly maintained by the jesuites at their college of clermont in auvergne , wherein it was defended ; and even among our selves the authour of popery anatomised defends the decree of the council of laterane , in that the kings and princes of europe by their ambassadours consented to it , affirming that the christian world apprehended no injury , but rather security in that decree . finis . advertisement of two other books writ by the authour of this book . 1. the missionaries arts discovered : or , an account of their ways of insinuation , their artifices , and several methods of which they serve themselves in making converts to the church of rome . with a letter to a pulton . 2. a plain defence of the protestant religion , fitted to the meanest capacity , being a full answer to the popish net for the fishers of men , that was writ by two converts ; wherein is evidently made appear , that their departure from the protestant religion was without cause or reason . fit to be read by all protestants . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66123-e700 a fowl. p. 287. b fowl. p. 301. 302. c fowl. p. 315. see the bull at the end of brutu●… fulmen . lond. 16. 4to . * hunting of the romish fox . p. 3 , 4 , 5. * fowlis hist. of romish treas . p. 316. † foxes & firebrands , part . 2. p. 34. dublin , 1682. mr. mason minister of finglas , in the year 1566. copied the substance of the bull out of the records at paris . ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 316. surii commentar . p. 314. speed's chron. p. 1033. * surii comment . brevis . p. 314. fowlis's hist. p. 316. speed's chron. p. 1034. † speed's chr. p. 1041 , 1042. ‖ speed's chr. p. 1044. * bulla quarta pauli tertii . jesuitis concessa apud hospin . histor. jesuit . p. 104 , 105 , 106. this bull is called by the jesuits , mare magnum . * speed's chronicle . p. 1110 , to 1114. † speed's chronicle . p. 1114 , 1115 , 1116. a speed's chron. p. 1116 , 1117. fifth part of church government . p. 139. oxford . 1637. b hist. of the council of trent . p. 262 , 263. london . 1684. 8vo . c fowl. hist. of romish treasons . p. 287. d idem . p. 329. * ●xes and firebrands . part . 2. p. 20. * fowlis's hist. p. 302. † idem . p. 329. ‖ idem . p. 330. * gabut . vit. pii quinti . l. 3. c. 9. apud . fowl. ubi supra & thuanus . lib. 44. ibid. † fowl. hist. p. 367. ‖ concil . trid. sess. 25. c. 20. decemb. 4. 1563. * fowlis's hist. p. 366. edward dennum , see his letter to the lord cecil of april . 13. 1564. in foxes and firebrands , p. 51 , to 56. — out of the memorials of the lord cecil . † speed's chr. p. 1162. fowlis hist. p. 302. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 130 , 131. import . c●●s●d p. 57. * id. p. 368. † sir ed. coke at the tryall of the gunp. trait . hist. of the gunp. tr. p. 109. ‖ see the bull in fowlis hist. p. 331. and speed's chron. p. 1171. * surii comment . p. 770. ‖ il. * speed's chr. p. 1169 , 1170. fowl. hist. p. 335. † execut. of justice for treason . pr. lond. 1583. 4to . ‖ surii comment . p. 770. non illos habuere successus , conatus illorum nobilium , quos peraverant , ●●rtassis quod catholicis omnibus ea denuntiatio , necdum innotuisset . * idem . p. 771. noluerunt elizabetham legitimam reginam confiteri . † fowl. hist. p. 302 , 303. * speed's chr. p. 1170. fowlis's hist. p. 335. speed's chron. p. 1174. † surii com. p. 786 , 787 , 788. * resp. ad edict . regin . angl. † ad an. 15●0 . sect. 4. ‖ see f●wlis ubi supra . surii comment . p. 794 , 795 , 796. ●owlis's hist. p. 368. fowl. hist. p. 371. * see the instrument of that confederacy in maimbourg's hist ▪ of the league . p. 42. lond. 1684. 8vo . † see the instrument in fowlis . p. 372 , 373 , 374. see the account of this transaction in the appendix to the vindication of the sincerity of the prot. relig. speed's chr. p. 1176. * nelson , hance , lacies , briant , &c. † see his letter in speed , ib. ‖ hist. jesuit . p. 244 , 245. anat of popish tyr. in the ep. dedic , lond. 1603 4to . fowlis's hist. p. 303 , 304. † fowlis ubi su●pra . fowl. p. 305. see the bull at large in fowlis , p. 306. ‖ eandem plenariam peccatorum vestrorum indulgentiam & remissionem , quam adversus turcas , pro recuperanda terra sancta bellantes consequuntur , tribuimus , &c. * john nichols in his declaration of his recantation , apud fowlis , p. 336. and reniger de pii quinti , and greg. 13. furoribus , c. 8. lon. 1582. 8vo . † cambd. eliz. l. 3. ad an . 1588. * important considerations , p. 62. ‖ see them reprinted in the collect. of trea. concerning the penal laws . lond. 1675. this passage is p. 76. * auth. tyrrell in his recantation , p. 29. † they are his own words , see execution of justice , &c. p. ●6 . * see reynolds confer . with hart , pref. to the engl. seminaries , p. 2. lond 1609. 4to . petatur à summo domino nostro , explicatio bullae quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo , us obliget semper illam & hereticos , catholicos verò nullo modo obliget , rebus sic stantibus , sed tum demum quando publica ejusdem bullae executio fieri poterit . execut. for trea. p. 15 , 16. ‖ important considerations , p. 62 , 63. * hunting of the romish fox , p. 137 , 138. out of cecil's memoirs . † import . con. p. 66. & fowl. hist. p. 54. † hunting of the rom. fox , p. 129 , 130 , 131 , 132. out of cecil's memoirs . * declaration of the favourable dealings of her majest . commissioners , p. 4. 1583. 4to . † important consid. p. 68. * hunting of the romish fox . p. 146 , 147. * fowlis , p. 54 ▪ fowlis , p. 55 , 56 , 57 , 58. hunting of the romish fox , p. 184. † speed's chr. p. 1175. execut. for trea p. 27. anat. popish tyr. p. 84. speed's chron. p ▪ 1176 , 1177. * fox●s & firebrands , part . 2. p. 59. fowlis's hist. p. 307. anat of popish tyranny , p. 97. fowlis hist. p. 338. * foxes and firebrands . part . 2. p. 59 , 60. fowlis's hist. p. 338. idem . p. 339. see the letter in fowlis , p. 339 , and speed 1178 , 1179. idem . p. 34● . idem . p. 338. * histor. jesuit . p. 366. sp●ed's chr. p. 1193. jes. cat. p. 134 , 135. fowl. hist. p. 377. * id. p. 376. id. p. 378. fowl. hist. p. 379. id. p. 380. id. p. 381. sep. 9. 1585. speed's chron. p. 1180. anat. of pop. tyr. epist. dedicat ▪ cambd. annal ad an . 1586. fowlis's hist. p. 343 , 344. * speed's chronicle . p. 1180. anat. of pop. tyr. p. 85. * speed's chr. p. 1181. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 344. fowl. hist. p. 346 , 347. id. p. 387 , 388. fowlis , p. 388. id. p. 389. * speed's chr. p. 1195. anat. popish tyr. p. 85. ‖ fowl. p. 62. coll. of trea. conc. the penal laws , p. 71 , 72. def. of eng , cath. p. 114 , 115 ▪ cited hy fowl. p. 62. ‖ fowl. p. 350. speed's chr. d. 1199. ‖ fowl. p. 350. * speed's chr. p. 1197. fowlis , p. 350 , 351. id. p. 350. speed's chron. p. 1197. import . consid. p. 73. * id. p. 75. ‖ fowlis , p. 351. speed , p. 1199. * fowlis hist. p. 352. † important consid. p. 63. * fowl. p. 353 fowlis's hist. p. 287 , 288. * fowlis.'s hist. p. 353. ‖ id. p. 288. * fowl. p. 389. id. p. 391. id. p. 392 , 393 , 394. * id. p. 390. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 288. vide praef. ‖ id. p. 291. † ibid. † mr. bruce in the same letter . ibid. fowlis , p. 294 , 295. † speed's chronicle . p. 1180. fowlis hist. p. 351. import . consid . p. 76. † fowlis hist. p. 397. * id. p. 401. ‖ id. p. 399. 400. where see the letter . * id. p. 402 , 403 , 405. fowlis's hist. p. 403 , 404. * conclusum est , nemine refragante , primùm , quod populus hujus regni solutus est & liberatus à sacramento fidelitatis & obedientiae , &c. deinde , quod idem populus licitè , tutâ conscientiâ , armari , uniri , & pecunias colligere & contribuere potest , ad defensionem & conservationem religionis apostolicae , catholicae , & romanae , adversus nefaria consilia & conatus praedicti regis , &c. see the whole decree in fowlis , p. 398 , 399. † id. p. 403. fowlis , p. 410. see the bull at large in fowlis , p. 408. * ibid. p. 409. ib. p. 410 , 411 , 412. that he was set on by the jesuites , see hospin . histor. jesuit . p. 180 , 247. fow. p. 411. hist. jesuit . p. 169 , 248 ▪ 255. see it at large in fowlis hist. p. 413. ib. p. 422 , 423. ib. p. 422. ib. p. 423. ibid. fowl. p. 427. ibid. id. p. 424. idem . p. 428. ‖ fowl. p. 423 , 424. † jure divino prohibentur catholici haereticum hominem , aut fautorem haerese●s , ad regnum admittere . quod si ejusmodi absolutionem à criminibus impetraverit , & tamen subsit manifestum simulationis , is nihilominus eodem jure excludi debet . quicunque autem satagat , ut is ad regnum perveniat , — est religioni atque ecclesiae perniciosus , contra quem eo nomine agi potest & debet , cujuscunque gradus & eminentiae sit . — cùm igitur henricus borbonius haereticus sit , & si fortè absolutionem in foro exteriore impetraret , manifestum appareat simulationis — eum christianissimi regni aditu , etiâm absolutione obtentâ , — franci prohibere , & à pace cum eo facienda abhorrere tenentur . — qui dicto henrico ad regnum aspiranti favere , suppetidsve , quovis modo ferunt , religionis desertores sunt , & in continuo peccato mortali manent ; , — qui se illi opponunt quocunque modo , zelo religionis , plurimum apud deum & homines merentur ; — si ad sanguinem usque resistant , eos aeternum in proemium , & ut fidei propugnatores martyrii palmam , consecuturos , judicare fas est . conclusum , nemine repugnante , in tertia congregatione generali , &c. septimo die maii , 1590. fow. p. 425 , &c. ‖ fowl. p. 427. fowl. hist. p. 429 , &c. * id. p. 427. † ob hanc causam etiam publico ordinam decreto extra provincia ejecti sunt , an . 1590. sub mensis januarii initium . histor. jesuit . p. 332. fowlis , p 295. jesuites catec . p. 173. fowl. hist. p. 434 , &c. fow. p. 433. id. p. 438. id. p. 433 , 438. fowlis's hist. p. 438 , 439. ‖ important consid. p. 81. * ibid. anat. of popish tyranny . p. 22. † fowlis's hist. p. 354. important consid. and anat. of pop. tyr. p. 22. speed's chron. p. 1181. fowlis's hist. p. 296. ‖ fowlis , p. 297 , 298. idem . p. 299. idem . p. 307. * speed's chr. p. 1181. anat. popish tyr. p. 22. fowl. hist. p. 354 , &c. import . consid. p. 81. fowlis's hist. p. 356. speed's chr. p. 1182. fowl. p. 439. &c. fowl. p. 441 , 442. id. p. 443. ‖ jes. catech. l. 3. c. 6. histor. jesuit . p. 251. † jes. cat. l. 3. c. 6. histor. jesuit . p. 251. sumptum est de barrierio supplicium , 31. aug. die verò 29. qui erat dominicus , pater commoletus , jesuita parisiensis , in epilogo concionis suae monuerat & adhortatus fuerat auditores , ne paululùm adhuc obdurarent , & quietis essent animis , siquidem brevi miraculum à deo magnum ipsos esse percepturos , atque oculis suis visuros . histor. jesuit . p. 148 , &c. fowlis hist. p. 443 , &c. hist. jes. p. 258. jes. cat. l. 3. c. 20. fowlis , p. 447. † fowlis hist. p. 445. hist. jesuit . p. 259. fowl. p. 445. jesu . cat. l. 3. c. 18. histor. jes. p. 154 , 155 , 252. * id. p. 252. ratus id religioni conducere . * constituit insuper ut omnes sacerdotes collegii clermontii , & omnes alii praedictae societati addicti , tanquam corruptores juventutis , perturbatores publicae tranquillitatis , — toto regno exeant . illorum autem mobilia & immobilia bona vertentur , &c. — secundùm arbitrium & decretum curiae . hist. jes. p. 253. histor. jesuit . p. 256 , 257. where you may see the summe of his book , and the arrest of parliament against him . see also fowlis , p. 446. &c. † of him see hist. jesuit . ubi suprà . † speaking of chastell , there are these lines , malis magistris usus & schola impia , sotericum e●ete nomen usurpantibus . expressing by whose instigation he undertook the murther . * pulso tota gallia hominum genere novae & maleficae superstitionis qui rempublicam turbarunt , quorum instinctu particularis adolescens dirum facinus instituerat . hist. jes. p. 156. † sand. hist. of k. james , p. 156. ‖ c'st un acte tres sainct , tres humaine , tres digne , tres louable , & tres recommendable . — conformement à dieu , aux loix , au decrets , & à l'eglise . apolog. pour . j. chastel , p. 147. 156. see also hist. jes. p. 255. † fowl. p. 307. speed's chron. p. 1191. fowlis's hist. p. 299 , 300. hist. jesuit . p. 336. fowl. p. 358. * mousehole , meulin , and pensans . fowl. p. 307. a. p. reply to a notorious libell , p. 81 , 82. cited by fowl. p. 358. fowl. p. 300. speed. p. 1183. fowl. p 357. import . consid . p. 81. anat. of pop. tyran . p. 26. * speed , p. 1183. jes. cat. l. 3. c. 4. speed , p. 1121 , 1122. id. p. 1123. cambd. annal. ad an . 1598. * jes. catec . l. 3. c. 1. hist. jes. p. 336. fowl. p. 449 , 450. fow. p 308. speed. p. 1225. * see them at large in fowlis , p. 308. 309. † desideramus ut quemadmodum faelicis recordationis pius v. p. m. contra reginam angliae — bullam excommunicationis ediderat , necnon greg. 13. eandem continuaverat — similem quoque sententiam ad hoc bellum promovendum , & ad felicem exitum deducendum sanctitas vestra emittere dignetur . fowl. p. 478. ‖ cùm vos rom. pontificum praedecessorum nostrorum , & nostris & apostolicae sedis cohortationibus adductis — hugoni o neale — conjunctis animis & viribus praesto fueritis . see the letter at large in fowlis , p. 479 , 480. speed , p. 1125. 1126. * fowlis p. 480. this year col. sempill betrayed lyer in flanders to the spaniards . wadsw . engl. span. pilgr . p. 61. lond. 1630. — 4to . delr . disquis . magi. l. 6. c. 1. lov. 1600. 4to . account of the proceedings against the gunp. trait . p. 215. lond. 1679. 8to . foxes & firebrands , pt . 2. p. 62. fowl. p. 499. acct. of the proceedings against the gunpowder trait . p. 159. foxes & firebrands , ubi supra . ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 498. * walton's life of sir henry wotton , p. 104 , &c. † sacrum foedus quod tu & principes , &c. ‖ magnam ex his voluptatem in domino cepimus — laudamus egregiam pietatem & fortitudinem tuam . — conservate filii hanc mentem , conservate vnionem , — & deus erit vobiscum , & pugnabit pro vobis . vbi opus perit , scribemus efficaciter ad roges & principes catholicos , — ut vobis & causae vestrae omni ope suffragentur . cogitamus etiam propediem mittere ad vos peculiarem nuncium nostrum . tibi & caeteris qui tibi unanimes pro fidei catholicae propugnatione adhaerent , nostram & apostolicam benedictionem benignè impertimur . fowl. p. 482. † walsh's hist. of the irish rem . pref. p. 11. * see his declaration in fowlis hist. p 484 , &c. speed's chr. p. 1226. fowlis's hist. p. 486. speed's chr. p. 1226. ‖ hist of the gunpow . tr. p. 2 , 3. hist. gunp. tr. p. 3. fowl. hist. p. 486 , &c. * tanquam certum est accipiendum , posse rom. pontif. fidei desertores , armis compellere ac coercere ; — posse quoscunque catholicos hugoni o neal in praed . bello favere , idque magno cum merito , & spe maxima retributionis aeternae ; cùm enim bellum gerit authoritate summi pontificis . — eos omnes catholicos peccare ▪ mortaliter , qui anglorum castra — sequuntur ; nec posse illos aeternam salutem consequi , nec ullo sacerdote à suis peccatis absolvi , nisi prius resipiscant , ac castra anglorum deserant . idémque de illis censendum est qui illis tribuunt , praeterea tributa consueta quae ex summi pont. indulgentiae & permissione eis licet anglis regibus — solvere — surreptio intervenire non potest , nulla narratur petitio eorum in quorum favorem expeditur ; at summus pont. apertè in illis literis docet se & antecessores suos sponte exhortatos fuisse ad illud bellum gerendum hibernos . — permissum est etiam catholicis haereticae reginae id genus obsequii praestare quod catholicam religionem non oppugnet . — datum salamanticae , 7. martii . 1602. fowl. p 495. fowl. p. 494. hist. of the irish remon . pref. p. 11. * see it at large in hist. jesuit . p. 160. pro regula indubitata habent quod ille excommunicandorum regum potestatem habeat , quod rex excommunicatus nihil sit aliud quam tyrannus , cui populus rebellare possit ; — quod omnes regnicolae qui minimum in ecclesia ordinem habeant , si quodcunque crimen committant , illud pro laesae majestatis crimine haberi non possit , propterea quod regum subditi non sint , nec ad eorum jurisdictionem pertineant . † oportet igitur ut illi qui tenent , & in regno vestro manere volunt , eas publicè in suis collegiis abjurent . ‖ hist. jes. p. 494. ne ulla collegiae — sine expressa regis permissione instituant . — vt semper aliquem habeant , natione gallum , qui regi à sacris concionibus esset , & de omnibus negotiis rationem totius societatis nomine ipsi reddere possit . account of the proceed . p. 164. hist. of the gun-powder plot. p. 5. † acct. of the proceedings , p. 67. ibid. fowl. hist. p. 513. an account of the proceed . p. 168. † ib. p. 58. 59. hist. of the gun-powder treason . p. 17. wilson's hist. of k. j. p. 31. ‖ account of the proceed . p. 6. see his papers at the end of the account , p. 241 , &c. account of the proceedings , p. 105 , 172. † causab . ep. ad front. ducaeum , p. 99. lond. 1611. 4to . * account of the proceed . p. 175. ‖ fow. p. 509. * account of the proceed . p. 172. † robins . anat. of the english nunnery at lisbon , p. 8. lond. 1630. 4to . fowl. p. 510. fowlis , p. 509. in his papers ubi supr . p. 250. * copley's reasons , p. 22. * vindication of the history of gunp. tr. p. 74. † fowl. p. 509. * copley's reas. p. 21. ib. p. 23. * k. james premon p 291. of his works . † account of proceedings , p. 126. * see key for cathol . p. 434. hist. of the gun-powder treas . p. 29. † copley's reasons , p. 22. * robins . anat. p. 3. † primarius quidem baro scotus , idemque spectatissimae in religione constantiae , cum romam venisset , in templo illio jesuitarum , inter alios sodalitatis illius martyres , henrici garnetti effigiem vidit . bernard . giral . patavi . pro repub. ven. apolog. p. 107. * st. amour's journal . p. 58. lond. 1664. fol. — pater henricus garnettus anglus , londini pro fide catholica suspensus , & sectus . 3. maii. 1606. fowl. p. 520. vindic. of the sincer. of the prot. relig. p. 132. out of thuanus ad an . 1604. * tertul. apol. c. 35. cui autem opus est scrutari super caesaris salute , nisi à quo adversus illum aliquid cogitatur , aut post illam speratur & sustinetur . — * fowl. p. 455. idem . p. 456. fowl. hist. 456 , &c. histor. jes. p. 306. fowl. p 458. * authoritate omnipotentis dei , ac b. petri & pauli apostolorum ejus , ac nostra , nisi dux & senatus intra viginti quatuor dies a die publicationis praesentium — computandos praedicta decreta omnia , &c. revocaverint &c — xcommunicamus , & excommunicatos nunciamus & declaramus . et si dicti dux & senatus per tres dies post lapsum dictorum viginti quatuor dierum , excommunicationis sententiam animo sustinuerint indurato , — universum temporale dominium dict . reip. ecclesiastico interdicto supponimus , — iliasque etiam poenos contra ispos — juxta sacrorum canonum dispositionem — leclarandi faecultatem reservamus , — dat. apr. 18. anno 1606. † fowlis hist. p. 4 3 , &c. ib p. 526 , 527. † non potestis absque evidentissima gravissimáque divini honoris injuriâ obligare vos juramento , — cùm multa contineat quae fidei & saluti apertè aversantur . † aug. 23. 1607. decrevimus vobis significare literas illas post longam & gravem de omnibus quae in illis continentur deliberationem ●dhibitam fuisse scriptas ; & ob id teneri-vos-illas omnino observare , omni-interpretatione secùs suadente rejectâ . fowlis's hist. p. 495. treatise of mitigation , p. 176. hist. jesuit . p. 332. hist. jes. p. 261. vindicat. of prot. relig. p. 1133. fowl. p. 529 ▪ 530 , 531. si intra tempus hoc facere distulerint , eos facultitibus & privilegiis omnibus — prives . histor. jesuit . p. 297. idem , p. 226 , 227 , 228. anno hist. jesuit . p. 332 , 333. vindic. of the sincer. of the plot. relig ▪ p. 135. fow. p 47● . ib. p. 470 , &c. hist. jesuit . p. 261. hic quidem mos est regum , ut ingentes thesauros ad sui amplitudinem & aliorum terrorem colligant , at rusticulum unum ad regem supprimendum sufficere . histor. jesuit . p. 260 , 261. fowlis's hist. p. 471 , 472. histor. jesuit . p. 219 , &c. fowl. p. 348. see his speech at large in his diverses oeuvres , paris , 1633. fol. ‖ fow. p. 52. his defens . fidei catholicae . — see brutum fulmen , p. 205 , &c. frankl . annal. p. 6 , 7. nani's history of venice , p. 33 , 34. ib. p. 58 , 59. nani's history of venice , p. 65 , 99. hist. jesuit . p. 297 , 299. * nani , p. 121 , 122. * consp . of the span. agt. the state of venice , p. 15 , 16. lon. 1675. 8vo . † nani p. 124. ‖ hist. jesuit . p. 300 , 301. * nani , p. 151. † id. p. 159. * burnet's trav. p. 81. wilson's hist. of great brit. p. 203. fowlis , p. 476. mister ▪ pre● ▪ 60 , 61. sen. quid si essetis romae ? p. coto . mutaeretur nobiscum coelo animus , sentiremus ut romae . * see baiting of the pope's bull , in init . — ad haereat lingua vestrae faucibus vestris , priusquam authoritatem b. petri eâ jurisjurandi formulâ imminutam detis . † jesuits reasons unreasonable , p. 116. rushworth's collect. part . 1. p. 427. nani's history of venice ▪ p. 283. idem . p. 3 ▪ 2. foxes & fire-brands , pt . 2. p. 72 , 73. † hunting of the rom. fox , p. 216 , 217. nani's history of venice , p. 310 , &c. anno bp. bed●ll . long 's history of plots . p. 100. see whole account published under this title , the designs of the papists , lond. 1678. 4to . see it in frankland's annals , p. 865 , 866. non diffidimus , — quia sicut occasione unius foeminae authoritas sedis apostolicae in regno angliae suppressa fuit , sic nunc per tot heroicas foeminas , — brevi modò restituenda sit . — see the history of the irish rebellion , fol. nani's hist. p. 493. nani's hist. p. 495 , &c. id. p. 535. † long 's hist. of plots , p. 64. * nos divinam clementiam indesinenter orantes , ut adversariorum conatus in nihilum redigat , &c. see it at large in the append . to the hist. of the irish rebel . p. 59. † nani's hist. p. 515. hist. of the irish remon . pres. p. † disputatio apolog. de jure reg. hibern . pro cath. hibern . advers . heret . anglos , p 65. cited by walsh in the history of the irish remonstrance , p. 736 , 737. in these words : ordines regni optimo jure poterant ac debebant omni dominio hiberniae privare tales reges , postquam facti sunt haeretici atque tyranni — hoc enim jus & potestas in omni regno & republica est . — jam si consensui regni in hac re accederet authoritas apostolica , quis nisi haereticus , vel stultus audebit negare quod hîc affirmamus , & doctores theologi , & juris utriusque periti passim docent , rationes probant , exempla suadent . ld. clarendon against cressy , p. 246. * bp. bramhall's letters to a. p. vsher , ap . vsher's life & letters , p 611. id. p. 612. * vindic. of the sincerity of the prot. relig. p. 59. * mutatus polemo . p. 4 , 5. id. p. 6. 18. 26. 32. vindic. of the sincer . of the prot. relig. p. 65. cressy 's exomolog . p. 72. paris , 1647. 8vo . ld. clarendon against cressey . p. 76 , 77. priorato's hist. of france , p. 11 , &c. lond. 1676. fol. * declaratio ss . dom. nostri innoc. divinâ providentiâ papae 10. nullitatis articulorum nuperae pacis germaniae , religioni catholicae , sedi apostolicae , & quomodo libet praejudicialium , — see it in hoornbeck disputat . ad bull. inn. 10. † numerus septem electorum imperii — apostolicâ authoritate praefinitus . — hist of the irish remon . p. 523 , 524. * vindic. of the sincer. of the prot. relig. p. 66 , 67. foxes & firebrands , part 2. p. 86. vindication of the prot. rel. p. 65. id. p. 58 ▪ , 66. in his letter to dr. du moulin , aug. 9. 1673. idem . p. 64. ib. p. 61 , &c. id. p. 60. see the excommunication in the appendix to the hist. of the irish rem . p. 34. walsh's letters in the pref. hist of the irish remon . p. 609. priorate's hist. of france , p. 49 , &c. id. p. 117 , &c. see it at large , a●d the duke's answer to it , hist. of the irish remonst . ap. p. 65. † hist. of the irish rebell . p. 261. id. p. 276. vindic. of the prot. relig. p. 69. priorato's hist. of france , p. 245 , 285 , 308 , 333. lone's hist. of plots , p. 15 , 16. vindic. of the prot. relig. p. 67 , &c. jesuites reasons unreasonable , p. 103 , 104. hist. of irish rebellion , p. 241. priorato's hist. of france , p. 358 , &c. st. amour's annals , p. 448. baily's life of fisher , p. 260 , 261. london , 1655. 8vo . hist. of the irish remonst . p. 740. * the same who had betrayed rathmines to jones . hist. of the irish remon . p. 610. long 's hist. of plots , p. 87 , 88. jesuites reasons unreasonable , p. 112 , &c , id. p. 127. hist of the irish remon . p. 16 , 17 , 18. where see the letters , and p. 513 , 514. ‖ id. p. 43. * p. 52. † p. 54. ‖ p. 49. * p. 60. † p. 91. ‖ p. 102. ‖ p. 84. † p. 116. ‖ p. 531. * p. 617 , &c. ‖ p. 620 , 629. anno 1666 † p. 624 , &c. * p. 633. † p. 634. * ld. clarend . against cr●ss●y , p. 247 , 248. hist. of the irish remonst . p. 647 , &c. † p. 657. * p. 666. * id. pref. p. 3 , 4. idem . p. 763. * p. 675. p. 746. walsh's letters p. 54. anno news from france , p. 37. lond. 1682. 4to . walsh's letters in the pref. popery anat. p. 14. lond. 1686. 4to . a defence of the missionaries arts wherein the charge of disloyalty, rebellions, plots, and treasons, asserted page 76 of that book, are fully proved against the members of the church of rome, in a brief account of the several plots contrived, and rebellions raised by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes since the reformation / by the authour of the missionaries arts. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1689 approx. 240 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-iv tiff page 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66162) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97409) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 402:23) a defence of the missionaries arts wherein the charge of disloyalty, rebellions, plots, and treasons, asserted page 76 of that book, are fully proved against the members of the church of rome, in a brief account of the several plots contrived, and rebellions raised by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes since the reformation / by the authour of the missionaries arts. wake, william, 1657-1737. hickes, george, 1642-1715. [10], 96 p. printed for richard wilde ..., london : 1689. attributed to wake. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). has been erroneously attributed to george hickes. cf. bm. advertisements: p. 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siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a defence of the missionaries arts : wherein the charge of disloyalty , rebellions , plots , and treasons , asserted page 76 of that book , are fully proved against the members of the church of rome , in a brief account of the several plots contrived , and rebellions raised by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes since the reformation . by the authour of the missionaries arts. london , printed for richard wilde , at the map of the world in st. paul's church-yard . 1689. to the reader . it is strange , that of all men papists should calumniate protestants with treason and rebellions ; were modesty an essential in the complexion of a jesuite , surely they would forbear , or charity they so much talk of , and so little practise , to be found among them . are horrid massacres , villanous assassinations , or poisonings , the effect of charity ? or , is malice inveterate , traducing or lying the fruit thereof ? yet nothing is more obvious in the whole course of history than those diabolical machinations and hellish conspiracies of priests and jesuites , especially within this last hundred and fifty years ; and , generally speaking , princes , and crowned heads , have been most the objects of their fury ; and lest the palliation of villany should pass on the weaker sort , and this objection any way obtain , that forsooth most of these contrivances were against heretical princes , excommunicated by the pope and church , and by consequence delivered over to satan , and that the killing of them really was no murther , no more than of wolves or bears . to this i answer , that princes of the same communion , as henry the third of france , could not escape their fatal stab , who never made profession of any other ; and though henry the fourth was first a protestant , and by them constrained to change , nay , and highly indulging them in his latter years , and as mathieus says in his life , to all appearance was devout , i mean in their way ; yet from ravilliac's hand all this could not defend him . we need not long here fix , but look on former times , where for five or six hundred years nothing hath been more common , or more lamentable , than the story of several princes , struck with the lightening of the court of rome , and others wholly ruined by the vatican thunder , the consequences being either their own tragical ends , or , at the most favourable , strong and lasting rebellions , which all conversant in history may plainly see ; and so dextrous were they in translating to the other world , that in the very host it self was poison given to one of the ●erman emperours , so that silence to none is a more necessary virtue , especially in this case , than to regular monks and friars , who for several ages have been the very pest and bane of secular princes , acting not only their villanies in the time of the holy war , but in the time of their antipopes also . but to return to our own nation : what barbarities have they not committed ? what impieties have they not been guilty of ? what cruelties have they left unattempted ? and yet with a brazen front daily bespatter protestants , accusing them of what themselves were authours of ; imitating herein the very skum of mankind ; for none shall sooner call another rogue than he that really is one ; in whose mouth is whore and bitch more frequent , than hers that is a common prostitute ? and to proceed : what disorder did they not cause , to plague and pester harry the eighth ? what commotions did they not raise all the reign of queen elizabeth , besides the attempts upon her person ? what divisions did they not nourish all the time of edward the sixth , and in his death had no small share ? how horridly desperate they were in king james's time , appears by their inhumane powder-treason ; how intriguing they were in his cabinet councils is but too sad a truth to relate ; fomenting his humour in the spanish match , a blemish inglorious to his memory , leaving the pallsgrave ( though his son in law ) a victim to the house of austria ; and after by the match with france , how did he embroil his son ! they managing underhand the queen , and she by her powerfull influence did the king ; so that all the mischievous evils of charles the first they , like a mole , wrought under ground , spotting his life with that business of rochell , and the attempt of the isle of rhee , from whence the protestants generally date the ruine of their church in france , and by the rising of the french monarchs since that time has endangered the ruine of the whole protestant interest all over europe , as of late years has been manifestly evident ; and lastly they drew a civil war upon him , though the effects proved fatal , as well to themselves as others , ( priests generally being no reaching politicians ; ) the consequence of which all men here do know : but that which most surprizes is their villany in conclusion ; for when his farther life could yield them no advantage , they then conspired his death ; and to that end was a correspondence kept with ireton and some others , not doubting , he being gone , to have the bringing up of the children , the queen being wholly theirs , and managed to their devotion ; and how fatal this has been i need not farther speak ; and if any are desirous of farther satisfaction , let them read dr. moulin's answer to phila●a● anglicus , written by an apostate protestant , who found not his account by turning papist , as indeed few of them have done ; a man i must needs say of very good natural parts , though in several things but ill applied them ; and his conversation spoke him a gentleman , but withall of a violent and impetuous temper to whatever he took , and unfortunate in most things he projected . i am the longer on this character , because most of our whiffling priests and noisie jesuites have raked for their clamours against protestants about the business of rebellion , for many years last past , out of the dunghill of that book , written not long after the king 's coming in ; so that 't is plain , that by their legerdemain tricks in the parliament army they made them mutinous against their lords and masters ; and in the time of the agitatour's being rampant , meeting , as they say , in putney church , they were very brisk in masquerade among them , several priests , some as troupers , others private soldiers then listed , and though these agitatours were first set up by ireton , yet in process of time they became so unruly , and so beyond measure insolent , that they were by force necessitated to suppress them , and they were the occasion of breaking up that separate party of cromwell and ireton in the name of the army which they had entred into with the king , and by reason of them the king was frighted from hampton-court , making his escape to the isle of wight , which did not long precede his death . now after a lapse of some years his son charles the second , with the rest of the royal family , were restored , and let us take a short view of their transactions under him , where no sooner he was settled , but there came in whole shoals of priests from several parts beyond seas , and ireland , who for several years before had scarce any , and those that were skulking and lying close , was in a little time almost over-stocked ; and father walsh , who was a kind of a trimmer among them , and , to speak truth , an honester sort of a man than most of them were , and willing to introduce the king's authority as well as that of the popes , to that end went over with the duke of ormond ; and being countenanced by him , summoned an assembly in dublin to be held , of the most principal of them , where what a stir he had , and how strangely bigotted those irish understandings were to the see of rome , is by himself at large set forth in his loyal formulary : but one thing which himself notes is not unworthy the recital , the general among them were so strongly possest with some strange catastrophe that was to arrive ( eminently no doubt ) to their advantage , in the year approaching of sixty six , that they generally expressed themselves so averse from complying with the king in those matters , a violent presumption that the firing of london had been for some years in contriving ; and the mention that is made of a plot in the april gazette , — 65. was put into the heads ( by some rascally priests ) of those poor little rogues that were hangued , one of the main things charged upon them being the firing of the city of london , and what influence their councils had in that prince's reign , is obnoxious to all considering men , by the breaking the triple league by that close alliance between france and england for the extirpation of protestancy out of heretical holland , and no doubt , had it succeeded , out of england also , and the reason why it was not effected , was the parliament's and people's aukwardness to the war ; but notwithstanding they were so not discouraged , but they resolved to go on with their designs still in england , keeping , by the means of coleman and father le chaise , a constant correspondence with the court of france , and so strong was their ascendent with charles the second , that he publishes a declaration for liberty of conscience , by which , as coleman in his letters says , he doubted not the bringing in of their religion ; but this so allarmed the parliament , that they were strangely uneasie and restless with him , resolving to give him no more money untill he had recalled it , which at last with regret he did . this strangely nettled our roguish catholicks , who by this thought their game cock sure ; but being frustrated , used him in their discourses as if he had been a cobler , as pitifull , irresolute , nothing of honour , his word no ways to be relied on , and not worthy of a crown ; and from that day forward plotted his removal , to make way , as they supposed , for a man of honour and resolution , and who would not be balked with any thing of a parliament ; which at the last , as a great many suppose , they effectually did . and now james the second ascended the throne , and how the sceptre by him was swayed , needs no long characterising ; for father petre , with his ghostly associates , managed most things under him , who with that priestly violence so hurried on things , that on him at last the tower of siloam fell , and so weak and ridiculous were their politicks , that they are not worth blurring paper . now to sum up all , it is plain by what precedes , that she several popes and court of rome , in places where they power had , have been most imperious and domineering , and nothing so bloudy , base , or cruel , but by their priests has acted been , not in other countries only , but in this our nation too , for since the twelfth year , or thereabouts , queen elizabeth's reign , popery we may compare to an imposthume breeding in the very trunk of this political body , and broke in the year forty two into a civil war , discharging only part , not all the corrupt matter ; and since regathering head , and filling up , about four years ago broke the second time , casting forth filth and corruption in quantity abounding , the stench thereof offending almost all men in the nation , but i do not doubt but our state physicians will use such detersive or cleansing medicines , as well as sanative , as shall not effect a palliative but a real and thorough cure , and that the countrey may be restored to its sound habit of body . now therefore as to the ensuing treatise , it was occasioned by that hero of english jesuitism , mr. pulton , who being strangely nettled at those stinging truths contained in the missionaries arts , challenges the authour to make good his assertion in page 76. viz. that the romanists treasons owned by their popes , and by their great men approved of since the reformation , do far outnumber all the plots and insurrections that the papists , or malice itself can lay to the charge of protestants ; all which notwithstanding have been wholly condemned by the body of our famous divines : to satisfie therefore this savoy champion , and vindicate the assertion aforesaid , the authour of this account with no little pains has endeavoured to give entire satisfaction : but such has the misfortune been of writers protestant , that in dealing in controversies they have to doe with a sort of men , that when they have , yet will seemiugly take no answer ; and their last refuge is generally banter and whiffle , if downright railing will not doe the feat . the subject of this treatise is most matter of fact , and the citations , though from their own selves no way unfairly used ; for if otherwise they appear , let them openly be exposed , that all that are impartial may see and judge , whether any thing of passion , envy , or malice , has prepossed the authour , i know 't is natural for men , when they have a bad cause to manage , to be froward and testy , and where they are galled to kick and wince , and instead of arguing closely to the purpose , to seek evasions that may seem plausible , at least to the less refined understanding , which has been the great masterpiece of romish priests and jesuites for many years together ; for by their little witticisms and jokes upon names , they keep up among their party a kind of reputation , not unlike jack pudding's on a stage , they please ( though at the same time delude ) the foolish and gazing people ; and if it happens that one slip falls from a protestant pen , or a citation carelesly passed , that has not proved true , what a clutter have they not made about it , though the main of the subject still remains good . this , as a demonstration , plainly proves the weakness of their cause ; and had mr. pulton but candidly read the history of the last hundred years , he must have acknowledged that this his great challenge was a vain and frivolous motion , and never needed to have given the authour this trouble ; which being done , it 's hoped will be to his firm conviction , and not only his , but any other who have been imposed on by false notions . the truth is , this treatise has been written above this year , but such was the iniquity of the times , that they would not bear , much less permit its then publication ; however it s hoped 't is not too late the world in this point to satisfie , the only scope , design , and end of this discourse . advertisement of books printed for and sold by richard wilde at the map of the world in st. paul's church-yard . the child's monitor against popery : written to preserve the child of a noble-man from being seduc'd by his popish parents , now made publick to prevent others being drawn aside from the protestant religion : by the author of the country parsons advice to his parishioners . price . 1. d. the countrey parson his admonition to his parishioners , in two parts ; persuading them to continue in the protestant religion : with directions how to behave themselves when any one comes to seduce them from the protestant religion : by the authour of the plain man's reply to catholick missionaries , in two parts : very fit to be given by ministers and others to such as shall want such helps . price 2. d. the plain man's devotion in two parts ; being a method of daily devotion . 24to . a defence of the plain man's reply to catholick missionaries . 24to . mr. king chancellor of st. patrick's , dublin , his full answer to peter manby , dean of london-derry , his pretended motives to embrace the romish religion ; clearly proving his considerations were frivolous and groundless , and that he had no just cause to leave the communion of the church of england . 1687. the missionaries arts ( to gain proselytes ) discovered : worthy the perusal of all protestants . 4to . a defence of the missionaries arts , being a brief history of the romanists plots , insurrections , and treasons , carried on to extirpate the protestant religion , and other evil designs , for the last 600 years ; wherein is fully proved that the papists have far exceeded any that can be laid to the protestant's charge , notwithstanding their false pretences of being free from disloyalty and rebellion : by the authour of the missionaries arts. 4to . 1689. a plain defence of the protestant religion , fitted to the meanest capacity ; being an answer to 125 ensnaring questions , often put by the papists to pervert protestants from their holy religion : by the authour of the missionaries arts , in 8vo . mr. shaw's new syncritical grammar , teaching english youth the latine tongue , according to the rules in the oxford grammar . 1687. manuductio in aedem palladis : quâ utilissima methodus authores bonos legendi indigitatur , sive tractatus utilissimus de usu authoris : by thomas horne , m. a. formerly chief school master of tunbridge , afterwards of aeton school near windsor . this book is highly approved of and recommended by the learned school-masters to their scholars , for their instructions not only in reading good and usefull authours , but also for their imitation of those excellent authours , recommended by this ingenious authour , who may well be esteemed a competent judge of good latine ; having by the consent of all composed this book so elegantly that it 's admired by most . price 1s . 6d . 1687. all the works of that famous historian salust , containing the history of the conspiracy and war of catiline , undertaken against the government of the senate of rome . 2dly , the war which jugurth many years maintained against that state , with all his historical fragments : two epistles to caesar , concerning the institution of a common-wealth ; and one against cicero with annotations ; with the life of salust . this excellent book , written by so faithfull an historian , will certainly gratifie the curious , being written with greater fidelity than others ; and the style of it being adapted to the present idiom of speech , and the orations worded in a style not much inferiour to the sublime originals . 1687. the academy of sciences ; being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences , with the names of those famous authours that have written on every particular science ; a book highly usefull for the end it proposes : by d. a. doctor of physick . 1687. observations in chirurgery & anatomy ; with a refutation of mistakes and errours in anatomy and chirurgery . written chiefly for the benefit of tyroes & students in chirurgery . by james young , chirurgion . 1687. plutarch's morals , 3d. vol. translated from the greek by sev . hands . wit revived ; or , a new way of divertisement , in questions and answers : by asdryasdust tossoffacan . the vanity of the creature : by an eminent hand . octavo . guy miege's english grammar . 8vo . sir john tl●yer's touchstone of medicines . 8vo . 1687. the complete planter and siderist ; or , choice collections for propagating all manner of fruit trees , and making sider . the art of pruning fruit trees . 8vo . 1685. guy miege's present state of denmark . 8vo . a new three-fold grammar , for the english-man to learn french and italian . for the french-man to learn english and italian . for the italian to learn french and english. 8vo . 1688. montaign's essays the third and last volume . 8vo . the gentlewoman's companion for cookery and behaviour . ovid's epistles , englished by the wits of the age , with the addititions of three new epistles , and seven cuts . 8vo . dyer's works . 12mo . dr. burnet against varillas . 12mo . cornelius tacitus in 24to . juvenal & pertius . 24to . mr. petit of the rights of parliament . 8vo . sir john pettus of the constitution . a brief account of the several plots contriv'd , and rebellions rais'd by the papists against the lives and dignities of sovereign princes , since the reformation . in the year a 1520. about three years after luther began to preach , was that almost universal rebellion in spain , against the emperour charles the fifth , which lasted four years . three years after , the earl of desmond entred into a b conspiracy against our king henry the eighth , and had procur'd a promise of assistance from king francis the first of france ; the articles of which agreement are yet extant ; whereby it appears that the design was , to make the duke of suffolk ( then in france ) king ; but king francis being taken prisoner at the battel of pavia the year following , and the duke of suffolk slain , the design fell . the next year the irish rebell'd , and murther'd many of the english inhabitants . but c ten years after , the pope drew up his bull against k. henry , though he did not publish it till 1538. wherein he asserts his authority over kings , to plant and destroy as he sees good ; and then proceeds with the advice of his cardinals to summon the king and all his adherents , to appear before him at rome on a day appointed ; threatening them with the greater excommunication , in case of non-appearance ; and declaring him and his posterity incapable of any honours , possessions , or even of being witnesses ; absolves all his subjects from their oaths of fidelity , and commands them upon pain of excommunication , not to obey him or his officers ; enjoyning all christians to have no commerce with him , all ecclesiasticks to leave the land , and all dukes , marquesses , &c. under the same penalty , to drive him out of his kingdom ; declares all leagues made with him by any princes void , exhorting them to endeavour his ruine with their whole power ; bestowing all the goods of his adherents upon such as would seize them ; commanding all bishops to declare the king and his followers excommunicate , and denouncing the same censures against whosoever should hinder the publication of this bull. this piece of prodigious impudence and vanity would not satisfie the pope , but he immediately set his instruments to work to prosecute the design of his thundering bull ; so that the beginning of the next year this letter was written from paris to one fryar forrest . * brother , we behold how the king is changed from a christian to an heretick ; and how he hath robb'd christ's vicar of his rights and privileges , by placing himself in his holiness's seat there , as supreme over the catholick church within the realm . it was the late damn'd assembly of lords and commons furthered his pride , otherwise he could not nor durst not assume it to himself : we have thought of these passages , and do agree , that there is no way to break this tyrant's neck but one ; puff him up in his pride , and let our friends say unto him , that it is beneath so mighty a monarch as he , to advise with parliaments , but to act all in person ; and that it behooveth his majesty to be chief actor himself . if he assumes this , it will take off great blemishes from the nation , which the church holds them guilty of , and doe our business : for then the people ( it being contrary to their laws ) will fall from him ; also the catholick party of his council will be too strong for the hereticks , and then the common sort will be the abler to declare his tyranny . this is to be contriv'd with the church's members , and cautiously , because it is observed that the parliaments of england have hindred the church in most of the kings reigns , otherwise she had held her party better than she does now . you have our convent's hearty prayers for your guide . from st. francis at paris primo . id. jan. 1536. thomas powell . this letter was found two years after among father forrest's papers , together with an account of vast summes which he had expended for the church of rome and her designs . * but this design not being sufficient , the pope offered england to james the fifth , king of scots , and presented him with a cap and consecrated sword. when that offer of what was none of his succeeded not according to his desires , the same pope paul the 3d. by his bull of the † year following , absolv'd in general , all subjects from their oaths of allegiance , unto heretical kings , princes and states , as they be enemies unto the holy see of st. peter ; all men from the tye of their heretical wives ; wives from their heretical husbands , &c. which was accompanied with a ‖ rebellion in lincolnshire , under the conduct of one mackarel , a monk , to the number of twenty thousand ; against whom the king prepar'd to march in person : but their first fury being over , they embraced the king's pardon , and returned home . but this commotion was succeeded by * another more dangerous , led by the lord lumley , several knights and gentlemen , with most of the clergy : this army in the north consisted of 40000 men , well armed , who call'd themselves the holy pilgrimage , and the pilgrimage of grace ; they had the five wounds of our lord , the chalice , and the host , painted in their standard , and the name of jesus upon their sleeves ; their whole pretence was for religion : in their march they took pontefract castle , but were at length appeas'd . but † soon after the same persons raised another insurrection , in which several monks came armed into the field as souldiers , who were taken , and with the ring-leaders of the rebellion executed . ‖ two years after ( if not the next year to the last rebellion , for some place it in the year 1538. ) the marquess of exceter , the lord montacute , and his brother , sir edward nevill , and others , enter'd into a conspiracy to depose the king , and advance reynold pool , then dean of exceter , and afterwards cardinal to the throne ; for which , the marquess , lord montacute , and sir edward nevill , were beheaded upon tower-hill . in the year 1546. * pope paul the third , not content with his shewing his pretended authority over kings in the two bulls mention'd before , published another in favour of the jesuits , whereby he exempts them and their goods from the power of any but himself ; and commands all princes to swear not to molest the society , or invade their privileges ; and pronounces an anathema against all who will not obey the bull. * two years after this , king edward the sixth being settled in the throne , one body , a commissioner , pulling down images by the king's order , was stabbed by a priest , and a rebellion was rais'd in cornwall , humphrey arundell , governour of the mount , with other gentlemen , gathering together ten thousand men , besieged exceter , and reduc'd it to very great extremity ; declaring they would have popery and the six articles restor'd : they fought four several battels with the king's forces , but at last were entirely routed , and their leaders executed yet the next year in † norfolk they rebell'd again , and when the king sent them his pardon they refus'd it : after which , they took the city of norwich , and fir'd it , beat the marquess of northampton , and were very near defeating the earl of warwick , whose cannon they took , and refus'd the king's pardon a second time , but were at length defeated ; and so were a another party , who took arms upon the same account , that year in yorkshire . there were other insurrections in this king's time , which i will not at present mention , only observe what is confess'd by a late noted authour of the romish church , ‖ that these risings of the laity in such numbers , for their former way of religion , would not have been , had not their clergy justified it unto them . b after this , we find that pope paul the fourth ; following the steps of his thundering name-sake , when the dyet of the germans at ausburgh made an edict for full liberty of conscience , whereby the protestants were maintain'd in the possession of their church revenues , fell into a furious rage ; publickly threatening the emperour and king of the romans , that he would make them repent it ; protesting , that if he did not recall the edict , he would proceed against them with as severe censures as he intended to use against the protestants ; telling all the ambassadors in his court , that he was above all princes , that he expected not that they should treat with him as with their equal , that he could alter and take away kingdoms as he thought good : and one day at dinner , in the presence of many persons of the highest quality , he affirmed , that he would subject all princes under his foot. no wonder then that the same spirit of opposition to princes actuate the members of the church , which possess'd their head in such a degree , that upon the resignation of the emperour c charles the fifth , ferdinand his brother was rejected by the pope ; who affirmed , that none had power to resign but into his hands ; and so it belong'd to him to nominate a successor , not to the electors : but he kept the imperial crown , though the pope would never acknowledge him for emperour . with the same haughtiness did he demean himself towards d sir edward karn , the english agent at rome ; who acquainting him , by order from her majesty , of queen elizabeth's accession to the crown , the pope answer'd , that the kingdom of england was held in fee of the apostolick see , that she being illegitimate could not succeed , and therefore it was great boldness in her to assume the government without his leave ; yet if she would renounce her title , and refer all to him , he would act as became his honour . but the queen took no care to satisfie this blustering gentleman , who soon after dyed . * but the pope who succeeded him , pius the fourth , issued out a strict bull , commanding all the learned of that church to find out arguments to persuade subjects to break their oaths of allegiance , in favour of the apostolick see ; in order to which , he granted several dispensations to preach among the protestants of england , and to marry , if need were . and the same year his good sons in ireland , by their example , shewed their obedience to it ; * for shan o neale , earl of tyrone , rebelled , but finding himself too weak , submitted and had his pardon , though not till two years after . in the mean while , viz. † the next year , the pope's nuncio in ireland joyn'd himself to the rebels , publickly assisting them ; and by his authority pronounced the queen deprived of that kingdom . but the year following , though the irish submitted , yet ‖ arthur pool and others , contriv'd to joyn themselves with the duke of guise , land an army in wales , and proclaim the queen of scots : to which , the * following pope afterwards added his endeavours to get our queen murthered , as the writer of his life informs us . but in the mean time , that it might not be said of this , that he neglected any thing for the advantage of his supreme power , to keep his hand in ure , † he published a monitory against the queen of navarre , declaring , that if she did not turn romanist within six months , he would deprive her of her dominions , and give them to any that would conquer them ; but the king of france promising to stand by her , his terrible threat serv'd only to shew how ready he was to depose all princes that offended him , if his power had been equal to his will. ‖ and in this year it was that the council of trent made that excellent decree , whereby they confirmed all the canons of popes and councils ; which set the pope above princes , gave him power over them , and exempted the clergy from being subject to them ; thereby endeavouring to depose all princes , who knew themselves and their rights too well to truckle under the usurped power of their supreme head. * but though the pope could not send any sovereign prince of his errand to destroy the house of navarre , yet such obedient sons were the cardinal of lorrain , and the rest of the house of guise , that they resolv'd its ruine . to which end they sent captain dimanche into spain , to get assistance , there , designing to fall upon bearn , seize the queen of navarre , the young king , and his sister , and send them to the inquisition in spain , to be proceeded against as hereticks : but this design was discovered , and so came to nothing . but in the same year we are informed by one of the english spies at rome , that the pope granted indulgences and pardons to any person that should assault queen elizabeth , either in private or publick ; or to any cook , baker , vintner , physician , brewer , grocer , chirurgion , or any other calling , that should make her away ; together with an absolute remission of sins to such person 's heirs , and an annuity for ever , and to be one of the privy council , successively , whosoever reigned . † to the endeavours of the pope , o neale likewise added his , by rebelling again , and murthering the english ; committing the most barbarous cruelties imaginable ; but his power was broken in a pitcht battel the year following ; notwithstanding which , he continued his rebellion till two years after , when he was stabb'd by alexander oge , whose brother he had slain before . but though the rebels had such ill success , yet the pope will not be disheartened , but the next year sends one ‖ rodolpho , a rich florentine gentleman , into england , to stir up the people against the queen : to him the king of spain joins the marquess of cetona , who , under the pretence of an embassy , was sent over to countenance the rebellion , and command the forces which the duke of alva should send from the low countries ; in order to which la motte , governour of dankirk , had come privately , iu the habit of a sailer , to sound the ports . rodolph● was furnished with plenty of money from the pope , which he distributed to make a party ; into which they drew the earls of northumberland and westmorland , with others , who , perceiving their plot discovered , submitted , and begged pardon . this design the pope was so zealous for , that he assured the spaniards he would go along with them himself , if need were , and engage all his goods and treasure in the service . nor was this the only design of the pope * at this time ; for in pursuit of his predecessour's bull against her , he advised the queen-mother of france to seize on the dominions of the queen of navarre , because she was an heretick ; offering ( if she approved of it ) by his papal authority to appoint one of the house of valois to be king of those territories ; which if she did not like , he was resolved to give them to the king of spain ; but that prince , knowing they must be won by the sword , declined accepting the pope's bounty . † hitherto the members of the church of rome made no scruple to resort to the protestant churches , both for prayer and preaching ; but this year pope pius quintus published his bull against the queen , upon which they all withdrew from any such communion with us . ‖ in this bull the pope calls the queen the pretended queen of england , a servant of wickedness ; affirms that her council consisted of obscure , heretical fellows , declares her an heretick , and cut off from the unity of christ's body ; that she is deprived of her title to her kingdoms , and of all dominion , dignity , and privilege whatsoever , and her subjects absolved from all manner of duty and obedience to her ; and that by the authority of this bull he doth absolve them , and depose her ; and forbidding all her subjects , under pain of anathema , to obey her : with this bull he sends * morton , a priest , into england , to spread this censure , and persuade the people to back it with an insurrection ; upon which , as ‖ surius tells us out of sanders , many persons of quality resolved to execute it : accordingly the * earls of northumberland and westmorland , who were pardoned but the year before , took arms in the north , trampled under feet the english bible and service-book , bearing in their standard the cross and five wounds of our saviour , and being betwixt five and six thousand men , they grew so insolent , that they would give the queen no better title , than the pretended queen ; but the pope being too slow in sending the hundred thousand crowns he promised them , and they at length finding their numbers too small to cope with the queens army , dispersed , and every one shifted for himself . † the earl of westmorland escaped into flanders , where he dyed miserably ; but northumberland being taken , was beheaded at york ; who was nevertheless looked upon by the romanists as a glorious martyr , and the drops of his bloud kept by them as holy relicks . that this rebellion had no better success , sanders , and from him ‖ surius , give this reason , because the catholicks had not timely notice of the pope's bull : and the same * person informs us , that those that were executed for this treason , refused to the very last to acknowledge the queens authority . among which sanders mentions plumtree , and others , as well as the two earls , who are termed glorious martyrs of the catholicks by bristow in his motives , and several others . to correspond with the pope's intentions in his bull , † ireland puts in for a share this year , where jame fitz-morice , of the house of desmond , and two of the botelers , raised a rebellion ; but the latter being drawn to a submission by the loyal earl of ormond , fitz-morice , after many shifts , followed their example , and was pardoned . but though the two earls and their accomplices had sped so ill , yet * leonard dacres renew'd the rebellion in the north , and fought a bloudy battel against the queens forces with great obstinacy , though in the end he was forced to fly into scotland . and now , that the catholicks might no longer remain in ignorance of the queens being deprived of the kingdoms by the pope , one felton this year had the hardiness to fix the bull at the bishop of london's gates ; for which being apprehended , he confessed the fact , and gloried in it , at his death affirming the queen had no right to the throne , being deposed by the sentence of the pope : yet doth † surius affirm , that he dyed a martyr for the catholick faith , justifying the action as done out of zeal for the church , and in obedience to the lawfull commands of the pope : the same is affirmed by * parsons , † spondanus , and ‖ hilarion de coste , who styles him the valiant soldier of jesus christ , commends his invincible courage and zeal for the faith ; and affirms , that his martyrdom is one of england's most glorious trophies ; though the same person can afford the queen no better a title than the impious and wicked queen ▪ the true iezebel of our days : and that all the world may see what they thought of him at rome , no sooner could thuanus affirm that it was a very rash action , but the index expurgatorius commands that passage to be blotted out ; so jealous are they of the honour of this grand traitor . with as great encomiums do we find the memory of dr. story celebrated by the writers of that church : this man was one of the most violent persecutours in queen mary's days , for which cruelties being questioned in parliament in the beginning of queen elizabeth's reign , he answered , that he knew no fault he was guilty of , but only that he busied himself in cutting off the branches , while he neglected to pull up the root it self ; which if he had done , heresie had not got up again : for this being imprisoned , he found means to escape into flanders ; but being apprehended and brought into england this year , he rejoiced that he should suffer martyrdom : upon his tryall he declined the jurisdiction of the court , affirming that he was a subject to the king of spain , and acknowledged no lawfull judge in england ; for which he gave this reason , that seeing the pope had declared the queen deprived of her right , he durst not acknowledge her authority , lest he should fall under the censures of that bull : and at the moment of his execution , being asked by an earl whether the queen was his sovereign , he replied , she was not ; yet is he reckoned among the martyrs for the romish faith. the next year was that bloudy massacre of paris , though contrived two years before , wherein ( it being carried over all france ) above 100000 protestants were butchered in cold bloud ; the duke of guise and his party did all they could to have the king of navarre , and prince of conde , slaughtered with the rest ; but they being preserved by the king , the chief design of the papalins in that bloudy action was prevented . but four years after was that desperate confederacy entred into by that duke and his adherents in france , which they and the pope afterwards termed the holy league , which had all the parts of a most desperate rebellion ; and continued for so many years , to the destruction of one prince , and infinite vexation of another : it was first begun at * peronne , and afterwards formed into a more † strict union , by which , under a shew of maintaining the king , they took from him all his authority , to confer it upon the head of their conspiracy : nay , the zeal for this rebellious association was so great , that they subscribed it with their bloud ; and in order to the prosecution of what they had there promised , they sent nicolas david , an advocate of the parliament of paris , to rome ; but he being slain by the way on his return , cardinal de pellive afterwards managed their business with the pope . but among the memoirs of that advocate there was found an account of the transaction between the pope and the duke of guise , wherein the design laid down is to pull down the house of valois , then reigning , from the throne , and set up the duke of guise : in this transaction the liberties of the gallican church are called a damnable errour , nothing else but the shift of the waldenses , lutheranes , and calvinists ; and it is affirmed that france shall never prosper as long as the crown continues in that line . the whole platform of the design is there laid down , and the pope is to advance that duke to the crown of france , as the successour of charlemagne ; in consideration whereof the duke is bound to cause the see of rome to be plainly acknowledged by the states of the kingdom , without restriction , or modification , abolishing the privileges and liberties of the gallican church . thus do we find the pope promoting the most rebellious designs , to advance his own usurped greatness . and his missionaries not desiring a better example than that of their holy father , in prosecution of his designs cuthbert mayne came into england , dispersing libells to maintain the pope's authority over the queen ; and he confessed under his own hand , that he brought with him several holy grains to distribute among the catholicks , which they should keep as so many preservatives , by the producing of which they should be safe , when the protestants were to be destroyed . in the same business several * others were employed , and one hemford sent over with a dispensation of the pope's bull , whereby the romanists had liberty to yield outward obedience till an opportunity offered itself for the execution of that deposing sentence . and one haydock was employed to prepare things against such a time , and to note the fittest places for landing an army , as himself wrote to allen the jesuite . besides these one paine , a priest , and fifty others , were furnished at the pope's charge , who undertook to kill the queen as she went to take the air. and yet these are the men whom † sanders , in his letter to the aforenamed jesuite , terms chosen vessels . but our countrey was not the onely nation afflicted with these plots and traiterous contrivances ; for about the same time was ‖ sebastian , king of portugal , betrayed by the jesuits to the loss both of his life and kingdom , which they had before engaged to transfer to the spanish king , in which they were as good as their word ; ( though near fifty years since it is returned to the obedience of its lawfull heir ; ) during which war , attempting to deliver one of the isles of the azores to the spaniards , they were discoved , and treated as their wickedness deserved ; but of this more hereafter . the pope's designs upon the queen's life being by the good providence of god frustrated , the holy father , gregory the 13th . carried on the projects of his predecessour , ( who had willingly lent an ear to the advice of thomas stukely , an english fugitive , ) and in hopes of getting the kingdom of ireland for his own son , the marquess of vineola , ( where we find , though popes do not marry , yet they can get children , ) created stukely marquess of leinster , adding several other titles , and assisting him with forces and a plenary indulgence , dispatcht him away for ireland ; but by the way being persuaded by the king of portugal to join with him against the moors , he was slain in the battel together with that king. but though ireland was delivered from this danger , yet soon after † james fitz-morice , who was pardoned in the year 1569. went over into france , where he desired assistance to beat the english out of ireland , and reduce that nation to the french obedience , but king henry the third then reigning , having sufficient employment for his forces at home ; fitz-morice addressed himself to the pope and the king of spain ; the former embraced this opportunity , and sent sanders with him as his nuncio , with a consecrated banner ; and the latter assisted them with men and money ; the pope in the mean while raising souldiers in his countrey for their assistance and relief . fitz-morice and sanders , with the spaniards , landed in kerry in ireland , and committedall manner of outrages , in one of which fitz-morice was killed by the sons of william a burgh , soon after made baron of castleconnel ; in his place succeeded his brother john e. of desmond , to whom the pope sent an indulgence , dated may 13. 1580. wherein he highly magnifies the piety of james , laments his death , and exhorts all the nobility , clergy , and people of the land , to follow this john , in fighting against the hereticks for the catholick cause ; and to encourage them in that good work , he grants a ‖ plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins , in the same extent as was granted to those who were engaged in the holy war. and when the spaniards were required by the lord gray , then deputy of ireland , to express their intention in thus invading her majesties dominions , they returned answer , that they were sent from the pope and king of spain , to whom his holiness had given ireland ; for that elizabeth had justly forfeited her title to the kingdom by heresie , that they would keep what they had got , and get more if they could : but in a small time after they were glad to surrender upon mercy , the earl of desmond having been routed before , and allen , the priest , who came with the legate sanders , slain . this ill success put a stop to the recruits the pope was preparing to send after them . sanders dyed of hunger in the woods , and the earl of desmond was slain two years after by a common soldier . and to encourage these rebels , and to excite to more such attempts , this pope gregory the thirteenth , the same year , renewed the bull of pius quintus against the queen : there were five hundred copies of it printed at rome , and the bull it self dispersed over all italy , spain , and part of germany , as is attested by one who was then in the english college at rome * ; who likewise assures us , that one of their readers in divinity , before above two hundred scholars , affirmed , that it was lawfull for any man of worship in england to give authority to the vilest wretch that is , to endeavour the queen's death ; but that this pope did excommunicate the queen we find in our excellent † annalist , and is acknowledged by the * romish priests in their ‖ important considerations , printed the last year of that queen's reign . but though he pronounced that terrible sentence against her , yet ( as is observed by * one who had been a great stickler for the romish church , ) he dealt a great deal more subtilly , and more dangerously than his predecessour ; for finding the danger the romanists were daily exposed to , by their endeavouring the destruction of the queen , whom they durst not obey , or cease to hurt , for fear of the curses denounced in the bull ; he qualified it in such a manner , that the jesuite hart ( as the lord burleigh tell us ) acknowledg'd , † the bull of pius quintus , for so much as it is against the queen , is holden by the english catholicks for a lawfull sentence , and a sufficient discharge of her subjects fidelity , and so remains in force ; but in some points touching the subject , it is altered by the present pope : for where in that bull all her subjects are commanded not to obey her , and she being excommunicated and deposed , all that do obey her are likewise accursed , which point is perilous to the catholicks ; for if they obey her , they are in the pope's curse , and if they disobey her , they are in the queen's danger : therefore the present pope , to relieve them , hath altered that part of the bull , and dispensed with them to obey and serve her , without peril of excommunication : which dispensation is to endure but till it please the pope otherwise to determine . here we have a plain confession of that learned gentleman , ( who is by them termed a * noble champion of christ , and holy priest , one that had taken deep root in the foundations of the faith , and of sound learning , ) that the loyalty of the romanists depends upon the will of man , ( except they will affirm their pope to be more than man ; ) which is a point they have been put in mind of from rome itself , since his majesties restauration , as we shall observe anon . this qualification of the bull was granted to parsons and campion , two jesuites , upon their coming into england , when among other things they desired of the pope , that the bull should always oblige elizabeth , and the hereticks , but by no means the romanists , as affairs now stand , but hereafter , when the publick execution of the bull may be had or made . furnished with this and other faculties , those two gentlemen ‖ repared into england , setting themselves to contrive a way how to set her majesties crown upon another head : * at first they came in the habits of soldiers , afterwards they went about in the garb of gentlemen , and in the north they altered their habits into the vestments of our ministers , preaching there , and being secretly entertained by the popish gentry and nobility , courageously executed their commission ; in discharge of which parsons exhorted the roman catholicks of those parts to deprive her majesty of the crown ; and the way being thus broken , many flocked after them for the same purpose . at this time † mr. sherwin being apprehended , and asked whether the queen were his lawfull sovereign , notwithstanding any sentence of the pope's , he desired no such questions might be demanded of him , and would give no other answer : but the pope well knowing that this generation of sturdy blades would in time be all gone , for the breeding up of more to succeed them , assisted allen in setting up the seminary at doway for english romanists , allowing an annual pension for their maintenance , purposely for to plot and contrive ways to expulse the queen , and demolish the church of england , in obedience to the pope's bulls , † for which end every scholar among them , at his education , took this oath : i a. b. do acknowledg the ecclesiastical and political power of his holiness , and the mother church of rome , as the chief head and matron , above all pretended churches throughout the whole earth ; and that my zeal shall be for saint peter and his successors , as the founder of the true and ancient catholick faith , against all heretical kings , princes , states , or powers , repugnant unto the same . and although i may pretend , in case of persecution or otherwise , to be heretically disposed , yet in soul and conscience i shall help , aid , and succour the mother church of rome , as the true , ancient , apostolical church . i farther do declare not to act or contrive any manner of thing prejudicial unto her or her sacred orders , doctrines , tenents , or commands , without the leave of her supreme power , or the authority under her appointed , or to be appointed ; and when so permitted , then to act or further her interest more than my own earthly gain and pleasure , as she and her head , his holiness and his successours , have , or ought to have , the supremacy over all kings , princes , estates , or powers whatsoever , either to deprive them of their crowns , sceptres , powers , privileges , realms , countreys or governments , or to set up others in lieu thereof , they dissenting from the mother church , and her commands , &c. thus by all imaginable ways did this pope provide for the death or deposition of that virgin queen ; in order to which he had so possess'd the missionaries with his power to dethrone princes , that it was offer'd to be prov'd to the world , that the priests which were apprehended and executed for treason , * always restrained their confession of allegiance only to the permissive form of the pope's toleration ; as for example : if they were asked whether they did acknowledge themselves to be the queen's subjects , and would obey her , they would say yes , for so they had leave for a time to doe ; but being asked if they would so acknowledg and obey her any longer than the pope would so permit them , or notwithstanding such commandment as the pope would or might give to the contrary , then they either refused to obey , or denied to answer , or said they could not answer to those questions without danger : and at their very arraignment , when they laboured to leave in the minds of the people and standers by , an opinion that they were to dye , not for treason , but for matter of faith and doctrine , they cried out that they were true subjects , and did and would obey her majesty . immediately to prove whether that speech extended to a perpetuity of their obedience , or so long time as the pope so permitted , they were openly in the place of judgment asked by the q's learned counsel , whether they would so obey , and be true subjects , if the pope commanded the contrary ; they plainly disclosed themselves in answer , saying by the mouth of campion , this place ( meaning the court of her majesties bench ) hath no power to enquire or judge of the holy fathers authority ; and other answer they would not make . the very same account , with some other particulars , is given us by the † secular priests themselves , of the behaviour of mr. campion , and the rest ; some of whom being asked which part they would take , if the pope , or any other by his appointment , should invade the realm , or which part ought a good subject to take , answered , when that case happened , they would then consider what they had best doe ; others , that they were not yet resolved what to doe ; and others positively , that if such a deprivation , or invasion should be made for any matter of faith , they were then bound to take part with the pope . nay , so zealous was mr. campion in defence of that rebellious doctrine , that being visited in prison by some gentlemen of * oxford , one of them asked him whether he thought the queen lawfull heir or no ; to this he made no answer ; but when the question was put , whether if the pope invaded the land , he would take part with him or the queen , he openly replied , he would join with the pope , and very earnestly demanded pen , ink , and paper , with which he signed his resolution ; which principle he was so rooted in , that he affirmed in the tower to several * persons of quality , who demanded whether he did acknowledge the queen to be a lawfull queen , or did believe her deprived of her right , that this question depends much on the fact of pope pius the fifth , whereof he is no judge , and therefore refused to answer farther . the same loyal doctrines were vented by several other priests the ensuing year , who affirmed under their hands to the commissioners who examined them , that the pope had power to depose princes , and that her majesty was not be obeyed against his holiness's bull , who hath authority to discharge subjects of their allegiance ; which all of them , viz. kerby , cottom , richardson , ford , shert , johnson , hart , and filbee , agreed in , two of them only sheltring themselves with this general assertion , that they held as the catholick church held . johnson particulary affirming , that if the pope invaded her majesty upon a civil account , he would take part with her , but if upon a matter of faith , it was his duty to assist the pope . in which diligence to poison the members of their church , these zealous priests did but follow the example of their holy father , who this very year , ( as mr gage , agent for the spanish match at rome , informs us , out of the records of the dominican convent there , ) laid out one hundred fifty two thousand pounds , and some odd money , for maintaining his designs here ; of which sixty thousand was allotted to foment disturbances in scotland and ireland ; so very desirous was the pope to regain his usurped power over these nations . and it was not long before the end of all that labour and charge was found to be the murther of that excellent princess , which one † sommerville of e●slow in warwickshire undertook to effect , at the instigation of hall , a priest , who finding this desperate young man to waver , and that his resolution was much shaken with the horridness and danger of the attempt , advised him to proceed , promising his prayers for good success ; but the design being discovered , sommerville strangled himself , after condemnation . but this was not the only plot which the enemies of england had laid for its destruction ; for throgmorton , * one of sommerville's accomplices , was the same year discovered , having been employed to sound the havens , and procure a list of such gentlemen in the several counties as were disposed to joyn the spanish forces , who were to land under the conduct of the duke of guise ; all which was confessed by throgmorton , before his death . thus we find how vast summs were expended by the pope ; which had the same influence in ireland , where desmond continued so desperately in rebellion , that he swore he would rather forsake god than forsake his men ; but neither the pope's blessing nor purse could protect him from that deserved death which after long wandring in a miserable condition he suffered the latter end of this year . but though the pope could not preserve his rebellious instruments from the just punishment of their treasons , yet he would ( for the encouragement of others ) doe honour to their memories : thus the rector of the english college of jesuits at rome , in presence of all the students , sung a collect of martyrs in honour of campion , of whose treasons we gave an account before ; and his relicks , with sherwin's and others executed for treason , were kept and worshipped by our english papists . and because those positions which were found so usefull for the propagating sedition , might ( if trusted only to the missionaries to instill them into the people by their sermons and discourses ) be in time forgotten , and neither believed nor obeyed ; the romish factors considering that litera scripta manet , to provide against the ill consequences which the fearfulness of the priests , or diligence of the state might produce , by hindring the preaching of the former , caused gregory martin's treatise of schism to be reprinted this year , in which he exhorted the ladies of the court to deal with the queen as judith did with holofernes ; for the printing of which , carter , the romish printer , was executed , and is reckoned among their martyrs . at the same time there was one harper in norwich , ( a great friend of throgmorton's , who was executed the year before , ) who though pretending to be a zealous puritan , preaching with great diligence and fervour , kept a constant correspondence with that traitor , among whose papers was found a letter , in which he desired throgmorton to let him know how their friends in spain and london did correspond , * and whether that king continued in his purpose , that the engagers might be satisfied , and have notice ; upon this discovery a pursuvant was sent to apprehend him , but he escaped just as the officer arrived at norwich . and now was discovered a design , in which the pope was particularly engag'd , if we may believe parrie's own confession , who in his travels falling into acquaintance with palmio , a jesuite , told him that he had a great desire to doe something for the romish cause in england , by whom he was encouraged , his zeal commended , and the lawfulness of assassinating her majesty was maintained ; but being somewhat dissatisfied , the jesuite recommended him to campeggio , his holiness's nuncio at venice ; by this means he wrote to pope gregory , informing him of his design , and desiring a passport , that he might confer of it with his holiness at rome ; in the mean while he went to paris , where he was animated by thomas morgan , who sollicited the queen of scots affairs , when receiving such a passport as he desired , he resolved to kill the queen , if it were warranted by some learned divines , and he could procure a full pardon for it from the pope . that the first might not be wanting , cedretto , a noted jesuit , and provincial of guyenne , approv'd his resolution , and ragazzani , the nuncio , recommended him to the pope , promising that his prayers should not be wanting for the success of the attempt : with which encouragement he came to london , where he received a letter from cardinal como , wherein the cardinal informs him , that his holiness did exhort him to persevere , and bring that to effect which he had promised ; and that he might be the better assisted by that good spirit which moved him thereto , his holiness granted him his blessing , a plenary indulgence and remission of all his sins , assuring him that he should merit highly by the action , which he terms holy and honourable ; to which the cardinal added his prayers and wishes for its success . this he confessed confirmed his resolution to kill his sovereign , and made it clear to his conscience , that it was lawfull and meritorious ; which redounding so highly to the dishonour of that bloudy church , the whole relation is by the index expurgatorius commanded to be left out of thuanus's history : and well they might ; for as it shewed the pope's inclination to bloud and treason , so it was one of the greatest instances of ingratitude imaginable , parry owing his life to the mercy of this princess , who had four years before , pardoned him , when he was tried and condemned for burglary . but though the divine goodness was so conspicuous in the many wonderfull preservations of that great queen , yet it pleased the all-wise providence to permit the devilish designs of the jesuites to be attended with success in holland , where the renowned prince , william of nassaw , was this year murthered by * balthasar gerard , a burgundian , who confessed that a jesuite , regent of the college of trers , told him , that he had conferred with three of his brethren , who took the design to be from god , assuring him , that if he dyed in that quarrel , he should be enrolled in the kalendar of martyrs . this method of satisfying their consciences with their confessour's authority , was so generally taken by the zealous assassins of those times , that the leaguers in france kept several priests in pay , who daily preached and asserted , that princes ought to be deposed who do not sufficiently perform their duty ; and a bachelour in divinity of the sorbonne maintained in a publick disputation , that it was lawfull for any private man to depose or kill any prince , who is a wicked man , or an heretick : which opinion had so entirely possest the * cardinal of bourbon , that because the king of navarre was an heretick , he had the confidence to tell king henry the third , that if his majesty should dye , the crown would belong to him , and he was resolved not to lose his right : but because these doctrines without force to practise them would prove but empty speculations , the duke of guise had the latter end of this year a conference with the king of spain's commissioners , whereby he associated himself with the spaniards against his sovereign , obliging his party to maintain war against the king as long as the king of spain pleased . to promote which design cardinal pellevee sollicited the pope for his approbation of it ; and when the duke of nevers , declared his resolutions to have nothing to doe with them , unless he had the opinion both of eminent divines , and the pope too , in favour of the undertaking ; his confessour , and monsieur faber , told him , that he ought to take up arms with the leaguers , by which he would be so far from sinning , that he would merit highly , and perform an action very acceptable to god ; and the aforesaid cardinal , with other divines , assured him that the pope approved of it , declaring it lawfull to fight against hereticks , and such as favour or adhere to them , though it were the king himself ; he indeed advised them not to attempt his life , but to seize his person , and force him to promote their ends ; in obedience to which the cardinal of bourbon published a declaration , dated march 31. 1585. justifying his arms , but professing great respect to the royal person . this pope dying , his successour , sixtus the fifth , was more open in avowing the leaguers cause , and therefore published his bull against the king of navarre , declaring him an heretick , depriving him and his posterity of all their rights , absolving his subjects from their allegiance , and excommunicating all such as should obey him . while this pope was making tryall of his thunderbolts in france , he had his agents privily endeavouring to execute the commands of his predecessour in this nation , for which henry piercy , earl of northumberland , being apprehended , shot himself through the heart during his imprisonment ; he had been pardoned for a former rebellion , and being found a prosecutour of throgmorton's design , became this year his own executioner . but a more formidable , because more threacherous and secret , design was managed by some english seminaries at rhemes , who thought it meritorious to destroy the queen ; where one savage was so wrought upon by the persuasions of dr. gifford , the rectour , and two other priests , that he vowed to murther her ; to whom ballard , another priest , joining , treated with mendoza , the spanish embassadour in france , about an invasion ; after which he drew in mr. babington , a rich and well accomplish'd gentleman , who desired that five more might be joined to savage , to make sure work ; * babington affirmed , that several counties in england were ready ; and being assured of assistance from spain , they resolved that the usurper ( so they termed the queen ) should be sent to the other world , assoon as the invaders landed ; * but ballard being taken , babington resolved to effect her death immediately , though divine providence prevented it by his apprehension , who , with the rest of his companions , freely confessed the fact , for which ‖ sixteen of them suffered death . yet did not this deter mr. william stafford , at the sollicitation of the french ambassadour , from engaging in an enterprise of the same horrid nature ; which though he refused to act himself , yet he directed them to one moody , who willingly embraced the motion upon promise of preferment from the duke of guise ; but while he was contriving a way to effect it , stafford discovered all , and justified it to the ambassadour's face , who at first denied any knowledge of it . with the same diligence were the romanists in france driving on their treasonable designs ; for at a council , held by the chief conspiratours at the jesuites college near st. pauls in paris , they resolved to surprise boloign , there to receive the spaniards who should land to their assistance : a plot was laid to secure the king , as he returned from hunting , and another to seize the bastile , assault the louvre , and put the king into a convent ; during which action their word was to be , let the mass flourish ; and the king of navarre was to be cut off by the spaniards ; but these designs being discovered , as also another plot to seize the king in the abby of st. germains , their hopes were disappointed ; in which conspiracies cardinal pellevee , a french man , then at rome , was so deeply concerned , that the king ordered his revenues to be seized and distributed to the poor . but his majesty going from paris , they proposed the seizing of the city in his absence , the duke of guise designing to secure the king in the countrey ; and for the exciting those rebellious spirits to some action , the preachers at paris generally vented nothing but sedition , affirming that the king was a tyrant , and an enemy to the church and people ; and when the king sent to apprehend one of these furious leaguers , he retired into the house of one hatte , a notary , where bussy , and his men , fought in his defence against the king's officers , headed by the lieutenant civil : and the sorbonne doctours made a decree , that princes might be deposed from their government , if they did not what became them , as the charge taken away from a negligent guardian . and that there might want no encouragement , the pope presented the duke of guise , the head of the rebels , with a rich sword , thereby declaring his approbation of his proceedings . the same year * sir. william stanley being made governour of deventer , and rowland york of zutphen , for the queen , they betrayed both these places to the spaniard , upon which the former beginning to sink in his reputation , lest the sense of his treasons should put him upon thoughts of returning to his loyalty , ‖ dr. allan , afterwards cardinal , wrote to him and his traiterous accomplices , telling them that the queen being deposed by the pope , could make no just war , and all her subjects were bound not to serve or obey her in any thing : and in another of his books he affirms , that god had not sufficiently provided for our salvation , or the preservation of his church , if there were no way to restrain or deprive apostate kings : therefore ( saith he ) let no man marvel , that in case of heresie the sovereign loseth his superiority and right over his people and kingdom . and now we are come to the year eighty eight , wherein as the conspirators acted more publickly , having prepared all things ready for their designed subversion of the government , and being aided by that armado of the spaniards , which they vainly thought invincible ; so the divine providence as openly declared against them , notwithstanding their navy was blessed by the famous nun of lisbon , ‖ and the assistance given by the fiery pope , who published his crusado as against the turks , and promised to contribute a million of gold ; to which he added the apostolical benediction , covenanting that the crown of england should be held as feudatary to the see of rome ; and for encouragement to those who should assist his cause , he ‖ gave plenary indulgences to them all ; neither did he stop here , but having provided for the invaders , by securing them of money and heaven , he thundred out his * bull against the queen , whereby he deprived her again of her dominions , confirming the censures of pope pius , and gregory , his predecessours ; commanding all , under penalty of god's wrath , to render her no obedience , or assistance , and enjoining them to aid the spaniards against her ; concluding all with declaring it both lawful and commendable to lay hands on her , and granting a full pardon to all undertakers . to second which bull cardinal allen ( advanced to that dignity the year before ) published a book at antwerp , wherein he enlarges upon the bull , and tells the world , that it was at the vehement desire of some english men , that the pope engaged the spaniard , and appeared in the cause himself . this book is said to be written by one parsons , though it was owned by the cardinal ; and therein it is affirmed , * that the roman catholicks in england were destitute of courage , and erroneous in conscience , or else they had never suffered her majesty to reign so long over them . the way thus prepared , the spanish armado put to sea , while the prince of parma was preparing a great army in flanders , where the ‖ earl of westmorland , and the lord pagit , and sir william stanley , lay with seven hundred english , ready to be transported ; and the hopes of the romanists came nothing short of what was to be expected in men elevated by such great preparations ; insomuch that the * jesuites at rome had appropriated several palaces in london to themselves , and were so sure of success , that they would have had te deum sung in the college church for joy , upon the news of the spaniards being arrived in the narrow seas ; and the secular priests acknowledge the like disposition in the party here † we had ( some of us greatly approved the said rebellion , many of our affections were knit to the spaniard . — in all these plots none were more forward than many of us that were priests . with the same zeal towards the action were the foreign clergy actuated , * among whom johannes osorius , the jesuite , preached two sermons in defence of the attempt , and in commendation of the spaniards for thus fighting against hereticks ; in one of which his confidence of the success transported him so far as to give thanks for the victory ; but he and his party trusted too much in the arme of flesh , they thought themselves so powerfull , that they forgot one that was above them , who made that terrible fleet the scorn of the world , and so protected the just cause of the queen , and assisted her navy , that most of that armado perished in the sea , or were taken , or burnt ; so vain a thing it is to forget and fight against the almighty , who blessed where the pope cursed , and turned the harangues of the thanksgiving-jesuite into three sermons of humiliation , for so great a disappointment of the papal designs , and the entire destruction of its strongest forces . in the beginning of the year several missionaries were sent into scotland , to get the assistance of the papists there : the lord maxwell actually took the field with a small party , who were defeated : the lord bothwell secretly listed soldiers ; and collonel sempill arriving at leith , in order to the design , was seized , but soon rescued by the earl of huntley . yet could not these wonderfull disappointments work any remorse in the papists , who still laboured , by means of the jesuite * holt , and others , to persuade the king of spain to another invasion ; which ‖ parma comforted the romanists in scotland with promises of effecting , and sent them ten thousand crowns to prepare matters against the next spring . as busie were the leaguers in france , prosecuting their intended rebellion with all diligence , * the duke of guise and his council resolved to put the king in a monastery ; in order to which , when he went his usual processions in the time of lent , they designed to seize him ; but being prevented by a discovery , another resolution was agreed on , to secure his person at his return from bois de vincennes , slenderly accompanied ; but failing in this also , the duke of guise came to paris , contrary to the king 's express order , where he was received with great joy , and soon after , his party being numbred , and found considerable , he openly rebelled , barricadoing the streets , and forcing the king to flie , who made his escape with very few attendants : soon after the king of spain sent six hundred thousand crowns to the rebels , and the pope by solemn letters applauded the duke's zeal , compared him to the maccabean heroes , and exhorted him to go on as he had begun ; but here the insignificancy of the pope's blessing again appeared , the duke of guise being soon after slain at blois , and so receiving the just reward of his continued rebellions . thus were the designs of wicked men , who prostituted the holy name of religion to serve their lusts , baffled and defeated , both in their attempts against the incomparable queen elizabeth , and the french king , as also in * a plot against the k. of navarre , which by the same divine providence , was this year discovered . but the scotch papists were so possessed with spanish promises , and influenced by their gold , and the persuasions of ‖ holt , creighton , and other jesuites , that several noblemen conspired to seize the king ( afterwards king james the first of england ) at his palace in edinburg , where huntley coming before the others , was upon suspicion apprehended , which terrified the rest ; but being set at liberty , joined himself to the earl of crawford , and others , in open rebellion , entred aberdeen , but were so terrified by the approach of the royal army , that they retreated , were taken , and after tryall imprisoned . and here i find such an account of the conversions made by the jesuites in scotland , as fully confirms the observation made before of their design , in their diligent endeavours to make proselytes ; for mr. bruce , the chief agent for the spaniards , in his ‖ letter to the d. of parma , commending the zeal of the missionaries in scotland , tells him that they had converted the earls of arroll and crawford who were very desirous to advance the catholick faith , and spanish interest in this island , and resolved to follow entirely the directions of the fathers jesuites ; whence it appears their main design is to enlarge their empire , for as the same gentleman affirms , † no sooner any person of quality is converted by them , but they forthwith encline and dispose their affections to the service of the king of spain , as a thing inseparably conjoined with the advancement of true religion in this countrey ; so that by the confession of this great man , popery and treason were inseparable at that time ; the romanists being so in love with it , that they made their address † to the broken fleet of the spaniards the last year , to land what forces they had , several great persons being ready to receive them . and the two new noble converts wrote to the duke of parma , testifying their entire devotedness to the spanish interest . nor was scotland alone thus infected ; for in england the † earl of arundell was this year tried , and dyed in the tower , who rejoiced at the spaniards coming , prayed for their success , and exceedingly grieved at their overthrow : and the jesuite parsons prevailed to have a seminary , wherein to instruct youth in such treasonable principles as his own , founded at valedolyd . but though this island was sufficiently pestered this year by the papal agents and factours for rebellion , yet were we favourably dealt with , in comparison of the treasons and insurrections in france against henry the third , a prince of their own communion , who , after the death of the duke of guise , was opposed by an almost universal rebellion , † the priests calling on their auditours to swear to revenge the duke's death , and railing with all manner of virulency against the king ; insomuch that father lincestre affirmed , that if he were at the altar , and the eucharist in his hand , he would not scruple in that very place to kill him . the rebels styl'd him tyrant , & heretick ; * and to have his picture , or to call him king , was crime enough to deserve death ; they threw down his arms and statues , and practised all sort of magick , incantations , and charms , to hasten his death . ‖ the parisians wrote to the pope , desiring to be absolved from their allegiance , with several other requests of the same nature ; and in their * letters to the cardinals styled their sovereign , the late king of france , and sent agents to rome , giving them , among other instructions , orders to desire the pope not to entertain or hear the king's ambassadours , and messages , and to excommunicate all that join with him , and having chosen the duke of mayenne for their general , would have had him take the title of king , but he refused it ; yet they broke the king 's great seal , and made a new one . to these the city of lyons joined , affirming that kings ought to be resisted , and they will resist the king in conjunction with the holy union , to whom the parisians sent a letter , exhorting them to defend their religion , &c. against that prodigal , perjured , cruel , and murthering prince ; the duke of mayenne refusing to have any peace , or admit so much as of a truce , and prosecuting the war with the utmost vigour . to these attempts and perseverance in them they were encouraged by the sorbon doctours , who in a decree made jan. 7. 1589. * resolved , that the people were freed from their oaths of allegiance and fidelity , and that they may legally , and with a safe conscience , take arms for the defence of the roman religion , against the wicked counsels and practices of the king. which decree they ordered to be sent to the pope for his confirmation ; and this they affirm was concluded on and resolved by an entire consent of the whole faculty , not one dissenting . and with the same zeal , and no more loyalty , they licensed † a book , which asserted that the king ought to be assassined ; affirming , that there was nothing in it contrary to the roman church : to promote which they concluded that the king ought to be no longer prayed for , declaring all such of the body as should not agree to this , to be guilty of excommunication , and deprived of the prayers and privileges of the faculty . and that there might remain no badg of royalty to put them in mind of their duty , the cordeliers struck off the head of the king's picture which was in their church , and the jacobins defaced those in their cloisters : but this was done after the pope had once more publickly owned the rebels and their cause , who by his bull asserted his power of rule over all kingdoms and princes of the earth , proceeded to admonish the king , to release the cardinal of bourbon , and archbishop of lyons , in thirty days , and within sixty days to make his submission to his holiness for the death of the cardinal of guise , or he would proceed to absolve his subjects from their allegiance ; which so pleased the leaguers , that they reported stories of * god's immediate judgment against the opposers of this thundering bull. but the king's army pressing the parisians , and having reduced them to the last extremity , they found an instrument for their purpose ; who was so wrought upon by the fiery preachers , that he resolved to kill the king : he was a jacobin friar , and confessing it to father bourgoin , prior of the convent , he encouraged him in it , telling him he should be a saint in heaven , and accounted an holy martyr by the church ; which so emboldened him , that with a knife , given him by that father , he stabbed the king into the belly , and was himself slain upon the place . this jaques clement was accordingly honoured by the clergy of the league , as they had promised , his picture was made , and shewed publickly , and they were about setting up his statue in the churches instead of the king 's , and pared off the very ground where he was slain to preserve as relicks ; and several divines preached and wrote in his praise , compared him to ehud , and affirmed he had done a greater work than judith . the cardinal de montalto rejoiced at it , and the pope made a long oration in its praise , and decreed that no funerals should be celebrated for the king. immediately upon this murther the leaguers at paris would have made the duke of mayenne king , but he declining it , they proclaimed the cardinal of bourbon by the name of charles the tenth ; and the parliament of tholouse commanded all the bishops within their churches to give thanks to god for this deliverance ; and that the first day of august ( on which the king was slain ) should be kept for ever in remembrance of that action ; and that their rancour against the king of novarre might the better appear , they forbad any to accept him for their king. and not the leaguers only , who had been in open rebellion against henry the third , but the roman catholicks of his army , refused to obey him any longer , unless he would become a romanist ; nay , there were many of that party found , who absolutely renounced him , and joined with the rebels , some few only remaining loyal ; by which defection of the greatest part of his army , he was forced to raise the siege for his own security . things standing in this posture , the pope , fearfull lest any rebellion should be prosecuted without his assistance , sent a legate into france , with great summes of money for the leaguers , who was accompanied with bellarmine , afterwards cardinal , and a famous defender of the deposing power . to encourage them farther , the king of spain by his declaration exhorted all to join with him against the hereticks of france , protesting he designed nothing but the advancement of the catholick religion , and extirpation of heresie : and the parisians were so poisoned in their principles , that the city being straitened by the king's forces , and provisions failing , they threw several into the river , for murmuring at the hardships they endured . about this time the cardinal of bourbon , their pretended king , dyed ; upon which the states were summoned to meet for the election of another ; and for the encouragement of the people the legate ordered a procession of all the religious orders , who , to shew their zeal , marched in order , armed like soldiers , the bishop of senlis leading them ▪ and their relicks carried before them ; at which the cardinal legate was present in his coach ; and the parliament forbad any , upon pain of death , to talk of any agreement with the king ; in which madness the parliament of roan had led the way , who decreed , that whoever joined with the king should be guilty of high treason , and put several prisoners to death , only because they were the king's servants . nor could all the prodigious straits to which paris was reduced , incline that headstrong people to obedience ; the famine was so great as no age can shew the like ; all eatable things were devoured , and but one little dog to be found in all the city , which the dutchess of montpensier kept for her self , and refused two thousand crowns only for its brains ; yet was the rebels obstinacy as great as ever , accounting those who dyed of famine martyrs , and continuing as intent upon the war as in their plenty ; but finding force not successfull , they again employed assassins ; of whom two franciscan friars and a priest were seized by the king at st. denis in a secular habit , who confessed there were three and twenty more , besides themselves , who had sworn the king's death ; at length the city was relieved by the duke of parma's army , and the king raising the siege retired . but as we have not hitherto found a plot without a priest in it , so they contributed all they could to the vigorous resistance which the leaguers made ; ‖ for the doctours of the sorbon finding some propositions spread about the city , importing , that henry of bourbon ought to be king , and that the pope hath no power of dominion over sovereign princes , presently condemned them ; which decree was confirmed by the legate , and sworn to by the bishops and curates . but not content with this , the same faculty , on may 7. this year , decreed by an unanimous vote , † that all catholicks by divine law are forbid to admit any prince that is an heretick , or a favourer of hereticks ; that if he should procure an absolution for his heresie , yet if there be evident danger of his hypocrisie , he is by divine law to be rejected : that whosoever endeavours that he should be king ought to be opposed : and then they apply all to henry of bourbon , affirming , that there is evident danger of hypocrisie , and therefore though he should obtain sentence of absolution , yet the french are obliged to keep him from the crown , and abhor the thoughts of making peace with him : that those who favour him are deserters of religion , and remain in continual mortal sin ; but such as oppose him every way they can invent , do merit very much both of god and man ; and they who are slain in the cause , are to be reputed champions for the faith , and shall obtain an everlasting crown of martyrdom . and soon after they ‖ renewed this and their former decrees ; and when the city was so very much straitened , they wrote a letter to the pope , complaining that his legate had not proceeded with severity enough against the king , commending bourgogn , and other rebels , who were executed , calling them maintainers and defenders of the truth ; and earnestly supplicating for assistance from his holiness , who , besides what power he exerted by his legate , sent them * fifty thousand crowns for a supply . thus they went on with an excessive spleen against the king in france , but the jesuites attempting to doe the same things in † transilvania , were expelled the countrey ; yet in scotland their designs went on , from whence william creighton , the jesuite , went into spain , into whose king he so insinuated himself , that he resolved to be guided by his advice , both for the invading england , and the alteration of religion in scotland ; which was the account himself gave of his negotiation by a message to the earl of huntley , desiring as many blanks and procurations as could be had of the scottish noblemen , for the greater credit of his agitations . in the mean time the duke of mayenne solicited the pope and spaniard for aid , and entred into an obligation with the duke of lorrain , and others , not to admit any to the crown except he were of their family ; but if they failed in that , to exclude all , who were not of the roman catholick religion : but the leaguers drew up a letter , and sent it to the king of spain , affirming that it was the desire of all the catholicks to see his catholick majesty sway the sceptre of that kingdom , and reign over them ; or that he would appoint some of his posterity , offering the crown to the infanta isabella , that king's daughter , in particular : and to make all sure within themselves , they contrived a new oath , whereby not onely the king , but all the bloud royal were excluded from the crown ; and set up a court of justice to proceed against the royalists . in which rebellious actions they were encouraged by the pope , greg. 14. who sent a nuncio into france with two bulls , one interdicting the clergy , if within 15 days they forsook not the obedience and part of the king ; and depriving them of all their benefices , if they left him not within thirty days ; the other threatening the nobility , and all others , with the papal curse , if they assisted that heretick , persecutour , excommunicated person , who was justly deprived of his dominions ; which were the mild expressions with which this meek servant of servants treated that great prince : and farther , to shew his fatherly care of the rebels , he sent an army to their relief , under the command of his nephew , and allowed them fifteen thousand crowns a month ; whose steps were followed by his successour , innocent the 9th , who remitted them fifteen thousand ducats every month of his popedom , which was but short ; for he sate not much above eight weeks in that chair . yet were not these designs of the leaguers , and mayenne , sufficient to content the pope , but the young cardinal of bourbon hoped for the crown , and so formed another party of seditious persons , called thirdlings , among whom was perron , afterwards cardinal ; and this faction also had the countenance of the last pope , who , to advance this cardinal , exhorted the states to chuse a roman catholick for their king. and his example was so far approved of by clement the eighth , who was chosen in his room , that he continued the same allowance to the leaguers , renewed the same exhortations , and declared any other but a romanist incapable of the crown . the parliament of roan published a severe edict against all who adhered to the king ; and discourses were spread abroad , maintaining , that it was unlawfull to desire his conversion , and that such as proposed or endeavoured it were excommunicated , and ought to be driven away , lest they should infect the rest ; and the parliament of paris enjoined obedience to the pope , and his legate , declaring that the convention of estates designed to chuse a popish king : and by this time those few romanists who had continued with the king , became rebellious too , requiring him to change his religion within a time which they prescribed , otherwise protesting they would elect another of their own persuasion . thus rebellion and the roman catholick cause went on prosperously in france ; but not having the same strength and opportunities in england , the more secret methods were made use of ; ‖ the spaniard was importuned to make another invasion , which he prepared for ; but the romanists , unwilling to trust to that alone , took a shorter course , and by * mr hesket's means attempted to persuade the lord strange , † afterwards earl of derby , to take upon him the crown , which they pretended he had a title to ; and soon after father holt , and others , employed patrick cullen , an irish fencer , to murther the queen , which he readily undertook , and for a very small reward ; but his barbarous intention was discovered , and he , upon apprehension confessing the design , and who set him on , was executed . two years before this the jesuite creighton , upon his going into spain , had desired blanks , to be filled up with credentials and procurations , from the noblemen of the popish party in scotland ; and this year he received them ; the persons who sent them farther engaging , that all the romanists in scotland should assist them , upon the arrival of the army , which the king of spain promised should be with them by the end of the spring , to the number of thirty thousand , whereof some were to remain in scotland , and the rest march directly into england : these blanks were sent by a servant of the king 's , with letters from several jesuites , but he was apprehended , and some of the conspiratours imprisoned and executed ; ‖ the jesuites complained in their letters , that the spaniards were too slow , and therefore desired the invasion with great earnestness . upon this discovery , the earls of angus , huntley , and arrol , rebell'd , but the king's army marching against them before they had formed any considerable body , they fled into the mountains , submitted , and were imprison'd in order to a tryall . at the same time , tir oen in ireland , after having persuaded , and underhand maintained several insurrections , openly declar'd himself for the rebells , taking on him the title of o neal ; which by an act of parliament was declared treason for any to assume . nor was england long free from open rebellion , yet clear'd of a treasonable generation , who were daily employ'd in new conspiracies against the queens life ; for * lopez , one of the queens physicians , undertook to poison her , for which he was to have fifty thousand crowns ; but being discovered , confessed all , and with two of his accomplices was executed . but being unwilling to depend wholly on this doctour , the jesuite , holt , dr. worthington , and others , employed edmond york , nephew to him who six years before had betrayed zutphen to the spaniards , and richard william , with others , to kill the queen ; who upon their apprehension confessed , that after several consultations among the priests and jesuites in flanders , holt threatned , that if this plot failed , they would take this honourable work out of the hands of the english , and employ strangers for the future ; that they had vowed to murther the queen ; and that one young , tipping , garret , with two others , had undertaken the same design . while god was thus confounding the designs of these bloudy men in this nation , the leaguers in france seemed to have forgotten , that an all-seeing eye beheld their actions , where the duke of mayenne put forth a declaration , affirming , that henry of bourbon could not be lawfull king , because he was an heretick ; and therefore they cannot be blamed for opposing him in obedience to the pope's bulls , and admonitions : to which , his holiness's legate added another , assuring the romanists that the pope would never consent to the admission of an heretick , that such who assisted the king were in a desperate condition , and exhorting all to be obedient to the pope ; and when the estates were met , he proposed that all should take an oath , never to acknowledge the king , though he should be converted to their church ; nay , so great was his fury , that when the romanists with the king sent to the states some propositions for a treaty , he declared the very proposals to be heretical , and by his influence the doctours of sorbon asserted the same , as intimating a declared heretick might be king ; but the proposition was accepted , and a conference agreed on , but with this clause in the answer to the proposal , that to fight against an heretical king is not treason ; yet the legate entred his protestation against the meeting , and the parisians attempted to make the young duke of guise king : nor were things better in the royal army , where the romanists , whom the king most trusted , were falling from him ; upon which resolving to change his religion , his intensions were no sooner published , than the legate forbad all bishops to absolve him , pronouncing all that should be assisting to his reception into the roman church excommunicated , and deprived , and all their actions in that affair null and void . but hower the king was reconciled , and sent his ambassadours to rome ; but the pope , who had formerly refused to admit any message from him , prohibited their entrance , neither would he receive the prelates that absolved him . in the mean while the leaguers stormed at the king's reconciliation , and set themselves to destroy him by private treason , now force could doe no good ; for which purpose one barriere , or le barr , was employed , who confessed that the curate of st. andrews of arts in paris commended the design , telling him he would merit heaven and glory by the act , and recommended him to varade , rectour of the jesuites college , who affirmed that the enterprise was most holy , exhorting him with good constancy and courage to confess himself , and receive the b. sacrament , and then leading him to his chamber , gave him his blessing : he mentioned also another preacher of paris , who counted it meritorious . thus encouraged , he bought a knife seven inches long , and went to st. denis where the king then was , but being discovered was executed , affirming at his death , that there were two black friars that went from lyons upon the same account . it is probable the preacher at paris , mentioned in his confessions , was father † commolet , the jesuite , who two days before this barriere's execution at st. denis , in a sermon at paris ( which yet continued obstinate against the king ) exhorted his auditours to have patience , for they should see in a few days a wonderfull miracle of god. but the next year paris was reduced to its obedience , soon after which the university endeavoured the expulsion of the jesuites , accusing them of all manner of injustice , of the ruine of families , and many other crimes , but insisting particularly on their treasons , charging them with being abettors to the spaniard , fomenters of civil wars , and always ready to assassinate the french king , whom they omitted to pray for , while they extolled the spaniard ; that they taught and asserted the pope's deposing power ; that they refused to give absolution to several persons of quality , because they would not renounce the king ; that they had been the cause of the death of twenty-eight barons , fifty noble-men of france , and above five hundred monks and friars in the tercera islands , and had refused to renounce the league . which spirit of rebellion was so strong amongst the leaguers , that a little before the seduction of paris , the pope's legate published a declaration , exhorting all catholicks to oppose the king ; assuring them that the pope would never grant him absolution ; and upon the rendition of aix to his majesty , the famous genebrard was so vext at the loyalty of the place , that he left it , resolving not to live among the royalists ; nay , when the king entered paris the cardinal pellivee , lying upon his death-bed , very angrily told those about him , that he hoped the arms of the spaniards , and good catholicks would yet drive the huguonots out of paris : and hay , a scotch jesuite , affirmed , that if the king passed by their college , he would leap from the top of it upon him , and did not doubt to go directly to heaven . but to return to the jesuites , who finding their banishment out of the kingdom thus zealously endeavoured , and fearing lest the king , to whom they had been such bitter enemies , should consent to it , resolved to dispatch him ; * † francis jacob one of their scholars at bourges had boasted that he would doe it ; but john chastel who was bred under them at paris , went farther , and with a knife struck the king in the mouth , and beat out one of his teeth , he was immediately apprehended , and on examination , confessed , * that he esteemed it an act highly conducing to promote religion ; and that father gueret , his master in the jesuites school , had taught him those doctrines ; upon which sentence of death was pass'd upon him , by which also so the * jesuites were banished as corrupters of youth , disturbers of the publick peace , enemies to the king and kingdom ; and enjoined to depart the realm within fifteen days ; and all their goods confiscated , to be disposed of as the court should see sit . this sentence was published after the search made in the jesuites college , wherein was found a book of t. guignard's , which he confessed to be his own writing , lamenting that the king was spared in the parisian massacre , applauding the murther of king henry the third , affirming , that if the king were shut up in a monastery , he would be treated more gently than he deserved ; and concluding , that if he could not be deposed without force of arms , they ought to be taken up against him ; for which , and his other treasons , he was executed ; but † gueret , chastell's master , of the same order , was only banished with the rest ; in memory of which fact , and to the perpetual ignominy of that order , chastell's house was demolished , and a pillar erected in the place ; on one side of which was engraven the decree of the court , † on another a copy of verses expressing the crime , and discovering to the world that it was attempted by the persuasions of the jesuites ; on the third another inscription to the same purpose ; and on the fourth a summary account of their banishment , and the reasons of it , * wherein the jesuites are termed , a mischievous and novell sort of superstitious men , and disturbers of the nation , by whom that young man was encouraged and persuaded to that horrid fact. this pillar , as appears by the date of the inscriptions , was not erected till the following year ; however , having such a relation to their banishment , which was decreed the 29th . of december , 1594. i thought it most proper to give an account of it in this place . one would think that if any fact would render men ashamed , this murtherous attempt was so horrid as to make those concerned in it blush ; but so far were they from that , that francis veron , † a jesuite , wrote an apology for the murtherer , calling the enterprise ‖ a most holy , most humane , most laudable and worthy act ; that it is acceptable to god , and conformable to all laws and decrees of the church ; and in the same book he extolls clement , that stabbed the former king. thus fruitfull were the french romanists in their contrivances of rebellion and murther , and as willing were their brethren in these nations to promote enterprises of the same nature ; for † tir-oen in ireland , continued in the rebellion which he began the year before , but distrusting his own power , submitted himself to the lord deputy ; yet the very same month he rebelled again , several provinces revolting to him ; by which accession of forces he grew very powerfull : and in scotland the noblemen who were imprisoned and condemned for their insurrection the last year , having been pardoned by the king , took arms again , being assisted with money from the spaniards , and defeated the king's forces under the earl of argyle , though much superiour in number to them , but were at length reduced so low , that they begged leave to depart the land , which was granted them ; so promising to enterprise no more against the king , they left the kingdom : bothwell , the chief of them went to naples , where he lived miserably ; the rest about three years after got their pardons , and returned home . yet were not these all the popish enterprises upon the estates and persons of princes which were discovered this year ; for i find that about this time they employed le four , and others , to murther prince maurice of nassaw , general of the forces of the united provinces . but the indefatigable romanists , though so often disappointed , would once more apply themselves to the spaniard , to favour their cause in england ; who to correspond with their desires and satisfie his own ambition , sent diego brocher , upon the english coast , who with four gallies put into mounts bay in cornwall , fired st. paul's church , and * three small fish towns ; and this was all the king of spain made of his vast expences and preparations against england . tyr-oen having the two last years strengthned himself , writes this year to the king of spain , desiring him not to give ear to those who affirmed , that he design'd any accommodation with the english ; assuring him , that he was resolved never to submit to , or have any treaty with them . about the same time the jesuites at london had laid a plot to seize the tower , and keep it till the spaniards arrived to their assistance ; in one of their letters from their correspondents in spain , dated june the 20th . 1596. they are put in hopes that the spanish armada should be with them about the august following ; cautioning them to advise all the romanists of the design before-hand , and proclamations were ready printed in spain , to be dispersed at their arrival here ; and the better to secure the spaniards landing in scotland , the conspiratours fortified the isle of elsay in the western seas , for their reception ; but were surprized before they had proceeded far , so the enterprize miscarried . and now we are come to the last conspiracy that hath been discovered against the life of queen elizabeth , which was the attempt of edward squire , a servant in her stables , to whom walpoole , the jesuite , gave a very strong poison , which squire undertook to press out upon the pommel of her saddle ; but before he could bring himself to undertake so horrid an action , he had several conflicts in his own mind ; which the jesuite perceiving , told him , * that the sin of backsliding did seldom obtain pardon , and if he did but once doubt of the lawfulness , or merit , of the act , it was enough to cast him down to hell ; exhorting him to go through with it ; † for if he failed , he would commit an unpardonable sin before god ; and at parting , after having bless'd him , he used these words , my son , god bless thee , and make thee strong ; be of good courage ; i pawn my soul for thine ; and being either dead or alive , assure thy self thou shalt have part of my prayers . thus satisfied with the jesuites , he , upon the first opportunity , poisoned the pommel of the queens saddle , but it pleased god the poison had not the expected effect ; upon which the jesuites not hearing of her death in some time , suspected squire of unfaithfulness , and got him under-hand accused of some design against the queen ; upon which being apprehended he confessed all , and was executed . but tyrone created more trouble to the queen in ireland , where daily he encreased his strength , took fortified places from the english , and in several skirmishes got the better of the queens forces . and continuing his rebellion , slew sir henry bagnall , and routed the english under his command , took the fort of black-water , and in it great store of ammunition and arms , and created james fitz-thomas earl of desmond , and got several advantages over the forces of the kingdom . in england anthony rolston was employed by the jesuite creswell to prepare things for an invasion , which the spaniard intended to make very suddenly ; in order to which a fleet was prepared , and a proclamation drawn up by the admiral , justifying the action , and declaring his intention to be , to reduce these kingdoms to the obedience of the catholick roman church . this year also was apprehended in holland one peter pan , a cooper of ipres , who confess'd , that his design was to murther prince maurice of nassaw , * that the jesuites of doway , for his encouragement , promised to make his son a prebend , and the provincial gave him his blessing in these words , friend , go thy ways in peace , for thou goest as an angel under god's safeguard and protection . but almost innumerable were the conspiracies against king henry of france , against whom ( after mayenne and all others had submitted ) the dukes of aumale , and mercent continued obstinate , refusing to acknowledge him ; and the pope's agent at brussels , first employed ridicove , a dominican of ghent , to murther the king ; assuring him , that the pope and cardinals approved of the action ; but he , after two journeys into france about it , was apprehended , and executed ; confessing , that the daily sermons he had heard in praise of clement , who stabb'd the former king , and was esteemed a martyr among them , had so enflam'd him , that he resolv'd to follow his steps . besides this man , one arger , of the same order , undertook the same exploit ; to whom the pope's agent added clement odin , another son of st. dominick ; but god defeated all their designs , and preserv'd that great king's life some years longer . in the mean while tir oen continued his rebellion in ireland , having received assistance from the spaniard , and a plume of phoenix feathers from the pope ; and the new earl of desmond wrote two * letters to the king of spain , begging his assistance to drive the english out of ireland , and to advance the catholick cause , which he was resolved to maintain . what effect these and other addresses had , we shall see presently . but tir oen not resting wholly on the spaniard , wrote a very earnest letter to the pope , subscribed by himself , desmond , and others ; † desiring his holiness to issue out a bull against the queen , as pius the fifth , and gregory the thirteenth had done ; which they press him to doe , because the kingdom belonged to his holiness , and next under god depended solely on him . in the mean while , the rebellion went on , and daily conflicts happen'd ; but lest the tediousness , or danger of the war should discourage them , pope clement the eighth sent a letter , directed to all the prelates , noblemen , and people of . ireland , wherein ‖ he owns , that they had taken up arms by his advice , for recovering their liberty , and opposing the hereticks , commends the fitz-geralds who headed former insurrections , highly extolls tyrone , and grants a full remission of all sins to him and his assistants . yet could not this concurrence , and benediction of the pope preserve their strength from being broken by the lord mountjoy , who this year arrived lord deputy in ireland ; insomuch that several of the chief rebels submitted , * but at the same time sent to rome to crave pardon for their outward compliance : but tyrone continued obstinate , which forced the lord-deputy to proclaim him traitor , setting a reward of two thousand marks upon his head ; however the spaniard sent a ship to his relief , laden with arms and monies , as an earnest of more supplies . it is certain from the confession of the traitors themselves , that the foundation of the gun-powder treason was laid the following year ; but it is very probable that there was a rough draught of it made in this , as appears by the case resolv'd by delrio the jesuite ; whether if one discover in confession , that he hath laid gun-powder under an house , by which the house is to be blown up , and the prince destroyed , the priest ought to reveal it ? upon which he concludes , that he ought not ; it was a case that had never happened before and so not likely to have been thought of by a person not cautious of such a design ; and this resolution garnet after served himself of , alledging , that all the knowledge he had of the treason was communicated to him in confession , which he was bound not to disclose , upon any account whatsoever . soon after his last letter in tyrone's behalf , the same pope sent his breves into england , commanding all the roman catholicks not to admit , after the queen's death , any prince whatsoever , unless he would bind himself by oath to promote the roman catholick religion to his utmost power : in prosecution of which , knowing that king james , the next successour , was a firm protestant , several designs were formed against his life ; hay and hamilton , two papists , were sent into scotland , to stir up the jesuites there , who were received and cherished , notwithstanding the king had by his proclamation forbidden any to harbour them , affirming that if any did , he would look upon them as designers against his life . but while these jesuites , and others of the same stamp , were endeavouring to prepare matters for a rebellion , one ‖ mowbray , son to a scotch nobleman ; undertook to destroy the king , but was apprehended at london , and sent prisoner into scotland by the queen ; and about the same time the * duke o● tuscany , by some letters he had intercepted , discovered another design against his life , which was to be effected by poison , an account of which he sent immediately to the king by sir henry wotton , then in his court , with several antidotes against the poison , if it should be given him , notwithstanding all his diligence to prevent it . during these designs in scotland the pope sent a letter to tyrone , calling his rebellion an † holy league , ‖ assuring him that he was exceedingly pleased at their courage and zeal , extolling his piety , exhorting him to go on as he had begun , and praying that god would fight for him ; promising to write to all catholick princes to assist him , and to send a nuncio to reside with him ; and giving his blessing to him and all his followers , who should hazard themselves for the catholick cause . besides which he sent a † breve to the whole body of the irish nation , requiring them to join with tyr-oen against the queen ; and if we may believe * don juan de aquila , general of the war in ireland for defence of the faith , he went farther than this , and excommunicated , and ( as far as in him lay ) deposed her majesty . this spanish commander arrived at kingsall with a great fleet , and began to fortifie the town ; and published a declaration , affirming , that the war made against queen elizabeth by his master , in conjunction with tyr-oen , was just , she having been excommunicated , and her subjects absolved from their fidelity by several popes ; exhorting them , that now christ's vicar commanded them , they would in obedience to him take arms ; protesting , that if any continued in obedience to the english , they should be prosecuted as hereticks , and hatefull enemies of the church . soon after don alonso del campo landed with a supply of soldiers , but suddenly after his arrival was taken prisoner , the army of the spaniards and rebells in conjunction routed , and the former glad to be permitted to return home . yet were the english papists as diligent as ever to introduce the spaniards , and therefore dispatched away ‖ thomas winter , to trie what could be done for their assistance , who were ready to sacrifice their lives for the catholick cause ; and to assure the king of spain , that if he would send over an army , they would have in a readiness fifteen hundred or two thousand horses for the service ; being introduced by the means of the jesuite creswell , the duke of lerma assured him of assistance , and the count de miranda told him , that his master would bestow two hundred thousand crowns for that use , and would have an army in england by the next spring . with this gratefull account of the posture of affairs he returned , and great preparations were made , that they might be ready against the arrival of the forces ; but all their measures were broken by the queen's death , yet was mr. wright sent into spain , and guy faux after him ; but the king refused to meddle , having sent his ambassadour to conclude a peace with king james ; upon which disappointment they entertained new designs , which we shall have account of in a little time . while these matters were transacting in spain and england , tyr-oen and osulevan continued their insurrection in ireland , the latter keeping the castle of dunboy for the king of spain , to whom he sent to desire him to accept it , which he did , and sent osulevan twelve thousand pounds , with a supply of arms and ammunition ; and the rest of the rebells received encouragement from their correspondents in spain , who assured them , his catholick majesty would not omit the winning of ireland , if it cost him the most part of spain ; and that an army of fourteen thousand men , with a nuncio from the pope , were set sail for their relief , which news rendered them so obstinate , that they endured all extremities ; but the taking of dunboy by the lord deputy put a stop to those succours , there being no place for to receive them at their landing ; yet did mac eggan , the apostolical vicar , revive the fury of the rebells , but he was slain the latter end of this year , fighting at the head of his men , with a sword drawn in one hand , and his breviary and beads in the other . we have seen the pope approving this rebellion , so that the divines of his church could doe no less than follow the dictates of their supreme head , which the jesuites of salamanca did this year by a declaration of theirs ; in which they resolve , * that we must hold for certain that the pope hath power to bridle and suppress those who forsake the faith : and having farther stated the question , they proceed to affirm , that it is lawfull for any catholick to assist tyr-oen , and that with great merit , and good hope of eternal reward , because it is by the pope's authority , that all such romanists as take part with the english sin mortally , and cannot be saved , or receive absolution , till they forsake the english army ; and those are in the same condition who give the english any tribute , except such as the pope hath given them leave to pay , ( so that they are to be subjects no longer than the pope pleases . ) and then they proceed to shew , that the bull in favour of the rebells was not procured by surreption , but proceeded from the pope's own inclination to them , and that the permission given to the roman catholicks to obey her , extended only to such obedience as doth not oppugn the catholick religion , which the assisting her against tyrone doth . and this declaration is dated the seventh of march. 1602. and it could be nothing less than such an extraordinary encouragement , that could render the irish so audacious as they were upon the queen's death ; in limrick they seized the churches , and set up mass in them ; the same they did at waterford , in the cathedral , and at the sessions house they pulled down the seats of justice ; in cork they refused to proclaim the king , and by force opposed the commissioners ; they went in a solemn procession , took the sacrament to spend their lives in defence of the roman catholick religion ; wrote to several cities to assist them , seized upon the king's stores , and assaulted his forces , alledging that he could not be lawfull king , because he was not appointed by the pope . and for their farther satisfaction the university of salamanca , subscribed the declaration which the jesuites made the year before ; and the divines of valedolid did the same . about this time the jesuites laboured to get the sentence of their banishment out of france reversed , the pope interposing his mediation in their favours , upon which the parliament of paris attempted to dissuade the king from consenting to it by a long * oration ; alledging , that it was their avowed doctrine , that the pope hath a power of excommunicating kings ; that a king so excommunicated by his holiness , is no other than a tyrant , whom the people may oppose ; that clergy-men are exempt from the prince's power , are none of his subjects , and cannot be punish'd by him for any crimes : and having enumerated several of their treasons , they affirm , † that it is absolutely necessary for them to renounce these doctrines , or else france cannot with safety admit them to return . but though they were very desirous of admission , they would not renounce those positions for it ; however by importunity , and the solicitation of the pope , and others , they were at length received , but upon conditions , ‖ two of which were , that they should build no colleges without express permission from the king ; and that one of their number should be always near the king , to be accountable for the actions of the society . thus were they admitted , but marks of distrust set upon them ; though they have , by their address , turn'd the latter of these conditions , which was at first design'd for their disgrace , into a mark of honour , the king's confessour being ever since a jesuite . though the gun-powder plot was not ripe for execution till two years after , yet they were consulting about it at this time ; when after a long complaint of their grievances , mr. percy told mr. catesby , that there was no way but to kill the king , and he was resolv'd to doe it : but to that gentleman desired him not to be so rash , for he had laid a surer design , which would certainly effect it , without any danger to themselves ; and then imparted to him the contrivance of blowing up the king and parliament . which design in may , the following year , the conspiratours obliged themselves by oath upon the holy sacrament to keep secret ; † catesby justifying the action by the breves which the pope had sent to exclude king james ; it being as lawfull to cast him out as to oppose his entrance ; and bates , another of the conspiratours , was assured by the jesuite greenwell , that the cause and action were good , and therefore it was his duty to conceal it . upon the approaching of the parliament they began to work , endeavouring to make a mine under the parliament-house ; but soon after percy hired a cellar , in which they stowed the gun-powder , with billets heap'd upon it , to hide it in case of search . the may before the plot was to be executed there was an insurrection of the romanists in wales , but it was soon supprest ; yet all things went on in order to the fatal blow ; when about a week before the parliament was to sit , the design was discovered , and so prevented ; upon which the conspiratours flew into † rebellion , but were all either killed or taken by the sheriff of worcestershire the ‖ king in his speech to the parliament soon after , told them that faux confessed that they had no other cause moving them to the design , but merely and only religion ; which was acknowledged by sir everard digby at his tryall , to be the chief motive which enduced him to make one among them , and which he resolved to hazard his life , his estate , and all , to introduce ; protesting , that if he had thought there had been the least sin in the plot , he would not have been of it for all the world ; and the reason why he kept it secret , was because those who were best able to judge of the lawfulness of it , had been acquainted with it , and given way unto it ; and therefore afterwards he calls it the best cause . the persons , upon whose authority he so much relied , were the jesuites , who asserted the holiness of the action ; for garnet , their superiour , had affirmed that it was lawfull , and father hammond absolved them all after the discovery , when they were in open rebellion ; and greenwell , the jesuite , rode about the countrey to excite as many as he could to joyn with them ; nay , † garnet confessed that catesby in his name did satisfie the rest of the lawfulness of the fact. * parsons had kept a correspondency with that jesuite to promote it , and at the same time ( not willing to discover it to them , and yet desirous of their prayers , ) ‖ ordered the students of his college at rome to pray for the intention of their father rectour : and after the discovery , * father hall , encouraged some of the traitors , who began to doubt that the action was unlawfull , seeing god had defeated it in so providential a manner , telling them , that we must not judge of the cause by the event ; that this was no more than what happened to the eleven tribes when they went up at first to fight against benjamin , and that the christians were often defeated by the turks ; nay , so highly was it approv'd by that order , that , not to mention here the honours done to the conspiratours , since their deaths , several jesuites gloried in , and bragg'd of it ; for a little before the discovery , † father flood caused the jesuites at lisbon to spend a great deal of money in powder , on a festival day , to try the force of it , and persuaded one john how , a merchant , and other catholicks , to go over into england , and expect their redemption there : and father thompson was wont afterwards to boast to his scholars at rome , how oft his shirt was wetted with digging under the parliament house . and that the pope himself was concerned in the design is more than probable , for it is confessed by a jesuite that there were three bulls granted by him , which should have been published if the conspiracy had succeeded ; and sir everard digby hath left it under his hand , that it was not the pope's mind that any stirs should be hindered which were undertaken for the catholick cause . the pope's carriage after the discovery is another shrewd argument that he was privy to the plot , for he not only made no declaration either by word or writing in abhorrence of it , but when * greenway , one of the conspirators , escaped to rome , he advanced him to the dignity of penitentiary , and † gerard , another , was a confessour at st. peters in the same city . this execrable conspiracy appeared so horrid and unworthy , not only of religious men , but contrary to humane nature , that † sixteen of the students under the jesuites at rome , forsook the college , and some of them renounced the roman church ; and * mr. copley , who had been a priest some years , ( as appears by his reasons , one of sound learning and judgment , ) assures us , that it was one of the causes of his conversion . yet were there many found among the romanists who justified the design , hardly any condemning it : thus the same gentleman professes , that though some termed it an inconsiderate act , yet he could never meet with any one jesuite who blamed it . the * conspiratours justified themselves , and even at their deaths would acknowledge no fault : and when † faux and winter were admitted to discourse together in the tower , they affirmed , they were sorry that no body set forth a defence or apology for the action ; but yet they would maintain the cause at their deaths ; nay there was one who had the hardiness to attempt * to justifie the design from the imputation of cruelty , because both seeds and root of an evil herb must be destroyed ; and when some of the plotters escaped to callis , the governour assured them of the king's favour , and that though they lost their country they should be received there ; they replyed , that the loss of their country was the least part of their grief ; but their sorrow was that they could not bring so brave a design to perfection . and notwithstanding garnet was so deep in the conspiracy , yet † mr. wilson placed him among the martyrs , in his english martyrology ; and it is affirmed by * one who liv'd among them , that he and campion are beatified by the pope , which is the next degree to canonization , and that every one of them is painted in the jesuites churches , with the title of blessed father ; † and we are assured that garnet's picture was set up in their church at rome , among their martyrs , several years after ; and * st. amour , a doctour of sorbon , found his pictures commonly sold at rome , in the year 1651. with this inscription , father henry garnet , hang'd and quarter'd at london , for the catholick faith ; by which they shew themselves either approvers of the design , to that degree as to count it a point of their faith , or else they must appear deceivers of the people , and slanderers of the english nation , in affirming , that he dyed for his religion , when he justly suffered for the most hellish conspiracy that was ever laid ; yet delrio , and gordon , two jesuites , went farther ; the first in prosecution of his determination in the point which we mentioned before , compares him to dionysius , the areopagite ; the latter placing him in heaven , desires him to intercede there for the conversion of england , and it was once publickly prayed in louvain , o holy henry ! intercede for us . but they had designs elsewhere at the same time that this their holy martyr was promoting their cause in england ; king henry of france his life was so burthensome to the jesuites , that they were impatient , so that father coton , the king's confessour , or rather hostage for his society , to be satisfied in the point , wrote down several questions which he had propounded to a maid said to be possessed , one of which was how long the king should live ; which is a capital crime in itself ; * for ( as tertullian long since argued ) who hath any business to make such an enquiry , except he hath designs against his prince , or hath some hopes of advancement by his death . and as busie was the pope paul the fifth for the advancement of the roman cause , he fell out with the duke of * savoy this year , for presenting an abbey to cardinal pio ; and to shew his authority over princes and states , ( which is a kind of deposing them , and clear evidence of popish principles , ) when the commonwealth of luca made an edict against the protestants , though he liked the thing , yet he pretended they had no power in those matters , and therefore commanded them to raze the edict out of their records , and he would publish one for the same purpose by his own authority ; and when the state of genoa prohibited some seditious meetings of ecclesiasticks , he threatened them with excommunication , and forced them to recall their order . but the venetians would not be frighted by his thunders , though he threatened them with the same censure , if they did not speedily revoke their decrees concerning the building of churches , and giving lands to the church , ( which they had prohibited any to doe without the senate's order , ) and required them to deliver two clergymen , whom they had imprisoned for many horrid crimes ; concluding his breve with an assertion of his power to deprive kings , and that he had legions of angels for this assistance . but when the senate would not gratifie him in thus yielding their rights to an usurper , the pope told their ambassadour , that the exemption of clergy-men from the jurisdiction of the magistrate was jure divino , that his cause was the cause of god , and he would be obeyed ; and therefore in a consistory of one and forty cardinals he published a bull of excommunication against that state , wherein he declares , * that by the authority of almighty god , and the apostles peter and paul , the duke and senate of venice , if within four and twenty days after the publication of the bull they do not revoke their decrees , are excommunicated ; and if they continue obstinate three days more , he lays an interdict upon the whole state , forbidding the clergy to perform divine offices in any part of their dominions , and threatens farfarther punishments , according to the sacred canons . this bull he expected would gain his point , by causing the ecclesiasticks to withdraw themselves , and that the people , seeing themselves deprived of church-offices , would run into sedition ; but the event answered not his expectation , for the people joined unanimously with the senate ; but the jesuites , and others , refused to celebrate mass , upon which they were banished the dominions of venice ; after † which they did all they could to stir up the common people : but not succeeding in this , the pope published a jubilee , granting indulgence to all but those of interdicted places ; this he expected would make the people murmur , but he was deceived in that point too ; so that he declared in a full consistory that he would have war with the state of venice , and called the spaniards to his aid ; but finding the senate resolute in defence of their rights , he was glad to recall his bull , and make a peace with them , and though he earnestly pressed for the restauration of the jesuites , yet he could not obtain it . about this time the oath of allegiance being established by law , the romanists sent to rome to know what they should doe in this case , where it was consulted by seven or eight of their learnedest divines , who all agreed , that the pope's power of chastizing princes is a point of faith , and consequently cannot be denied without denying of the faith ; and the pope told father parsons , and fitzherbert , he could not hold those for catholicks who took the oath ; which he soon after declared by his breve , addressed to the romanists of england , septemb . 22. 1606. wherein he affirms , † that they cannot , without most evident and grievous wronging of god's honour , bind themselves by the oath , seeing it contains many things contrary to faith and salvation . but when some romanists who had taken it began to question the breve , willing to think it was obtained from his holiness by surreption ; he sent † * another to undeceive them , wherein he blames them for entertaining such thoughts , and assures them , that it was written upon mature deliberation , and therefore they are bound fully to observe it , rejecting all interpretation to the contrary ; upon which several who were willing before refused it , some of whom were imprisoned . it is an hard thing for men accustomed to doe evil to learn to doe well , which truth tyr-oen is a great example of , for notwithstanding after his frequent rebellions he was pardoned by king james , and received into favour , yet returning into ireland he began new contrivances , and fearing he was discovered , fled this year into flanders , which caused the king to publish a severe proclamation against him ; from thence he went to rome , where he was maintained at the pope's charge till his death . this same year parsons published his treatise tending to mitigation , wherein he labours to take off the imputation of rebellious principles from the romanists , and yet he tells us in the same book , that this is catholick doctrine , that in publick perils of the church , and common-wealth , christ our saviour hath not left us wholly remediless , but besides the natural right which each kingdom hath to defend themselves , in certain cases , he left also supreme power in his high priest , and immediate substitute , to direct and moderate that power , and to add also of his own when extraordinary need requireth , though with great deliberation . where we have a plain justification of the pope and people's power to depose and resist their princes , a most excellent argument to clear the papists of disloyalty . though we find no plots discovered this year in england , yet in transilvania the jesuites were employed in poisoning stephen potscay the prince : and in france father cotton recommended a spaniard to the king , who had not been in the court many hours , when the king had intelligence of his coming from barcellona purposely to poison him ; upon this he sent for father coton , who desired his majesty not to give any credit to the advice ; and when the king ordered him to produce the spaniard , he pretended to seek him , but at his return told his majesty that he was escaped , and he could not find him . this year the pope sent another breve into england , directed to the arch-priest , forbidding him to take the oath , and commanding him to deprive all priests of their faculties who took it , except they immediately renounc'd it ; prohibiting likewise the resort of any to the protestant churches . at the same time divines of italy , germany , and france , wrote against it , all grounding their exceptions upon this , that it takes away the pope's power of deposing kings . so rebellious had the writings and practices of the jesuites been , that the bohemians petition'd the emperour against them ; and the valesian magistrates refused to admit them , because wherever they came they distrurbed the publick peace , and were under such a tie of blind obedience , that if their superiour enjoin'd them a treasonable attempt they must obey . they had made it their business , for some time , to endeavour to get footing in transilvania , but when all their importunity could not prevail , they engaged several of the nobility in a design against the prince's life , which proceeded so far that one of the conspiratours attempted to run him through , but was prevented , and several of his companions taken , the rest escaped . and now king henry the great of france having amassed a very considerable treasure , prepared for some great design , which the romanists grew so jealous of , that they secretly caused several to subscribe their obedience to the pope , in a book which was kept on purpose ; it was half written through , and some names subscribed in bloud ; several designs were formed against his life , four piedmontiers , a lorrainer , and three others , conspired his death ; advice was given of several other plots from many other places , and reports were spread in foreign parts that he was killed : father hardy , in his sermon at st. severius in paris , reflecting upon the king's treasure , said , that kings heaped up treasures to make themselves feared , but there needed but a blow to kill a king. all these were but fore-runners of that horrid murther which was committed in a few weeks after by ravilliac , once a monk , who stabbed him to the heart with a poisoned knife , as he was going to the arsenal in his coach , so that he expired in an instant ; upon his examination he confes●ed that he resolved to murther the king , who he supposed had a design to make war upon the pope , because making war against his holiness is the same as to make war against god , seeing the pope was god , and god was the pope ; and that he had revealed his design to the jesuite d' aubigny in confession , and shewed him the knife , and that he had heard several of that order maintain the lawfulness of it in their sermons . no sooner was the king dead , but the jesuites desired leave to teach schools in their colleges ; which acquest the parliament took into consideration , and required that they should first declare , that it is unlawfull for any person to conspire the death of the king ; that no ecclesiastick hath any power over the temporal rights of princes ; and that all are to render the same obedience to their governours , which christ gave to caesar. these positions were proposed to them to subscribe , but they refused to doe it without leave from their general ; upon which they were prohibited by a decree of parliament to teach , and threatened with a farther deprivation if they would not obey . the romanists had tried all manner of ways to deprive king james of his life or crown , but finding none successfull , they had the impudence to publish a book this year , affirming , that his majejesty was a counterfeit , and not the son of queen mary of scotland . the year following cardinal perron , who had been one of the young cardinal of bourbon's party against king henry the fourth , in the assembly of estates in france , asserted not only that subjects may be absolved from their allegiance , and princes deposed in case of heresie , but that they who hold the contrary are schismaticks and hereticks . this speech was made to divert the estates from imposing an oath like our oath of allegiance ; which design so disturbed the ‖ pope , that he affirmed the voters of it were enemies to the common good , and mortal adversaries to the chair of rome . and about the same time suarez printed his book at colen , wherein he teaches , that kings may be put to death by their own subjects ; which treatise came into the world with the approbation of the bishop of conimbria , of silvis , and lamego , and the university of alcalum , with several others . in scotland one father ogelby , a jesuite , was taken , who being asked whether the pope be judge in spirituals over his majesty , refused to answer , except the question were put to him by the pope's authority ; but affirmed that the pope might excommunicate the king ; at his trial he protested against the judges , that he could not own them , for the k. had no authority but what was derivative from his predecessours , who acknowledged the pope's jurisdiction ; adding , if the king will be to me as they were to mine , he shall be my king , otherwise i value him not : and as for that question , whether the k. deposed by the pope , may be lawfully killed , doctours of the church hold the affirmative not improbably , and i will not say it is unlawfull to save my life . in france several of the princes raised commotions , which were appeased with conferring places of trust and honour upon the chief among them , who were headed by the prince of conde ; fruits ( as the historian observes ) accustomed to be reaped in france , from that which in other places is punished by the executioner . not satisfied with their honours , they took arms again under the same leader , and passed the loire ; but the prince of conde falling sick , matters were composed by the endeavours of the english ambassadour , and some others . in savoy conspiracies were formed against that duke's life , and to deliver up the prince , his son , to the spaniards , but timely discovery prevented them , and preserved the duke from another design of some who undertook to poison him . the next year the jesuites were banished bohemia , and moravia , for coining money , and sowing dissentions between the magistrates and people , and a plot was discovered at * venice , against the senatours , whom the conspiratours designed to murther , by a sudden insurrection , ( assisted by the marquess of bedmar , ambassadour from spain , and the duke of ossuna , viceroy of naples , ) and make an utter subversion of the state ; * this was carried on , in conjunction with the spaniards , by those citizens , and others , who were the pope's partisans , and a number of factious persons , discontented with the actions of the senate , who longed for a change , and would stick at nothing to effect it . and in france the † queen mother being imprisoned , the duke d'espernon , with a strong party , rebelled in her defence ; but before the king's army was come up against him , he procured his pardon , and the liberty of the queen . soon after this the jesuites were driven out of ‖ hungary , and silesia , for their seditious practices ; and * another rebellion broke out in france , which the king marched in person to suppress : † in the valteline the revolt was universal , the governours of provinces , and the heads of families , were all murthered , and under pretence of defending the roman catholick religion , all manner of outrages were committed , and a new form of government erected ; these broils continued some time , and the bitterness of the papists was such , that they would make no accommodation , if the protestants were tolerated there ; * so that if a protestant bailiff be sent among them , he cannot publickly exercise his religion . at this time the match between prince charles and the infanta was prosecuted , at least with a seeming willingness on both sides , and being to have some romish priests of her houshold , the pope urged very earnestly that they might be exempt from his majesty's jurisdiction , so very diligent he was in catching at any shadow which might seem to favour the exemption of the clergy . three years after this sanctarellus his book was printed at rome , wherein the deposing power was asserted in its utmost latitude , and though father coto , and two other jesuites , were required to answer it , yet no reply appeared ; the former affirming before the parliament , that though he disapproved the doctrine in france , yet he would assent to it if he were at rome . the oath of allegiance being vigorously press'd in england , the pope sent a bull to the romanists , exhorting them to continue firm , * and let their tongue rather cleave to the roof of their mouth then permit the authority of st. peter , to be diminished by that oath ; and commanding them strictly to observe the breves of pope paul the fifth ; and † father fisher justified suarez , and the doctrine of his book , asking , what could be found prejudicial in it to princely authority ; and affirming that if it contained any such thing it would not be permitted in catholick kingdoms . we have mention'd that the exemption of the clergy was desired by the pope in the treaty for the spanish match ; and now his emissaries in this nation affirmed that the king could have nothing to doe with her majesties chaplains , because he was an heretick ; and his holiness threatned to declare those to be apostates who should seek their establishment in the queens family from the king. but though these were plain indications of what they desired , yet they kept their designs so secret , that they were not discovered till some time after ; but there was a conspiracy detected at genoa , which , if it had not been prevented , would have ended in the murther of the nobility , and alteration of the government . and the next year a plot was detected in mantua against the life of the prince , and some officers apprehended , who would have betray'd viadana to the governour of millan . in ireland the papists assaulted the archbishop of dublin , wounded several of his followers , and forced him to fly for his life ; following him in a tumultuous manner along the streets ; and that they had several seditious designs in hand at the same time , is evident from the confession of † mac-enerry , a dominican , who for this very reason left the church of rome , because of her rebellious doctrines , and the many conspiracies he had taken an oath of secrefie to conceal , which he observed inviolably ; and though he informed the bishop of limrick , that there were many plots then contriving against his majesty's government , yet for his oaths sake he would not name any persons who were concerned in them . the duke of orleance had retired in disgust from court some years since , and was received by the duke of lorrain ; but being forced this year to leave that retreat , he went to brussells , from whence , aided by the spaniards , he marched at the head of an army into france , but was defeated , and several of his adherents executed . while france was thus almost continually pestered with rebellions , the designs of the papists ripened apace in ireland , ; they had erected friaries , in the countrey instead of those which were dissolved in dublin ; and even in that city they had a college of students , whereof father paul harris was dean , and at a synodical meeting of their clergy , they decreed , that it was not lawfull to take the oath of allegiance . if it were not that all the designs of that party from the year 1630. to 1640. were summed up , and perfected in the rebellion in ireland , and the execrable civil wars of england , i should wonder how they came to be so still , and that no more conspiracies were discovered , besides that great one which andreas ab habernsfield was informed of in holland , and of which he sent the king an account , under the hand of the discover , who affirms , that one maxfield was sent into scotland , to stir up a rebellion there , and that the king was to be poisoned ; for which end they kept a strong poison in an indian nut , which he had often seen : they had likewise another design , if they could prevail upon the scots , or discontented english , to rebell , that thereby the king should be straitened , and forced to depend on the papists for assistance , and then they would make their own terms , and secure to themselves a publick liberty , which if he refused to consent to , they would not only desert him , but dispatch him with the indian nut , which they reserved on purpose . he gives also an account of the persons concerned in the plot , among whom were several ladies of quality , for whose encouragement the pope sent a breve to sir toby mathews , one of the principal conspiratours , wherein he exhorts him , and the women engaged with him , to proceed with diligence in the design ; assuring them , that he did not despair to see the authority of the holy see ( which was subverted in england by a woman ) again restored in a very little time , by the endeavours of those heroick ladies . this breve is an unanswerable evidence that the succeeding troubles derived their original from the insatiate lust of rule which possessed the pope , who herein approves of those very methods which afterwards proved the ruine of that excellent prince , and so miserably distracted these poor nations . but he appeared more publickly an abbettor of the irish massacre and rebellion , wherein so many thousand protestants were murthered in cold bloud , sending his nuncio to assist , and affording them all the aid that he was able to give ; a design laid with so much secrefie , and executed with so much cruelty , that nothing but the very spirit of popery could be barbarous enough to engage in it ; in prosecution of which they did all they could totally to beat the english out of the kingdom . the same year the marquess de villa real , the duke de camina , and the marquess d' armamar , who by the instigation of the archbishop of braga , had undertaken to kill the king of portugal , father to her majesty the queen dowager of england , and to fire the ships and the city in several places , that they might have the better opportunity to promote the interest of the spaniards , were put to death . nor did france yet enjoy any more quiet , where the count de soissons , and the duke of guise ; and others , raised a rebellion , and routed the king's army , but the count being slain with his own pistol , the confederacy was soon broken . yet the very next year the duke of orleance combined with the spaniards , who were to assist him with forces for a new rebellion . the pope had involved ireland in bloud the former year , and in this the wars began in england , where several † priests were found among the dead at ●dghill battle ; but the endeavours of his holiness to encrease those miserable confusions , were managed with all imaginable secrefie , while the irish were openly commended by him , and * assured of his prayers for their success in his breve to owen o neal , dated octob. 8. 1642. and so willing was he to lay hold on all occasions for the exercising his deposing power , that because the † prince of parma offended him , he declared him to have incurred the greater excommunication , and deprived him of all his dominions and dignities . but not content with sending the forementioned breve to o neal , his holiness granted a bull of plenary indulgence , may 25. 1643. to all the catholicks in ireland , who joined in the rebellion ; which was prosecuted as fiercely as the pope could desire , and a defence of it set forth by an † irish jesuite in portugal , ( though the title-page mentions franckfort , ) who asserts , that the english kings have no title or right to ireland ; that if they had , yet it is the duty of the irish to deprive them of their rights , seeing they are declared hereticks , and tyrants ; that this power of deposing such princes is inherent in every state ; but if the authority of the holy see be added to that power , none but a fool , or an heretick , will deny what the doctours of divinity , and of the civil and canon law , do generally teach , and which is confirmed by reasons and examples . and so far did the pope approve of the contents of this book , that when , soon after its publication , the irish had submitted to the king , and promised to assist him in his wars , his holiness by his nuncio took upon him to be their general , absolved them from their oaths , and imprisoned and threatened the lives of those who had promoted the peace , and desired to return to the king's subjection , which renewed the rebellion again , and brought infinite miseries on that bigotted nation . at the same time above * an hundred of the romish clergy were sent into england by order from rome , who , the better to promote the divisions there , were instructed in several trades , both handicraft and others ; these , upon their arrival , were ordered to disperse themselves , and give intelligence every month to their superiours abroad ; accordingly they listed themselves in the parliament army , and kept a constant correspondence with their brethren , who for the same end served under the king. the next year many of these missioners were in consultation with those in the king's army , to whom they shewed their bulls , and licenses , for taking part with the parliament about the best methods to advance their cause ; and having concluded that there was no way so effectual as to dispatch the king , some were sent to paris , to consult the faculty of sorbonne about it , who return'd this answer , that it is lawfull for roman catholicks to work changes in governments , for the mother church's advancement , and chiefly in an heretical kingdom , and so they might lawfully make away the king ; * which sentence was confirmed to the same persons by the pope , and his council , upon their going to rome to have his holiness's resolution in the point . and now those of them who had before followed the king after his flight from oxford , * agreed to desert the royal cause ; and , as one of them inform us , to ingratiate themselves with the enemy , by acting some notorious piece of treachery ; and father carr , who went by the name of quarter-master laurence , declared , that he could with a safer conscience join with and fight for the round-heads than the cavaliers ; in prosecution of which resolve they dispersed themselves into all the garisons of the king's party , to endeavour the revolt of the soldiers to the parliament ; in which they succeeded as they had projected , my authour being one of those who seduced the wallingford horse from their obedience ; and in scotland the lord sinclare , a pretended presbyterian , but a real papist , commanded a regiment of his own religion , and it being a maxim receiv'd among them , that the surest way to promote the catholick cause was to weaken the royal party , and advance the other , they bent all their endeavours to expedite and accelerate the king's death ; and his majesty having in the treaty of the isle of wight consented to pass five strict bills against popery , the jesuites in france , at a general meeting there , presently resolved to take off his head ; and this his majesty had notice of by an express from thence , but two days before his removal from the isle of wight . this year mr. cressy published the reasons of his leaving the church of england , and turning romanist , wherein obviating the objection so often made against the romanists about their rebellious principles and practices , he sets down a declaration , which he affirms that they were all ready to subscribe , and which differs but little from our oath of allegiance : but here we may see what credit can be given to the representations of their doctrines , which their writers study to make as favourable as possible : for though mr. cressy thought himself a good representer in this point , yet his superiours were of another mind ; and therefore that edition was soon bought up , and in the next the profession of obedience quite left out ; and that this was not an omission of the printer , but the action of his superiours , we are assured by an honourable person from mr. cressy's own mouth , and we shall find in a little time , that the same form hath been condembed by the pope himself . but the ensuing year , as it was dolefull to the english nation , so it brought great disturbances to the most potent princes of europe ; in france the parisians rose in arms , shot at the lord chancellour sequier , and wounded his daughter , barricadoed the streets , and forced the king to set the counsellour broussell , and other factious persons , at liberty . and at the treaty at osnebrugh , when by several articles of the peace the possession of church lands were assured to the protestant princes ; the pope displeased with it , took upon him to make void the peace by a * special bull , declaring all those articles unjust , and of no force , and commanding the princes concerned to observe his bull , in which he renews his claim to the superiority over princes , and particularly the emperour , not only by the bull in general , but by asserting , that † the electours of the empire were established by the authority of the bishop of rome . but to come to their contrivances in england ; where , when several papists had subscribed to some propositions , importing the unlawfulness of murthering princes , and breaking faith with hereticks ; and that the pope hath no power to absolve subjects from their allegiance ; the very same with the declaration published the year before by mr. cressy , this action was condemned at rome , where by a congregation it was decreed unlawfull . and now in prosecution of the pope and sorbon's sentence the last year , that excellent prince , king charles the martyr , was by their contrivances brought to the block ; which though they were willing to disown now , yet at that time they were very sollicitous to let the world know that they were the promoters of it ; * the friars of dunkirk expressed great resentment that the jesuites would engross to themselves the glory of that work , whereas they had laboured as diligently and succesfully as any , and in several other places the friars were very jealous , lest that order should rob them of their part of the honour : and the benedictines were not a little carefull to secure their land in england from the jesuites , for they thought their return sure upon the king's death ; so that the nuns contended vigorously among themselves who should be abbesses in their own countrey . at the time of his majesty's execution mr. henry spotswood , riding casually that way , saw a priest on horseback in the habit of a trouper , with whom he was well acquainted , flourishing his sword over his head in triumph as others did ; he told mr. spotswood , that there were at least forty priests and jesuites present in the same equipage , among whom was preston , who afterwards commanded a troup of horse under cromwell . father sibthorp , in a letter to father metcalfe , owns that the jesuites were contrivers of this murther , and that sarabras was present , rejoycing at it ; one of the priests flourishing his sword , cryed , now our greatest enemy is cut off . when the news of this tragedy came to roan , they affirmed , that they had often warned hi● majesty , that if he did not establish the romish religion in england , they should be forced to take such courses as would tend to his destruction ; and now they had kept their words with him : and in paris a lady having been perverted from the reformed church by a jesuite , upon hearing her ghostly father affirm , that now the catholicks were rid of their greatest enemy , by whose death their cause was much advanced , and therefore she had no reason to lament , left that bloudy and rebellious church , and continues a protestant ever since . but though , as secretary morris affirms , there are almost convincing evidences , that the papists irreligion was chiefly guilty of the murther of that excellent prince ; yet we are beholden to the guilty consciences of those gentlemen , that the world hath not been long since more fully satisfied , as to every particular ; for dr. du moulin in the first edition of his book ann. 1662. had challenged them to call him to an account for affirming , that the rebellion was raised and promoted , and the king murthered by the arts of the court of rome ; the book came to a fourth edition , in all which he renewed the challenge , and in the last in these words : i have defied them now seventeen years to call me in question before our judges , and so i do still ; affirming that certain evidence of what he asserted should be produced whenever authority shall require it . i remember once a jesuite attempted to prove the truth of the nag's-head ordination , because that charge had been laid to our church some years before any offered to confute it , or to produce the lambeth record , which he affirmed was an evident sign that the thing was true , or else having such means to confute it they would not have been so long silent ; what then may we think of those gentlemen who had so heavy a crime charged on them , and yet for near twenty years together never called the accuser to account ? the doctour always refused to produce his evidences , till required by authority ; only he gives us this account , that the papers of resolution in favour of the murther , when it was found to be generally detested , were by the pope's order gathered up and burnt ; but a roman catholick in paris refused to deliver one in his possession , but shewed it to a protestant friend , and related to him the whole carriage of the negotiation . and i am sure if the protestants had been under such an imputation , the papists would make good use of their silence to prove their guilt . but farther to shew their aversion to the royal party , no sooner had the rebels of ireland , in consideration of the straits they were in , made a cessation for some time with the lord inchequin , but the nuncio excommunicated all who observed it ; and upon the conclusion of a second peace with the duke of ormond , his majesty's lieutenant , the assembly of the bishops and clergy at james-town renounced it , and as much as in them lay , restored the former confederacy anew ; but of this we shall have a farther account in its due place . in the mean while reilly , vicar general to the a. b. of dublin , betrayed the royal camp of rathmines to coll. jones , governour of dublin for the parliament , which service he afterwards pleaded for himself to the safety of his life , which was in danger for his cruel actions in the rebellion , and he well deserved more than bare safety from those men , that defeat being the total ruine of his majesty's affairs in ireland . at the same time the rebels in france encreased both in insolence and power daily , the coadjutour of paris going to st. germains , in obedience to the queens commands , was tumultuously stopt by the people , who hindered the nobility from following the king , and broke their coaches ; the parliament forbad all places to receive any garisons from the king , listed men , and resolved upon a war ; the duke d'elbease , duke of lonqueirlle , prince marsil liack , afterwards d. of rochfecault , the prince of conty , and many other persons of the greatest quality joining with them . soon after normandy and poictou declared for the parisians , who sent deputies to call in the spaniards to assist them ; but these troubles being in a little time appeased , new ones began in provence , and guienne , the parliaments of those provinces , prosecuting the war with great fury , declared they would have no pardon from the king ; and one gage , a priest , endeavoured to persuade them to take the sovereign power on themselves , which they declined ; but to maintain the war they treated with the spaniards for assistance , both of men and moneys . this year the prince of conde joined himself to the troudeurs , which was the usual nickname of the discontented party ; but finding that they intended the advancement of chasteau neuf , his mortal enemy , he left them in disgust ; however the parisians made several insurrections ; and upon the imprisonment of that prince an open rebellion broke out in berry , whose example was followed by normandy , and burgundy , to support which the spaniards agreed to contribute 2000 foot , and 3000 horse , besides great summes of money ; and soon after the parliament of bourdeaux declared for the rebells . during these transactions the popish bishops of ireland met at james-town , published a declaration against all that should adhere to the d. of ormond , his majesty's lord-lieutenant in that kingdom ; upon which my † authour makes this remark , that if the archbishops , &c. in ireland will take upon them to declare against the king's authority where his majesty hath placed it , they assume an authority to themselves that no other clergy ever pretended to , and declare sufficiently to the king , how far they are from being subjects , or intend to pay him any obedience longer than they are governed in such manner , and by such persons as they think fit to be pleased with . but not satisfied with refusing obedience to the king's commissioner , the confederates agreed , that if compounding with the parliament should be best for the people they should doe it : and presently after the marquess of clauricard had at their request taken the government upon him in his majesty's name , it was proposed in their assembly , that they might send to the enemy to treat with them upon surrendring all that was left into their hands . thus did they chuse rather to submit to the parliament , than obey the king , for they were not forced to that submission ; the army of the enemy having made no progress at that time , neither had it been flusht with any new success . as forward was father bret to persuade the gentlemen who had defended the castle of jersey for the king , to renounce the royal family , and kingly government , by taking the engagement ; affirming , that they were not to acknowledge any supreme but the prevailing power . all this while the rebellion in france increased , the parisians took arms , designing to seize the king ; and the prince of conde fortified several places , and confederated with the spaniards , whom , under the conduct of the duke of nemours , he called into france to his assistance , with which he maintained the war all this year , to whom the duke of orleance joined himself , and with all his interest increased the party . the next year mr. tho. white published his book of the grounds of obedience and government , wherein he asserts , that if a prince governs ill he becomes a robber , and the people may expell him , in which case they are not bound by any promise made to him ; and that they have no obligation to endeavour the restauration of a prince so dispossessed of his dominions , but rather to hinder it ; nay , though he were wrongfully driven out ; and such a prince is absolutely obliged to renounce all right and claim to the government ; and if he doth not , he is worse than an infidel . thus after their designs had effected the death of that good king , and expulsion of his late and present majesty , they contributed their endeavours to hinder their return , and debauch those who might attempt it ; yet had some the confidence to commend this gentleman to his late majesty , though the king knew him too well to take any notice of him . that they designed to hinder the restauration of the king , by an absolute compliance with the usurping power , is affirmed by one of their communion , who tells them that they were refractory to the queen's desires at rome for his majesty's assistance , and that collonel hutchinson could discover strange secrets about their treating with cromwell . and it is certain that in ireland there were several precepts granted by the archbishop of armagh , and others , to pray for the success of that usurper's forces ; while dominick decupsy , a dominican , esteemed a person of great holiness , and long , the jesuite , asserted , that the king being out of the roman church , it was not lawfull to pray for him particularly , or publickly on any other day except good fryday , as comprehended among the infidels and hereticks ; and then only for the spiritual welfare of his soul , not for his temporal prosperity . the civil wars continuing still in france , our present sovereign , then duke of york , went into the king's army ; and the princes being straitened , called in the duke of lorrain , who with his army marched to their succour , so that they kept the field all this and the ensuing year . anno 1654. there was a discourse written by benoist de treglies , collateral of the council , or regent of the chancery of naples , in which this proposition was maintained , that when a pope intends to exercise any jurisdiction in a countrey , he ought to let his writs be examined by the temporal prince , that so it may be known whether the causes and persons contained therein be of his jurisdiction : which proposition having been examined by the inquisition at rome , at the express command of the pope , that congregation declared it to be heretical and schismatical , prohibiting the book , and threatening the severest censures against the authour . the following year affords us a farther evidence of the hopes the romanists had conceived of the restauration of their religion here ; for dr. baily , at the end of the life of fisher , bishop of rochester , speaking of the lord cromwell , and the great influence he had upon the proceedings in the beginning of the reformation , expresses their hopes of his party from the usurper , and his counsels , in these words : who knows but that the church may be healed of her wounds by the same name , sit hence the almighty hath communicated so great a secret unto mortals as that there should be such a salve made known to them , whereby the same weapon that made the wound should work the cure. oliva vera is not so hard to be construed oliverus , as that it may not be believed that a prophet , rather than a herald , gave the common father of christendom , the now pope of rome , ( innocent x. ) such ensigns of his nobility , ( viz. a dove holding an olive branch in her mouth , ) since it falls short in nothing of being a prophesie , and fulfilled , but only his highness running into her arms , whose embleme of innocence bears him already in her mouth . three years after this popish loyal flattery , father ferrall , a capuchin , presented a treatise to the cardinals of the congregation , de propaganda fide , proposing some methods to revive the rebellion in ireland , and drive out not only the english , but also all the irish who were descended from the old english conquerours , as not fit to be trusted in so holy a league ; and about the same time father * reiley , the popish primate , coming through brussels , refused to kiss the king's hand , though some offered to introduce him : and to obtain favour with richard cromwell , he alledged that the irish natives had no affection to the king , and his family ; and therefore were fit to be trusted by the protectour ; and upon his arrival in ireland , he made it his business to gain a party there to hinder the king's restauration , promising them great assistance ; upon which the king gave notice of those contrivances to don stephano de gamarro , the spanish ambassadour , in holland , so that he was recalled to rome , to avoid the danger of the law. and ( which is a farther evidence of the enmity of that party to the royal family ) when general monk was at london , in prosecution of that great and good design which he afterwards completed , and had by his prudent conduct gained the affections of the people monsieur de bourdeaux , the french ambassadour , told mr. clergis , † that cardinal mazarine would be glad to have the honour of his friendship , and would assist him faithfully in all his enterprises ; and that the general might be more confident of the cardinal , he assured him that oliver cromwell kept so strict a league with him , that he did not assume the government without his privity , and was directed step by step by him , in the progress of that action ; and therefore if he resolved on that course , he should not only have the cardinal's friendship and counsel in the attempt , but a safe retreat , and honourable support in france , if he failed in it . soon after his majesty's restauration , which all the contrivances of these men could not hinder , the jesuites presented a paper to several persons of honour , pleading to be included within a favourable vote which had been made with reference to all other romanists ; in which they acknowledge , that no party in their church think the deposing doctrine sinfull , but themselves , who are by order of their general forbidden to meddle with it : but , as their answerer observes , this makes them but the more guilty , seeing their loyalty depends upon the will of their general , which is all they pretend to be influenced by in this matter : but this is not all , for they impose upon the world in that assertion , there being no such decree which respects any other countrey but france ; and whereas ( if we should grant them that ) they pretend to be bound by it under pain of damnation , this likewise is false ; for none of their constitutions oblige them under so much as a venial sin. therefore the same person advised them to join in a subscription of abhorrence of those deposing doctrines , which had been too often maintained by them ; but this was a piece of loyalty to which they could never arrive . the former year some of the irish clergy and gentry , to make some amends for their rebellion , had subscribed that declaration which mr. cressy published in the year 1647. which hath since been called the irish remonstrance , and made a great noise in the world for some years ; for no sooner was an account of this loyal action transmitted to rome , but the internuncio de vecchiis , then resident at brussels , by the pope's order declared , that his holiness had condemned it ; and cardinal barberini , in a letter to the noblemen of ireland , affirmed , that such as subscribe it do , to shew their fidelity to the king , destroy their faith ; and therefore exhorted all to beware of those seducers who promoted the subscriptions to it , and † father macedo , a portugueze , who had formerly made a latine panegyrick upon cromwell , was employed to write against it . the * dominicans refused absolution to some of their order , because they would not retract their approbations ; and the provincial box'd another for the same cause ; † the augustinians absolutely refused to sign it ; so did the ‖ franciscans , and * the jesuites . † anthony mac gheoghegan , popish bishop of meath , and several others , sent father john brady to rome , to get a direct censure published against it : and the theological faculty at ‖ lovain , declared that it contained many things contrary to the catholick faith , and ought not to be signed by any ; but father shelton , and several other priests , were more particular , who told father walsh , the procurator for the irish clergy in this affair , ‖ that they would not subscribe that form , nor any other , denying a power in the pope to depose the king , or absolve subjects from their allegiance , because this is a matter of right , controverted between two great princes . two years after † de riddere , commissary general of the franciscans for the belgick provinces , in a national congregation of all the provincials of that order subject to him , declared the subscribers of the remonstrance to be schismaticks , reserving a power to their superiours to proceed against them when it should be convenient . and the nuncio de vecchiis , in a letter to father caron , ‖ calls the remonstrance a rock of offence ; but the bishop of * ferns he declared himself more positively for the deposing power in his letter to dr. james cusack , jun. 18. 1662. and therefore in his letter to the ‖ d. of ormond , sep. 22. this year , he justifies all that was done at james-town by the romish bishops , who broke the peace of 1648. and two years after they excommunicated the duke , then his majesty's lieutenant there , refusing to obey him any longer . and the same bp. in two † letters to father walsh the next year , seriously professed that he durst not renounce the pope's deposing power , which was maintained by 7 saints , ( st. thomas one , ) 7 cardinals , 1 patriarch , 3 a. bps. 10 bps. and 31 classical authors , with other eminent divines ; and chose rather to continue a banisht man , than declare against them . and when his majesty had granted liberty to the r. clergy of that nation to hold a national synod that year , to try if they would give any assurance of their loyalty , * card. barberini wrote to them not to subscribe that protestation ; and the † internuncio rospigliosi affirmed , that to sign the remonstrance rendered the subscribers instruments of the damnation of others . * the cardinal minded them that the kingdom remained under excommunication , and therefore advised them to consider what they did . at length the assembly me● , and the card. fent letters dissuading them to give any such assurance of their loyalty , as being prejudicial to the cath. faith , which was seconded by another from the internuncio , and the bp. of ipres , directed to some of the synod , who were very obedient to these admonitions ; for when father walsh endeavoured to prove that several great divines had opposed the deposing doctrine , † father nettervile interrupted him , affirming that none had asserted the contrary , but a schismatical historian , and a poet , meaning sigibertus gemblacensis , and dante 's aligherius ; * soon after which they resolved not only not to sign the remonstrance , but not to suffer it to be read in the house : and when the procuratour desired them to beg his majesty's pardon for the late execrable rebellion , * they not only refused to ask pardon but so much as to acknowledge there was any need of it ; affirming publickly that they knew none at all guilty of any crime for any thing done in the war. and when the lord lieutenant desired them to give his majesty some assurance of their future obedience , in case of any deposition or excommunication from the pope , they refused even this without so much as putting it to the question . they offered indeed several forms instead of the remonstrance , but in none of them renounced the deposing power ; in that the assembly signed at their breaking up , they disowned the doctrine , but would not declare that doctrine which abetts it unsound and sinfull ; wherein they have been imitated by some late writers , who though called upon to affirm it such , never did it . once indeed they seemed to come something near what was expected , when their * chairman told father walsh , that it was not out of any prejudice against the remonstrance they would not sign it , but because they thought it more becoming their dignity and liberty to word their own sense ; for the rest , they were far from condemning that remonstrance or the subscribers thereof : yet would they not own this when desired under their hands , but refused ; so that no good being expected , they were dissolved , leaving an undeniable evidence of their aversion to loyalty , and approbation of the treasonable doctrine of the ch. of rome . soon after the dissolution of this synod the e. of sandwich , ambassadour in spain , informed his majesty that primate reilly was emplyed to stir up his countrey-men to rebell , upon which a gurd was set upon him , and in a little time was sent into france . the bp. of ferns still justified the rebellion , defending the actions of the clergy for laudable , vertuous , meritorious deeds , and becoming good men ; and therefore needing no repentance : and this is the last account i find of him , for he soon after dyed . and now the controversie about the regale growing hot between the king of france and the present pope , his holiness had so much of the spirit of his predecessours , who were for asserting their power over all the kingdoms of the world , as to threaten the king with excommunication , and that speedily , if he would not renounce his claim , and he was as good as his word ; for the king not being affraid of his thunders , and refusing to lose his right , and the assembly of the clergy joining with his majesty , the pope sent a bull of excommunication to his nuncio , requiring him to publish it in the assembly ; but by the diligence of the cardinal d'estree , the assembly was adjourned before the arrival of the bull. at the same time szlepeche , my primate of hungary , with his clergy , maintained the deposing power , by a censure of the contrary opinion ; and the next year the spanish inquisition at toledo did the same ; which was followed three years after by four theses , publickly maintained by the jesuites at their college of clermont in auvergne , wherein it was defended ; and even among our selves the authour of popery anatomised defends the decree of the council of laterane , in that the kings and princes of europe by their ambassadours consented to it , affirming that the christian world apprehended no injury , but rather security in that decree . finis . advertisement of two other books writ by the authour of this book . 1. the missionaries arts discovered : or , an account of their ways of insiruation , their artifices , and several methods of which they serve themselves in making convert to the church of rome . with a letter to a 〈◊〉 . 2. a plain defence of the protestant religion , fitted to the meanest capacity , being a full answer to the popish net for the fishers of m●n , that was writ by two converts ; wherein is evidently made appear , that their departure fr●m the protestant religion was without cause or reason . fit to be read by all protestants . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66162-e1630 a fowl. p. 287. anno 1520. 1523. b fowl. p. 301. 302. 1524. 1525. c fowl. p. 315. see the bull at the end of brutu● fulmen . lond. 16. 4to . 1535. 1538. 1536. * hunting of the romish fox . p. 3 , 4 , 5. * fowlis hist. of romish treas . p. 316. † foxes & fire-brands , part . 2. p. 34. dublin , 1682. mr. mason minister of finglas , in the year 1566. copied the substance of the bull out of the records at paris . 1537. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 316. surii commentar . p. 314. speed's chron. p. 1033. * surii comment . brevis . p. 314. fowlis's hist. p. 316. speed's chron. p. 1034. † speed's chr. p. 1041 , 1042. ‖ speed's chr. p. 1044. 1539. * bulla q●arta pauli tert●i . jesuitis concessa apud hospin . histor. jesuit . p. 104 , 105 , 106. this bull is called by the jesuits , mare magnum . 1546. * speed's chronicle . p. 1110 , to 1114. anno 1548. † speed's chronicle . p. 1114 , 1115 , 1116. 1549. a speed's chron. p. 1116 , 1117. ‖ fifth part of church government . p. 139. oxford . 1637 ▪ b hist. of the council of trent , p. 262 , 263. london . 1684. 8vo . 1555. c fowl. hist. of romish treasons . p. 287. 1558. d idem . p. 329. * f●xes and firebrands . part . 2. p 20. 1560. * fowlis's hist. p. 302. 1561. † idem . p. 329. 1562. ‖ idem . p. 330. * gabut . vit. pii quinti . l. 3. c. 9. apud . fowl. ubi supra & thuanus . lib. 44. ibid. 1563. † fowl. hist. p. 367. ‖ concil . trid. sess. 25. c. 20. decemb. 4. 1563. * fowlis's hist. p. 366. 1564. edward dennum , see his letter to the lord cecil of april . 13. 1564. in foxes and firebrands , p. 51 , to 56. — out of the memorials of the lord ce●● . † speed's chr. p. 1162. fowlis hist. p. 302. 1565. 1567. 1568. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 130 , 131. import . consi● . p. 57. * id. p. 368. † sir ed. coke at the tryall of the gunp. trait . hist. of the gunp. tr. p. 109. 1569. ‖ see the bull in fowlis hist. p. 331. and speed's chron. p. 1171. * surii comment . p. 770. ‖ id. * speed's chr. p. 1169 , 1170. fowl. hist. p. 335. † execut. of justice for treason . pr. lond. 1583. 4to . ‖ surii comment . p. 770. non illos habuere successus , conatus illorum nobilium , quos peraverant , fortassis quod catholicis omnibus ea denuntiatio , needum innotuisset . * idem . p. 771. noluerunt elizabetham legitimam reginam confiteri . † fowl. hist. p. 302 , 303. * speed's chr. p. 1170. 1570. fowlis's hist. p. 335. speed's chron. p. 1174. † surii com. p. 786 , 787 , 788. * resp. ad f●li● . regin . angl. † ad an. 1570. sect. 4. ‖ see fowlis ubi supra . surii comment . p. 794 , 795 , 796. 1571. 1572. 〈◊〉 hist. p. ●68 . 1576. fowl. hist. p. 371. * see the instrument of that confederacy in maimbourg's hist of the league . p. 42. lond. 1684. 8vo . † see the instrument in fowlis , p. 372 , 373 , 374. see the account of this transaction in the appendix to the vindication of the sincerity of the prot. relig. 1577. speed's chr. p. 1176. * nelson , hance , lacies , briant , &c. † see his letter in speed●● . ‖ hist. jesuit . p. 244 , 245. 1578. 1579. anat of popish tyr. in the ep. dedi ▪ lond. 1603 4to . fowlis's hist. p. 303 , 304. † fowlis ubi supra . fowl. p. 305. 1580. see the bull at large in fowlis , p. 306. ‖ eandem plenariam peccatorumvestrorum indulgentiam & remissionem , quam adversus turcas , pro recuperanda terra sancta bellantes consequuntur , tribuimus , &c. * john nichols in his declaration of his recantation , apud fowlis , p. 336. and reniger de pii quinti , and greg. 13. furoribus , c. 8. lon. 1582. 8vo . † cambd. eliz. l. 3. ad an . 1588. * important consideration , p. 62. ‖ see them reprinted in the collect. of trea. concerning the penal laws . lond. 1675. this passage is p. 76. * auth. tyrrell in his recantation , p. 29. † they are his own words , see execution of justice , &c. p. 16. * see reynolds conser . with hart , pref. to the e●gl . seminaries , p. 2 lond 1609. 4to . petatur à ●●mo domino nostro , explicatio bullae quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo , ut obliget semper illam & hereticos , catholicos verò nullo modo obliget , rebus sic stantibus , sed tum demum quaudo publica ejusdem bullae executio fieri poterit . execut. for trea. p. 15 , 16. ‖ important considerations , p. 62 , 63. * hunting of the romish fox , p. 137 , 138. out of cecil's memoirs . † import . con. p. 66. & fowl. hist. p. 54. † hunting of the rom. fox , p. 129 , 130 , 131 , 132. out of cecu's memoirs . 1581. * declaration of the favourable dealings of her majest . commissioners , p. 4. 1583. 4to . † important consid. p. 68. * hunting of the romish fox . p. 146 , 147. * fowlis , p. 54. 1582. fowlis , p. 55 , 56 , 57 , 58. hunting of the romish fox , p. 184. † speed's ch● p. 1175. execut. for trea p. 27. anno 1583. anat. popish tyr. p. 84. speed's chron. p 1176. 1177. * foxes & firebrands , part . 2. p. 59. fowlis's hist. p. 307. anat of popish tyranny , p. 97. 1584. fowlis hist. p. 338. * foxes and firebrands . part . 2. p. 59 , 60. fowlis's hist. p. 338. idem . p. 339. see the letter in fowlis , p. 339 , and speed 1178 , 1179. idem . p. 340. idem . p 338. * histor. jesuit . p. 366. speed's chr. p. 1193. jes. cat. p 134 , 135. fowl. hist. p. 377. * id. p. 376. id. p. 378. anno 1585. fowl. hist. p. 379. id. p. 380. id. p. 381. sep. 9. 1585. speed's chron. p. 1180. anat. of pop. tyr. epist. dedicat. anno 1586. ca●●d . annal. ad an . 1586. fowlis's hist. p. 343 , 344 * speed's chronicle . p. 1180. anat. of pop. tyr. p. 85. * speed's chr. p. 1181. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 344. fowl. hist. p. 346 , 347. id. p. 387 , 388. 1578. fowlis , p. 388. id. p. 389. * speed's chr. p. 1195. anat. popish tyr. p. 85. anno 1587. ‖ fowl. p. ●62 . coll. of trea. conc. the penal laws , p. 71 , 72. def. of eng , cath. p. 114 , 115. cited shy fowl. p. 62. 1588. ‖ fowl. p. 350. speed's chr. d. 1199 ‖ fowl. p. 350. * speed's chr. p. 1197. fowlis , p. 350 , 351. id. p. 350. speed's chron. p. 1197. import . consid. p. 73. * id. p. 75. ‖ fowlis , p. 351. speed , p. 1199. * fowlis hist. p. 352. † important consid. p. 63. * fowl. p. 353. fowlis's hist. p. 287 , 288. * fowlis's hist. p. 353. ‖ id. p. 288. * fowl. p. 389. id. p. 391. id. p. 392 , 393 , 394. * id. p. 390. 1589. ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 288. vide praef. ‖ id. p. 291. † ibid. † mr. bruce in the same letter , ibid. fowlis , p. 294 , 295. † speed's chronicle . p. 1180. fowlis hist. p. 351. import . consid . p. 76. † fowlis hist. p. 397. * id. p. 40● . ‖ id. p. 399. 400. where see the letter . * id. p. 402 , 403 , 405. fowlis's hist. p. 403 , 404. * conclusum est , nemine refragante , primùm , quod populus hujus regni solutus est & liberatus à sacramento fidelitatis & obedientiae , &c. deinde , quod idem populus licitè , & tutâ conscientia , armari , uniri , & pecunias colligere & contribuere potest , ad defensionem & conservationem religionis apostolicae , catholi●● , & romanae , adversus nefaria consilia & conatus praedicti regis , &c. see the whole decree in fowlis , p. 398 , 399. † id. p. 403. fowlis , p. 410. see the bull at large in fowlis , p. 408. * ibid. p. 409. ib. p. 410 , 411 , 412. that he was set on by the jesuites , see hospin . histor. jesuit . p. 180 , 247. fow. p. 411. hist. jesuit . p. 169 , 248. 255. see it at large in fowlis hist. p. 413. ib. p. 422 ▪ 423. ib. p. 422. ib. p. 423. 1590. ibid. fowl. p. 427. ibid. id. p. 424. idem . p. 428. ‖ fowl. p. 423 , 424. † jure divino prohibentur catholici haereticum hominem , aut f●utorem haeresecos , ad regnum admittere . quod si ejusmodi absolutionem à criminibus impetraverit , & tamen subsit manifes●um simulationis , is nihilominus eodem jure excludi debet . quicunque autem satagat , ut is ad regnum perveniat , — est religioni atque ecclesiae perniciosus , contra quem eo nomine agi potest & debet , cujuscunque gradus & eminentiae sit . — cùm igitur henricus b●rbonius haereticus fit , & si forte absolutionem in foro exteriore impetraret , manifestum appareat simulationis — 〈…〉 regni aditu , 〈◊〉 absolutionè obten●● , — franci prohibere , & a pace cum eo facienda abhorrere tenentur — qui dicto henrico ad regnum aspiranti favere , suppetiásve , quovis modo ferunt , religionis desertores sunt , & in continuo peccato mortali 〈◊〉 ; — qui ●e alli opponunt quocùnque modo , zelo religionis , plurimum apud deum & homines merent●● — si ad sanguinem usque resistant , eos aeternum in praemium , & ut fidei propugnatores martyrii palmam , consecut●ros , judicare fas est . conclusum , nemine repugnante , 〈…〉 congregatione general● , &c. septimo die maii , 1590. fow. p , 425. &c. ‖ fowl. p. 427. fowl. hist. p. 429 , &c. * id. p. 427. † ob hanc causam etiam publico ordinam decreto extra provincia ejecti sunt , an . 1590. sub mensis januarii initium . histor. jesuit . p. 332. fowlis , p 295. jesuites catec . p. 173. fowl. hist. p. 434 , &c. 1591. fow. p. 433. id. p. 438. id. p 433 , 438. 1592. fowlis's hist. p. 438 , 439. ‖ important consid. p. 81. * ibid. anat. of popish tyranny , p. 22. † fowlis's hist. p. 354. important consid. and anat. of pop. tyr. p. 22. speed's chron. p. 1181. fowlis's hist. p. 296. ‖ fowlis , p. 297 , 298. 1593. id●m . p. 299. idem . p. 3●7 . * speed's chr. p. 1181. anat. popish tyr. p. 22. fowl. hist. p. 354 , &c. import . consid. p. 81. fowlis's hist. p. 356. speed's chr. p. 1182. fowl. p. 439. &c. fowl. p. 441 , 442. id p. 443. ●●es . catech. ● . 3. c. 6. histor. jesuit . p. 251. † jes. cat. l. 3. c. 6. histor. jesuit . p. 251. sumptura est de barrierio supplicium , 31. aug. die verò 29. qui erat dominicus , pater commoletus , jesuita parisiensis , in epilogo concionis suae m●nuerat & adhortatus fuerat auditores , ne paululùm adhuc obdurarent , & quietis essent animis , siquidem brevi miraculum à deo magnum ipsos esse percepturos , atque oculis suis visuros . 1594. histor. jesuit , p. 148 , &c. fowlis hist. p 443 , &c. hist. jes. p. 258. jes. cat. l. 3. c. 20. fowlis , p. 447. † fowlis hist. p. 445. hist. jesuit . p. 259. fowl. p. 445. jesu . cat. l. 3. c. 18. histor. jes. p. 154 , 155 , 252. * id. p. 252. ratus id religioni conducere . * constituit insuper ut omnes sacerdotes collegii clermontii , & omnes alii praedictae societati addicti , tanquam corruptores juventutis , perturbatores publicae tranquillitatis , — toto regno exeant . illorum au●em mobilia & immobilia bona vertentur , &c. — secundùm arbitrium & decretum curiae . hist. jes. p. 253. histor. jesuit . p. 256 , 257. where you may see the summe of his book , and the arrest of parliament against him . see also fowlis , p. 446 , &c. † of him see hist. jesuit . ubi supra . † speaking of chastell , there are these lines , malis magistris usus & schola impia , sotericum e●eu nomen usurpantibus . expressing by whose instigation he undertook the murther . * pulso tota gallia hominum genere novae & maleficae superstitionis qui rempublicam turbarunt , quorum instinctu particularis adolescens dirum facinus instituerat . hist. jes. p. 156. † sand. hist. of k. james , p. 156. ‖ c'st un acte tres sainct , tres humaine , tres digne , tres louable , & tres recommendable . — conformement à dieu , aux loix , au decrets , & à l'eglise . apolog. pour . j. chastel , p. 147. 156. see also hist. jaes . p. 255. † fowl. p. 307. speed's chron. p 1191. fowlis's hist. p. 299 , 300. hist. jesult . p. 336. 1595. fowl. p. 358. * mousehole , meulin , and pensans . 1596. fowl. p. 307. a. p. reply to a notorious libell , p. 81 , 82. cited by fowl. p. 358. fowl. p. 300. speed. p. 1183. fowl. p 357. import . consid . p. 81. anat. of pop. tyran . p. 26. 1597. * speed , p. 1183. † jes. cat. l 3. c. 4 speed , p. 1121 , 1122. 1598. id. p. 1123. cambd. annal. ad an . 1598. * jes. cate● . l. 3. c. 1. hist. jes. p. 336. fowl. p. 449 , 450. 1599. fow. p 308. speed. p. 1225. * see them at large in fowlis , p. 308. 309. 1600. † desideramus ut quem ●dmodum faeli●is recordationis pius v. p. m. contra reginam angliae — bullam excommunicationis ediderat , necnon greg. 13. eandem continuaverat — similem quoque sententiam ad hoc bellum promovendum , & ad felice● exitum deducendum sanctitas vestra emittere dignetur . fowl. p. 478. ‖ cùm rom. pontificum praedecessorum nostrorum , & nostris & apostolicae sedis cohortationibus adductis — hugoni o neale — conjunctis animis & viribus praesto fueritis . see the letter at large in fowlis , p. 479 , 480. speed , p. 1125. 1126. * fowlis p. 480. this year col. sempill betrayed lyer in flanders to the spaniards . wadsw . engl. span. pilgr . p 61. lond. 1630. — 4to . delr . disquis . magi. l. 6. c. 1. lov. 1600. 4to . account of the proceedings against the gunp. trait . p. 215. lond. 1679. 8to . anno 1601. foxes & firebrands , pt . 2. p. 62. fowl. p. 499. acct. of the proceedings against the gunpowder trait . p. 159. foxes & firebrands , ubi supra . ‖ fowlis's hist. p. 498. * walton's life of sir henry wotton , p 1●4 , &c. † 〈…〉 & principes , &c. ‖ 〈◊〉 ex his 〈◊〉 in domino 〈◊〉 — laudamus egregiam pietat●m & fortitudinem tuam . — conservate filii hanc mentem , conservate vnionem , — & deus erit vobi●●um , & p●gnabit pro vobis . vbi opus p●rit , scribemus effica●iter ad reges & principes catholicos , — ut vobis & causae vestrae omni ope suffragentur . cogitamus etiam prope●iem mittere ad vos peculiaerem nuncium nostrum . tibi & cateris qui tibi unanimes pro sidei 〈◊〉 propugnatione adhaerent , nostram & apostoli●am benedictionem benig●● impertimur . fowl. p. 482. † walsh's hist. of the irish rem . pref. p. 11. * see his declaration in fowlis hist. p 484 , &c. speed's chr. p. 1226. fowlis's hist. p. 486. speed's chr. p. 1226. ‖ hist of the gunpow . tr. p. 2 , 3. 1602. hist gunp. tr. p. 3. fowl. hist. p. 486 , &c. * tanquam certum est accipiendum , posse rom. pontif. sidei desertores , armis compell●re ac coercere ; — posse quoscunq●e catholicos hugoni o neal in praed . bello favere , idque magro cum merito , & spe maxima retributionis aeternae ; cùm enim bellum gerit authoritate summi pontificis . — eos omnes catholicos peccare mortaliter , qui anglorum castra — sequuntur ; nec posse illos aeternam salutem consequi , nec ullo sacerdote à suis peccatis absolvi , nisi prius resipiscant , ac castra anglorum deserant . idemque de illis censendum est qui illis tribuunt , praeterea tribu●a consueta quae ex summi pont. indulgentia & permissione eis licet anglis regibus — solvere — surreptio intervenire non potest , nulla narratur petitio eorum in quorum favorem expeditur ; at summus pont ▪ aperte in illis literis docet se & antecessores suos sponte exhortates fuisse ad illu● bellum gerendum hibernos . — permissum est etiam catholicis haere●icae reginae id genus obsequii praestare quod catholicam religionem non oppugnet . — da●um salamanticae , 7. martii . 1602. fowl. p. 495. fowl. p. 494. hist. of the irish remon . pref. p. 11. 1603. * see it at large in hist. 〈◊〉 p. 160. 〈◊〉 re●ula ind●●itata habent quod ille excommunicandorum regum potestatem habeat , quod rex excommunicatus nihil sit aliud quam tyrannus , cui populus rebellare possit ; — quod omnes regnicolae qui minimum in ecclesia ordinem habeant , si quodcunque crimen committant , illud pro laesae majestatis 〈◊〉 haberi non possit , propterea quod regum subditi non sint , nec ad eorum jurisdictionem pertineant . † oportet igitur ut illi qui tenent , & in regno vestro manere volunt , eas publicè in suis collegiis abjurent . ‖ hist. jes. p. 494. ne ulla collegia — sine expressa regis permissione insticuant . — vt semper aliquem habeant , natione gallum , qui regi à sacris concionibus esset , & de omnibus negotiis rationem totius societatis nomine ipsi re●dere possit . account of the proceed , p. 164. hist. of the gun-powder plot. p. 5. anno 1604. † acct. of the proceedings , p. 67. 〈◊〉 . fowl. hist. p ▪ 513. an account of the proceed . p 168. 1605. † ib. p. 58 59. hist of the gun-powder treason p. 17. wilson's hist. of k. j. p. 31. ‖ account of the proceed . p. 6. see his papers at the end of the account , p. 241 , &c. account of the proceedings , p. 105 , 172. † causab . ep. ad front. du●aeum , p. 99. lond. 1611. 4to . * account of the proceed . p. 175. ‖ fow. p. 509. * account of the proceed . p. 172. † robins . anat. of the english nunnery at lisbon , p. 8. lond. 1630. 4to . fowl. p. 510. fowlis , p. 509. in his papers ubi supr . p 250. * copley's reasons , p. 22. † vindication of the history of gunp. tr. p. 74. † fowl. p. 509. * copley's reas. p. 21. ib. p. 23. * k. james premon p 2●1 . of his works ▪ † account of proceedings , p. 126. * see key for cathol . p. 434. hist. of the gun-powder treas . p. 29. † copley's reasons , p. 22. * robins . anat. p. 3. † primarius quidem baro s●●tus , idemque spectatissimae in religione constant●ae , cum romam venisse● , in templo ilio jesuitarum , inter alios sodalitatis illius martyres , 〈◊〉 gar●etti effigiem vidit . bernard . giral . patavi . pro repub. ven. apolog. p. 107. * st. amo●r's journal . p. 58. lond. 1664. fol. — pater henricus gar●ettus anglus , l●ndini pro fide catholica suspensus , & sectus . 3. maii. 16●6 . fowl. p. 520. vind●c . of the sincer. of the prot. relig. p. 132. out of thuanus ad an . 1604. * tertul. apol. c. 35. cui autem opus est scrutari super caesaris sal●te , nisi à quo adversus illum aliquid cogitatur , aut post illam speratur & sustinetur . — * fowl. p. 455. idem . p. 456. fowl. hist. 456 , &c. histor. jes. p. 306. 1606. fowl. p. 458. * authoritate omnipotentis dei , ac b. petri & pauli apostolorum ejus , ac nostra , nisi dux & senatus intra viginti quatuor dies a die publicationis praesentium — computandos praedicta decreta omnia , &c. revocaverint , &c. — ●xcommunicamus , & excommunicatos nunciamus & declaramus . et si di ●i dux & senatus per tres dies post lapsum dictorum viginti quatuor dierum , excommunicationis sententiam animo sustinuerint in lurato , — universum temporale dominium dict . reip. ecclesiastico interdicto supponimus , — ilidsque etiam p●en●s contra ipsos — juxta sacrorum canonum dispositionem — leclarandi facultatem reservamus . — dat. apr. 18. anno 1606. † fowlis hist. l. 4 ▪ 3 , &c. ib. p. 526 , 527. † non potes●is absque evidentissima gravissim●que divini honoris injuriâ obligare vos juramento , — cùm multa contineat quae fidei & saluti apertè aversantur . 1607. * aug. 23. 1607. decrevimus vobis significare literas illas post longam & gravem de omnibus quae in illis continentur deliberationem ●dhibitam fuisse scriptas ; & ●b id teneri vos illas omnino observare , omni interpretatione secùs suadente rejectà . fowlis's hist. p. 495. treatise of mitigation , p. 176. hist. jesuit . p. 332. hist. jes. p. 261. vindicat. of prot. relig. p. 1133. 1608. fowl. p. 529 530 , 531. si intra tempus hoc facere distulerint , eos 〈◊〉 t●●ibus & privilegiis omnibus●●rives . 1609. histor. jesuit . p. 297. idem , p. 226 , 227 , 228. anno 1610. hist. jesuit . p. 332. 333. vindic. of the sincer. of the plot. relig. p. 135. fow. p. 471. i● . p. 470 , &c. hist. jesuit . p. 261. hic quidem mos est regum , ut ingentes thesauros ad sui amplitudinem & aliorum terrorem colligant , at rustliculum unum ad regem supprimendum sufficere . histor. jesuit . p. 260 , 261. fowlis's hist. p. 471 , 472. 1611. histor. jesuit . p. 219 , &c. 1613. fowl. p. 348. 1614. see his speech at large in his diverses o●●vres , paris , 1633. fol. ‖ fow. p 52. his defens . fidei catholicae . — see brutum fulmen , p. 205. &c. frankl . annal. p. 6 , 7. nani's history of venice , p. 33 , 34. 1615. ib. p. 58 , 59. anno 1616. 1617. nani's history of venice , p. 65 , 99. 1618. hist. jesuit . p. 297 , 299. * nani , p. 121 , 122. * consp . of the span. agt. the state of venice , p ▪ 15 , 16. lon. 1675. 8vo . † nani p. 124. ‖ hist. jesuit . p 300 , 301. 1619. * nani , p. 151. 1620. † id. p. 159. * burne●'s trav. p. 81. 1622. wilson's hist. of great brit. p. 203. 1625. fowlis , p. 476. mister . pret. 60 , 61. sen. quid si essetis romae ? p. coto . mut●retur nobiscum coelo animus , sentiremus ut romae . 1626. * see baiting of the pope's bull , in init . — ad haereat lingua vestra faucibus vestris , priusquam authoritatem b. petri eâ jurisjurandi formulâ imminutam detis . † jesuits reasons unreasonable , p. 116. 1627. rushworth's collect. part . 1. p. 427. 1628. nani's history of venice , p. 283. 1629. idem . p. 3●2 . foxes & firebrands , pt . 2. p. 72 , 73. 1620. † hunting of the rom. fox , p. 216 , 217. 1632. nani's history of venice , p. 310 , &c. anno 1633. bp. bedell . long 's history of plots , p. 100. 1640. see whole account published under this title , the designs of the papists , lond. 1678. 4to . see it in frankland's annals , p. 865 , 866. non diffidimus , — quia sicut occasione unius foeminae authoritas sedis apostolicae in regno augliae suppressa fuit , sic nunc per tot heroicas foeminas , — brevi modò restituenda sit , — 1641. see the history of the irish rebellion , fol. nani's hist. p. 493. nani's hist. p. 495 , &c. 1642. id. p. 535. † long 's hist. of plots , p. 64. * nos divlnam clementiam indesinenter orantes , ut adversariorum conatus in nihilum redigat , &c. see it at large in the append . to the hist. of the irish rebel . p. 59. † nani's hist. p. 515. 1643. hist of the irish remon . pres. p. 1644. † disputatio apolog. de jure reg. hibern . pro cath. hibern . advers . heret . anglos , p. 65. cited by walsh in the history of the irish remonstrance , p. 736 , 737. in these words : ordines regni optimo jure poterant ac debebant omni dominio hiberniae priva●e tales reges , postquam facti sunt haeretici atque tyranni — hoc enim jus & potestas in omni regno & republica est . — jam si consensui regui in hac re accederet author●tas apostolica , quis nisi hareticus , vel stultus au lebit negare quod hic affirmamus , & doctores theologi , & juris utriusque periti passim docent , rationes probant , exempla suadent . 1645. anno 1607. ●d . clarendon against cressy , p 246. * bp. bramhali's letters to a. p. vsher , ap ▪ vsher's life & letters , p. 611. 1609. id. p. 612. anno 1647. * vindic. of the sincerity of the prot. relig. p. 59. * mutatus polemo . p. 4 , 5. i● . p. 6. 18. 26. 32. vindic. of the sincer . of the prot. relig. p. 65. cressey 's exomolog . p. 72. paris , 1647. 8vo . ld. clarendon against cressey . p. 76 , 77. 1648. priorato's hist. of france , p. 11 , &c. lond. 1676. fol. * declaratio ss . dom. nostri innoc. divinâ providentiâ papae 10. nullitatis articulorum nuperae paci● germaniae , religioni gatholicae , sedi apostolicae , & quomodo libet praejudicialium , — see it in hoornbeck disputat . ad bull. inn. 10. † numerus septem electorum imperii — apostolicâ authoritate praefinitus . — hist of the irish remon . p. 523 , 524. * vindic. of the sincer. of the prot. relig. p. 66 , 67. foxes & firebrands , part 2. p. 86. vindication of the prot. rel. p. 65. id. p. ●8 ▪ 66. in his letter to dr. du moulin , aug. 9. 1673. idem ▪ p. 64. ib. p. 61 , &c. id. p. 60. see the excommunication in the appendix to the hist. of the irish rem . p. 34. wals●'s letters in the pref. 1649. hist of the irish remon . p. 609. priorat●'s hist. of france , p. 49 , &c. 1650. id. p. 117 , &c. see it at large , a●d the duke's answer to it , hist. of the irish remonst . ap. p. 65. † hist. of the irish rebell . p. 261. id. p. 276. 1651. vindic. of the prot. relig. p. 69. priorato's hist. of france , p. 245 , 285 , 308 , 333. 1652. lon●'s hist. of plots , p. 15 , 16. vindic. of the prot. relig. p. 67 , &c. jesuites reasons unreasonable , p. 103 , 104. hist. of irish rebellion , p. 241. priorato's hist. of france , p. 358 , &c. 1654. st. amour's annals , p. 448. 1655. baily's life of fi●her , p. 260 , 261. london , 1655. 8vo . 1658. hist. of the irish remonst . p. 740. * the same who had betrayed rat●mines to jones . 1659. hist. of the irish remon . p. 610. † long 's hist. of plots , p. 87 , 88. 1662. jesuites reasons unreasonable , p. 112 , &c , id. p. 127. hist of the irish remon . p. 16 , 17 , 18. where see the letters , and p. 513 , 514. † id. p. 43. * p. 52. † p. 54. ‖ p. 49. * p. 60. † p. 91. ‖ p. 102. ‖ p. 84. † p. 116. 1664. 1665. ‖ p. 531. * p. 617 , &c. ‖ p. 620 , 629. anno † p. 624 , &c. 1666. * p. 633. † p. 634. * ld. clarend . against cr●ss●y , p. 247 , 248. hist. of the irish remonst . p. 647 , &c. † p. 657. * p ▪ 666. * id. pref. p. 3 , 4. idem . p. 763. * p. 675. p. 746. 1674. walsh's letters p. 54. anno 1679. 1682. news from france , p. 37. lond. 1682. 4to . walsh's letters in the pref. 1687. 1686. popery anat. p. 14. lond. 1636. 4to . the missionarie's arts discovered, or, an account of their ways of insinuation, their artifices and several methods of which they serve themselves in making converts with a letter to mr. pulton, challenging him to make good his charge of disloyalty against protestants, and an historical preface, containing an account of their introducing the heathen gods in their processions, and other particulars relating to the several chapters of this treatise. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1688 approx. 378 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 65 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66213 wing w246a estc r4106 12246586 ocm 12246586 56960 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66213) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56960) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 881:10) the missionarie's arts discovered, or, an account of their ways of insinuation, their artifices and several methods of which they serve themselves in making converts with a letter to mr. pulton, challenging him to make good his charge of disloyalty against protestants, and an historical preface, containing an account of their introducing the heathen gods in their processions, and other particulars relating to the several chapters of this treatise. wake, william, 1657-1737. hickes, george, 1642-1715. [6], xxiv, 96 p. printed, and sold by randal taylor ..., london : 1688. reproduction of original in huntington library. has been erroneously attributed to george hickes. cf. brit. mus. cat. attributed to william wake. cf. nuc pre-1956. errata page precedes t.p. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pulton, a. -(andrew), 1654-1710. church of england -controversial literature. catholic church -controversial literature. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , liber cui titulus , the missionarie's arts discovered , &c. guil. needham , r. r. in christo patri , ac domino domino , wilhelmo archiep. cantuar. â sacr. domest . feb. 28. 1687 / 8. errata . in the preface . page , 7. line 39. in marg . r. avons . ibid. l. 40. r. don● . p. 14. l. 36 , in marg . after danse r. a la. in the book . page , 2 l. 20. r. acknowledged . ibid. 13. l. 5. dele of . p 22. l. 21. r. pretences . p. 24. l. 29. r. tower. p. 36. l. 5. r. those pillars . p. 43. l. 4. dele § . 3. p 47. l. 5. r. given . ibid. l. 13 r. barbarini . p. 48. l. 3r . r. as . p. 53. l. 12. dele when . p. 54 l. 33. r. vigorous . p. 67. l. 13. r. unwillingly . p. 76. l. 31. after the r. decisions of the. p. 78. l 19. r ireland . p , 81 , l , 10 , r , expos'd . p , 82 ▪ 28 , for and r , had . p , 90 , for leave , r , believe , p. 96 , l , 24 , dele a. in the margin . page 6 , line 8 ▪ r , fimo . p , 11. l. 15 , r , p , 9. p. 20 , l , 9 , r , perjurii . ibid , r , aeternae . p 23. l. 5. 1602. p. 30 , l. 5 , after epistle r , of epiphanius , p , 32 , l , 11 , r , commecdavit . p. 53. l , 13 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p , 64 , l , 8. for in r , and. p , 69 , l , 1 , r , c , 18. p , 70 , l , 4 , r , misrep . p , 83 , l , 4 , r , contz . ibid. r , sect , 8 , ibid , l , 6 r , p , 78 , p , 89 , l , 10. r , pigritia , p , 90 , l , 7 , r , p , 10. in some of the french quotations , the ( é ) is left without an accent , which with some few literal faults the reader will easily amend . the missionarie's arts discovered : or , an account of their ways of insinuation , their artifices and several methods of which they serve themselves in making converts . with a letter to mr. pvlton , challenging him to make good his charge of disloyalty against protestants . and , an historical preface , containing an account of their introducing the heathen gods in their processions , and other particulars relating to the several chapters of this treatise . jer. 12.6 . believe them not tho' they speak fair words unto thee . tertull. adv. valent. habent artificium quo prius persuadent quam edoceant . veritas autem docendo persuadet , non suadendo docet . persius . sat. 5. — fronte politi , astutam vapido servant sub pectore vulpem . london , printed , and sold by randal taylor near stationers hall. mdclxxxviii . to the reverend mr. pulton , jesuite and schoolmaster in the savoy . reverend sir , though the author of the * answer to dr. pierce's sermon had the hardiness to affirm , that it is evident more rebellions have been rais'd against princes for religion onely , in this last reformed age , in a few protestant countries , than have been rais'd by catholicks for any cause whatsoever , in seven ages before throughout all christendom ; wherein he is seconded by another , who with the same modesty tells the world , that in this last century , there have been more princes depos'd and murder'd for their religion by protestants , than have been in all the other since christ's time by the attempts and means of roman catholicks : yet these gentlemen were so politick , as to avoid the infamy which a confutation would subject them to , by concealing themselves from the world : but what either a sense of their inability , or a consciousness of their immodesty hinder'd them from prosecuting , you have very freely engag'd your self to perform ; by renewing their assertion , and advising your learned adversary not to meddle with the subject of the disloyalty of your party , lest you return the charge upon the reformed churches . but , sir , we are not to be frighted with blustring words ; nor will your informing us that * you have many remarks in store to shew that whatever catholicks have judg'd in the theory about the deposing power , it was the reformers who reduc'd it to practice , and that you will produce them if farther provoked , terrifie us any , more than your several volumes of collections out of the fathers , which you boast of ; we know , sir , your assertion is untrue , and therefore are not afraid to bring it to the test. i do therefore here challenge you as you would not appear a slanderer , and guilty of venting a most pernicious and notorious falshood , as you value the honour of your church , and your own reputation , to publish those remarks you say you have made ; and vindicate your self , or else acknowledge that you have printed and published an assertion , without regard either to truth or modesty . i must confess in any other case i should be apt to censure my self for the freedom of this address , but it is certainly a time to speak , when a man pretending to be a priest of the living and true god , shall in defence of his religion ( which if true , needs no such abominable arts to uphold it , ) vent so bold a slander , tending to expose the pure churches of christ , as enemies to their sovereigns , and so render them odious to those from whom they have all imaginable reason to expect protection , as from nursing fathers . i will not tye you up to your own assertion , that the reformers have deposed and endeavoured to depose more princes in the space of one hundred and fifty years , than the roman catholicks had done in sixteen hundred ; for you will be more puzzled to find a papist in the first centuries of that period , than you were to tell under what pope the fourth council of lateran was assembled . nor do i desire the enquiry should be confin'd to the term of the last seven hundred years on the romish side , which the above-cited author pitch't upon ; but will freely remit you above five hundred of that , and in the time since the reformation do engage my self to prove what i have asserted p. 76. of this treatise . i do not much expect an answer to this challenge , for those men who could lye near twenty years under such a charge as dr. du moulin laid against them , and dar'd them to call him to an account for , the murder of k. charles the first , without ever venturing to clear themselves , may easily bear this ; besides your champions have of late left their doctrines to defend themselves . however i once again renew the challenge , which if you accept , it will soon be seen that you are not alone , guilty of such insincere and immodest dealing , since the vindicator of mr. de meaux hath told the world , that not only the protestations but the practices of the romanists have justified them in the point of obedience to princes . a little time will shew who is in the right ; for having your remarks ready , i suppose we need not expect long , if you have any design to justifie your self , and think you are able ; but if not , do but own your rashness and error , which in duty you are bound to do , that the church of god may have some reparation for so bold a calumny ; and notwithstanding this freedom you shall find me on all occasions , reverend sir your most obedient servant as far as love to truth will permit anonymus . advertisement . good and solid reasons why a protestant should not turn papist , or protestant prejudices against the roman catholick religion in a letter to a priest. sold at the ship in st. paul's church-yard , 1688. the preface . the design of the ensuing discourse is laid down in the introduction ; so that the business of this preface is chiefly to supply some particulars which either are omitted or could not conveniently be inserted in the book it self . § . 1. the device of bewitching mens senses with pomp and shew , i have both mention'd and expos'd , yet is it look't upon so considerable in that corrupt church , that it is not onely defended by cardinal pallavicini , and thrust into the number of the notes whereby they pretend to distinguish their church from all others ; and prove that it is the onely true one ; but so much stress laid upon it , that it seems one of the main pillars of the roman fabrick ; which if we may believe one of the learnedest divines of france , could not subsist without it . the world ( saith he ) could not bear a religion calculated onely for philosophers ; the people did not know what it was to think , and to govern themselves by the impressions that abstracted thoughts made on their minds , they must have outward things to strike upon their senses and imaginations : to amuse , to terrifie , and to excite them ; so legends , dreadfull stories , and a pompous worship were necessary to make the impressions of religion go deep into such course souls : from whence he concluded , that the reformation had reduc'd the christian religion to such severe terms , that it was onely a religion for philosophers : thus these gentlemen contradict themselves , one while pretending that our religion is founded upon such loose principles , as require no strictness nor mortification of its professors ; at another time advancing a charge which would sound well in the mouths of any but such as bend their whole endeavours to find a way for men to go to heaven and keep their sins too , and who blame the reformed churches for nothing more than their calculating their doctrines in opposition to the laziness and lusts of men as their great master , whose steps they follow , did before them . the precepts of christianity are so severe in themselves , that the founders of the papal greatness could not find their interest in too strictly pressing the observation of them ; the ambitious , the covetous and the luxurious man can see nothing there to gratifie his predominant desire ; and seeing such a grandeur as that of the papacy could not be upheld by those melancholy vertues of humility , contempt of the world , meekness and mortification ; there must be some method found to dispence with them : the first step in the prosecution of this design was ; to draw men insensibly from the contemplation of the more spiritual part of religion , to external pomp , which by charming the senses might keep them so fixt as to afford no leisure for inward reflexions ; while the spirits being dilated and the affections rais'd by the impression they make on the beholders of them , those superficial emotions , are highly extoll'd for divine transports , and the operations of the holy spirit . they knew well that nothing renders any thing more odious to the vulgar , than to represent it in a ridiculous manner ; and therefore instead of the more rational way of convincing mens vnderstandings , they have taken up the method of jeering men out of their opinions ; tho' the shame sometimes ( as it ought always to do among thinking men ) returns upon themselves ; as it did * when they attempted to ridicule the jansenists in a procession at mascon in the year 1651. i have noted the concession of baronius , that the heathen rites and ceremonies were purposely introduc'd among the romanists in their service of god ; and i thought that pretty difficult to do without violating the very first principles of christianity ; but the † jesuits of luxembourg have found a way to consecrate not onely the pagan rites , but their gods too , to the service of the blessed virgin , which they pretend is the service of god. the relation is of such nature , and so scarce even in french , that i am sure the reader will not be displeas'd to see , what a prophane puppet-shew they make of religion , and to what extravagances their humour of gorgeous shews carries them . ‖ there were several pageants carried through the town which they tell us were design'd to inspire agreeable sentiments of piety towards our lady of consolation ; in one of them sat mars the god of war , who commanded his souldiers , not to do any mischief to the chappel of our lady of consolation ; and the word for this god , was , procul , o procul este profani . as if any thing could be more profane than this heathen deity in a christian procession ; no doubt the people were wonderfully excited to piety by this object introduc'd into one of the most solemn acts of their religion . * then came ceres , flora , pomona , the naiades , the nymphs of the field and of the groves , rejoycing for the return of our lady of consolation ; ( whose image they were conducting to her chappel ) and the word for these rustick divinities , was , — jam redit & virgo , redeunt saturnia regna . then four nymphs , fame , religion , truth and glory , the first of which affirm'd , that lewis the great was as illustrious for his piety towards the holy virgin , as for his many victories ; and the word for them all was , cedant arma sacris . religion was certainly very much advanced in the esteem of the beholders , who saw her put in the same rank with fame and glory . after them came † joy , fortitude , plenty and health , the ordinary effects of our lady of consolation ; at the head of the towns of that province , perswading them to put themselves under the protection of the virgin ; who ‖ appeared in triumph , with peace , plenty and learning on one side , on the other mars and bellona in chains ; who discover'd by their looks that the deliverance of that country from war was onely to be attributed to their patrone the blessed virgin. which was farther express'd in these following verses ; * mars says the word , the sword devours no ( more ; ) our laurels are no longer dy'd in gore , peace , which we long desir'd and wish'd in ( vain ) learning and plenty are return'd again ; to mary's bounty we these blessings owe who freely doth this sweet repose bestow . and the three * genii of the church , of france , and of luxembourg , are made to speak thus , by an irrevocable law we three to celebrate great maries praise agree , our 1. keys and 2. lillies we to her submit our 3. lyons humbly couch beneath her feet . the heavenly powers bless this accord of heart , in which the earth seemeth to bear a part . 1. the arms of the church . 2. the arms of france . 3. the arms of luxembourg . from the praise of the virgin they pass to another subject ; but still designing to raise devotion in the spectators , where they bring in † lewis the thirteenth , dedicating himself and kingdom to our lady ; for which they extol him in these lines . lewis whose virtues fame resounds a far lewis the just in peace , the just in war , was ne're so just as in one glorious deed , by which he did even himself exceed : and hath a rule to other princes given , off'ring his kingdom to the q. of heaven . and thus having introduc'd false gods to honour the virgin , in the next place they endeavour the same by false assertions , for ‖ victorie and the virtues , carrying palms and crown'd with laurels , expose upon seven tablets the great actions of the present french king , which he performed for the honour of the virgin. but because the world would not easily believe that the ensuing particulars , were undertaken with that design ; they pretend a revelation of it , which like the old heathen oracles is deliver'd in verse . an inscription for lewis the great ▪ while the whole world his mighty actions sees , it wonders at th' amazing prodigies before unheard of ; but the true design it cannot find , because it can't divine : that lay unknown to all , from all conceal'd , till heav'n applauding it , the cause reveal'd ; he sought not glory for himself alone , but he preferr'd the virgins to his own , to honour her more than himself he fought . and won his victories her glory to promote . then descending to particulars , * the first tablet tells us of churches built and dedicated to the blessed virgin. the † second sets forth the taking of so many towns in holland , and re-establishing the worship of the virgin in their churches . the ‖ third informs us that the enemies of the virgin are driven from port royal and out of france . in the * fourth they tell us that the algerines were punished by the french bombs for being enemies to mary . the † fifth brags of the extinction of the hereticks in france enemies of the mother of god. the * sixth and seventh are much to the same purpose , importing that the french king hath put an end to the war , which was so dishonourable to our lady , so that now they can go on pilgrimage and pay their devotions to her . these tablets are compos'd of so many false and ridiculous materials , that i cannot forbear inserting some reflexions which one of the roman communion hath made upon them ; who † wonders that they should pretend the war of holland was on a religious account ; but is very much scandaliz'd at their telling the world that the reconciliation of the churches was in honor of the virgin , while they take no notice of the greater parts of their worship then restor'd ; which passage he freely acknowledges would incline one to believe , that they place all religion in the adoration they pay to her . he positively ‖ affirms that the second tablet is absolutely false ; and * laughs at the inscription of the third , for if the design against algiers had been to punish them for their enmity to our lady , they would certainly have been obliged by the articles of peace , to render her more honour for the future . he † charges them with misrepresenting those they call hereticks in the fifth inscription , who he says are no enemies to the blessed virgin , and that in the ‖ sixth they have represented that great prince ( whom they design'd to flatter ) as an enemy to the q. of heaven , while they tell us that the war of luxembourg was dishonourable to her ▪ when all the world knows the city was besieg'd and taken by that monarch . and indeed the whole procession throughout was such a piece of heathenish pomp , that the same author tho' a romanist * complains of it as unworthy the gravity of the christian religion , and which is sufficient to make the worship of the blessed virgin be look't upon as superstitious and prophane ; † for ( saith he ) can any one believe that it was possible for so many persons of all sorts as were spectators out of curiosity , and little enough acquainted with spiritual things , to have any serious reflexions upon the great mysteries of religion in the midst of so many vain shews which continually distract the mind , and insensibly lead it to other subjects . these considerations are so weighty with that reverend ‖ prelate the arch-bishop of mechlin , that he hath prohibited not only such profane spectacles in their processions ; but even the carrying the images of their saints , at the same time with the sacrament , which is found by experience prejudicial to devotion , the generality of the people being so busied in observing the curious images , and their rich ornaments , that they have no leisure for serious devotion . and this perhaps is one of the reasons why that bishop is said to be a jansenist and but little esteem'd among them . neither is it altogether to be pass'd over that these jesuits could not be content to expose those pagan deities under the names of gods and divinities , to the eyes of the spectators , but they have also * published an account of the procession , which because i could not procure , i have given but an imperfect relation from the adviser ; but which i think is sufficient to the end for which i have inserted it , and i appeal to all the world whether it be possible for such a representation , wherein † there is not one word of scripture , but several passages out of heathen poets ; nothing of religion , of the benefits and beauties of it , but pagan divinities bestowing blessings , delivering from war , &c. and such a medly of falsities , to tend any way to promote holiness , when every particular is in it self destructive of it . § . 2. every day furnishes us with fresh instances of the strange immodesty of these gentlemen ; i have shewn p. 29 , 30 , 31. that it is an usual practice among them when press'd with any passage out of the fathers or other writers , to deny that they wrote the book out of which it is quoted ; or else to set themselves to devise some interpretation by which to avoid its force , the reader will find several instances of it , and that the inquisitors and other of their divines defend this method , and advise to use it ; but mr. meredith without any proof , affirms , that when the work of any father is quoted by catholicks , if it were ever doubted of there is no remedy but it must pass for spurious , and when it shall happen to be undoubted , they will do as much as in them lies to render it dubious , at least in those places which are quoted . but when nothing of this will do , their last shift is interpretation : and this ( he says ) is one of the methods which the protestants use in their disputations . 't is true , the papists have forg'd so many authors , and corrupted others to that degree , that it is reason enough to be suspicious of every thing they publish ; but we are so far from doing this , that the books we call in question are such as have evident characters of forgery in them , and which are suspected by the learned romanists themselves ; we fairly propose our objections to be answered , which generally have that weight as to convince the more knowing of our adversaries ; we decry all such shifts as this gentleman mentions , while any one that looks into the second chapter of the following discourse will find , that it is a rule among those of his communion , to invent some favourable exposition , or deny the authority and genuineness of the author . the charge shews so much ▪ impotent malice , which would fain be doing some mischief , that i am apt to believe it is rather an insinuation of some furious missionary , than the real product of mr. meredith's pen ; who seems more zealous than spitefull in his erroneous profession , and knowing no better , may perhaps be prevail'd on to publish anothers pretended observation , which neither he nor any for him can make good : if they can , it is incumbent on them to prove it , by as full evidence as i have given of their being guilty of this dis-ingenuous artifice . i know the methods of these gentlemen too well to let any thing pass , which may be liable to an exception without preventing it ; if they would fairly answer a discourse , i would wait till they publish their objections , but the trick of running about and casting virulent reflexions upon particular passages in private , makes it necessary for me to give the reason why i affirm , that the cause of the great bitterness against the waldenses was , their freedom in taxing the vices of the pope and clergy ; i could demonstrate the truth of it from what is acknowledged by themselves of those poor people , who could deserve such treatment upon no other account , seeing according * to rainerus their bitter enemy they were blameless in every thing , but that they spoke against the roman church and clergy ; but i will confirm my assertion with the authority of the * sieur du haillan , in his history of philip the second , who affirms , that tho' they had some ill opinions , yet they did not irritate the pope and princes and clergy against them , so much as their freedom of speech did ; which brought upon them an universal hatred , and caus'd so many abominable tenets to be falsely imputed to them . this testimony coming from a roman catholick of his quality , both confirms my observation and shews the original of those misrepresentations and calumnies we labour under , that they are purely in prosecution of their doctrine , which avows the lawfulness of slandering another to preserve ones honour ; a position which is own'd and defended by their greatest casuists , and which they reduce into practice upon all occasions , as i have proved in the third chapter . § 3. thus they dealt with molinos , a few months since at rome insinuating that his design was , under the pretence of raising men to a higher strain of devotion , to wear out of their minds the sense of the death and sacrifice of christ , and attempting to perswade the people that he was descended of a jewish or mahometane race , and carried in his blood or first education some seeds of those religions ; to which they added several immoral crimes , tho' they were asham'd to insist upon them in his process , so that their slanderous reports have gain'd but very little credit . they have been so kind of late as to let us see who they were that first devised those noisie calumnies that most of the clergy of our church were papists , by appearing barefac'd and endeavouring to prove that the whole controversie lay between the dissenters and the church of rome ; since when , one of their greatest champions hath put on the disguise of a † dissenter , and attempted to perswade us that the learned answerer of nubes testium held several popish principles , and that it would be all one to joyn with the papists or the church of england : but he was soon discovered by his ingenious adversary , and so expos'd for his wretched artifice that if he had not a face of an unusual composition he would blush to appear in publick after such a shamefull trick : which i hope will make our brethren the dissenters more cautious how they entertain such surmises of those men , who so learnedly and successfully oppose popery , when they who would be thought the onely true protestants , are content to sit still , and be lookers on . i expect to have the * decree of the 2d . of march 1679. opposed to it , and to have a great many hard names bestowed on me , for daring after that to lay such doctrines as are condemn'd in it to their charge . but besides that this decree is an unanswerable evidence that those doctrines were taught by the jesuits and other casuists , it is notoriously known that these censures are so little regarded that they are almost contemptible . the † apologist for the decree of the senate of venice against the jesuits , tells us , that on this side the alps the censures of the roman congregation are so little valued , that every person is at liberty to read those books , which they condemn ; whose practice in this point is defended by gretzer . that in spain they have an index of prohibited books peculiar to themselves , whereby those books are frequently allowed , which are forbidden at rome , and many others which are permitted there , are censur'd in it ; but at venice they observe neither index , nor do they admit of any of the roman decrees ; which indeed are in themselves of no moment being often grounded * on mistakes and misconceptions , by which the best books are sometimes prohibited and condemned . so that † doctor holden assures us that among all thinking and sober men there is little or no regard had to them . and it is impossible to be otherwise : when a book shall upon the most strict examination be twice approv'd and yet afterwards condemned as contrary to the faith ; which is the case of doctor molinos at this time ; whose treatise intituled the spiritual guide was in the year 1675. printed with the approbation of the arch-bishop of rheggio , the general of the franciscans , d'eparsa a jesuite , and qualificator of the inquisition , and two others , and received with great applause in all places , even of the present pope himself , who lodg'd him in his palace , and gave several marks of a great esteem ▪ for him : and when his book and the discourses of the now cardinal petrucci were afterwards upon some complaints , brought before the inquisition , and severely ▪ examin'd ; they were again approv'd , and the answers which the jesuits had writ censured as scandalous ; but upon the interposition of the french king the same treatises were condemn'd by that very court which had approv'd them , molinos publickly expos'd and sentenc'd to perpetual imprisonment . cardinal petrucci under disgrace , and the pope himself so far suspected , that some were deputed by the inquisition to examine him , so heretical were those opinions now , which but a little before were sound and orthodox . that passion and interest as doctor ‖ holden observes , influence all the determinations of that court is so well known to our english romanists , that the author of nubes testium , not onely read , but transcribed his whole book out of alexandre natalis ; though the pope had two years before * forbidden all the faithfull under pain of incurring excommunication ipso facto without any other denunciation , to read , keep , print , transcribe , or use any of that fryers works , and when his learned adversary * told him of this , he makes so light of it , † as to turn it off with a flout as a matter not worth regarding , and not only so , but he affirms , that natalis was then of very good repute as to his authorities and every thing else . and as little respect have the romanists of france shewn to the decree of march 2. 1679. for by the jesuits means , ‖ who informed the procurator general that since the court of inquisition was not acknowledged in france , it would be prejudicial to the king's authority to suffer any decree made in it to be printed there , a remonstrance was made to the court of parliament at paris , and the censure declared to be of no authority in that kingdom , so an impression that was made of it was called in , since which it hath not been publickly sold in france . the pretence of the jesuits for procuring this act , was the honour of the king , but the true motive appears to be their love to the propositions condemn'd in it ; for the first draught of the declaration of the parliament had these words , though that these propositions are justly condemn'd ; but father le chaise caus'd them to be struck out . thus in this part of the world we find the censures of that court , to have no authority , and even among those who pretend to own them , a faculty may take off the obligation , and they be dispenced with from yielding obedience to them ; and we know that such private dispensations are not difficult to be obtain'd in the roman court. so that upon all accounts the romanists according to their own principles and practices are at liberty still to teach those doctrines which are censur'd in that decree ; and there is some reason to believe that it was not design'd to hinder them , but onely to amaze the world , seeing it was not made by the pope in consistory which would have given it much more authority , than the cardinals of the court of inquisition could stamp upon it . § . 4. in the fourth chapter i have mention'd the bulla coenae as a lasting evidence of the claim which the pope lays to a power over kings , but not having the bull by me , i onely gave a short hint of it from a late author of that communion : but i find in cardinal tolet , that not onely the persons there mention'd are excommunicated every year , but that the absolution which is given the next day after the publishing of that bull extends not to such as impose taxes on their people without the pope's consent , who imprison or punish or otherwise bring a clergy-man into secular courts , who harbour hereticks or read so much as two or three lines in their books ; who furnish hereticks with arms or materials for arms , with ships or timber to build them with ; who hinder appeals or journeys to rome , who hinder the romish clergy from exercising their jurisdiction , and who possess any church-lands or goods ; but all these are left under the sentence of excommunication ; till by repentance they obtain absolution from his holiness ; and all ecclesiastical persons are required to publish this bull in the greatest congregations , that all the faithfull may know the contents of it . thus his majesty of great britain , the french king , the states of venice and holland , sweden , denmark , the princes of germany , &c. are excommunicated by this bull ; who have done and daily do refuse to observe several , if not every part of it : and what they look upon an excommunicated prince to be may be seen in their canon law , * whereby all those who have sworn allegiance to him are absolved from their oaths , and forbid to yield him any manner of obedience . i reserve the account of their treasons to be published when ever mr. pulton or any for him shall think fit to begin with us , as he hath threatned he would upon the first provocation , which i have given him , but having affirmed , p. 71 , 72. that they have been often both in publick courts of ●ustice and in other places , call'd upon to renounce the deposing power as unlawfull , but could not be perswaded to it ; to prevent their cavils at that assertion i thought it not unnecessary to give some few instances which may suffice to prove it . we are assured by the greatest states-man of his , and perhaps of any age , that the priests who were apprehended and executed for treason in his time always restrain'd their confession of allegiance onely to be the permissive form of the popes toleration ; as for example , if they were ask'd whether they did acknowledge themselves the queen's subjects and would obey her , they would answer , yes , for they had leave for a time so to do ; and at their very arraignment when they laboured to leave in the minds of the people an opinion that they were to dye , not for treason , but for matter of faith and doctrine — they cryed out that they were true subjects , and did and would obey her majesty ; immediately — they were asked by the queens learned councel whether they would obey and be true subjects if the pope commanded the contrary , they answered by the mouth of campion , this place ( meaning the court of her majesties bench ▪ ) hath no power to judge of the holy fathers authority ; and other answer they would not make . the very same account of them , with some other particulars , is given us by the secular priests , in their * important considerations ; that being ask'd which part they would take , if the pope or any others by his appointment should invade the realm : some answered , when that case happened they would then consider what they had best to do ; others , that they were not resolved what to do , and others positively , that if any such deprivation or invasion should be made for a matter of faith , they were then bound to take part with the pope . which mr. campion was so zealous for , that he was not contented to affirm that he would take part with his holiness , but very earnestly demanded , pen , ink and paper that he might sign his resolution . and mr. kirby , cottom , richardson , ford , shert , johnson , hart and filbee all priests , affirmed under their hands to her majesties commissioners appointed to examine them , that the pope hath power to depose princes , and her majesty was not to be obeyed against his holiness's bull ; in which answer they all agreed , only two sheltred themselves under this general assertion , that th●y held as the catholick church held . and his majesty of blessed memory , k. † james tells us , that the conspirators who suffered for the gunpowder treason justified themselves , and even at their deaths would acknowledge no fault ; ‖ and when faux and winter were admitted to discourse together in the tower , they affirmed , they were sorry that no body set forth a defence or apology for the action ; but yet they would maintain the cause at their death . * when some of the plotters escap'd to callis , and the governour assured them of the king's favour , and that though they lost their country they should be received there , they replyed that the loss of their country was the least part of their grief , but their sorrow was , that they could not bring so brave a design to perfection ; and not onely they who were ingag'd in it justifi'd the design , but mr. copley assures us , that he could never meet with any one jesuite who blam'd it . some time after the jesuits were banish'd france for the attempt upon the king by chastel one of their scholars , when they were soliciting a repeal of that s●●tence , the parliament of paris remonstrated to the king , that it was absolutely necessary for them to renounce those treasonable doctrines of the popes power over princes , or else france could not with safety admit them to return ; but tho' they were very desirous of admission they would not renounce those positions for it . it is notoriously known how many breves were sent over into england to forbid the taking the oath of allegiance , which they affirm to contain many things contrary to the catholick faith. immediately after the murther of k. henry the fourth of france , the jesuits desir'd leave to teach schools in their colledges , upon which the parliament required , that they should first declare , that it is unlawfull for any person to conspire the death of the king , that no ecclesiastick hath any power over the temporal rights of princes , and that all are to yield the same obedience to their governours which christ gave to caesar : these positions were proposed to them to subscribe , but they refus'd to do it without leave from their general . ann. 1614. father ogilby a jesuite was taken in scotland , who being asked whether the pope be judge in spirituals over his majesty , refus'd to answer except the question were put to him by his holiness 's authority , but affirmed that the pope might excommunicate the king ; and that he would not to save his life , say it is unlawfull , if the k. be depos'd by the pope , to kill him . in the time of the late confusions , when mr. cressy published the reasons of his leaving the church of england and turning romanist ; he therein inserted a declaration differing little from the oath of allegiance , affirming that all the roman catholicks in england were ready to sign it ; but his ●uperiors were of another mind , and therefore that edition was soon bought up , and the profession of obedience omitted in the second : and when some english gentlemen of that communion had subscribed certain propositions of the same import with that declaration , their subscribing was by the roman congregation censur'd as unlawfull . what opposition was made to the irish remonstrance , after the king's restauration is generally known , and i have given a short account in the third and fourth chapters ; all that i shall remark here is this , that it was a transcript of mr. cressy's declaration which the pope forbad the irish clergy , and they refus'd to sign ; nay , when father walsh advised them to beg his majesties pardon for the execrable rebellion , they not onely refus'd to ask pardon , but so much as to acknowledge that there was any need of it : affirming publickly , that they knew none at all gvilty of any crime for any thing done in the war . they often offer'd to declare that the deposing power was not their doctrine , but could not be perswaded to condemn the doctrine which abets it as unsound and sinfull , wherein they have been imitated by some late writers on their side , who tho' call'd upon to affirm it unlawfull to maintain such a power over kings , would never do it . but tho' father cann would not renounce these doctrines , he proposed at rome that a formal oath abjuring the oath of allegiance should be imposed upon those who had taken it ; and that all who should be admitted students in the jesuits house , should swear never to take the oath ; since as he affirmed , a time might come , in which it would be necessary for their interests , that they be under no such tye to an heretical prince . § . 5. the last chapter of the following sheets , gives a brief account of some of their artifices to misrepresent the doctrines of the reformed churches , for every single instance , i might have given some hundreds , for i never yet saw any of their controversial writings which represent our doctrines as they are , but lest i should be charg'd with imitating such a bad example , i desire the reader to take notice that the first quotation out of securis * evangelica is not quoted as a strict misrepresentation , but to shew how while they † tell us ; that the people swallow all down greedily in the lump , that antecedents and consequen●s go down with them all at once , and therefore we ought not to draw odious consequences from their doctrine ; they are doing that which they blame us for , and are licens'd to do it by the greatest licensers of their church ; now if their rule be good , then is father porter guilty of a notorious misrepresentation in that instance , if it be not good , then they must acquit us from that imputation which with so much noise and little reason they have endeavoured to fix upon us : let them choose which side they think best § . 6. before i close the preface i must take notice of one thing more which i have not touched in the book it self , it being my design there onely to prevent the danger of their usual manner of address ; which would be of no force if our people did not give them a very great advantage , by running on all occasions into disputes with them ; i would not have them kept in ignorance ( for blessed be god ovr cavse needs no romish arts to vphold it ) but it is an ill-thing to be making experiments in religion , and for unskilfull and weak men to be trying their skill , with those who by reason of their sophistry will be too hard for them ; i cannot therefore but earnestly request the reader to keep them ( if he fall into their company ) to plain scripture , which it is his duty to be well acquainted with ; or else to propose their arguments to some learned minister , and i dare appeal to the judgment of any impartial person , on which side the truth lies . i designed to have published some directions for the help of the unlearned , by which they might be able to deal with the missionaries , but i am happily prevented by the learned and reverend doctor sherlock , whose seasonable and excellent discourse ought to be in the hands of all prostestants , who by it may be enabled to deal with the greatest champion among them ; and i am heartily glad that so good a pen hath undertaken a work of that consequence , and i hope in a little time will oblige the world with the second part , in the mean while the answer which hath appear'd against it hath shew'd the world how little can be said for popery . § . 7. i would not have the gentlemen of the church of rome pretend , that i have ( as one of their celebrated writers expresses himself ) imitated the scavenger in stopping no where but at a dung-hill , for i have quoted none but allowed and approved authors ; such as are daily published with allowance by their party , and therefore they ought not to be asham'd of , or such as have been long received with applause among them ; and as for what i have cited out of protestant books , let them invalidate their testimony if they can , i will engage for the truth of my quotations and know of no objections against any author i have cited which are of any force . § . 8. i design very speedily to publish the second part giving an account of several other artifices , by which they endeavour to possess the people with favourable opinions of them ; such as their miracles , the brags of the holiness of their church , of their succession , unity and certainty ; of the usefulness of their confession , and that all antiquity is on their side : exposing their method of disgracing the holy scripture , of forging and corrupting authors , the sowing several sects and heresies to divide us ; and that successfull artifice of disguising and palliating their doctrines ; to which add the working on the peoples affections by asking what is become of their popish ancestors ? and blinding their judgments by perplexing and sophistical similitudes ; with several other topicks which they frequently insist on . but after all that we can do , 't is god alone must give the blessing who is the god of truth , to whom if our prayers be constant and fervent , and our obedeince to his commands universal and sincere , he is engaged by his promise which can never fail to keep us in the truth ; in which that all who read this treatise may continue unmov'd , and order their conversations so as becomes the gospel of truth , and holiness , is the hearty prayer of the author of it . the catalogue . that the gentlemen of the church of rome may have all the help in the world to convince me of falsifications , if they can ; and to spare them that trouble which they put us to , by careless and ignorant quotations , i have here given them a catalogue of the books cited in the ensuing treatise , with their editions . a. arcana societatis jesu , edit 1635. 8 vo . acts of the conference at paris , 1566 lond. 1602 4 to . acosta de noviss . tempor . ludg. 1592 8 vo . answer to the consid . on the spirit of martin luther , oxford 1687 4 to . animadv . on fanatacism fanatically 〈◊〉 to the cath. church , lond. 1674 , 8 vo . animadversions on a sermon of the bish. of bath and wells , lond. 1687 4 to . augustini opera , paris 1571 fol. ambrosii opera , col. 1616 fol. answer to the provin . letters , paris , 1659 8 vo . advice to the confuter of bellarmine , lond. 1687 , 4 to . the agreement bet . the ch. of eng. and the ch. of rome , lond , 1687 , 4 to . athanasii opera , col. 1686 , fol , answer to the letter to a dissenter , printed for h. hills , lond. 1687 , 4 to . answer to two main questions of the first letter to a dissenter , lond. 1687. 4 to . answer to a disc. against transub . lond , 1687 , 4 to , avis aux r. r. p. p. jesuits sur leur procession de luxembourg , edit . 1685 , 12 s. ans. to the let. from a diss. lond , 1688. 4 to . answer to pap. prot. against prot popery , lond , 1686 , 4 to . answer to dr. sherlock's preservat . against popery , lond , 1688. 4 to . avis aux r. r. p. p. jesuits d' aix en provence . sur on imprime qui à pour titre : ballet dansé à la reception de monseigneur archeveque d' aix , a col. 1687. 12 s. b. bvrnet's answer to the letter of the fr. clergy , lond , 1683 , 8 vo . bellarmini controvers . colon. 1628 , fol. baronii annales , antw. 1610 , fol. dr. burnet's letters of his travels , rotterd . 1687 , 8 vo . lucae brugensis in evangel . antw. 1606 , fol. a. b. bramha●'s works , dubl . 1676. fol. dr. burnet's history of the reformation , lond. — his vindicat. of the ordin . of the ch. of england , lond. 1677 , 8 vo . — his history of the rights of princes , lond , 1682 , 8 vo . bernardi giraldi patavini apologia pro repub . venetorum . — vid. arcana societatis , jesu . birckbeck's protestant evidence , lond. 1635 , 4 to . baiting of the pope's bull , lond. 1627 , 4 to . burnet's sermon before the lord mayor , jan. 30. 1680 / 1. 4 to . c. f. cross's sermon before the q. april 21. 1686. lond. 1687 , 4 to . considerations on the spirit of martin luther , oxford , 1687 , 4 to . jesuits catechism , edit . 1602 , 4 to . p. crasset la veritable devotion envers la s. vierge , paris , 1679 , 4 to . discourse of communion under both species , by the bp. of meaux , paris , 1685 , 12 s. conference with campion in the tower , lond. 1583 , 4 to . crashaw's falsificationum romanarum , tomi primi , lib. primus , lond. 1606 , 4 to . catholick scripturist . lond. 1686 , 8 vo . chrysostomi opera . paris , ●636 . canones & decreta consilii tridentini , col. 1577 , 12 s. contzeni politica mogunt , 1620 , fol. collection of treat . concern penal laws , lond. 1675. 4 to . copleys reasons of his departure from the ch. of rome , lond. 1612 , 4 to . cressey's exomologesis , paris , 1647 , 8 vo . cressener's vindication , lond. 1687 , 4 to . jo. camerarius , de frat. orthod . eccles. in bohemia , deest mihi titulus . campion's reasons , lond. 1687 , 4 to . and the same in latin cosmop . 1581. corpus confessionum fidei , gen. 1654 , 4 to . the connexion , lond. 1681 , 8 vo . conference entre deux docteurs de sorbonne , &c. edit . 1566 8 vo . d. drelincourt's protestants self defence , 〈…〉 def. of the expos. of the doct. of the ch. of england , lond. 1686. 4 to . discovery of the society in relation to their politicks , lond. 1658 , 8 vo . defence of the confut . of bell. sec. note of the ch. lond , 1687 , 4 to . defence of the papers written by the late k. lond. 1686 , 4 to . difference between the prot. and socin . methods , lond. 1686 , 4 to . diff. bet . the ch. of e. & the c. of r. l 1687 , 4 to . a discourse for : taking off the penal laws and tests . lond , 1687 , 4 to . a discourse of the notes of the church , lond. 1687 , 4 to . declaration of the favourable dealing of her majesties commissioners , 1583 , 4 to . decree made at rome , march 2 d. 1679 , 4 to . e. europae speculum , lond. 1687 , 8 vo . capt. everard's epistle to the nonconformists , edit . 1664. 8 vo . exposit. of the doctrine of the church of england ▪ lond. 1686. 4 to . exposit. of the doctrine of the catholick church , lond 1685 ▪ 4 to . f. ellis's sermon before the k. dec. 5. 1686 , 4 to . f. fifth part of ch. government , oxf. 1687 , 4 to . fowlis's history of romish treasons ▪ lond. 1681 , fol. franckland's annals , lond. 1681 , fol. the franciscan convert , lond. 1673 , 4 to . g. gage's new surv. of the west-indies , lond. 1655 , fol. gee's foot out of the snare , lond. 1624. 4 to . the gunpowder treas . with a discourse of the manner of its discovery , lond. 1679 , 8 vo . good advice to the pulpits , lond. 1687. 4 to . gratian , edit . 1518 , 4 to . h. hospiniani historia jesuitica , tig. 1670. fol. history of the irish rebellion , lond. 1680. fol. dr. harsenet's declarat . of egregious pop. impostures in casting out devils , lond ▪ 1603 , 4 to . the hind and the panther , lond. 1687 , 4 to . hunting the romish fox , dubl . 1683. 8 vo . history of geneva by mr. spon . lond. 1687 , fol. history of the church of great britain from the birth of our saviour , lond. 1674 , 4 to . history of the powder treason , lond. 1681. 4 to . histoire de france par seigneur du haillan . deest mihi titulus . i. instructiones secret . pro super . societ . jesu . see arcana societ . jesu . index expurg . librorum qui hoc seculo prodierunt , edit . 1586 , 12 s. instance of the church of englands loyalty , lond. 1687 , 4 to . the jesuits reasons unreasonable , lond. 1662 , 4 to . see collection of treatises . important considerations , lond. 1601. 4 to . it is in the collection of treatises concerning the penal laws . k. jame's works , lond. 1616 , fol. k. mr. king's answer to the dean of londonderry , lond. 1687 , 4 to . key for catholicks , lond. 1674 , 4 to . l. last efforts of afflicted innocency , lond. 1682 , 8 vo . long 's history of plots , lond. 1684 , 8 vo . a letter in answer to two main questions in the first letter to a dissenter , lond. 1687 , 4 to . letter from a dissenter to the divines of the church of england , lond. 1687 , 4 to . three letters concerning the present state of italy , 1688 , 8 vo . m. mysterium pietatis , vltraj , ●686 , 8 vo . moral practises of the jesuites , lond , 1670 , 8 vo . maldonati in 4 evangelia , mogunt , 1624 , fol. masoni , vindiciae ecclesiae anglicanae , lond. 1625 , fol. mirrour for saints and sinners , lond. 1671. fol. manual of controversies , doway , 1671 , 8 vo . monomachia , lond. 1687 , 4 to . mr. meredith's remarks on dr. tennison's account , lond. 1688 , 4 to . n. novvelle de la republique des lettres juin . 1686 , 8 vo . novelty of popery , by dr. du moulin , lond. 1664 , fol. nubes testium , lond. 1686 , 4 to . new test of the c. of e. loyalty , l. 1687 , 4 to . nouvelle de la republique des lettres , oct. 1684 , 8 vo . o. ogilby's japan , lond. 1670 , fol. p. protestancy destitute of scripture proofs , lond. 1687 , 4 to . pontificale romanum , col. 1682 , 8 vo . pastoral let. of the bish of meaux , l 1686 , 4 to . present state of the controversie between the church of england and the church of rome , lond. 1687 , 4 to . pap. misrepres . and repres . lond. 1685 , 4 to . ●ult●n's remarks , lond. 1687 , 4 to . provincial letters , lond. 1657 , 8 vo . mr. pain 's answer to the letter to a dissenter , lond. 1687 , 4 to . policy of the clergy of france , lond. 1681 , 8 vo . pulton's account of the confer . lond. 1687. 4 to . popery anatomis'd , lond. 1686 , 4 to . parson's treatise tending to mitigation , 1607 , 8 vo . the primitive rule before the reformation , antw. 1663 , 4 to . a picture of a papist . edit . 1606 , 8 vo . primitive fathers no protest . lond. 1687 , 4 to . preservative against popery , by dr. sherlock , lond. 1688 , 4 to . primitive fathers no papists , lond. 1688 , 4 to . papists not misrepresented by protestants , lond. 1686 , 4 to . papists protesting against prot popery , lond , 1686 , 4 to . parsons's 3 conversions out of eng. 1604 8 vo . r. ri●herii histor. concil . gener. 1683 , 8 vo . rushworth's collect. p. r. lond. 1659 , fol. reply to the defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the ch. of eng. lond. 1687 , 4 to . reflexions on mr. varillas , amst. 1686 , 12 s. reply to the reasons of the oxford clergy against addressing , lond. 1687 , 4 to . ricau● ▪ s state of greek and armenian churches , lond. 1679 , 8 vo . reflexions on the answer to the papist misrepresent . lond. 1685 , 4 to . religio laici , lond 1682 , 4 to . request to rom. cath. lond. 1687 , 4 to . reynerus adv . waldenses . ingol . 1613 , 4 to . rogers's faith , doctrine and religion professed in england , cambr. 1681 , 4 to . reasons of fryer neville's conversion , lond. 1642 , 4 to . reflexions on the historical part of the fifth part of church government , oxford , 16●7 , 4 to . s. summary of the principal controver . bet . the church of england and the church of rome , lond. 1687 , 4 to . secret instructions for the society of jesus , lond. 1658. 8 vo . sure and honest means for the conversion of hereticks , lond. 1687 4 to . state of the church of rome before the reformation , lond. 1687 , 4 to . saul and samuel at endor , oxf. 1674 , 8 vo . spanhemii histor ▪ imaginum , lug. bat. 1686 , 8 vo . surii commentar . brevis , 1574 , 8 vo . smith's acc . of the gr. church , lond. 1680 , 8 vo . — his miscellanea , lond. 1686 , 8 vo . sheldon's survey of the miracles of the church of rome , lond. 1616 , 4 to . dr. st●ll . unreas . of separ . lond. 1681 , 4 to . speed's chronicle , lond. 1623. st. amours journal , lond. 1664 , fol. seissellius adv . valden . paris , 15●0 . securis evangelica , rom. 1687 , 8 vo . a supplication to the king 's most excellent majesty , lond. 1604 , 4 to . st. peter's supremacy discuss'● ▪ lond , 1686 , 4 to . t. treleinie's undeceiving the people in the point of tithes , lond. 1651 , 4 to . terry's voyage to east-india , lond. 1655 , 8 vo . tertulliani opera , franek . 1597 , fol. touch-stone of the reform . gosp. l. 1685 , 12 s. transubstantiation defended , lond. 1687. 4 to . traver's answer to a supplicatory epistle , lond. 1583 , 8 vo . toleti instructio sacerdo●um , venet. 1616 , 4 to . travels of sig. de la valle , lond. 1665. fol. v. vindica ▪ of the bishop of condoms exposition , lond. 1686 , 4 to . vasquez de cultu adorationis ▪ mog . 1601 8 vo . bp. vshers life and letters , lond. 1686 , fol. vidicat of the sincerity of the prot. religion , lond. 1679 , 4 to . veritas evangelica , lond. 1687 , 4 to . the use and great moment of the notes of the church , lond. 1687 , 4 to . w. walsh's histor. of the irish remonstrance , lond. 1674 , fol. — his 4 letters on several subjects , 1686 , 8 vo . wilson's hist. of g. britain , lond. 1653 , fol. correct the errata thus . 95. l. 19 ▪ in the margin r. p. 12. p. 32. l. 11. r. commendavit . introduction . having observed the difference between the method followed by protestant divines , and that which the gentlemen of the church of rome take , in their unwearied endeavours , for gaining proselytes ; i have several times taken notice , that instead of handling particular controversies , they , for the most part , wholly decline them , and take another course ; wherein what their design is , will easily be apprehended , if we consider that their experience tells them , that prejudice is the main prop of their church , which renders their people deaf to whatever is objected to their doctrines ; and they know very well how far that goes to make them believe whatever is imposed on them . it is an usual thing to hear the common people justifie themselves in matters of practice by the examples of those they have an esteem for ; and if they can find any thing they are blam'd for , countenanc'd or practis'd by a person they look upon as a pious or wise man , 't is their common argument , such a man who is much better and wiser than i , is of this opinion , or acts as i do , and why may not i ? i am sure he would not do it if it were not lawfull : which observation those masters of craft , who manage even the eternal affairs of souls by the wiles of policy and cunning , make such use of as to bend all their endeavours to create in the people a good opinion of them , and then they know their work is as good as done ; and not onely my own observation assures me that this is their design , but i offer this evidence of it ; among all the romish converts you shall scarce find one , who is able to give you any particular reason for his change , but onely this , that he cannot think so holy a church would deceive him ; and he is convinced , that it is his duty in all things to submit to her without examining her doctrines , which is a clear proof that their main endeavour is to insinuate themselves into the good opinion of those they would pervert ; and having sufficiently possess'd them with such favourable thoughts , they easily prevail upon them to give themselves up to be conducted by them ; so that prejudice and affection makes more papists than evidence of truth and reason . thus by insisting upon generals to possess the affections , rather than inform the judgments of men , they go on uncontroll'd , our divines going the fairer way to work , and aiming at the rectifying mens understandings , not the forming of a party of proselytes , as if truth was to be found by the voices of the giddy multitude , and not by rational and convincing evidence ; which made the ingenious answerer to the dean of london-derry , profess , (a) that he always believed that they rather designed to gain proselytes by confounding their heads than by clear reason and information ; their design being , (b) to make a shew of saying somewhat , ours to instruct our people . i have had occasion to be acquainted with several of their converts , and do profess i could hardly ever meet with any who understood the matters in dispute , but acknowledge it was the force of these general arguments that prevailed on them to a change . and this way is not onely followed by some among them , but the whole (c) clergy of france , have propounded general methods to be prosecuted to this end , and the university of (d) lovaine have published theirs . finding therefore that all their success proceeded from particular artifices , i thought it my duty to endeavour , to prevent their doing any farther mischief , by laying them open to the world , that the unchristian sleights being discovered , and their force enervated , the people may be upon their guard , knowing what dealing they are to expect from these busie men , and not be so easily possess'd with those fatal prejudices which they labour to instill into them , in order to enslave them to such a number of errors and superstitions , as no one sect besides was ever guilty of ; which i shall endeavour to doe in the following chapters . chap. i. of their manner of address . when the missionaries have a design on any particular person , after acquaintance once got , they are very cautious not to begin to insist closely upon any religious subject , untill by their industry and diligent observation they have discovered the disposition and inclination of their intended proselyte : this is one of the secret rules found in the college of jesuits at paderborn , that in attempting to gain young men to list themselves in their (a) order , they endeavour to please them with such diversions as are best suited to their tempers , and most apt to allure them , to be of that society where they meet with what is so agreeable to their inclinations . it is indeed usual with them to cast out several loose words , either concerning the holiness and certainty of their faith , or the uncertainty and vanity of the protestants , which they know are as so many latent darts , which will pierce deeper when other arguments come to drive them on ; but till they find how the disposition of the person lyes , they cannot practise their several arts , which vary according as the tempers differ of those they deal with . their character of religious men gives them always an opportunity to discourse with a serious look , and grave accent of the great things of salvation , which they seldom or never omit to lay hold on , seeing such discourses are very apt to make impressions upon the minds of those who are devoutly inclin'd ; and if the person they deal with be such an one , they are very proper and seasonable to be us'd to him ; and on the other hand , if he be not , they can put no stop to their design , for by their reiterated pretences of zeal for the salvation of souls , their frequent instances of their trouble to see so many led in error , and ready to perish , and their free offering the utmost of their service for so good a work , with their earnest and serious urging the great danger a protestant is in , they gain even with the loose and vicious , a good opinion of them , that they are really in earnest , and believe and design what they pretend ; and there being scarce such a thing in the world as a real speculative atheist , they know that all are desirous of happiness hereafter , though not willing to leave their sins for it , therefore even with the worst they get this advantage , that by their lamentations , and zealous pretences , they are believed to have a design onely to lead them to heaven ; which point gained , they know how to accommodate their doctrine even to those , by offering them such an easie way to future happiness , that distasting the four methods of repentance , and universal holiness , they will willingly go where they have hopes of gaining heaven , and keeping their sins too . by this means being sure to gain by serious discourses whoever they have to deal with , you will certainly meet with as heavenly and religious expressions as can be invented ; and after they have enlarg'd upon the worth of souls , the importance of the right faith , and their own intentions being onely to enlighten those who are in the darkness of heresie , which they will express with the utmost of their rhetorick , and set off with the most devout looks , and earnest actions ; they will vary their expressions , to find out what is most taking ; sometimes they will tell you , we require what god never commanded , by teaching those duties under pain of damnation , which are in themselves not necessary , and the omission of them onely venial transgressions , which do not in themselves deserve damnation ; and that we call those mortal sins , affirming that all are absolutely obliged to avoid them , which god never esteem'd as such ; and that we make the case of christians too hard , affirming that there is no difference between counsels and commands ; whereby we bind every one to doe those things , which none according to them , except by a particular vow , are oblig'd to ; that we affirm all our duties to be so imperfect , that they are in themselves sins , thereby discouraging christians in their performance of them ; and affronting the grace of god , as if he could not enable us to keep all his commands perfectly , but there will still be imperfections in their performances , which make work for daily repentance , so over-burthening the consciences of christians , where god hath not done it : this , they know , will be greedily catch't at by the libertine , who is glad to hear of an easier way to heaven , than the protestant church shews to her members ; and if the person they address to , should happen to be of a devout and severe principle , they know how to make use of the same charge , to work their ends ; by complaining , that whereas god hath left some things onely recommended by way of counsel , we by preaching them as commands , take away all the merit of those performances , which is greater where men are left free , than when they are obliged under penalties ; and that we do thereby frighten men from real holiness ; and by such a general discourse , which they can apply to all tempers , they make their way , towards fixing a good opinion of themselves , in the minds of men , who are much taken if they be inclin'd to vice with the hopes of more liberty , which is offer'd them under the shew of holiness , and if serious with the hopes of meriting , and attaining to a greater degree of glory , by their free uncommanded obedience , than they could expect from an obedience yielded onely to severe commands ; for the feeding of whose humour they will inlarge upon that usual topick , that we have no repentance nor good works in our church , ( a scandal which they often cast upon us ) and consequently have none of that strictness which a pious soul delights in ; and this seeming argument for the greatest strictness they can turn to the encouragement of an idle and vain disposition , by extolling the easiness of their absolution and pennance , when we take such methods , as keep a man all his life to a serious examination and enquiry whether his repentance be sincere . these discourses , and such as these being applicable to all sorts of men , are common with them even at first ; but when they have made a discovery of your dispositions , they come more particularly to their several methods , which are suited to each temper ; and having endeavoured with all their power by actions , as well as words to render themselves esteemed , according to that secret instruction to the (a) superiours of the jesuites , that they should ingratiate themselves with the people , by shewing the end of the society , to be as tender of the welfare of their neighbour as of their own ; and upon this account undergo the meanest offices , visit the hospitals , and assist the poor ; make charitable collections , and dispose of them to the poor in publick , that others being excited by their liberality , may be the more kind to the society . they begin afresh , if they deal with a devout soul , to enlarge upon their care of souls , and their unwillingness to meddle with these matters being more enclined to the more practical duties , as when the jesuites have a mind to advance any of their partizans to a high place in any prince's court , they are directed to (b) insist upon the great concern that religion and justice hath in those who are advanced to dignities , and therefore that such ought to be elected as are eminent for their vertues , which they are to enumerate , and then be sure to propose a friend of the societies , as endued with the vertues they before commended ; but at the same time express their unwillingness to meddle . just so they govern themselves in making converts , among the piously inclined ; and as (c) sir edwin sands observes , of their gestures , and such pretences , when a fryar an abandoner of the world , a man wholly rapt with divine affections and ecstasies ; his apparel denouncing contempt of all earthly vanity ; his countenance preaching severity , pennance and discipline , breathing nothing but sighs for the hatred of sin ; his eyes lifted upward as fixed on his joys ; his head bowed on the one side with tenderness of love and humility , extending his ready hand to lay hold on mens souls , to snatch them out of the fiery jaws of that gaping black dragon , and to place them in the path that conducts to happiness ; when such a man , i say , shall address himself to a woman — or to any other vulgar person of what sort soever , perswading , beseeching with all plausible motions of reason , yea with sighs of fear , and tears of love , instanting and importuning no other thing at their hands than onely this , to be content to suffer god to save their souls , and to crown them with everlasting happiness : which they shall certainly attain by ranging themselves with the heavenly army of god , that is , by adjoyning themselves to the church of christ and his vicar ; and this again and again iterated and pursued with shew of incredible care of their good , without seeking other meed and commodity to himself , save onely of being the instrument of a soul's salvation . is it to be marvailed , though — he prevail and possess them in such forcible sort , that no access remain for any contrary perswasion — and certainly by their dealing thus with men at single hand in private — they prevail as experience doth daily shew exceedingly . but as they take this method to deal with some , so they address themselves to others in a quite contrary manner , they having ( as i shall prove more particularly hereafter ) not onely several ways of insinuation , but several , yea contrary doctrines fram'd on purpose to be as baits for all sorts of men ; which as i have often observ'd , so i find it noted by that ingenious gentleman , who had spent a great part of his time in italy , the mint of their policies , which they have , to my knowledge , made great use of in these kingdoms , and some neighbour nations : (a) the particular ways ( saith he ) they have to ravish all affections , and to fit each humour — are well nigh infinite ; there being not any thing either sacred or profane , no vertue or vice almost , nothing of how contrary condition soever , which they make not in some sort to serve that turn ; that each fancy might be satisfied , and each appetite find what to feed on ; whatsoever either wealth can sway with the lovers , or voluntary poverty with the despisers , of the world ; what honour with the ambitious ; what obedience with the humble ; what great imployment with stirring and metall'd spirits ; what perpetual quiet with heavy and restive bodies ; what content the pleasant nature can take in pastimes and jollity ; what contrariwise the austere mind in discipline and rigour ; what love either chastity can raise in the pure , or voluptuousness in the dissolute ; what allurements are in knowledge to draw the contemplative , or in actions of state to possess the practick dispositions ; what with the hopefull , prerogative of reward can work ; what errors , doubts and dangers with the fearfull ; what change of vows with the rash , of estate with the inconstant ; what pardons with the faulty , or supplies with the defective ; what miracles with the credulous ; what visions with the fantastical ; what gorgeousness of shews with the vulgar and simple ; what multitude of ceremonies with the superstitious and ignorant ; what prayer with the devout ; what with the charitable , works of piety ; what rules of higher perfection with elevated affections ; what dispencing with breach of all rules with men of lawless conditions . and so he goes on to shew how the very constitution of their church is made up of such contrariety ; which i shall insist farther on in another place , my business here being to shew how they are prepared to fit each temper and inclination , with suitable discourses and allurements . they know the greatest part of men in the world are either very much taken with gaudy and pompous sights , which bewitch their senses , and so wholly possess them , as to take away all room for rational reflexions ; or so charm'd with the delights of their belov'd corruptions , that they are unwilling to part with them . to catch the first sort , we find them boasting of the splendour and outward glory of the church of rome , to such a degree , that they have made this (a) pomp a mark of the true church ; this is observ'd by an ingenious author of their own communion : that * they insist much upon the fine churches they have at rome , whose admirable structure doth greatly edifie believers , and as cardinal pallavicini says [ lib. 8. c. 17. ] is of it self capable to convert infidel princes ▪ this way of catching people by gaudy shews , and splendid sights is look't on with such a favourable eye among them , that the three bishops † from bononia in a letter of advice to pope julius the third , observe that the vulgar are given to admire and to be amused with these things , in the contemplation of which their minds are as it were so intangled that they have no relish for any other food ; no inclination to any other doctrine : they affirm that they were design'd for that purpose , and therefore give it as their judgment , that they should be augmented and multiplied , for ( say they ) if the introducing and appointing those few which we have mention'd were of such use to the settlement of your kingdom , of what advantage would it be were there some new ones added , and this advice was so exactly observed , that the excellent richerius a doctor of the sorbon , tells us , that ‖ this was the the scope and design of the reformation established by the trent council , nothing being effected for the truth , but external pomp provided for ; so that innumerable splendid , gaudy ceremonies were dayly invented ; whence proceeded a magnificent and theatrical way of adorning their churches , the sacerdotal ornaments glittering with gold and silver , while the priests who wore them were mere stocks ; by which artifices the peoples minds were amus'd and insensibly drawn from the consideration of the necessity of reformation : which made the * learn'd andreas masius complain , that piety was extinguished and discipline neglected , while all applications were made and inventions used to increase their pomp. the glittering gold in their temples and curious images of saints and angels , the numerous and stately altars , the mighty silver statues , the rich and glorious vestments you see up and down in their churches , strike the senses into a kind of ecstasy ; which they are so sensible of , that with all their rhetorick they enlarge upon this subject striving to perswade their intended proselytes to see with what magnificence they perform their worship ; thus when his majesty of blessed memory * king charles the first being then prince , was in the spanish court , there were great summs expended in solemn glittering processions , and their churches set out with their richest ornaments , to charm his senses , but he was too well grounded in his religion to be caught with that bait : and i remember this is given by † capt. robert everard as a motive to his conversion as he calls it to the roman church . the great use they make of it , enclines me to believe this device is accompanied with more than ordinary success ; it is also so universal , that in the indies they have these pageants , to delight the senses and phancies of the indians ; ‖ against christmass day , they set up a thatch't house like a stall in some corner of their churches , with a blazing-star over it , pointing to the three wise men from the ●ast ; within this stall they lay a crib , and the image of a child , the virgin mary standing on one side , and joseph on the other , there is likewise an ass and an ox , the three wise men kneel and offer their gifts , the shepherds stand aloof off with theirs , and the angels hang about the stall , with several instruments of musick ▪ and there is scarce an indian that cometh not to see this bethleem , as we are assured by one who was a fryer , and dwelt in those parts above twelve years ; who gives several other instances of the same nature : i have frequently been answered by their converts ( when desiring to know what they found amiss in our church ) that we d●d nothing to keep up the remembrance of our saviour , which they were at the greatest charges to effect ; and i have received a relation from a gentleman very conversant among them , which for several reasons i think worth inserting . this gentleman in his travels being at brussels in the low-countries , was often invited by the priests there to their churches and convents , after some time spent in debating points in difference between the two churches , they finding no probability of his conversion ; one day told him , there would be a great ceremony at such a church the fryday following ( being good-fryday ) at which they desired he would be present , one of them adding that he thought the sight of it alone was enough to convert any heretick ; and instanced in one or two persons on whom it had a very powerfull effect : according to their desire the gentleman went , and by the motion he felt in himself , ( the representation being so lively that it melted him into tears ) doth profess , he believes the weaker sort of men , who are not very well grounded in their religion may be strangely altered by such a sight ; tho' upon deliberation he found it so gross a piece of idolatry that it created in him a greater detestation of the religion of the church of rome than he had before . it being never that i know of related by any author , i believe it will be very acceptable to the reader to have an account of it . at the upper end of the church there is a large stage erected , in the midst of which is set up a cross , on which is nailed an image of our saviour ( given as they say by the infanta isabella ) made of pastboard , but exactly to the life , having joynts , and the veins appearing as full of blood ; it is crown'd with thorns , and hangs in the posture of a crucified person ; on one side stands the image of the blessed virgin , all in mourning and on the other , a coffin to lay the image in . after the sermon , ( the governor , and most of the nobility being present , ) there come forth , six fryers bare-foot in their stoles , who fall prostrate before the image , frequently beating their breasts , lifting up their heads , and looking on it with all the signs of grief and adoration ; then rising by degrees , two of them remain kneeling , each holding an end of a large swathe which is put under the armes of the image ; two standing under the image to receive it , and the other two ascending two ladders which are placed at the back of the cross ; when one with a great deal of reverence taking off the crown of thorns , wipes it and descending brings it to the front of the stage , where shewing it to the people they all kneel with much devotion , then approaching the image of the virgin , he falls on his knees and lays it at her feet ; then returning up the ladder , they with a great noise and knocking take out one of the nails , upon which the arme of the image falls , exactly like the arme of a dead man : this nail he carries to the people , who , as before , prostrate themselves , and he with the same gesture presents it to the virgin ; after which the other nails are shewn and presented : the body being taken down , and brought by them with a slow pace , and mournfull look to the people , they adore again , when the fryers upon their knees present it to the virgin , and with much ceremony lay it in a glass coffin , in which it is carried round the town the several orders ( the carthusians and jesuits excepted , who attend at no procession ) with lighted candles preceding , the governour of the netherlands , and the nobility following bare-headed : what they did afterwards , the gentleman saw not . thus have the romanists brought the most gross pageantry into their church to be motives to their religion , not considering that the heathens of japan and china , and the inhabitants of america , whose images and the inside of their temples are all of massy gold , have in this respect a fairer title to be the true church than they ; from whence the heathens of old cannot be excluded ( if pomp , as bellarmine and others teach , be a mark of the true church ) seeing their ceremonies and rites of this nature are copyed from them , as is confessed by cardinal * baronius , that the offices of pagan superstition were purposely introduc'd and consecrated to the service of god , ( as he calls it ) and true religion . and yet by this very method they gain so much that † a diligent observer of them before cited , affirms , that were it not that the musick , perfumes , and rich sights , did hold the outward senses with their natural delight ; surely their worship could not but either be abandon'd for the fruitlesness or only upon fear and constraint frequented . and in this particular they have their several baits according to the several dispositions of men , for the more refin'd sort of those who are caught with these glorious and splendid sights , they have such representations as i have mentioned ; but for the less discerning , they are ( like their similitudes ) so gross , that in a person of a very moderate understanding , they are fitter to excite a loathing and contempt than admiration ; for what other effect can proceed from such a picture , as of that over the altar at worms , which one would think was invented by the enemies of transubstantiation to make it appear ridiculous ? there is a wind-mill , and the virgin throws christ into the hopper , and he comes out at the eye of the miln all in wafers , which some priests take up and give to the people . but notwithstanding the coursness of this emblem , it is so agreeable to the genius of the german boors , that it is to this day over one of their altars there . this practice of theirs , in which they place so much confidence , and to which they are beholden for much of their success , is so far from being warrantable , that it is directly contrary to the design of the gospel , whose simplicity is such , as that it needs none of these gew-gaws to support it , and therefore was spread by the first planters of it without them : saint paul was so far from making use of such vanities , that he durst not use the * enticing words of man's wisedom in his sermons and exhortations ; which surely is much more tolerable , than to endeavour to gain men to the true religion , by bewitching them with those sensual objects , which the design of christianity is to wean them from ; and certainly when we are caution'd not to be like † children tossed to and fro with every wind of doctrine , through the slight of men ; there is a particular caution included therein against suffering such vain shews , and gaudy pomps to make impression on us , which are the peculiar delights of children , and must needs argue us very much ‖ children in understanding and religion to be intic'd by them . the truth of this is so clear , that those among the romanists , who endeavour to fix in their minds a right idea of christianity , remembring that the founder of it said , his kingdom was not of this world , conceive such an indignation against these carnal and vain methods , that one of them doth not stick to say , * that if any man be converted by these , he is a fool ; and assures us , that he knows that upon people of understanding , who apply themselves to solid things , and grow in spirit and truth , this hath a contrary effect , for these things do debauch the mind , and set it on wandering . the enquiry ( continues he ) is about seeking god , and finding him in those places ; and it is not the sight of the fine guilding , or the excellent painting of an edifice , nor the hearing of a sweet harmony , but rather the lifting up of our minds above sensible objects , and separating them as much as possibly we can from sense and imagination : it is the fixing the eyes of our understanding with a religious attention upon that invisible spirit , upon that sun of justice ; and when we do it with that love and reverence that is due to it , we shall never fail of seeing and hearing the most delightfull things . and then he goes on to lay down reasons why we ought not to be wrought upon by such external things : the fathers ( saith he ) were of opinion that antichrist should one day seize upon the most magnificent temples of the christians ; this was the opinion of st. hilary , and of st. jerome ; this last mentions the very rock of tarpeius . therefore the popes ought not to glory over-much in their buildings , since antichrist shall one day place himself in them . — i like well enough to see such fine things as these , but i confess that i have more devotion in a little church without magnificence or rich ornaments , than i have in such places . i find that my devotion does insensibly divide , and that sense doth sometimes carry away a part of my mind , and transport it to sensible objects which do not deserve it , and that my affection is thereby weakned , whatever care i take to gather it up and unite it . this hath a much more dangerous effect upon the common people , who have no knowledge , and whose religion lyes onely in their eyes and ears , they do in an horrible manner fasten on these things , which are onely obvious to their sense , and go no higher . and shall these things which the sober romanists themselves confess to be an hinderance of piety , destructive to devotion , and fit to prevail upon none but fools , be the motives to rational men to leave the pure worship of god , to have their eyes delighted by gaudy shews , and their ears pleased with all sorts of musick ? i doubt not but the doctrine of ecstasies and raptures , so highly applauded in the romish church , hath its greatest support from these external glories , which are proper to raise the affections to such a pleasing height , as renders them almost insensible ; which though onely the effect of the pleasure the senses are entertain'd with , are by them extoll'd as holy motions , and divine illuminations , while the soul is not at all affected , or better'd by such transports . there lyes therefore an indispensable obligation upon every person , but especially upon such as by their natural dispositions are apt to be affected by such things , to keep a constant and severe watch over their affections , that they do not blind their understandings ; remembring religion consists in the vnderstanding and will , being rightly informed and directed ; not in the motion of the spirits , and tickling of the senses ; the doctrine of the gospel being designed for the good of souls , never an article of it calculated to gratifie and please the flesh . besides , how unreasonable is it that those things which antichrist shall boast of , and pride himself in , should be ever us'd as an argument to proselyte any to a party ? as if they must needs be the onely true church , because in this they resemble antichrist . if men would but seriously reflect , it is an easie matter to perceive even from hence , that what i noted in the introduction , of their designs , is true ; for what doth all these glorious shews tend to the making a man wise unto salvation , or the fitting him for the enjoyment of god ? all the tendency they can have is to work upon mens affections , which i before observ'd , is their main design . now we know that such emotions are seldom permanent , which made the excellent richerius , speaking of these things , ( though himself a papist ) affirm , that those who thought these methods would be long of force , will in a little time find themselves mightily deceived . and this is not unknown to the missionaries , who therefore strike while the iron continues hot , and ply the person whose affections are thus raised with their miracles , their holiness and such particulars , which we shall discourse of anon . and i cannot think it one of the least weighty considerations , to deter men from being gull'd by such trifles , to reflect that these things are designed either for such as have no real sense of religion , or to bring them to have none ; the first sort being very glad of such a worship as gratifies their voluptuous humours ; and others more soberly inclin'd , are thereby taught to worship god wholly in a sensual manner , and so estrang'd from the pure and spiritual part of religion , which god alone delights in . neither is this method onely calculated for such , but they have likewise a singular dexterity in accommodating themselves even to the vices and corruptions they find men most addicted to ; if ambitious , they endeavour to feed that humour ; if voluptuous , to gratifie them in that ; if revengefull , they permit them to follow their inclinations ; if covetous , ( though of all vices , they are most enrag'd against that ) yet , for a while , they can find a way , not to be grievous to them , and as pliable they are to the prodigal . this is an observation made of the jesuites by several doctors of the sorbonne in paris ; * they speak of nothing but magnificence and liberality to those who are vain ; telling them , that by these actions they establish their reputation ; and the more to puff them up with such conceits , they cite examples to that purpose . nay , lest they should be terrified with the torments of purgatory after this life : † bellarmine affirms , that in probability there is a purgatory where those pains are not endured ; which is seconded by many of their divines , who , together with bellarmine , found it upon revelations made to venerable bede , and others : and ‖ aquila expresly and purposely defends this opinion ; and lest they should grow cold , considering that they must not meet with sensual joys in heaven , all the happiness of the bless●d spirits consisting in the vision of god , which these voluptuous men cannot apprehend any great delight in , they have therefore coined a new description of that happy place ; * affirming that there shall be a sovereign pleasure in kissing and embracing the bodies of the blessed ; that the angels shall put on womens habits , and appear to the saints in the dress of ladies ; that women shall rise with long hair , and appear with ribbands and laces as they do upon earth ; that married people shall kiss one another , and their children as in this life . thus these subtil deceivers will rather follow mahomet's steps in asserting a sensual paradise , than lose one of their proselytes . i neither design here to enlarge upon this subject , nor pretend to instance in all their turnings and artifices to this end : the first , because i refer it to another head , when i come to treat of their disguising and varying their doctrine ; the latter , because i cannot pretend to do it , their arts being numberless ; but by such instances as these are , the reader may easily discover them , when they act a part of the same nature . in christmas ann. 1624. one father leech told † mr. j. gee , that if any but hear mass , and after hearing be sprinkled with holy-water and kiss the priest's garments , he could not commit that day any mortal sin , though he would never so fain ; and my author cites in the margin , some ‖ authors who teach the same ; an excellent maxim to make the greatest sin become none at all , and very much a-kin to that , that god sees no sin in his children . this suiting themselves to the carnal desires of men , is so usual among them , that * one of their own authors could not forbear making this observation . do not you hear them how they speak plausibly to itching ears , altering , fashioning and re-fashioning their religion ; according to the will and wantonness of them whose glory next unto their own they prefer before the glory of god ? this prostituting the holy name of christianity to serve the interest of a party , and making that god in whom is no variableness , and who is infinitely holy to be the author of such contrary and wicked doctrines , is in it self so odious , and doth at first sight appear so unworthy , that i think it needless to make any reflexions on it . i shall close this chapter with some reflexions upon what i mention'd in the beginning , their great pretences of zeal for the good of souls , after i have briefly mention'd their remaining arts , which they practise in their first address ; in endeavouring to discover the capacities of those they deal with , that if they be of slow and heavy vnderstandings , they may deal with them as with such , where arguments of the nature of that emblem before-mention'd of christ thrown into the hopper , will be most proper : if they discover quick and sprightly parts , all the ingenious reflexions upon the protestants , that they can call to mind , are with a pleasant smile cast out , and they endeavour with all manner of address to render their company acceptable and diverting ; and when they have thus ingratiated themselves , if you speak of any of our books or divines , they will with a slighting accent tell you , they are not worth their minding ; as i remember , objecting a passage out of dr. stillingfleet against idolat●● , to one of them ; he reply'd , he mistook the question so , that he had not patience to read him ; though another went further , affirming that he was either a knave or a dunce : thus the author of the request to protestants , begins with such a magisterial sentence , against his answerer ; * that he concluded it a pamphlet unworthy of special notice , and expected , if not more pertinent , yet at least more plausibly replies , except protestants meant their profession should be expos'd by silence , or a silly defence , and for the future esteem'd destitute of any divine evidence ▪ though what little reason he had to say so , the world hath since seen , and i dare appeal to any impartial person on their own side , whether , there be not more of affected scorn than truth in that fine speech . nay , they will not onely make the world believe that they despise us , but will express their contempt even in the most unhandsome language , * as dr. ruze , tho' a frenchman and at paris when the ministers monsieur de spina and monsieur barbaste minister to the q. of navarr , desired liberty to pray before they began the conference , which was then to be held , in the house of the duke de montpensier , told them , that if they would go pray , he would go to piss during the time of prayer . i cannot here forbear anticipating the next chapter by desiring the reader that whenever he meets with such carriage , he would make it rather a subject for his laughter , than his serious thoughts ; and in the following chapter i shall give him some reason for it ; and i desire he would take this as a maxim , to suspect every thing they say ; a maxim very necessary to be observed , as an antidote against their great design in the beginning of a proselyting intrigue ; for i durst venture any person among all their reasons , if this insinuating way of ingaging mens affections were laid aside . if men would learn to love those who are of another profession , while they hate their errors and superstitions , we might hope to see again the primitive charity restored ; and therefore notwithstanding the bitterness of romish spirits , and their greatest kindnesses carrying a design in them , it is our duty to love their persons , especially those who by particular obligations deserve it ; i know it is an usual way among them to enquire into the wants and conditions of others , and they know where to get money to supply them , and are ready with all officiousness to assist and oblige their acquaintance , especially those they are tampering with ; and though we see through these artifices , yet we are bound to be ready to do the same , or greater kindnesses for them if we are able ; but on the other side our just respect for them ought not to lessen our love to truth or make us less diligent in searching after it ; neither ought we to have such an opinion of them as to have a less esteem for our religion : to suffer that would be to love them more than god , and to concur with them to our own deceiving in such unworthy actions , as an honest heathen would be asham'd of ; i know they have made several converts by this one artifice ; they will go to a person whom they know to be under straits , and among other arguments , insist on the want of charity in our church , and advise them to go to some of our ministers and see what they will do for them ; upon this some of them have come to some divines whom i could name , and that very lately , complaining of their wants , and that there is no provision made for them , relating what proffers they have from the gentlemen of the church of rome , if they will be of that church . now for a minister to maintain these people is impossible , all that he can do being to give them some present relief ; this the priests make their advantage of , remonstrating how true it is , that as they affirm'd our church is void of charity ; which so abounds in theirs , that if they will be reconcil'd they shall have a plentifull allowance , which guilded bait hath been greedily swallowed by too many . i cannot say that they have kept their words with none , but i know there are several whom they have gained by this means , who being once made sure by the * oath which they make them take , have their allowances taken off , under pretence that the stock is exhausted by the multitude of converts , and they are able to continue it no longer . from several instances which may be produc'd of this kind , it were an easie matter to form very strong arguments against too much credulity ; but our holy religion needing no worldly consideration to uphold it , i shall only reason from the weakness of a change which is begun to be effected by such an artifice ; it being one of the most heinous sins to chuse a religion for profit's sake , and incompatible with true holiness . seeing worldly gains are so far from being permitted to have any force in a soul endued with that , that the being christ's disciple infers a renunciation of them all ; from whence i may draw another proof ; that the design of those gentlemen is not to inform mens vnderstandings , but so they get them to their side , they have their end ; but this i refer to the second part , where i design to treat more particularly of this method . there is yet another effect which the readiness of the missionaries to oblige those they deal with , is design'd to produce , the creating such a good opinion of them , as shall incline men to be guided by their directions : this i mention'd before , but chose to insist upon it here , because it is usually furthered by the opinion of zeal and love to souls , which by their words and gestures they endeavour to drive the people into a belief of . but here it is to be considered that a fair carriage is not the sign of a messenger of truth , but may be and is found in deceivers and false prophets ; * our saviour having long since told us that false prophets come in sheeps clothing ; and the great apostle of the gentiles informs us , that with † good words and fair speeches they deceive the hearts of the simple ; and therefore is the more earnest with the ‖ colossians , because he knew deceivers would use enticing words ; such going about for that end who have a * form of godliness though not the power ; and for these who go about in the name of christ to promote their own ends , with words † smoother than butter ; our saviour , when he told us of them , gave us likewise a rule how to deal with them , ‖ ye shall know them by their fruits , not by their outward actions , for none are more outwardly strict than deceivers , but by their doctrines ; if they be not of god , all the rest is but sheeps cloathing , but pretence to innocence and sincerity when the essence of it is wanting ; that sheeps cloathing being expounded by the romanists themselves to imply * an affected simplicity and sincerity , † enticing words , and specious works . now for any man to be caught with these which are the special properties of false prophets and deceivers , would appear incredible , if experience did not shew how little the cautions of our saviour are reflected on , which renders such weak persons the less capable of excuse , because though they were warn'd of this snare they would not avoid it . this shew of zeal and piety , we are told by the jesuite ‖ acosta , will be industriously affected by the messengers of antichrist , whereby he says , they will ensnare many heedless and unthinking souls ; which makes that caution of the wise man , absolutely necessary to be frequently reflected on , and diligently observed , when he speaketh fair , believe him not , for if the antichristian emissaries shall bid as fair for the good opinion of men by such specious preserve , how great an indifference ought every one to preserve for all persons , till they see their fruits . this is equally the duty of all sides , neither can we be too suspicious in matters of our eternal concern , where nothing but evident proof from divine authority should prevail with us . for in obedience to the command of st. john * to try the spirits whether they are of god , it is our business to receive no doctrine till it is confirmed by the word of god ; this suspicion and caution is recommended to us by the great champion of the romanists at oxford , so that all reason concurs to excite us to that diligence , for which the apostle paul so highly commends the inhabitants of † berea , that they would not believe what he taught till by searching the scriptures they found he agreed with them . i know indeed the gentlemen of the church of rome will not allow such a search , but the aforesaid ‖ author expresly affirms that when new doctrines come into the world , christians are directed to try such doctrines whether they be of god , which is all i at present plead for . if i should urge to this end , the same reason which solomon does , where he gives this advice ; * he that hateth , dissembleth with his lips , and layeth up deceit within him ; when he speaketh fair believe him not , for there are seven abominations in his heart . i could find several instances given by their own divines to justify such a caution ; but because this chapter is lengthen beyond what i at first intended , i shall remit them to another place , and mention onely the instance of mr. parsons the famous writer against k. james's succession to the crown , and in defence of the pope's deposing power ; of whom several † french divines observe ; that no mans writings are fuller of spite than his . but it is mixt with such floods of crocdiles tears , when he is most spitefull , that he then always pretends so much charity and tenderness , as if every hard word he uses went to his very heart ; by which the simpler sort are greatly blinded . nay , they are so us'd to this pretence of love to souls , that in the inqvisition , when they are tormenting a heretick , as they call him , with the greatest torments , they pretend all is out of love to his soul ; though all the world knows , that tortures make no real converts ; and consequently seeing they can have no effect upon the soul , they can do that no good . i know it is very hard for one whose disposition is ingenious , to guard himself from such insinuations , and therefore have been the more prolix , in setting forth the command of our saviovr , and the necessity of being very watchfvll over our selves , lest out of a piece of good nature we throw away our souls , and make shipwrack of the faith. let us endeavour to have a real love for them , and our desires for their salvation be sincere and fervent , but till they can shew us a chvrch that doth more sincerely advance the great ends of holiness and piety , let us hold fast the profession of our * faith without wavering ; and not throw away our selves out of love to others , as those unfortunate † gentlemen who purely out of love to catesby , became partakers of his guilt in the gvnpowder-treason , and so lost their fames , their lives , and greatly hazarded their souls . chap. ii. of their strange confidence in asserting any thing that may tend to their advantage . to strengthen that advice with which i concluded the former chapter , it is an excellent observation , no less true than ingenious made by an eminent * divine who lived seventeen years abroad among the romanists , † that the proper genius , and as it were the universal spirit of that church consists much in a confidence to raise any thing which they have , although that were but a dung-hill into a castle , and by the noise of strange expressions to perswade you out of your own knowledge , that you may believe the enchantment . transubstantiation , &c. had been as soon tumbled down as started up , had they not been kept on foot by this kind of roman-hectoring . which is so fit a name for their carriage , that there are no men in the world to whom the appellation of spiritval hectors , so properly belongs , as to these gentlemen ; all the brags , fain'd stories , huffing expressions , confident assertions , and supercilious looks , which are the very constituent qualities of those we call hectors , are so exactly copyed by these men , that an indifferent person would be ready to conclude the difference to be very small , if any . they do with much unconcernedness insist upon the common arguments of their predecessors , without taking the least notice of the answers which have been made to them , yea reiterate the very same objections to the same person who has answered them before ; like flies , which although you drive them away will still return and never cease to trouble you ; so these men after you have refuted all their objections they come to you again and produce the same things , as if they were new : and as flies bring others with them and all together make one , and the same buzzing , so when you can suffer these people no longer , they send you their emissaries and disciples , you see many new faces , but you hear still the same song , and see them go round the same circle ; insomuch that * monsieur drelincourt professes that one certain objection hath been made him , and refuted above an hundred times . this excellent method our present controvertists are so fond of , that they do not scruple to propose objections verbatim out of authors who have not onely been several times refuted , but convicted of the greatest insincerity and wilfull forgery : the author of the † fifth part of church-government hath copyed out of sanders , who not onely reviles our princes with all the bitter words of an overflowing gall , and dyed in open rebellion ; but hath been often refuted , and convinced of forgery by several , and particularly by dr. burnet , in his history of the reformation from publick records ; and in pleading against our ordination , hath brought no arguments , but such as were distinctly reply'd to by ‖ arch-bishop bramhall , mr. * mason , and dr. † burnet ; the two first long since , and the last very lately ; transcribing as the learned reflecter observes not onely the matter but the very form of those arguments which have been so often confuted . and the collector of ( that book so much admired among them , and recommended at this very day by no less a person than the vindicator of the * bishop of condom ) the nubes testium hath exactly transcribed that notorious plagiary alexandre natalis , whose wretched falsifications have been several times exposed , and particularly in the point of images by † spanhemius , to say nothing of our own divines , and yet this disturber of antiquity copies even his very forgeries , without the least notice of the ▪ little credit he is of among the romanists themselves . if at any time they apprehend a rub in their way , either from any doctrine or practice of their own , or any passage of the ancient fathers , it is almost incredible with what prodigious assurance they will deny it . wherein they have an excellent example set them by the bishop of meavx , who writing to the new converts of his diocese very gravely tells them ; ‖ that not one of them hath suffered violence either in his person or goods ; so far have you been ( saith he ) from suffering torments that you have not so much as heard them mention'd ; i hear other bishops affirm the same ; but for you my brethren i say nothing to you , but what you may speak as well as i , you are returned peaceably to us you know it . this strange assertion coming from a person of his character , was received at paris with such surprize , that men began presently to believe , he would strike it out of the next edition ; so that the author of the * republique des lettres was inclinable to credit that report , because men of sense would complain in their minds to be thus eternally wearied with these pretences , that the huguenots signed the formulary with all the readiness in the world , but instead of that in his letter of may the 13 th . this present year , he confirms that bold passage with a * solemn protestation in the presence of god who is to judge the quick and dead , that he spoke nothing but the truth , and that he never design'd to expunge that clause : it is not without a sensible regret that i relate this passage , but when a person of his quality , and refin'd wit , shall with so great solemnity impose upon the world wherein so many thousands can convince him of imposture , and call god to witness to so notorious an untruth , we may well expect to meet with very little sincerity from others , who are so great admirers of this bishop . it is a very true and just remark made by a late † author , that his majesties brief alone may serve for a confutation of so shamefull an assertion , and shew us how little we can rely upon these gentlemen when they talk to us of things that were done twelve or fourteen years ago , that make no scruple of dealing thus with us in a matter of fact , in the sight of the world , before whose eyes these things are acted , to which i may add the witness all covntries can bear to the contrary , where multitudes of those poor distressed , persecuted christians have taken sanctuary . but for the particular matters of fact in that prelates diocese my ‖ author informs us , that as far as he can learn , the dragoons , ( by whom they make their proselytes ) were not lodg'd in the bishoprick of meaux ; but they came up to the very gates of the city . being thus in sight of their danger , and expecting every minute when it would fall upon them , the bishop thought that certainly now if ever they would be dispos'd to a compliance ; ( so that tho' not tortur'd they were frighted into it . ) with this advantage he invites them to a conference , appears more moderate than even his own exposition ; and desires very little more of them , than what any one might venture to subscribe . such advances back't with the terrors of the dragoons at the gates , prevailed upon them ; upon which the dragoons were dismiss'd . how this agrees with not so much as hearing violences mention'd , and returning peaceably , is onely for them to make out who are so good at reconciling contradictions ; especially if we look on his carriage afterwards , when * he actually proceeded to mention violence , for he threatned those that would not come , and quarter'd the dragoons ▪ upon the obstinate ; and particularly on monsieur de seguier couzen to the late chancellor of that name , who are to this day prisoners on th●● account . nay this same gentleman who so gravely tells ●s he heard the same from other bishops , viz. that there was no force us'd , did in a letter dated but a few days after that wherein he denies any violence to be used to the protestants , both own and justifie the persecution to a person of quality who had escaped out of france , and he desired to reclaim ; which kindled such an indignation in that honourable person , that he printed the bishops letter to him : and yet can this prelate appeal to god concerning the truth of that which he had contradicted under his own hand ? we need not wonder at his singular dexterity in this matter , seeing it hath been his chief employment as a bishop , to make proselytes , and it would be a great wrong to his quick apprehension ; to suspect his being throughly vers'd in the artifices necessary for accomplishing his end . which is an opinion none that is conversant in his works can well be of , he having taken so much care to furnish us with instances of his excellency therein . for being charg'd by the learned † expositor of the doctrine of our church , with teaching prayer to saints in such a manner , as that it was directly contrary to the same doctrine as laid down in ‖ father crassets book on that subject , by his * letter of april the 6 th . 1686. † affirms he never read that jesuit's discourse , neither ever heard it mention'd that it was contrary to his exposition ; which he again asserts in his letter of may 13. 1687. now to prove this of the same stamp with the former passage , the very looking into the * bishops book of communion under one kind , where he is answering monsieur jurieux , who objects that book of father crasset against his lordship , and spends several pages to prove that it plainly contradicts his exposition ▪ is sufficient . so that we must either conclude the bishop answered a book which he never read , or that his protestation that he never heard there was any thing in that jesuites book contrary to his , mvst be vntrve ; for he could not peruse monsieur jurieux discourse , without finding the difference insisted on . this was urg'd against him by his † adversary , but he thinks fit in his reply to take no notice of it ; contenting himself with an unjust reflexion upon that french divine , but never offers to weaken this argument , which had been alledg'd purposely to prove his assertion false . and which will always remain as an unanswerable instance of his insincerity ; unless he fly for refuge to that equivocating shift , that he never heard father crassets doctrine was different from his , tho' he had indeed read a discourse which affirm'd that it was , which is an excuse fit for such a cause and the best that it will ever bear . there seems to be a kind of conspiracy among the french-clergy to deny this persecution , or at least to represent it as neither so violent or universal as indeed it is , to which purpose it is ‖ affirm'd in a discourse said to be written by order of the clergy , ( under this title a letter from a chvrch man to a friend ) that there were not forty churches of protestants demolish'd in the ten years preceding the year eighty two , when it is notoriously known , that in the province of poitov alone , near that number were pull'd down ; and the agent of the clergy had the may before said at the opening of the assembly , that the k. had demolish'd an infinite number of them . but it is not particular actions onely , which they are so ready to deny and disclaim ; but if any authors , whether fathers , or of a latter date , of whatsoever kind be objected to them , they reckon it a good and sufficient answer , either to deny that there are such authors , or that they wrote those books , or that the passages insisted on are to be found in them ; or if all these be made too evident to be handsomely denied , they have then some wrested interpretation which without any hesitancy they will offer as the sense of the author they are press'd with . this liberty of rejecting books when they are press'd with them , is not onely practis'd but defended ; * vasquez telling us , that it is frequent among the catholicks , when they are urg'd with testimonies out of the councils or fathers to deny that they are theirs , and this ▪ he says is the readiest ( and often the best ) refuge they can find ; and † baronivs , being prest with a passage out of clement's constitutions , answers , that he might deny the authority of them , which he affirms to be a very justifiable shift ; this is confess'd by the authors of the ‖ index expurgatorius belgicus to be their usual practice , and they give directions how to improve it ; which the missionaries are very observant of , as the experience of those who converse with them , may easily discover . i remember when i urg'd one of them with the novelty of transubstantiation , he told me it was so far from being new , that it was never question'd , till berengarivs oppos'd it ; when i desired him to call to mind that bertram liv'd some ages before that he mention'd , he reply'd in a great heat , there was no such man , and turning to the company , desired them to take notice how we coyn'd authors at our pleasure ; but when i undertook to justifie both that there was such a writer who oppos'd their doctrine , and had satisfi'd those who were present , he had no way to come off , but by pretending he mistook the name , but i could not prevail with him to tell who it was he suppos'd i nam'd . when campion the jesuite who made such a bustle with his brags of challenging the universities was * prest with some texts out of the book of judith to prove that she was not inspir'd by god , he confidently affirmed , there were no such passages , tho' it was presently proved that they were to be found in the vulgar latin : and mr. chark † alledging tertullian against hermogenes in defence of the sufficiency of scripture , mr. campion first deny'd that tertullian wrote the book , and being convinc'd of that , without reading the place , he immediately of his own head began a discourse of the fathers design therein ; as if it were revealed to him by inspiration , for he had just before disclaim'd the knowledge of any such piece of tertullians , which way of expounding the fathers and scripture at random , he was so in love with , that in the last conference , being press'd with that passage of our saviour , thou shalt ‖ worship the lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serve ; from whence mr. clark inferr'd * that as the text of deuteronomy , thou shalt worship no † strange gods , justified our saviours adding the word onely , him onely shalt thou serve , so we by the same warrant and words do in the question of justification , take the words ‖ not by works , * not by law , to import as much as faith onely , for all works whatsoever being excluded by these negative speeches , faith alone , remaineth . to evade this mr. campion with his usual boldness reply'd , that the word worship doth of necessity infer so much , and therefore christ did well to expound it by onely : but it was not so in the other instance . where by endeavouring to outface that argument , he gave up the whole cause of worshipping images and saints , by confessing that god alone is to be worshipp'd . and the jesuit cotton confessor to henry the great of france , * when carolus scribanius , under the feigned name of bonarscius had published his book wherein he defended the power of popes over the lives and temporalities of kings , finding how ill it was resented at the court of france , confidently asserted , that it was a book written by the hereticks , and published only to make the jesuits odious ; and yet the same man when he had opportunity highly commended , the very same book ; as very fit for the instruction of youth , and was a means of dispersing many copies of it . let the impartial reader but reflect on this carriage which is so universally approv'd among them , and he will find it was not without reason that i desir'd of him in the former chapter , to distrust every thing they say . it was a habit , i was very unwilling to endeavour after , till my experience of their way of writing , and observations of their discourses , convinc'd me of the absolute necessity , all who deal with them lie under to attain it ; for i cannot call to mind any one of their books , nor remember any particular conversation which i have been engag'd in with them , wherein i have not met with such shuffling and insincere answers , offered with as grave a countenance , and as much assurance as if there was no jugling at the bottom . to alledge all the instances which the late passages of this nature furnish us with , would be as troublesome to the reader as tedious to me . † the oxford champion , gives luther the lye , for quoting a passage which though this civil gentleman is pleas'd to deny it , is in the author he professes to take it from : the late ‖ bishop of meath assures us , there are who contrary to all evidence confidently aver , write and openly proclaim to the world , that there was no rebellion in ireland in 1641. but they themselves , the irish and papists of ireland were then the sufferers , and the protestants the first aggressors , which they back with such confidence , that the bishop assures us , it hath already gain'd great belief with many . an eminent divine lately discoursing with some of the roman church , and producing the roman breviary , in confirmation of the point he was insisting on , one of them very confidently told him that it was forg'd by the protestants , and when he offer'd the passion week printed in english at paris he met with the same answer . and at this day they spread among their people a report , that the reason of the few hardships ( for they strive to represent them as few as possible ) of the french protestants is because they designed to rebell against the king. it is almost incredible what a multitude of such instances might be given , and as strange , that men who pretend to so much religion , should be guilty of them ; but they find the effects of them so pleasing , that there is no hope they should ever be prevail'd on to relinquish these unhandsome methods , and behave themselves with more modesty and respect to truth . for hereby they have so possess'd their people with false notions , and fill'd their heads with such invented stories , that they look upon us as a parcel of men who can neither write nor speak truth ; insomuch that but a few days ago , when i offer'd to a gentleman of that communion to prove his church guilty of forging avthors , and altering the genuine works of the ancient fathers and modern divines , he reply'd that he was so sure of the contrary , that tho' i should swear it he would never believe it true ; nay if i should shew him the very books , he was sure they must be some of our own making , and therefore would giv● no credit to them ; just such an encounter * mr. crashaw had with some of the same religion upon this subject ; when objecting the index expurgatorius , they presently reply'd it was never done by the catholick church , but it was some trick of beza or junius devised to disgrace the catholick cause . to justifie his accusation he produced stella on luke , which was purged as the title it self declared according to the rules of that index ; they answered , the title might be put in by some of us in malice , to make the world believe the romish church did what they have not done . nay , when he produc'd possevine the jesuite affirming that he was so purg'd ; they would not be satisfied but still declar'd there was no such thing . and this is the case of many thousands at this day among them . neither is this confident trick of asserting whatever they fansie may advance their cause , practis'd onely when they are pressed with an argument or authority ; but in their own arguments against us they will not stick to publish the greatest falsities , if it may either create an ill opinion of us , or enhance their peoples esteem for them . their usual entrance is with great boasts of their cause , and that if their enemies dare mee● them , the world shall see with how much ease they will baffle all their arguments , though the jesuite * gontiere was sadly foil'd , when having so far prevailed upon monsieur liembrun , that the gentleman had promis'd to become a romanist ; after a conference which he desired the jesuite would hold with dr. du moulin ; when the conference began , he was so puzz'ld to prove his own mission , that after much turning over the bible , he retir'd ●●lent and in confusion to a corner of the room ; upon which monsieur liembrun in indignation addressed himself to gontiere : father , said he ; you told me that if i brought a minister before you , you would confound him , here is one , and you stand dumb . upon which , the gentleman was confirmed in his religion . and mr. campion , notwithstanding all his brags , and vain challenges , was so miserably baffl'd , in the four conferences held with him in the tomes , that whoever reads the relation published by his own party , will have other thoughts of his abilities and learning , than he could possibly form from the idea , the commendations given of him by the missionaries , might prevail with him to entertain . these brags having raised the expectation of the people to admiration , they are well prepar'd to feed the humour , in which the description given of * monsieur maimbourg , is a character of their conduct , that they have no regard to truth , or likelihood in what they assert ; and tho' i know there are many among them who abhor such practices , yet the much greater number of them do all copy after the same pattern ; when the ingenious author of the † pap. misrepresented and represented , would establish the books ( which our church rejects for apocrypha , ) as a part of the canon of scripture , he cites st. gregory nazianzen and st. ambrose , neither of whom have any thing to the purpose , the first onely mentions the persons of the maccabees , and commends them ; and the latter quotes them as we do any other books , but hath not the least tittle of their being part of the sacred canon ; but thinking to establish two points by one authority , he tells us in the same chapter , that st. jerome doubted of the book of judith , which for some time seem'd to him apocryphal , till the council of nice declar'd it otherwise : now tho' i doubt not it was his design , to establish the authority both of a general council , and the book of judith by this one instance , yet he hath unhappily fail'd in both ; the confidence with which he backs this affirmation being all the strength of it , for it was impossible there should be any truth in it , seeing when the council of nice sate , st. jerome was either not born , or but two years old ; and the council made no decree at all about the books of scripture , yet doth that witty author venture these three untruths in one chapter , as if because setting a good face on the matter , prevails with the people of his communion , who are kept from examining what they hear affirmed , we must therefore believe all he saith with the same implicit faith. but when baronius and bellarmine , those champions of the church of rome , ‖ care not by what means they establish the doctrine of the pope's power , which is the character given of them by a learned man of their own communion ; their unfaithfulness being so obvious , that a * franciscan fryer yet living observes , that the great annalist baronius , seems to have had no other end in writing his twelve laborious tomes , than to heap together how well or ill soever all the topicks he could imagin for asserting to the bishop of rome the universal monarchy ; when we find that pillar of the cause pointing out the way to the inferior missionaries 't is no wonder if an exact imitation of these great examples be affected by them . and indeed this disposition is so natural to the guides of that church , that no sooner can a proselyte breath among them , but he is running in the same path ; thus mr. * cressy very seriously attempts to perswade the world that when examination is made of miracles in order to the canonization of any saint , the testimony of women will not be received , for which he gives this reason , because naturally imagination is stronger in them than judgment , and whatever is esteemed by them to be pious , is easily concluded by them to be true ; but though there be very much weight in this reason , yet the matter of fact is so notoriously false , that there is scarce any of their noted saints , in the process of whose canonization we do not find the oaths of women pass current , nay , sometimes without any other testimony to confirm them ; for as his right honorable and learned answerer observes , the single testimony of the nurse was the only evidence of the first miracle that st. benedict ( mr. cressy's great patron ) wrought : and in the canonization of ignatius loyala the founder of the jesuits ; the attestation of isabella monialis was taken to confirm his working miracles ; and yet no doubt this plausible assertion of mr. cressy's passes for truth among very many who being destitute of opportunities to discover the mistake , yield firm credit to it , because it is confidently advanc'd . there is nothing more frequent in these gentlemens mouths , than all the fathers are of this opinion , antiqvity is vnanimovs in this point , and such like bold expressions ; though they deserve as much credit as mr. cressy's pretence and very little more . for though † mr. mumford the jesuite , tells us , that the text of st. paul , let a bishop be the husband of one wife , was only a permission at that time , when it was impossible to find fit men for that office who were single ; ( an assertion perfectly false ) that the apostle would have no man who married a second wife be made a bishop ; and that the text is so interpreted by the covncils and fathers vnanimovsly , * st. chrysostome will tell him that this text is so far from being only a permission of marriage for a time , that it is designed for encreasing the esteem of it ; and if he pleases to consult him in another † homily upon the same subject , he will find , that the interpretation he calls ridiculous is given by that great divine , the apostle ( saith he ) forbiddeth excess , because among the jews the association of a second marriage was lawfull and to have two wives at once ; so that all the fathers we see are not unanimous in his exposition , though he is pleas'd to say they are ; and if we are as he tells us in the same place ridiculous in interpreting the words of saint paul in this sense , that a bishop should have but one wife at once ; we have very good authority for being so ; though his consideration or sincerity was but small when he tells us all the fathers are vnanimovs of his side , and that 't is ridiculous to dissent from him . with the same briskness we are told by the ‖ irish animadverter on the bishop of bath and wells's sermon , that melchisedeck's bread and wine is own'd by all to be a type of the sacrament ; i suppose he meant all of his communion , for he must be very ignorant , not to know that the protestants deny it ; and yet by his telling the bishop , that he durst not meddle with that point , because of this vniversal consent , he seems to extend his all beyond the narrow ●ounds of the roman church . but we may well expect such a spirit of confidence in the members of a church , in whose rvle of faith , the covncil of trent we find this assertion , * that the ancient fathers when they gave the eucharist to infants , did not teach it was necessary to salvation that they should receive it . an affirmation which we may in some sort excuse the fathers of that council for being so hardy as to advance , their skill in antiquity being so very small , that it is more than probable very few of them knew the contrary ; though a little more modesty might have been expected , than so rashly to pronounce against the whole current of the fathers , and the universal tradition of the church for some ages , nay against the decree of pope innocent the first , who as * saint augustine assures us , taught , that little children cannot have eternal life , without baptism and the participation of the body and blood of christ ; with which place when mr. campion was press'd , he after the example of this council , as † positively answer'd there is no such decree , though the very work of saint augustine was brought , and this passage shew'd him . with the very same sincerity , doth ‖ bellarmine affirm that the whole chvrch and all the greek and latin fathers teach , that when christ said upon this rock will i build my church , he thereby meant peter ; and * alexandre natalis , that the fathers with a nemine contra dicente interpret the rock to be that apostle ; there needs but very little reading to confute this , notwithstanding all the assurance it is back't with , for not onely particular fathers tell us , that when our lord said upon that rock , he meant , upon the faith of the confession peter had then made , insomuch that saint † ambrose is positive it is not of the flesh but of the faith of peter , that this is said , but that main stream of antiquity runs this way to establish that exposition which ‖ st. austin so plainly gives , that the church was established upon that faith which peter had then confessed , when he said thou art christ the son of the living god ; nay , so far are the ancient writers from being unanimous in this point , that there are three several opinions among them , some and but very few affirming it was peter's person , in the same sense as all the * apostles are called the foundation of the church , others that it was himself , christ designed by the word rock , and the third that which i have mention'd that it was the faith then confessed by st. peter which hath near threescore fathers and councils to authorise it ; where the first hath hardly six ▪ judge now on which side the nemine contra dicente lies . by this time i think it pretty evident , that these gentlemen are too much akin to those , * who are desirous to be teachers of the law , but understand not , ( or at least mind not , ) what they say , nor whereof they affirm ; which makes the advice of one of themselves in another case very seasonable , † who tells us , that this huffing humour is caution enough to any reasonable man to take care ; for if it be our duty to take nothing in religion upon trust , it is certainly of very great concern that we be suspicious in trusting those , whose insincerity is so very great , that they are not asham'd to publish the most palpable vntruths ; what is to be expected then from their discourses with ignorant and unwary men , especially in private , where they are in no such danger of being expos'd . chap. iii. of their slanders . when the prophet jeremiah was in the name of the lord , endeavouring to reform the corruptions of the jewish church , he complains , that his enemies said one to another , * come and let us devise devices against him , and let us smite him with the tongue ; † report say they , and we will report it ; which made him give that caution and advice to those who obeyed the voice of the lord by him . ‖ take ye heed every one of his neighbour , and trust ye not in any brother : for every brother will utterly supplant , and every neighbour will walk in slanders ; whose case being so very like that of the reformed churches , both in the work he undertook , reformation , and in the opposition which was made to him by calumnies and slanders , his advice is as seasonable to us , as to the reforming jews ; we having to deal with a politick sort of men , who notwithstanding the wise * solomon hath pronounc'd that he that uttereth slanders is a fool , establish it as a maxim which they are very diligent observers of , that it is no mortal sin to calvmniate falsly to preserve ones honovr , like the hereticks † st. augustine speaks of , who not being able to defend their cause set themselves to revile their adversaries , spreading the most false reports , that seeing they cannot evade the force or obscure the evidence of the truth contained in the holy scriptures , they may render those who preach it odious , by reporting all the evil of them they can invent . i know this is a severe charge , and will be look't upon even by many sober and impartial men , as uncharitable , but if they can either prove that the passages i relate are false , or the authors i cite , who maintain it lawfull are forged and corrupted ; i am willing to lie under that imputation : but on the other side , if they prove to be truly cited , i must desire of the reader that their character of religious men , and their formal pretences to sincerity , may be look't upon as indeed they are but a fair covering , and cloak for their designs ; and i challenge the whole body of them , to prove one particular instance or citation false ; wherein i do not ( as mr. pulton in his remarks ) charge those slanders on them , which are only the additions which a story gets by running from hand to hand ; for i know it is possible a man may relate things that are false , without being guilty of the slander , by being deceived in the account which was given him of those matters ; but when men make it their business to defame and assert the lawfulness of doing it by false reports , i think it is no piece of injustice or want of charity to call them slanderers . i am not insensible that the generality of men are apt to reason with themselves , that surely religious men cannot be of such sear'd consciences , as to damn themselves by such malicious backbiting ; but in this case such a reflexion is ungrounded , for their great casuists defend it to be lawfull ; and are so far from being apprehensive of damnation , that they justifie its practice , as father * dicastillo informs us ; i have maintained ( saith he ) and do still maintain that calumny when it is used against a calumniator , though grounded on absolute falsities , is not for that any mortal sin either against justice or charity . and to prove it i have brought a cloud of our fathers to witness it , and whole vniversities consisting of them , all whom i have consulted , and among others the reverend father john gans confessor to the emperor , the reverend father daniel bastele confessor to the arch duke leopold , father henry , sometimes preceptor to those two princes ; all the publick and ordinary professors of the vniversity of vienna , all the professors of the vniversity of grats , all the professors of the vniversity of prague , of all whom i have at hand the approbations of my opinion written and sign'd with their own hands : besides that , i have on my side , father pennalossa a jesuite , and confessor to the king of spain , father pillecorolli a jesuite , and many others . and when this was objected to the jesuits by the author of the provincial letters in his fifteenth letter ; the † answerers of that letter where they undertake to defend themselves , instead of condemning add more authority to father dicastillo's position , by citing several authors besides those mentioned before in defence of it . neither do they deny the doctrine of caramuel who asserts , that it is a probable opinion , that it is not any mortal sin to caiumniate falsly to preserve ones honour , for it is maintained by above twenty grave doctors so that if this doctrine be not probable there is hardly any such in all the body of divinity . and the same is asserted by the theses of the jesuits at ‖ lovain , ann. 1645. in case of calumniating and imposing false crimes , to ruine their credit who speak ill of us . besides these vniverslties and divines , who teach the lawfulness of calumnies and false reports , we find it among other rules of the jesuits ; that they should be sure to put this doctrine in practice , even against those of their own cummunion , the ancient orders of the roman church ; for if such happen to be an hindrance to their ambitious designs , by standing in their way , * the rule is , let their faults be diligently noted , and they represented as dangerous to the publick peace , which as is observed by † one no enemy to their order , was a succesfull means of their enlargement , and succeeding greatness , their instilling into the minds of princes by false insinuations , an evil opinion of the other religious orders . ‖ among the same instructions they are directed , that all those who hinder and disswade men from giving estates or money to the society should be turned out , and to prevent their doing mischief after their ejection . * let their faults be exposed ( saith the eleventh rule ) even such as in discharging their consciences they have revealed to their superiors : and let strangers be possess'd that they were guilty of those crimes which the people are wont to hate us for ; this made † mariana a famous member of that society affirm ; that if the apostle st. paul himself should contradict the jesuits , and not approve their errors , they would be sure to represent him , as an extravagant and restless disturber of and enemy to peace . the observation of which spirit and doctrine made ‖ one who had been many years a priest declare , they do not account it evil ( as i verily think ) to calumniate the protestants by any device whatsoever that may carry any probability with it , nor make any conscience to tell and publish any untruths , which they think being believ'd may advance and promote such points and matters , as they take upon them to defend for the honour of the church of rome and dignity of their priesthood , which he affirmed upon oath the 25 th . of june 1602. § . 3. this is observ'd to be their way of treating their adversaries , by the ingenious and loyal * father peter walsh , a fryer of the franciscan order , who acknowledges , that their catholick writers are generally hurried on to exorbitant passions and barbarous language ( besides many down-right lies and meer calumnies often ) against all those that leave their church . neither is the treatment they afford those who continuing members of their church oppose any of their designs more christian and sincere ; an example whereof we have in a † french bishop , who had been a great benefactor to the jesuits , insomuch that in their poems and panegyricks , they had magnified and extolled him for an excellently learned and very pious prelate ; but when he refus'd to joyn with them in their conspiracy against king henry the third , they set themselves to defame him ; both in their ordinary discourses , their books and sermons , affirming they had discovered four and forty heretical tenets in three single leaves of his works ; which drew such a vindication from the bishop as will be a blot to their whole order , while the remembrance thereof remains in the minds of men . and indeed it cannot be supposed they will let slip any occasion of discrediting their enemies , when as you have s●en before they believe they may do it without hazarding their salvation ; and that by the credit they have in the world they may calumniate without any great fear of being accountable to the justice of men . * when monsieur puys pastor of st. niceer at lyons , translated into french a book , concerning the duties of christians towards their parishes against those by whom they are diverted from them : the jesuits esteeming themselves to be reflected on ( though no mention was made of the society ) one of that order , father alby , wrote against the translator , affirming that he was become scandalovs , lay under the suspicion of impiety , of being an heretick and excommunicated , and deserved to be cast into the fire : but all these imputations were only the pure off-spring of their own inventions for some time after , ( in the presence of † several divines and persons of quality , who all signed the declaration made by both the fathers ) viz. sep. 25. 1650. when mr. puys declared to the jesuit that in what he had written he designed no reflexion upon that society , for which he had a very great esteem ; father alby immediately reply'd , sir , the belief i was in that your quarrel was against the society , of which i have the honour to be a member , oblig'd me to take pen in hand to answer it ; and i thought the manner of my proceeding lawfull and justifiable . but coming to a better understanding of your intention , i do now declare , that there is not any thing that might hinder me from esteeming you a man of a very illuminated judgment , of sound learning and orthodox , as to manners unblamable , and in a word , a worthy pastor of your church . so that by the jesuit's own confession he had no ground for his calumnies , but thought it a lawfull and justifiable manner of proceeding to represent a person impious and an heretick , in whom he knew no fault , but that he suppos'd him no friend to his order . this passage is so generally known , that the jesuits who pretended to answer the provincial letters , durst not deny it , and therefore pass it over . in the same manner is that pious and venerable prelate the late bishop of pamiers , treated by them ; whose life was an exact copy of the primitive holiness and simplicity , yet the * jesuits affirm he was damn'd , for he had excommunicated three of their order , and put them all under an interdict of hearing confessions in his diocese . whatsoever crimes they can imagine will render the protestants odious to the people , they with all imaginable diligence , pronounce them guilty of ; in which they act ( as † sir edwin sands observes ) like a supernatural artist , who in the sublimity of his refin'd and refining wit disdains to bring only mere art to his work , unless he make also in some sort the very matter it self ; so these men in blacking the lives and actions of the reformers , have partly devised matter of so notorious untruth , that in the better sort of their own writers it happens to be check'd , partly suborned other postmen to compose their legends that afterwards they might cite them in proof to the world as approved authors and histories . because they supposed it would be a means to render the reverend dr. du moulin contemptible to the world , they reported ( as ‖ he tells us himself ) that he was a fryers son , though the whole city of orleans knew the contrary , where his father was born , and of very good note . and i know a minister who travelling in some popish countries and having been a means to recall a person to our church , who was near seduc'd by the continual importunities of some english priests , had a report rais'd of him , that he was a drunkard , and continually spent his time in an alehouse or a tavern ; which report the very priest that rais'd it was afterwards asham'd of , when it was prov'd to his face , that the gentleman had not been within the doors of a publick house except the first night , he came to that town , during the stay of some months , which he made there : with the very same dis-ingenuity we find the author of * advice to the confuter of bellarmine , insinuating that the writer of the reflexions on the notes of the church , imployed his pen to confute them over a pot of ale ; which unhandsome passage he hath neither been pleas'd to explain , tho' * his answerer desir'd to know why he commenc't his advice with such a suggestion ? nor to defend the truth of a charge which such a passage necessarily implies . but they are not content to invent crimes , and charge men with actions , they never own'd or were guilty of , but pretend likewise to dive into mens thoughts , which † surius was so expert at , that he sticks not to affirm , that the protestant divines do generally write against their consciences , and maintain positions , which they know are false ; and ‖ mr. cambden's adversary was so well acquainted with that learned persons interior ( to use a monkish word ) that he tells the world , mr. cambden dissembled his religion ▪ a calumny , those who are inclin'd to credit may see clearly refuted in the place cited in the margin . that eminent patriarch of the greek church , ( whom with dr. smith i shall not be asham'd to esteem a holy martyr ) * cyrillus lucaris , could no sooner begin to print some of the ancient fathers , and other discourses against the popish errors , but the emissaries of rome perswaded the bassa who then presided at constantinople , that the patriarch under pretence of printing would coin and stamp false money , and † finding some passages in one of his books , against the mahometan religion , they accus'd him to the visier for writing against the alcoran , ( were not these fathers rare christians ? ) and that he designed to stir up the greeks to mutiny , which had near cost that holy man his life , but upon the english embassador sir thomas row his expostulating the matter with the vizier , the malicious and false informations of the missionaries appear'd so horrid and abominable , that the grand vizier promis'd to restore all the goods which had been seiz'd upon the first accusation , and cast the jesuits into prison , where they had all been strangled , if the intercession of the english embassador had not prevailed for their lives ; but they were banished the grand segniors dominions , and their * house and library give to the patriarch . in the same manner because father paul the famous writer of the history of the trent council , oppos'd himself to the ambitious pretences of the pope , who claim'd a temporal authority over all princes , † the court of rome carried the greatest bitterness against him daily writing libels and invectives stuft up with lies and forgeries ; in the inventing of which there was none more concern'd than maffeio barbarian at that time nuncio in france , and afterwards pope by the name of vrban the eighth ; nay so far are they guided by this principle that rather than be wanting in the observation of it , they care not how unlikely their slanders are , or else they could never have been guilty of so great an indiscretion against the famous causabon , as after they had aspers'd his father and his whole family to declare him ( as they did ) a man of no judgment , affirming that he could not write latin , or scarce understand it ; when he was known to all the learned men of europe , to be one of the greatest scholars of that age. but the jesuit ‖ parsons was resolv'd not to trouble himself with particular persons , nothing less than the whole body of protestants in england would serve his turn ; which made him several times assure mr. sheldon , that he would undertake to make the devil speak in any bishop , arch-bishop or arch-heretick in england : and therefore the priests concern'd in the exorcising of * sarah williams and her sister ( of whom we shall give a larger account when we come to treat of their miracles ) were accustom'd frequently to affirm that all the protestants in england were possess'd , and they should have their hands full with those possessed creatures when the nation became catholicks . these one would think were pretty handsome calumnies , and fit for such men to invent and publish ; but their late poetical court hath taught the succeeding gentlemen who shall be employ'd in this office , a way to affirm the truth of their reports notwithstanding all imaginable evidence of their falsity ; for , he not content to affirm that * among all the volumes of divinity written by protestants , there was not one original treatise which handled distinctly and by it self , that christian virtue of humility ; he renews † the same challenge near a year after , though the ‖ author of the difference between the protestant and the socinian methods , had told him there was one written by mr. will. allen ; and set down the place where , and year in which it pass't the press . in the first indeed he limited his assertion , to such as he had seen and heard of , wherein as he shew'd some modesty , so he was likely to do no great harm , it being sufficiently known that in matters of divinity his acquaintance goes but a very little way , though in his own profession he is deservedly esteemed a master ; but to enlarge his assertion , and after such an information , to make that general , which he was too modest to do before , shews him an excellent proselyte : and in this point he seems able to instruct even his ghostly fathers . another artifice by which they endeavour to create an aversion in the peoples minds for the ministers of our church , is by flying at them altogether , and reproaching them as covetous and greedy of wealth ▪ this they are instructed to do by seignior * ballarini , who giving advice to father young , concerning the best way of managing the popish interest in england ; among the other directions , lays down this , that the bishops and ministers of the church of england be represented us worldly and careless ; which letter was found in father young's study after his death , and translated out of italian into english. and this slander they have so far improv'd , that as a person of honour † observes , they have entred into a conspiracy in undervaluing whatsoever is written by any clergyman how learned or vertuous soever in defence of the church of england , as if he spoke onely for his own interest , so that they who would undermine it by all the foul and dishonest arts imaginable have the advantage to be considered as persons ingaged in that accompt , merely and purely by the impulsion of their consciences , and for the discovery of such errors as are dangerous to the souls of men ; whilst they who are most obliged and are best able to refute those malicious pretences , and to detect the fraud and ignorance of those seditious undertakers , are look'd upon as men not to be believ'd , at least partial , and that all they say is said on their own behalf ; this is a sad truth , and a new engine to make a battery , at which atheism may enter without opposition , with all its instruments and attendants . in prosecution of which design it is usual with them to recount the riches of the clergy , while they maliciously and falsly insinuate that the revenues ecclesiastical in england are far greater than in popish countries ; but if we come to examine but the wealth of eclesiastical persons in the popish times in this nation , we shall find , that it exceeded by many degrees that poor pittance which reformed divines enjoy● , among whom it is known that multitudes have hardly sufficient to buy themselves bread ; * several hundreds of our livings not amounting to ten pound a year a piece , and several not to five , when the sole revenues of the monasteries and hospitals , beside the two vniversities and several monasteries not valued , in k. henry the eighth's time , amounted to † one hundred eighty six thousand , five hundred and twelve pounds odd money ; besides the bishopricks and parishes which being joyned to the former summ , the clergy of the church of rome were possessed of the yearly summ of above three hundred and twenty thousand one hundred and eighty pounds even in those times , what would they have yielded then at this day ? if then the gentlemen of the church of rome judge the provisions for the reformed clergy too great , the possessions they enjoyed will certainly appear subject ( and consequently themselves ) to the same accusation , but upon much better grounds . especially when we consider that never any clergy in the church of god , hath been or is maintained with less charge than the established clergy of the church of england ; which an ingenious * gentleman hath evidently proved . to whose arguments , if our adversaries think fit to reply , they shall not want a defender : and i am ready to prove out of their own authors , that the revenues of the french clergy amount to above one million , and two hundred thousand pounds of our english money yearly , that they possess seven parts in twelve of the whole revenue of the kingdom ; and that the arch-bishoprick of toledo in spain is as rich as some kingdoms . and now let all the world judge to whom the appellation of hirelings belongs , which they are so ready to bestow on us . but not content to cast their reproaches upon the body of the clergy , the oxford writer hath attempted to bring the charge of worldliness home to a particular bishop , but so unsuccessfully , that it is evident , he was forc'd to use his invention to maintain it , which all his assurance , ( tho' he hath a great talent that way ) will not be able to do ; for whereas he affirms , that the † excellent hooper ( who in q. maries days seal'd the protestant religion with his blood , ) held two bishopricks at once ; it is notoriously false : for he never held but the bishoprick of worcester , from which glocester was divided by k. henry the eighth , and reunited to it by k. edward ; so that all hooper enjoy'd was but one bishoprick which had some years been divided into two ; and yet our author pretends he held them in commendam . if this means will not do the work , and our divines still keep up their esteem in the minds of the people , the next design is to expose them as guilty of some immoral crime ; to this end they have ( in this city ) dress'd some of their own party in the habit of a minister , who according to instructions resorted to houses of ill repute , while others of the gang planted there on purpose , pointing at the supposed minister have been heard to say aloud there goes dr. or mr. such an one , that the people might suppose the most eminent of their ministers , frequenters of such places ; and i can name some divines whom they have by this artifice endeavoured to defame . if they have a design that any one of our ministers should be esteemed idle and lazy men , and negligent in their office , they watch till he is gone abroad , then repairing to some sick person of their acquaintance ; they desire them to send for him while they are in the house and when the messenger returns , with an account that he is not within ; they take occasion to tell the sick persons that our ministers are never to be found ; but always gadding abroad , without minding the concerns of their people , but for their parts , they are always ready to perform the duty of their office to all sorts , that send for them ; and thus they serv'd an eminent divine very lately . but that gentleman had a pretty good stock of confidence , who urging a woman to become his proselyte told her ; that our divines were men of no learning , and could not preach but by the helps they receiv'd from hearing and reading the sermons of the romish priests : and yet this was very gravely urg'd by one of them not many months since . i do not relate this passage that i think there is any danger of its being believ'd even by the meanest understanding to our prejudice ; but to let the world see that there is no slander how improbable or sensless soever which these men are asham'd of . the truth is they find calumny their best weapon , and therefore are resolv'd to use it at all adventures , hence it is we find among the rest of the directions given by the jesuite † contzen , in his advice for bringing popery into a countrey , that those who preach against a toleration , suspecting the design of the papists in it , be traduced as men that preach very unseasonable doctrine that are proud , conceited and enemies to peace and vnion . and for the better managing the popish interest in england , seignior * ballarini , directs father young , to make it appear under hand that the doctrine , discipline and worship of the church of england comes near to them ; that our common prayer is but little different from their mass ; and that the ablest and wisest men among us are so moderate , that they would willingly go over to them or meet them half way ; for thereby the more stayed men will become more odious , and others will run out of all religion for fear of popery . and we find even at this time they are observing this instruction , to which end † one of their number hath been at the pains to shew , that the church of england and the church of rome are agreed ; and the whole controversie lies between the church of rome and dissenting protestants ; but i suppose since the difference between the two churches hath been so clearly related in the ‖ answer to that pamphlet , they will for the time to come keep closer to the advice of doing their business under hand , for the discourse will hardly convince any body that we are agreed with them . but it is very pleasant to behold these gentlemen labouring with all their might to asperse the reformers , when if those passages they lay to their charge be blots indeed , they are as prejudicial to the gospel it self and to the greatest of the romish saints , as if we allow'd them in their full latitude , they can be to us . thus the * considerer upon the spirit of luther , spends much time and pains to prove that luther's doctrine was not of god , because he relates several arguments which the devil us'd against the mass , thereby attempting to drive him to despair , because he had for many years been a romish priest ; upon which † mr. pulton puts this question , now i ask whether the doctrine delivered by the spirit of untruth can be from the holy ghost ? now tho' we tell these gentlemen that luther spoke this by way of parable , yet seeing that they are deaf on that ear , let it be for once allowed that it was a real conference , and all they can draw from it is , either that knotty question of mr pulton , whether the doctrine delivered by the spirit of untruth can be from the holy ghost ? or that luther could not be an holy man , because the devil was so often with him , which is the great argument of the oxford considerer , and mr. pulton himself in the tenth page of his remarks . as for the question , i find in the gospel , the devils themselves bearing testimony to our saviour , * that he was christ the son of the living god , acknowledging him to be the † holy one of god ; and an whole ‖ legion of these unclean spirits crying out , what have we to do with thee jesus thou son of god ? and when to st. paul , the spirit of divination bore the same witness , * that he was the servant of the most high god , and shewed the way of salvation ; nay i find also that god made use of the evil spirit's testimony for the conversion of many , when the † sons of a jew undertook to call upon a man who was possess'd , the name of the lord jesus saying , we adjure you by jesus whom paul preacheth ; the evil spirit answered jesus i know , and paul i know , but who are ye ? and the man in whom the evil spirit was leap't on them and overcame them , — and this was known to all the jews and greeks also dwelling at ephesus , and fear fell on them all , and the name of the lord jesvs was magnified ; of which the following verses give particular instances . now the same answer which mr. pulton will make to an heathen , putting the same question in this case , will give full satisfaction to that which he puts to us , for if it be a good evidence to prove the doctrine of lvther false , because the devil owned the truth of it , the conclusion will hold as firm against the deity of christ , and truth of the gospel , which the devil was forced to confess . and if the second inference concludes against luther what shall we think of their admired ‖ st. anthony , to whom the devil frequently appear'd , and using an articulate voice spake to him , acknowledging that he had often attempted to corrupt him , but was not able ; nay , that he was seldom without the company of the devil either beating him or discoursing with him , the author of that life informs us in a multitude of instances ; and yet for all this , the papists will maintain his saintship , so that the devil's molestation is no argument against luther or his doctrine ; and there is hardly any of their noted saints whom the writers of their lives do not affect to represent to us as persons from whom the devil was seldom or never absent . nor is it any wonder these gentlemen should be so busie in scandalizing our divines , though the reflexion falls as severely upon their own canoniz'd saints , when they have so little consideration as to charge us with those things , which others of their own writing at the same time , and on the same subject , do acquit us of ; an instance of which we have in their frequent cries , that the * exclusion bill was managed in the house of commons by the sons of the church of england , and that the † rebellion was to be laid to their charge ; ‖ that if we look to the excluding party they were five to one church of england men ; so that our church must take the shame of all those things to her self ; these loud clamours have made more noise in the world , than all their new tests and instances of the church of england's loyalty , which i shall examine in another place ; but to the comfort of our church her adversaries agree not together , so that she needs no vindication but what she is able to bring from her greatest enemies ; therefore one * of them tells the dissenters , that they were the actors not onely in 48. but in the business of the rye and the west too ; and one who pleads the very same cause assures us , † that the dissenters appear'd so rigorous in choosing their representatives , that they carried it for three parliaments successfully against the church of england ; and it was in those three parliaments , that the exclusion bill was promoted and stickled for ; which is a clear demonstration , that the exclusioners were not five to one of the church of england . but as these gentlemen contradict themselves in this point , so by the same assertion they overthrow their great work of perswading the dissenters that the church of england never was , nor never will be willing to ease their consciences by a comprehension ; when by affirming the exclusion parliaments to have been compos'd of church of england men , they give themselves the lye , seeing all the world knows it was in those parliaments , that the bill of comprehension was promoted . as they will coin immoral actions for us , so likewise with the same sincerity , they make a great complaint of our falsifications , when he that examines into the matter will find no such thing ; thus the vindicator of monsieur de meaux fills part of a page , with a list of his adversaries falsifications , and calumnies , &c. of which you may judge by this instance ; * that ingenious gentleman tells us , that mr. de meaux had affirmed , that the denying of salvation to infants dying unbaptiz'd was a truth , which never any one before calvin durst openly call in question ; this the † vindicator calls a corrupting the bishops words ; which are these , ‖ the lutherans believe with the catholick church the absolute necessity of baptism , and are astonish'd with her that such a truth should be denied , which never any one before calvin durst openly call in question : now i appeal to all the world , whether it be not the same thing , to affirm that baptism is absolutely necessary to salvation , and that those who dye unbaptiz'd are not sav'd ; for if it be absolutely necessary , then without it there can be no salvation , and whoever asserts that denies salvation to those who have it not ; let our vindicator then defend himself from the imputation of calumny , which i lay to his charge in this particular , the calling that a falsification and corruption which is the true meaning of the bishops words . i shall end this head with two instances of their calumniating the poor protestants of france , though i could give as many hundreds * durirg the heat of the war between france and holland , the reformed of dauphine had kept a fast in all their churches ; and the synod that had ordered it had enjoyned all the ministers that belonged to it assisted by their ancients to visit families , and put them in mind of what had been promis'd god on the fast-day , which one of the ministers ( against whom the fryers of st. anthony had a long time watch't for an occasion ) performing , those pretended religious wrote to mr. le tellier secretary of state , that something was contriving against the king's service ; that the hugonots had celebrated a fast through all the dauphinate ; that there was a plot couched under this fast , and that devotion was onely the pretext of it ; that this minister had held secret assemblies at the houses of the principals of his parish , that he had prayed for the success of the hollanders arms , and that great summs of money were gathered by him and his party to send to the prince or orange ; and with this fair story they caused a great deal of trouble to the gentleman , and suborned witnesses to maintain the accusation , but he broke through all and clear'd his innocence to the shame of his false accusers : and as they persecuted those poor people with slanders in their own countrey , so they continue to prosecute the same unworthy methods against them in ours , where they are fled for relief from the grievous oppressions of their enemies ; for knowing the greatest part of their subsistence must come from the charity of their protestant brethren , they have endeavoured to hinder them of that by spreading a report that they are papists : this as to london is known to many hundreds , and that they have done the same in ireland , we are informed by an ingenious and worthy † gentleman , who tells us who they are that can prove the truth of his assertion . thus are we dealt with by the romanists as the primitive christians were treated by the heathens , but that which supported them doth likewise encourage us , seeing he whom we serve hath pronounced * blessed are ye when men shall revile you and persecute you , and say all manner of evil against you falsely for my sake : though we cannot forbear to admonish our adversaries of that divine threatning , † whoso privily slandreth his neighbour , him will i destroy ; which is spoken so particularly to them , that it is impossible for them to escape while they doe such things , though they may flatter themselves , that their slanders are publick , when the denunciation is against those who slander privily ; but if one of those crimes be of such an hainous nature , how much greater is the guilt of both , which i wish i had no reason to charge upon them . nay , we have this to comfort our selves with , that these ‖ false accusations are commonly the last refuge and therefore that cause which staies it self so much upon them cannot hold long . i noted before that these gentlemen pretend to know what passes in the most inmost recesses of the hearts of men , and well they may , when they are so ready to dive into the secrets of the divine providence , and from the sudden death of persons to conclude what the designs of god in such particular dispensations are . in which knowledge they pretend to be so vers'd , that it is one of the notes whereby to know their church , given us by themselves , the unhappy death of the churches enemies , that this can be no note of the church , i shall not concern my self to prove , but refer my reader to the * discourse on this subject where he will be abundantly satisfied , that it cannot be a note to know the church by ; and that it is more favourable to us than the roman church if it were one : all i shall observe is , that if all the stories they invent and the reports they spread of the unhappy end of their adversaries were true , yet we know † that there is a just man that perishes in his righteousness , and there is a wicked man that prolongeth his life in his wickedness , ‖ that there are just men to whom it happeneth according to the work of the wicked , and there are wicked men to whom it happeneth according to the work of the righteous ; so that * seeing all things come alike to all , there can nothing be concluded against any church , from the judgments which fall on the heads of particular members of it . and our saviour himself assures us , that such judgments are often sent , where the persons punished are not greater sinners than those who at the same time are spared , which he illustrates by the instances of those upon whom the tower of † siloam fell ; and the unfortunate ‖ galileans whose blood pilate mingled with their sacrifices . but let our saviour observe what he will , there are a sort of men , whose policies scorn to be founded upon his holy maxims , and are therefore resolved to invent dismal stories , where they cannot find true ones , to work upon the spirits of the more unthinking sort ; and therefore in the time of the siege of paris , during the league in france , the priests were grown to that height of immodesty , ( not to give it a worse name ) as * to perswade the people there , who generally believed it , that the thunder of the pope's excommunications had so blasted the hereticks , that their faces were grown black and ugly as devils , their eyes and looks ghastly , and their breath noisome and pestilent . † and in spain the same instruments of rome had possest the people , that since the english left the roman religion they were transformed into strange horrid shapes , with heads and tails like beasts and monsters ; which was so generally believ'd among them , that when the earl of notingham went ambassadour into spain ann. 1603. the countrey people could hardly believe their eyes , that the english were such comely and accomplish'd gentlemen , whose deformity they had before so often heard confidently asserted . and as they are always employ'd in aspersing the living , so they exert the same diligence in forming some hideous relation of the manner of their deaths , their implacable malice following them as it did father ‖ paul sarpi the venetian to his grave , publishing impudent and fabulous stories concerning his death , of his dying howling , of strange apparitions of black dogs , of terrible noises heard in his cell and chambers , and several such lying forgeries , as those idle people us'd to invent upon luther , calvin and others who will not truckle to the vsurpations of the roman court. but the people of venice who knew him better , accounted him a saint , hanging up their votive tablets at his sepulcher . nay , they can go yet a step farther , and those very judgments which god inflicts upon themselves , they have the face to affirm , were strokes of divine vengeance on the protestants ; thus when there were some * hundreds of the rom●sh profession met to hear father drury a noted jesuit ●reach , in the black fryers , oct. 26. 1623. it pleas'd god that the chamber where they were , fell down , and near a hundred persons with the preacher were kill'd out-right , and many hurt , yet had they the confidence to affirm , that this was a protestant assembly , publishing † a book relating great iudgments shewn on a ●ort of protestant hereticks , by the fall of an house in black fryers london , in which they were assembled to hear a geneva lecture ; and dr. ‖ gouge tells us when and where this relation was printed , in his account of that sad providence . i might particularize in abundance of such passages , but these are enough to let the reader see that it was not without cause i gave him caution in the first chapter to suspect them , for into what a maze of errors doth he run , who takes the accounts given by those men of the lives and deaths of their adversaries upon their authority , who give themselves such a liberty to devise fables and then report them . this over politick and wise sort of men , reach yet a note higher , and knowing of how great consequence the revolt of any eminent divine is , are as liberal in their reports that such and 〈◊〉 persons are become catholicks ( as they call them ) in which they have as little respect to truth , as in the former instances . but they find by their experience that news make their impression upon their first reporting , and that then if it be good , it greatly raises up the spirit and confirms the mind , especially of the vulgar , who easily believe all that their betters tell them ; that afterwards when such stories happen to be controll'd , mens spirits being cold are not so sensible as before , and either little regard it or impute it to common error or uncertainty of things ; yea , and that the good news comes to many mens ears who never hear of the check it hath ; and at least it may serve their turn for some present exploit , as merchants do by their news , who finding some difficulty in accommodating their affairs , have in use to forge letters or otherwise to raise bruits , either of some prosperous success in princes actions , or of some great alteration in some kind of merchandise , which may serve for that present instant to expedite their business . whether the missionaries take this piece of policy from them , or are onely imitated by them , is not material , but that , being secure of an evasion if their report be found untrue , that they were mis-informed , and knowing well that hundreds who hear the account they give , are never undeceiv'd by wanting opportunities to discover its falsity ; they are no modester in this particular , than in the other slanders is most certain . * thus in the year 1597. they spread a report throughout germany , holland and italy , that beza had renounced his religion before the senate , and had exhorted the magistrates to reconcile themselves to the church of rome ; † and that by his example many citizens of geneva had done the like ; ‖ whereupon he was absolv'd by the bishop of that city , before his death , by special order from the pope . this we are assur'd by several * french priests was generally believed , till beza wrote several french and latin letters , to convince the world of the forgery , and that he was yet alive , and † he died not till six years after . of the very same nature , was the report of the conversion of the ‖ reverend peter du moulin , which even while he was minister of the protestant church in paris , and writing against rome , was publickly preach'd in the city in many pulpits , and benefices assigned to him ; they asserted in their sermons , that he was preparing to go to rome ; which was so generally believ'd that the people flocked to a certain church , and there waited expecting to hear him make his recantation . upon which he observes , that such tricks are apt to astonish the people for a season , and an untruth that was belie●●d for three days hath done some effect . and i am able to prove that a minister now in england travelling in company with others of our nation of the protestant religion , and making a small journey alone , to a neighbour city to that they then resided in ; the priests came to several of his fellow travellers , assuring them that the said minister was become a romanist , that he was publickly reconcil'd , and therefore surely they would not refuse to relinquish that religion , which he whose profession obliged him to defend it , and who understood it best , durst not continue in . this report was affirmed with so much confidence , that upon the ministers return , several persons of the roman catholick religion , congratulated him for his happy change , and one of the english was ready to follow his example if he had not in time discovered the cheat . and it is no longer since than the winter 1685. that a report went current through all the countreys in england , where there are many romanists , that dr. burnet was at rome become a papist , and 〈◊〉 great preferments were bestow'd upon him ; this hath been 〈◊〉 to me by several for a certain truth , when i made 〈◊〉 enquiry , those gentlemen affirming , that they had it from very good hands , and had seen some letters from foreign parts which confirm'd it . but more immodest was the pretence of the dean of norwich's conversion about two years since , which several priests affirm'd to a servant maid , whom they knew to be a great admirer of that divine , urging ●er to follow the example of such a learned man , who was so deservedly esteem'd by her , which they reiterated with so much confidence , and frequency , that the maid promised to turn likewise ; but being convinc't by an eminent person , ( who carried her to hear the reverend dean preach ) that she was abus'd by a notorious untruth ; she was confirm'd in her aversion to that church , which is upheld by such unworthy means : and i cannot but observe the provid●●ce of god in this matter , that the sermon which the maid was carried to hear , was levell'd against the popish errors ; whereby she was not onely inform'd of the abuse , but instructed too . but their greatest traffick is in the pretended conversion of dying persons , thus they would make a romanist of dying beza six years before his death ; and this blot they have endeavoured to cast upon the memory of that excellent prelate bishop king , mr. * musket the jesuite publishing a book of his conversion to rome upon his death-bed , intituled the bishop of londons legacy . this relation we are assured did mightily † shock the peoples minds ; but it is wholly false , his son dr. henry king since bishop of chichester , preaching a sermon for his fathers vindication at st. pauls cross , nov. 25. 1621. where he assures the world , that the bishop before his death received the eucharist at the hands of his chaplain dr. cluet , together with his wife , his children , his family , sir henry martin his chancellor , mr. philip king his brother , &c. protesting to them that his soul had greatly longed to eat that last supper , and to perform that last christian duty before he left 〈◊〉 ; and ga●● thanks to god , that he had liv'd to finish that blessed work. and then drawing near his end , he caus'd his 〈◊〉 to read the confession and absolution in the common prayer . and the person who was reported to reconcile him , mr. ‖ thomas preston , being examined before the a. b. of canterbury and other commissioners , protested before god , as he should answer it at the dreadfull day of judgment , that the bishop of london did never confess himself to him , nor ever received sacramental absolution at his hands , nor was ever by him reconcil'd to the church of rome ; neither did renounce before him the religion established in the church of england ; yea he added farther , that to his knowledge he was never in company with the bishop , never receiv'd any letter from him , never wrote to him , nor did he ever see him in any place whatsoever , nor could have known him from another man. the same did * father palmer the jesuite ( whom they affirmed to be one of those by whom he was reconcil'd ) affirm that he never saw the bishop . this book of musket's was known to be such a notorious forgery , that † mr. anderton an ingenious priest , expressed his sorrow that ever such a book should be suffered to come forth ; for it would do them more hur●●han any book they ever wrote ▪ yet have they since altered the title , and so printed it again , and a ‖ book exceedingly admir'd among them , written about fifteen years since and dedicated ( as i remember to the d. of buckingham ) insists much upon this conversion ; which makes me beseech my brethren of our church , that they would be carefull to what assertion they give credit ; and believe nothing in the writings of these men upon their authority , for let a thing be never so false , they will not stick to report it , and though it be expos'd and confuted , they will urge it with the same confidence , as an uncontradicted truth . in the same manner when father redmond caron , who wrote in defence of loyalty to the king against the rebellious opinions and doctrines of the court of rome , lay upon his death bed in dublin , ann . 1666. the priests raised a report that he retracted his signature of the loyal irish remonstrance , and all his books on that subject , but they were too quick in spreading this piece of calumny against that loyal man , for the account came to his ears before he died , upon which in the presence of many of his own order , he protested solemnly that he was so far from recanting , that the doctrine which he had taught , he looked upon as the doctrine of christ , and that it was his duty to maintain it . thus if any of their own church be of a sounder principle than themselves , they cannot help practising that rule of the ‖ jesuits , whereby they are directed , to report that such as leave them are very desirous to be receiv'd again ; and although they are so often prov'd and expos'd to the world as calumniators and forgers , they with the greatest unconcernedness invent and report anew upon the next occasion . but that the world may not be always fed with false stories , they cast about for an artifice to deceive them by false converts , appointing men to pretend themselves protestants , and after some time to be reconcil'd to the romish church , by the means of their missionaries . * thus ann . 1583. at the sessions at glocester in the month of august , one richard summers was apprehended , who outwardly seem'd a protestant , but being one day present at a discourse between one of the bishop of glocesters chaplains and a puritan ( as they were then call'd ) us'd this expression , if this be the fruits of protestantism , i will lament my ways and turn to my mother the ch. of rome , seeing the ch. of england is divided . the chaplain upon this suspecting this man , one day disguis'd himself , and trac'd him to an house , where he found him in a surplice , and heard him say mass ; after which he dogg'd him to his lodging and had him apprehended . 't is an attempt not impossible to succeed , to raise such reports of particular private men , but to tell the world of whole bodies of men , whole nations and countries and sovereign princes becoming converts , when they know the contrary to be the real truth ; is something more amazing , and able to surprise the most thinking men ; yet were not these gentlemen asham'd to affirm even at rome it self ( where it is an ordinary practice ) with great solemnity , that the patriarch of alexandria with all the greek church of africa , had by their ambassadours submitted and reconcil'd themselves to the pope ; and receiv'd from his holiness absolution and benediction ; but tho' this was found a fable , about the same time they reported that the † k. of scots ( k. james ) had chas'd the ministers away , and executed two of them , bestowing their goods upon the roman catholicks ; that not only ‖ beza had recanted his religion , but the city of geneva also sought to be reconcil'd , and had sent to rome an ambassage of submission : this news was whispered among the jesuits two months , before it became publick , but at length there came a solemn account of it , which run through all italy , and was so verily believed to be true , that several went to rome on purpose to see those ambassadours ; and to make up the full measure of this romish policy , there was news sent from rome to lyons , that q. elizabeth's ambassadours were at rome making great instance to be absolv'd . and there is a certain secular priest who not long since assur'd me , that he had seen an original instrument under the hand of the late arch-bishop of york , and other prelates , with several divines , among whom he named dr. wallis of oxford , approving several of the romish doctrines , and particularly prayer to saints , or for the dead ; but tho' upon my earnest intreaty he promis'd to procure me a sight of it , yet he never perform'd it to this day : but this is usual among them ; when they have a design either to make or confirm proselytes , these * assertions that our greatest men are papists , in private , are never out of their mouths ; and within these few years they reported publickly † in ireland , that not onely his late and present majesty , but all the nobility and gentry of the kingdom of england , were privately of their religion . and no longer since than ‖ the year 1678. it was generally reported at rome for six months together that the armenian patriarch with six and thirty bishops were on their way thither ; to submit to , and acknowledge the apostolical see ; tho' this was a sham like the rest of their great conversions , on which i shall make some few reflexions by a short account of the greatest of them , which they are most ready to boast of at this day . the conversions in the indies have made so great a noise among them , that multitudes are possest with a belief of every thing they are pleas'd to report concerning them ; but * a jesuite of note assures us , that during forty years of the missionaries abode among them ; there was hardly one indian to be found who understood any two articles of the creed , knew any thing of christ , or an eternal life ; that the missionaries are careless and do not take any right course for their conversion ; that among so many thousands of indians who are said to be christians , it was a rare thing to meet with any who own'd christ , but all like those ephesians who st. paul mentions not to have heard whether there be an holy ghost , might answer we have not heard whether there be a christ ; and this small progress he imputes to the carelesness and evil examples of those who are sent thither , who took no pains to that end , so that though the ancient priests were suitable to their calling , yet the missionaries were so unworthy , that they destroyed more souls than they gain'd or converted . so little did they make it their business to make them christians , that they † permit them to pray and worship before their ancient idols , so they direct their intention to a little image of christ or some saint which they have under their clothes ; against which the congregation of cardinals de propaganda fide published a decree , july 6. 1646. which considerations made one of their own ‖ communion affirm , that they are the strangest conversions in the world , that they take no care at all to instruct these people or to teach them any thing ; they baptise them only without explaining to them the virtue of that sacrament or what it signifies ; nay without turning them from their former idolatry . these now are their conversions , neither are they any better in that part of the indies subject to the mogoll , where they have indeed spilt the water of baptism upon some few faces ( saith * one who liv'd in a publick employment some years there ) working upon the necessity of some poor men , who for want of means which they give them , are content to wear crucifixes , but for want of knowledge in the doctrine of christianity are only in name christians . so that the jesuits congregations there are very thin , consisting of some italians which the mogoll entertains to cut his diamonds ; — and of other european strangers which come thither , and some few natives . † and yet the christian religion is tolerated there , and the priests of all religions very much esteemed by the people . * much the same account is given of the converts in japan , that besides reading pater noster , ave maria , and some prayers to saints , they have little or no knowledge of religion . nor are these remote converts only in such a miserable condition , but to come a little nearer home , if we look upon the proselytes in france , we shall find their case very little better if not worse ; for so little are they instructed † that two hundred peasants came at once to the intendant of their province , complaining , that since their conversion they knew not what prayers to make , for they had been forbidden their old prayers , and were not taught any other ; nay they are so unwilling of that profession ‖ that upon corpus christi day 1686. many of them chose rather to pay a fine , than put up hangings before their houses for the procession ; and yet we hear daily brags of these converts which are such as we should be asham'd of , and so would any other church but that which glories in her shame . but as they triumph mightily in conversions which were never made , and converts not instructed , nor really altered but only frighted for a time ; so upon every little occasion they raise as loud reports of the accession of whole nations to their church ; wherein they are indeed a little more ingenious than in those which had no ground at all . * thus when several bishops of lithuania and russia nigra ( in the year 1595. ) in hopes of restoring themselves to some honours in the diet of poland , which by means of the jesuits they were deprived of ; sent two of their number to rome to offer their submission and obedience to clement the eighth then pope ; there was and is yet great boastings of those churches being reconcil'd to rome ; though their going thither in the name of the ruthenick churches was protested against by constantine duke of ostorovia , and the rest of the greek church who resolv'd to continue in obedience to the patriarch of constantinople . i could give more instances of this nature , but i refer them to another chapter ; and conclude this point of feign'd conversions , with a known passage of the intendant marillac's in france , by which we may learn what credit to give to the reports of this nature , when they have the confidence to affirm such a thing of a person of honour in publick , and before his own face ; yet did that persecutor of the protestants in poictou one day dining with the marquess of verac , give order that the inhabitants of the place should assemble at the cross ; where he went after dinner , and getting upon the steps of the cross told the people in the marquess's presence , that the king requir'd them all to turn roman catholicks , which he exhorted them to do , by telling them , that their lord the marquess was there come along with him to change his religion ; which bold and impudent untruth , that noble gentleman immediately contradicted by assuring the people of the contrary and that he had no design to change his religion . after this what credit can be given to these mens reports in private . the affinity between the slandering the persons of our divines , and misrepresenting the doctrines of our church , leads me to expose that unchristian artifice , but because the charge of disloyalty is advanc'd with great confidence against us , and of great moment , i shall give that a chapter by it self . chap. iv. their accusing us of disloyalty . it is one of the directions given by the jesuit * contzen , to traduce such as oppose their designs as men that are enemies to the publick peace , which advice seignior † ballarini in his letter to father young thinks most proper to be followed , for the better managing the popish interest in england , to asperse the bishops and ministers of this church , as so factious that it were well they were remov'd . and that the missionaries are at this day observing those directions , is so evident , that it would be time and pains spent to no purpose , to prove it : hence we have had ‖ a new test of the church of englands loyalty , an * instance of the same , and such scurrilous and weak pamphlets , sent abroad in the world , either to create an ill opinion of our loyalty , or to exasperate the members of our church , and provoke them to some undecent carriage ; endeavouring to find some failure on their part , that they may catch at an occasion to make the world believe , that they have † forfeited that protection his majesty hath so graciously promised to afford them . but our loyalty hath a better foundation than to be shaken by such malicious arts , it being founded upon the same bottom with our church , the apostles and prophets and our blessed saviour , the chief corner-stone of the building , which all the arts of men and devils shall never overthrow , not upon the will of man as theirs is . yet these gentlemen think it sufficient to prove us disloyal , to cull out a few instances of men of rebellious practices ; and this they charge upon the church of england ; but with what justice let the world judge . they cry out upon us as misrepresenters of their doctrines , because we affirm they teach the deposing power to rest both in the pope and in the people and shew their practices to accord with that doctrine , when ever they had occasion : if this be to misrepresent , what name may we call their dealing by , who charge us with rebellion , when we freely condemn all such practices and that openly ; and that in our religion there is no rule to be found that prescribeth rebellion , nor any thing that dispenseth subjects from the oath of their allegiance , nor any of our churches that receive that doctrine . when on their side several general councils have asserted , above twenty of their popes pronounc'd that right inherent in them , and i am able to prove , that above three hundred of their divines defend and plead for either the popes or peoples power to depose their princes . and though i know there are many in that church , who ( at least at present ) do heartily disown that doctrine , yet i will not stick to affirm that it hath all the characters of an article of faith , nor doth the dissent of so many hinder it from being so , for there are multitudes among them who disown transubstantiation , others the pope's supremacy , and several other points which others amongst them acknowledge to be articles of their faith. * neither will a late author's plea , that if it were such an article the opposers of it would not scape without a brand of heressie , prove the contrary ; for we know that they have been often mark'd with that brand , and are once a year excommunicated at rome in the bulla coenae ; wherein † all persons who hinder the clergy in exercising their jurisdiction , according to the decrees of the council of trent ( which france does ) all secular powers who call any ecclesiastical person to their courts , all princes that lay any taxes on their people without the popes consent , are declar'd excommunicate , and if they remain so a whole year they shall be declar'd hereticks . we are told by * one of themselves , that a doctrine when inserted in the body of the canon-law becomes the doctrine of their church , now in the canon-law we find it asserted † that the pope may absolve persons from their oath of allegiance , that pope ‖ zachary deposed the k. of france not so much for his crimes as that he was unfit to rule , that we * are absolv'd from all oaths to an excommunicate person , and it is our duty to yield no obedience to him . that † clergymen ought not to swear allegiance to their prince , and that ‖ they are exempt from the jurisdiction of the secular magistrate . and the * council of trent hath confirmed all these canons , to the observation of which † all their priests and dignifyed men are sworn : let the world then judge whether this doctrine be an article of faith or no. but they have not onely taught and establish'd this treasonable principle upon the same foundation with their other doctrines , but though often call'd upon to joyn in a denial of it , and to condemn it as sinfull , they could never be prevail'd on to clear themselves from such an odious charge as hath been all along justly brought against them . this was once thought the only way they had to justifie themselves , by a person who hath since made himself a member of their church , who tells us . ‖ 't is not sufficient for the well-meaning papist to produce the evidences of their loyalty to the late king ( charles the first ) i will grant their behaviour to have been as loyal and as brave as they can desire , but that saying of their father cress. is still running in my head , that they may be dispenc'd with in their obedience to an heretick prince , while the necessity of the times shall oblige them to it , for that ( as another of them tells us ) is onely the effect of christain prudence , but when once they shall get power to shake him off ; an heretick is no lawfull king , and consequently to rise against him is no rebellion . i should be glad therefore that they would follow the advice which was charitably given them by a reverend prelate of our church : namely , that they would joyn in a publick act of disowning and detesting those iesuitick principles , and subscribe to all doctrines which deny the pope's authority of deposing kings and releasing subjects from their oath of allegiance . and * a late author of their own church judges this so necessary , that he affirms , no clergy man ought to be received without subscribing the condemnation of the bull de coena domini ; and till the monks and jesuits shall solemnly renounce and condemn it , it will be no great injustice done them , to accuse them of attempting against the lives of kings . if any man did suspect me to be an arian , and i knew it , and could justifie my self from such cursed opinions , and did it not ; the world would have reason to impute to me all the consequences of this pernicious heresie ; and the same author tells us , it is well known all the monks and especially the jesuits have by their fourth vow obliged , themselves to the execution of this infernal bvll . nor is it onely by private men they have been exhorted to such a renunciation of those doctrines , but in publick courts of justice both in france and england . it is indeed very usual with them to deny this doctrine in discourse , but that it is onely a formal denial , when they really maintain it , i offer to prove against them from their own principles and practices ; a plain instance whereof † mr. sheldon gives us of his own knowledge ; who was one morning denied absolution by a sussex jesuit , because he would not acknowledge the pope's power to depose princes ; and yet the very same day at dinner in the pres●●ce of several , this jesuit denied any such power in the pope . but the doctors of rome have been very carefull to provide against any such scrupulous persons , as cannot perswade themselves of the lawfulness of this point , and therefore have found out a way to discharge the conscience from any guilt , and set men at liberty to follow an opinion which they believe unsound ; upon which principle there is no manner of security from such men , for they may declare their judgment of the unlawfulness of any action , and yet do it the next moment by virtue of the rare engine of probability by which they can do any thing in that church . for it is a doctrine taught by almost all their divines , and insinuated into the peoples minds by the confessors , that the authority of a learned doctor makes an opinion probable , and that every one without hazarding his soul may follow what opinion he pleases , provided that it be taught by some eminent doctor ; yea he is obliged to follow the opinion of his confessor if he be learned , and if he do not he sins . and when the author of the provincial letters complain'd of this doctrine , his * answerers defended it for lawfull and orthodox . now as one of their own church observes , † the generals of orders can raise whole legions of divines to speak what they have a mind should pass for probable ; but there is no need of it in this case , where so many councils , popes , and so many hundred doctors , have maintain'd the treasonable doctrines we charge upon them ; which accordding to them is a sufficient warrant for any to reduce these speculations into practice , as hath been asserted by them in this very case , and with reference to his late majesty ; for when father walsh pressed the irish clergy to subscribe the loyal formulary , father john talbot and others told him , ‖ that it was to no purpose to expect any profession , declaration or oath of allegiance from them , being it was in point of conscience lawfull enough for such as would or did take such oath to decline from , retract , and break it ; even the very next day , or next hour after having taken it ; provided onely they followed herein the doctrine of probability , that is , if they followed any divines who hold such an oath to be unsafe and unsound in catholick religion , or otherwise unlawfull or sinfull . and by the same argument did the romish bishop of ferns in the year 1666. defend all that was done in the irish rebellion , and refuse to acknowledge it any sin ; because * ( saith he ) the authority of those who teach the contrary is great , their learning great , their sanctity great , the light they had from god great , and their number great . i might instance in a great number of such doctrines confirm'd by the highest authority among them , but i think this sufficient to let the world see , how confidently the missionaries attempt to cast the odium of disloyalty upon us , whose doctrines disallow and detest all such principles as damnable and heretical , which for many hundred years they have maintained with the greatest vigour . but that church is too politick , to content her self with teaching such doctrines onely , for she hath provided such means for putting them in practice in any countrey whatsoever , as were too subtile for any other politicians to invent , to which end she obliges all her clergy to a single life , that so they may continue in a more absolute subjection : this could not be hop'd for while they were married , and the princes and several states of christendom had such a pawn of their fidelity as their wives and children , therefore having rais'd the esteem of the clergy that their persons were counted sacred and liable to no punishment , that there might be nothing so nearly related to them wherein they might be punish'd as their wives and children they have prohibited marriage to them all ; by which means being ready for any desperate attempt they have such multitudes of them as are sufficient to make a good army in most princes dominions ; but 't is not the clergy alone , who are thus at their devotion ▪ but by dispensations and tolerations to be administrators of abbeys and bishopricks and other benefices given to lay-men , they oblige them to uphold their interest ; as for their religious orders , they ( especially the jesuits ) give their generals an account of all occurrences of state in those provinces and kingdoms whereof they are the respective assistants ; to which end they have correspondents in the principal cities of all kingdoms ; who sending all their informations to the general , they ballance the interests of every prince , and then resolve that the affairs of such a prince shall be promoted , the designs of another oppos'd , as is most for their own advantage ; to effect which , the confessors of great men give intelligence of the inclinations of those whose consciences are unfolded to them ; whereby they become acquainted with all determinations concluded in the most secret councils ; and have a particular account of the power , possessions , expence and designs of every prince of their communion ; and the very same advantage they make of confession , by diving into the peoples inclinations , and thereby discovering who stand well affected to their prince who dissatisfy'd and exasperated , by which means they sow discord between princes and their subjects , rendring them odious to and fearfull of one another , wherever they find their advantage by such distrusts ; thus knowing all the discontented people in a state , they are able at any time to raise a party , and being acquainted with the princes designs , they know how to defeat them , that the insurrection may be more successfull . but mr. pulton tells us , that it is expresly prohibited the jesuits to speak of the deposing power even in private discourses , but it is then to be observed , that the doctrine it self is not blam'd , only silence impos'd concerning it ; this order was made in the year 1616. since which several of that society have defended that point , and even in rome it self where sanctarellus's book that pleads for it was printed ann. 1625. and that it was onely for france , is affirmed by a papist , who answers this objection of mr pulton's ; when the jesuits asserted that by that order they were bound under pain of damnation not to speak of that subject , that none in the church were bound under the like penalty not to teach it , but they ; wherein he observes , their immodesty in the assertion , when none of their rules bind under so much as a venial sin ; and their concession that none in the church think it damnable to teach that the pope may depose princes . i suppose mr pulton was conscious of his imposing upon the world in this point , therefore he presently shifts from that to lay a grievous charge to our door ; * that it was manifest from history that the reformers had deposed and endeavoured to depose more princes in the space of one hundred and fifty years , than the roman catholicks had done in 1600. wherein he hath back't that hardy assertion of the author of philanax anglicus , who affirm'd , that in the last century there ha●e been more princes depos'd and murder'd for their religion by protestants , than have been in all the other since christ's time by the attempts and means of roman catholicks . if it were not that i know mr. pulton's skill in history to be very mean , i should look upon him as the most immodest man that ever wrote ; who after the confutation of the others assertion , hath the face to renew it again , and publish it to the world ; but when i consider 't is want of knowledge in history that makes him so bold , i am willing to excuse him upon that account , from wilfull imposture tho' all the world cannot clear him from strange rashness and confidence . i will therefore bate him all but near two hundred years , and undertake to prove whenever call'd to do it , that the r●manists treasons owned by their popes and great men , since the reformation do far out number all the plots and insurrections they can lay to the protestants charge ; which notwithstanding have been condemned by the whole body of our divines . mr. pulton himself affirmed to mr. cressener , that all good princes ought to consent to the church ; to which it being returned , what if princes have no mind to part from their right in obedience to the churches decrees , must they be dispossess'd against their will ? he asserted , that in such a case the church hath power to decide in favour of it self ; this relation had been given the world of their discourse , before mr. pulton published his remarks , in which he doth not once deny this passage though he makes reflexions upon others 〈…〉 cressener's vindication . but mr. pulton is not alone in this opinion , for there is a certain jesuite , who highly brags of the loyalty of his church , that very lately affirmed in my hearing , that in case of oppression of the subjects by their prince , it is but reasonable that the pope being the common father of christendom should have a power to depose or other ways punish the oppressor ; and another great stickler for that church , a convert , never attempted to clear his church of this charge , it being very plain ( as he affirmed ) that such a power must reside some where , and the pope was certainly the fittest to be intrusted with it . and indeed i cannot see how men of any ingenuity can condemn it , when they pretend the pope's approbation of m. de meaux's book , is a clear evidence that the doctrine contained in it is the doctrine of their church , for ( not to mention at present the actions of former popes ) this very pope , who approv'd that book doth at this time notoriously assert his power over kings , by excommunicating his majesty of france in the matter of the franchises ; thereby approving of that doctrine as much as the bishop's , and giving us the same authority for the deposing power , that the papists pretend for that prelates exposition . let mr. pulton or any for him make good his bold slander against our church ; and find so many treasons and rebellions in the protestant communion if he can , as i will undertake to prove upon the romanists ; affirming confidently is a talent possess'd by most of the missionaries , but proving what they affirm is beneath them ; there have been above six and fifty open rebellions raised , and parricides committed upon great princes in about one hundred and sixty years , and eighty two bulls , indulgences and supplies of the popes for the furtherance of those treasons , besides an infinite number of horrid conspiracies , upon which i cannot but observe that at the beginning of the reformation they own'd these doctrines publickly , and till the pope gave them leave , would never pay obedience to our princes ; but by all the traiterous conspiracies imaginable endeavoured to depose and murder them ; they had the pope's bulls and resolution of many vniversities to satisfie their consciences , which m●y be well put into the ballance with the late decrees of the sorbonne against the deposing power ; for if their decrees of late be evidence enough to acquit the roman catholicks from the imputation of disloyal principles , as * some affirm they are , then surely so many decrees of the same faculty defending those principles , so many censures of other vniversities pass'd upon the opposers of them , and so many bulls and breves of popes to the same purposes may well justifie us in affirming that there is no security of their obediences any longer than the pope pleases . till he forbad them , they took the oath of allegiance and defended it , but ever since have refus'd it with a strange obstinacy ; and what security is there that his orders shall not have the same obedience rendred to them in other points ? nay since that , we have seen the romanists of england who before were ready to subscribe the remonstrance , decline giving the king any assurance of their obedience , because the pope commanded them not to do it . could they have been prevailed on to renounce these doctrines , as sinfull and unlawfull , they would have at least shewn that at present their principles were such as become faithfull subjects ; but when they cannot be perswaded to do this , all their profession that it is not their doctrine gives no assurance of their loyalty . but if they should do this , it is well observ'd by a late writer ▪ † that while they found their loyalty upon this supposition , that the deposing doctrine is not the doctrine of the roman church , doth not this hypothesis afford a shrewd suspicion that if it were the doctrine of the church of rome , or ever should be so ; or they should ever be convinc'd that it is so , then they would be for the deposing of princes no less than those who at this day believe it to be the doctrine thereof . and i wonder how the gentlemen of that church can alledge the decrees of the sorbonne as an evidence that they hold not the doctrine of the deposing power , for the same faculty , aug. 9. 1681. and the 16 th . of the same month approved the oath of allegeance , and condemned the pope's temporal power over princes as heretical , and yet our english romanists will not take the oath , nor be perswaded to condemn the deposing power ; though they pretend to disclaim it . and indeed it would be folly to expect that the decree of one single faculty should be of more authority than the bulls of so many popes , and canons of councils the supream heads of the roman church . but ( as i observ'd before ) it is more strange to hear these men affirm that the doctrine contain'd in the bishop of condoms exposition , is the doctrine of their church , and yet deny that the deposing power is so , when all the authority that exposition hath is from the pope and cardinals approbation , which in a more solemn manner hath been often given to that doctrine ; so that either their argument for the bishops book concludes nothing , or it is an evident demonstration that the roman catholick church teaches the doctrine of deposing princes . i offer to prove against them , that the popes power in that point was universally believed as a matter of faith in that church for near five hundred years ; now let them answer this argument , nothing can be believed as a matter of faith , but what was taught them by their fathers , and so upward from the apostles times ; but the doctrine of the deposing power , was believed as a matter of faith , therefore it was deliver'd from the apostles times : let them either answer this argument which is their own upon other points , or confess that the deposing power is an article of faith in that church ; for if the argument be good , it proves that to be an article of faith as well as others , if it be not , th●y give up all their brags of the evidence of oral tradition from hand to hand ; so much insisted on by mr. g. and others of their champions among us . but because it may be objected , that the deposing bulls were the effects of the passionate tempers of those popes , i desire that one of their own communion may be heard in that point ; * who speaks thus , i maintain that all these disasters proceeded not only from the pettish humour of any one pope , but were the natural effects of the principles of the papacy ; and though we do not see it visibly break forth every day by some bloody example , yet we ought not to believe that the habit or the will is ever the less , but that there is some external extraordinary reason which suspends the action , and which doth sometimes make them act directly contrary to their own inclination . — how can any man maintain that princes need not stand in the fear of the pope , when three popes of this present age , have condemned the opinion that the pope cannot depose kings as wicked and contrary to the faith ? and now i have examined and refuted their calumny , of our disloyalty in general , and mr. pulton's charge in particular ; which i have known asserted by others with so peculiar a confidence , that it hath stagger'd many loyal but weak protestants , in which as in all the rest of this discourse i once again challenge the whole body of the romish clergy to find one false quotation ; and by the falsity of mr. pulton's assertion i beg the reader to judge what credit the rest of their defaming insinuations deserve . chap. v. of their laying doctrines to our charge which we never taught . after such a bold assertion as that of mr. pultons , which i refuted in the preceding chapter ; we need not wonder if we meet with the same treatment which the christians in tertullian's time under went ; seeing we have to do with a sort of men who repeat their slanders the oftner they are reprov'd , and not asham'd to impute doctrines to the reformed which their confessions disclaim , and the writings of their divines confute . at a time when the gentlemen of that communion make so loud complaints of being misrepresented as to their doctrines and practices , and with the utmost of their rhetorick exaggerate the injury which by such misrepresentations is done to truth and their church ; it might rationally be expected that they should believe what they say , and have some sense of such injust proceedings ; or at least should in policy take care that their own writings be not stuffed with false charges against their adversaries . but it is somewhat surprizing to find no care taken in so material a point , and that they are no more solicitous to represent our doctrines right , than to defend their own , which they seem wholly to abandon ; if any pains be taken by them , it is to bespatter the protestants , and coin opinions for them ; for they find it much more easie to refute those imaginary positions , than overthrow the well-grounded tenets of the reformed churches . hence it is that that there is no calumny so absurd which they blush to publish ; and that the old charge against the waldenses and albigenses is renued , by the author of popery anatomiz'd , who copies from the jesuit * parsons , affirming , that they denyed the resurrection of the dead , or that there is any such place as hell ; that with the manichees they held two gods , and that it avails a man nothing to say his prayers ; with several other doctrines of a horrid nature : but if we consult the authors that wrote in and near the time , we shall find a quite contrary account ; † that they were to all appearance a very pious people , living righteously before men , and believing all things rightly concerning god , and all the articles of the creed ; and that their lives ‖ were more holy than other christians ; insomuch that when the * king of france sent commissioners to enquire of , and inspect their life and doctrine , and they inform'd him , that they baptiz'd , and taught the articles of the creed and precepts of the decalogue , observ'd the lord's day , preached the word of god , and that they were not guilty of those abominable crimes imputed to them ; he swore that they were better than he or his people , who were catholicks . but though the romanists have no authority for their charge , yet they have a motive which is always prevalent in that church , the waldenses and with great freedom reprov'd the vices of the pope and clergy ; and this was the chief thing which subjected them to such an universal hatred , and caused several wicked opinions to be father'd upon them , which they never own'd . for they agreed with the faith of the protestants at this day as popliniere affirms , who alledgeth the acts of a disputation between the bishop of pamiers and arnoltot minister of lombres , written in a language favouring much of the catalan tongue ; affirming that some had assured him that the articles of their faith , were yet to be seen engraven 〈◊〉 certain old tables in alby , agreeing exactly with the reforme● churches : and mr. fountain minister of the french church at london told arch-bishop vsher , that in his time a confession of the albigenses was found , which was approved of , by a synod of french protestants . thus , as the romanists have brought most of the heathens rites and the ceremonious part of their worship into theirs , so they seem to be actuated by the same spirit which taught the pagans to represent our holy religion in the most odious manner ; and they have found such success attending this unchristian artifice , that it is hugg'd as their darling , and when any party discovers their corruptions , they endeavour to expose them as men of seditious principles , which will effectually render princes jealous of them , and draw upon them the displeasure of those under whose protection they might otherwise be secure ; that the common people may entertain as great an aversion to them , it is not onely their practice , but a principle of their policy , laid down by a famous , * jesuite , to charge them with such opinions as are absurd in themselves and abhorr'd by all men . by this means they are sure to possess the vulgar with such prejudices , that they will lend no ear to the other side , whom they look upon as a sort of monsters , according to the character these politicians have given of them . and such opinions being easily confuted if they can but once perswade an ignorant protestant , that the church of which he is a member holds them , there needs no great industry to prevail with such a man to leave it . this course the popish bishop of ferns in ireland took to perswa●e father andrew sall , who had left the jesuits among whom he had continued many years , and about sixteen years since became a member of our church , to return to the romish communion ; insomuch that father walsh confesses , that he had strangely misrepresented the church of england in his book against that convert . but i think never did any of their writers equal father * porter , reader of divinity in the college of st isidore at rome , who this very year in a book printed there , and dedicated to the earl of castlemain ; and licensed by the companion of the master of the sacred palace and others , as a book very usefull for the instruction of the faithfull ; tells us , that the † god of the protestants , doth not differ from the devil , nor his heaven from hell ; and that the whole ‖ frame of our religion is founded in this horrid blasphemy , that christ is a false prophet ; which he attempts to prove by another misrepresentation as great as this , for ( saith he ) the * english confession of faith asserts , that general councils guided by the holy ghost and the word of god may err ; for which he cites the 19. and 20. articles of our church ; the latter of which onely asserts that the church ought to be guided in her decisions by the word of god , and tho' the former doth affirm , that the church of rome hath erred , yet it saith nothing of general councils , the 21 article indeed affirms that they may err , and the reason it gives is because they are an assembly of men who are not all guided by the spirit and word of god ; so that all this fryers exclamation of the horridness of such a doctrine , as he charg'd upon us , serves onely to shew his own immodesty , and to let the world see with what strange confidence some men can advance assertions , and alledge authorities which any one that can read , will discover to be forg'd . this i confess seems to be a new charge of his own inventing , but that which he brings in another place , † that we are not oblig'd by our religion to pray , was long since framed by the priests at the beginning of the reformation who perswaded the people , ‖ that in england the protestants had neither churches nor form of religion ▪ nor serv'd god any way ; and they had so possess'd them with that opinion , that several persons were reckon'd lutherans onely because they were horrid blasphemers . that the decalogue is not obligatory to christians , and that god doth not regard our works , is one of the monstrous opinions which campion had the confidence to 〈◊〉 both our vniversities was maintained by the church of england ; and like a child , who to cover one untruth backs it with another , he quotes the apology of the church of england , as his voucher wherein these words are found , ( which are so clear that they alone are enough to make those blush who by translating and publishing this treatise of campions , the last year have made his forgeries their own ; the words of the apology are these ) * although we acknowledge we expect nothing from our own works , but from christ onely , yet this is no encouragement to a loose life , nor for any to think it sufficient to believe , and that nothing else is to be expected from them ; for true faith is a living and working faith , therefore we teach the people that god hath called us to good works . and that the reader may see what credit is to be given to the romanists in this point , i shall give an account of the doctrine of the several reformed churches about the necessity of good works ; and then shew with what confidence these gentlemen affirm that the protestants teach that good works are not necessary . the four ‖ imperial cities in their confession of faith presented to the emperour , in the year 1530. having explained the doctrine of justification by faith onely , have these words , but we would not have this understood as if we allowed salvation to a lazy faith , for we are certain that no man can be saved , who doth not love god above all things , and with all his might endeavour to be like him ; or who is wanting in any good work : and therefore enjoyn their ministers to preach up frequent prayer and fasting as holy works and becoming christians , in which the * augustan co●fession agrees with them , that good works necessarily follow a true faith ; ( for even at that time the calumny that they denyed the necessity of them was very common as appears by their solemn disclaiming any such opinion in the † twentieth article ) affirming , ‖ that he cannot have true faith who doth not exercise repentance . the same is taught by the * helvetian churches in their confession compos'd at basil , ann. 1532. that true faith shews it self by good works ; and in another † fram'd at the same place , ann. 1536. we find this assertion , that faith is productive of all good works . the ‖ bohemian churches affirm that he who doth not exercise repentance , shall certainly perish ; and that good works are absolutely necessary to salvation , is the doctrine of the * saxon reformers , in their confession of faith offer'd to the council of trent , ann. 1551. and in that presented to the same council by the duke of † wirtemberg the following year , there is this profession , we acknowledge the decalogue to contain injunctions for all good works , and that we are bound to obey all the moral precepts of it . — ‖ we teach that good works are necessary to be done . * and in particular it commends fasting , and in the † twenty second article of the french confession it is affirmed , that the doctrine of faith is so far from being an hindrance to a holy life , that it excites us to it , so that it is necessarily attended with good works . the church of england agrees with the rest of the reformed , artic. 12. that good works are acceptable to god , and do necessarily spring out of a true and lively faith. and the ‖ confession of faith subscribed by all the churches of helvetia , ann. 1566. and afterwards by the reformed of poland , scotland , hungary and geneva ; gives this account of the faith of those churches . faith causes us to discharge our duty toward god and our neighbour , makes us patient in adversity , and produces all good works in us , so we teach good works to be the off-spring of a lively faith. and although ▪ we affirm with the apostle , that we are justified by faith in christ , and not by our good works ; yet we do not reject them : but condemn all who despise good works , and teach that they are not necessary . and in the thirteenth and fourteenth articles of the * scotch confession , they maintain the necessity of all good works , because they are commanded by god ; which is likewise the doctrine of the dutch churches , as appears by the profession of their faith in the † synod of dort , affirming , that it is impossible that true faith should be without works , seeing it is a faith working by love ; which causes a man to do all those good works , which god hath commanded in his word . and the same doctrine is delivered in the articles of the church of ireland , but because i have not those articles at hand i omit the words . thus by an vniversal consent of all the protestants , we find the necessity of good works maintained , and i challenge our adversaries to produce any one allowed author who holds the contrary among us ( which is a unity beyond what they can shew in their church for any one point ) though if they could , it would not justifie their charge who so often tell us , that we must not take the faith of any church from private writings , but their publick confessions . but these gentlemen scorn to be tyed by any rules , tho' never so just , even in their own opinions ; and therefore in * a supplication directed to king james , by several romish priests , they affirm that whosoever leaveth their communion for ours , beginneth immediately to lead a worse life , so it is grown into a proverb , that the protestant religion is good to live in , but the papist religion good to dye in . and indeed they made it their business to possess their people with that opinion , so that father francis † de neville a capuchin , confesseth , that he did imagine for a long time , that they of the reformed churches admitting justification by faith alone , did it to exclude good works from the way of salvation , and shew themselves in that to be enemies of charity and of other virtues , and did therefore extreamly condemn them : but when he came to sound their doctrine , and see how they judge good works necessary to salvation ; and that the faith whereof they speak is not a dead faith , but a lively faith accompanied with good works : he acknowledged they were wrongfully blam'd in this , as in many other things also . but though this gentleman was so sincere , yet there are but few among them who tread in his steps ; for to pass by all the controvertists of the last age , we need go no farther than these late years to find instances of their misrepresentations in this particular , ‖ one of them in a book dedicated to her majesty , tells the world , that the principle of our religion takes from us the yoke of fasting , freeth us from all necessity of good works to be saved , and of keeping the commandments of god ; and that we might not think he asserted these onely to be consequences of our doctrines he adds , that most protestants hold that position , and that it is our express doctrine ; and in another place he affirms , that praying , watching and fasting are wholly out of use among protestants , and not only contrary to the liberty of their new gospel , but even fruitless , vain , superstitious toys according to the tenets and principles thereof . * another sets it down as one of the protestant articles , that good works are not absolutely necessary to salvation . which father † turbervill confirms by being more particular , the catholick church ( saith he ) teacheth much fasting , prayer and mort●●●cation , she exhorts to good works , voluntary poverty , chastity and obedience , the contrary to all which holy doctrines , are taught by protestants . and a ‖ very late author insinuates that it is all one to protestants whether god be served with fasting , watching , mortifying , or without ; but the roman divine father * porter , is more express , that one of the causes which renders the reformed so averse to popery , is , that they abhor fasting , and repentance , and account prayer and other offices of religion tedious ; † that our religion allows us to believe that good works are not necessary to salvation , ‖ that by our doctrine thieves , murderers , blasphemers , &c. may attain heaven by their being so , if they will but believ● ▪ and that by being svch they are as much the sons of god , as the apostles were , with abundance more of such abominable stuff , fit only for carrying on a most malicious design . when with their best rhetorick these gentlemen have endeavoured to perswade the world , that they are abus'd in the account given of their doctrines by our divines , all they pretend to complain of amounts to no more than this , that we have drawn consequences from our doctrine which they will not hear ; and we find not that their greatest malice can pretend to much more ; surely then it is high time for them to reflect a little upon that counsel of our * saviour , first to pull the beam out of their own eye . 't is not for want of materials , but because i would not be prolix , that i produce no more particulars in this point of good works , for i do not remember to have seen any one of their writings which is not guilty in this kind ; i have more need to make an apology for insisting so long upon this one particular , but i was easily induc'd to it , knowing that one of their great designs is to possess the devouter sort of men with a belief that we left their communion to have greater liberty for the flesh , in prosecution of which they are so strangely immodest , as to publish such false opinions for us , as directly contradict our publick confessions , the discovering of which i look'd upon the best way to oppose their slanders . but to take a short view of other particulars : the author of veritas evangelica before cited , runs wholly upon this point , that we believe the whole church hath failed , and thence argues that christ had no church for some years ; into the same error father † mumford the jesuit runs ; and another affirms ‖ that we teach the church of all nations is confin'd to england . because we reject all traditions that are not according to the rule of lirinensis , received every where , at all times and by all ; father * porter laies this down as one of our principles , that all traditions of all sorts are the inventions of men ; though he could not but know that we receive the scriptures from such an universal tradition , and are ready to embrace any other doctrine conveyed to us as they are . with the same sincerity and modesty he affirms , † that we pretend that the express words of scripture are our rule of faith without any interpretation or consequence drawn from them ; tho' ( not to mention other churches ) the † church of england declares , that we are to be guided not onely by the express words of the scripture , but by the consequences drawn from it , and yet this gentleman affirms , that our confessions of faith pretend onely to the express words . it is notoriously known that our differences about church government are no articles of our faith , and yet this author tells ‖ us , that the equality of power in the pastors of the church is one of the fundamental articles of the reformation . a way of misrepresenting which hath been sufficiently blacken'd by themselves , so that i need say nothing to expose it . but to leave this fryer , whose whole book consists of little else but as bad or worse assertions ; one of their * champions , could perswade the world , that we account the belief of transubstantiation to be idolatry : a cunning artifice to draw the people from considering where the charge is laid , not against the doctrine of the corporal presence , but the adoration of the host. and his fellow † advocate , seems resolv'd not to be behind hand , when he affirms , that we believe there is nothing to be hoped for of substance in the sacrament . we dispute with great earnestness against the idolatrous worship given to angels and saints in that church , and our adversaries have found it impossible to make a fair defence for it , therefore they betake themselves to prove that those happy spirits pray for us , which we acknowledge as well as they , and yet a very celebrated writer affirms that we deny it : we profess to believe the article of the communion of saints , but mr. ‖ ward hath the assurance to tell the world , that protestants believe no communion of saints . hitherto we have had instances of their direct way of misrepresenting , but they are not so unskilfull as not to be furnished with finer methods , and which are not so easily discovered by the vulgar ; when they are eagerly disputing 'tis an easie thing to drop some assertion which in the heat of discourse shall pass unheeded by the warm adversary , but they will be sure to resume it ( and make their advantage , of it s not being contradicted , ) either during the conference or afterwards , to some of the persons then present ; which renders it necessary for those who engage with them to watch every word , and not onely attend to the main question ; for by this method they gain one of these two points , if their insinuation be not answered at first , they will urge the point as granted , and if the disputant deny it , they presently cry out that he is now reduc'd to a strait , and so denies what he own'd before , which observation shall be surely seconded and applauded by their adherents , and often leaves an impression in the weaker hearers : on the other hand , if when they find themselves pressed , and at a stand , ( which is their usual time to drop such a bye assertion ) and that their artifice is discovered , and their position denied , they leave the first point and pursue the other , and so engage insensibly in a desultory dispute from one thing to another , never fix'd , by which they render most disputations ineffectual ; so that whether stopt in their design or not , they make their advantage , either to misrepresent our doctrine or extricate themselves from the difficulties they can't resolve . thus one of their divines urging the authority of the fathers to a protestant , and not willing to expose himself so far , as to affirm in express terms that we thought those holy men divinely inspired , us'd this expression , that seeing we owned the authority of the divinely inspired fathers , he would prove the infallibility of the church from their writings : to this the gentleman not regarding the epithete , answered that he could not , and so proceeded in the dispute : they had not been parted many hours , but the fryer desired some of the company to observe how the protestants contradicted themselves about their rule of faith , professing to receive whatever was inspired by the holy ghost , and yet not admitting the writings of the fathers into the rule , tho' the opponent had acknowledged that they were inspired from above ; and when it was reply'd that there was no such concession , he urg'd that when he termed them divinely inspir'd , there was no exception taken at it , which was a tacit affirming them to be so . but the gentlemen were too wise to be caught with so very slight an appearance . i shall have occasion to give a farther account of this under another head ; therefore i shall at present onely observe that how thin soever this artifice is in it self , they use it in their publick discourses , as well as private conversation ; mr. clench arguing for the infallibility of councils , hath these words ( speaking of our appeal to the four first general councils ) * i know no reason why the church should be credited in the four first general councils , and slighted and dis-believed in the following : christ promised he would be with them to the consummation of the world , — i can find no place where christ promis'd to be with them for a limited time , so as to direct them in their first assemblies , and to leave them for the future to themselves . here he would make the reader believe that we receive those synods as believing them secur'd from error , by christ's promise ; for else his argument is impertinent ; but we do not receive them on any infallible authority of theirs , not because they could not err , but because they did not ; and therefore we reject others , because they have err'd , for we know of no promise made to them , but are yet ready to receive any such councils as the first were , who govern themselves by the holy scriptures . they find no great difficulty in confuting imaginary opinions , which makes them so very dexterous in this method ; to dispute against our doctrine of justification by faith was too hard a task , and therefore f. t. coins a new definition of it in the middle of his argument and immediately runs away with that , endeavouring to prove , that faith is not an assured belief that our sins are forgiven ; learnedly arguing against his own imagination : however he had what he aim'd at , for he made a shew of saying somewhat , and if he could but perswade any ignorant protestant that the definition was own'd by the reformed , he was sure he had overthrown it . with the same sincerity another of their champions would insinuate , that the protestants left the communion of rome , because of the wickedness of the members of that church , and therefore heaps up authorities to prove that it is not a sufficient motive for a separation from them ; but all his labour is to very little purpose , for we know the tares and wheat are to grow together till harvest , and not onely the wickedness of their priests and bishops , but the errors and monstrous corruptions of their church , could not have justified our separation , if they had not endeavour'd to force us to be partakers of those abominations , which we durst not do least we should be partakers of those plagues , which are denounc'd against them . it was an easie matter to prove the former no ground for separation , but some thing hard to undertake the other point , so that our author wisely wav'd it . it was observ'd by the * duke of buckingham , that these gentlemen serv'd themselves of hatefull nick-names when they are pressed in disputes about religion ; which is another of their artifices to promote the same end ; it was long since put in practice by those bishops at nice , who set up the worship of images , for no sooner were they press'd with a passage out of eusebius , but they brand him with the title of an arian ; which example hath been since followed by the gentlemen of that communion on purpose to make the world believe that their adversaries held the doctrines those names import : the nicolaitans are represented in the revelation as the worst of men , therefore the defenders of priests marriage had that name imposed on them , that the common people might think they held the community of wives as tha sectt did ; and so the opposers of transubstantiation were nick-nam'd stercoranists and paintes . this artifice they made great use of in suppressing the loyal remonstrance in ireland , which i gave some account of in the former chapter ; the name of protestant is a most odious appellation among them , therefore riddere the commissary in his letter to cardinal barberin stiles them irish protestants , and the same cardinal had before called them ▪ the valesian sect. the success attending this method hath been so great , that father contzen hath form'd it into a rule ; and how well it is observ'd , may be seen by their daily practice . for as mr. travers complains , they call us calvinists , &c. but we content our selves with the honourable name of christians ; to be a franciscan , a thomist , a scotist , we leave to them who have rent asunder christ's body , but we have no such custom to name our selves of any men . it was an old device of the arians , to call themselves the onely true catholicks , and all others ambrosians , athanasians , &c. but this is not the onely heretical example , after which the romanists do exactly copy . the preceding instances are warrant enough for me to renew my request to the reader , not to leave them when they affirm that such a particular doctrine is part of the reformed religion ; for we have seen that they are not over sincere in that matter : if men are found fathering doctrines upon their adversaries , which they abhor as much or more than they ; will any man in his wits believe such an imputation coming from those men ? but not onely the insincerity of the persons , but the deceit of the method it self , ought to make us cautious ; for if any particular doctrine were taught by some of our divines , it doth not follow that it is a part of the protestant religion ; if a person be of any particular opinion , he ought not to lay such a stress upon it as to make it part of his religion , for that consists in a few and plain articles , and if the other be overthrown as long as these remain , the religion remains intire . i mention this because i have some experience that these gentlemen do not misrepresent our doctrines onely to make the world have an ill opinion of them , but to get advantage of engaging with those who hold some particular ill grounded opinion , that having refuted it , they may seem to have triumphed over a protestant principle . and this advantage is too often given them by unwary men , who presuming on their own abilities , choose rather to defend some private sentiment than the common articles of our faith. an ill cause will not admit of a sound defence , and therefore it is no hard task to overthrow unwarrantable positions : which should make those who deal with them use more care ; for if they should be able to defend their opinion , the truth of the protestant religion is not one jot more apparent but the adversaries of it have a plausible pretence to affirm that such a position is one of the doctrines of it ; and if it be foumd uncapable of defence , these gentlemen who brag when there is no cause , will triumph unmeasurably and amuse many ignorant and weak souls . the summ of all is , that having to do with men whose talent at misrepresenting improves daily , it is our indispensable duty to be well acquainted with the particulars of our faith , that neither their eloquence in perswading , their artifice in deforming our doctrines , nor the fame of their abilities , may either put us on defending those doctrines which we do not teach , nor perswade us , that our religion approves them . we have many instances of those who have split upon this rock ; i never met with any of their converts who vnderstood ovr religion , bvt having entertain'd wrong notions of it , were perswaded to change vpon the confvtation of those imaginary tenets . i desire these gentlemen to name any one book of controversie which they think is written with most sincerity on their side ; and i engage my self to produce several false imputations in it ; by this trick they find most success , so that if all our people would labour to understand their religion , the romanists would have but few converts . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66213-e830 * the primit . rule before the reformat . par ▪ 2. p. 23. ant. 1663. 4 to . see vindic of the 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 p. 116. 〈◊〉 1679. 4 to . mr , pulton's acc. p. 18. * mr. pulton's remarks , p. 31 , 32. mr. pulton's acc . p. 18. dr. t 's acc. of the conference , p. 16. prim. rule bef . the ref. par . 2. p. 23 ▪ vind. of the sincer. of the prot. relig. p. 61. &c. lond. 1679. 4 to . i have defied them now seventeen years to call me in question before our judges , and so i do still . reply to the def. of the exposit. of the doct. of the ch. of eng. pref. p. 12. notes for div a66213-e2900 three letters concern . the pres. state of italy . p. 83. see chap. 5. * see 〈◊〉 a rr. pp . jesuits . sur leur procession de luxembourg , du 20. may , 1685. p. 2. 12 s. † and not onely they , but the jesuits of aix in provence have done the same and there is nothing more usual among those of goa in the east indies . see avis anx r.r. p. p. jesuits des aix en provence . col. 1687. 12s . & de la vall●'s travels . p. 203.208 . lond. 1665. fol. ‖ avis a rr. pp . jesu . p. 5. pendant que la procession marchera elle rencontrera dans le ville , divers theatres , dont les spectacles differens , serviront à inspirer agreeablement la piet● envers n●tre dame de consolation . mars commande à ses guerriers , & à vulcaine , bronte , ste●ope , pyracmon , & autres anciens bombardiers de prendre garde de ne plus faire aucune insulte à la chapelle de n. dame de consolation . — mot. pour le dieu mars procul ô , procul este profani . * id. p. 6. cerés , flore , pomone , les naïades , les nymphs des prairies , & des bois , se rejouissent du retour de nôtre dame de consolation , a la campagne . — mot des nymphs , & dez divinitez rustiques — jam redit & virgo , redeunt saturnia regna . ibid. p. 7. la renommée accompann●e de la religion , de la verite , & de la gloire , publie au monde que loüis le grande n'et pas moin illustre par la solide piete envers la sainte vierge , que par l'éclat de ses victoires . mot pour des quatre nymphes , cedant arma sacris . † ibid. p. 8. la joye , la force , la abondance , & la sante effets ordinaires de n. dame de consolation , marchent à la teste des vi●es du luxembourg pour marquer que ces agreeables nymphes on t persuadè à toute la province de se mettre sous la protection de la sainte vierge . ‖ la province du luxembourg ▪ fait voir sur son char la ste vierge triomphante , & montre d'un côte la paix , l'abondance & les beaux arts ; & de l'autre mars , & bellone dans les chaines . on comprend assez de son geste & de sa contenance qu'elle attribué l'eloignement de ses maux & le retour de son bonheur à la protection de sa chere patronne . p. 9. * ibid. si mars arreste ses guerriers . si le sang repandu ne tient plus des ( lauriers ) et si la paix long temps bannie , et l'abondance & les beaux art's , rentrent dans nos heureux remparts , cest l' effet du repos que nous donne marie * ibid. p. 12. inscription pour les trois gentes , de l' eglise , de la france , & du luxembourg . pard ' immuables loix , nous conspirons tous trois , a celebrer les grandeurs de marie , nos clefs , nos lyons , & nos lis , luy sont par faitement soumis . le ciel benit cette belle harmonie qui tient nos coe●rs si bien unis , et la terre en par●it rav●e ▪ † ibid. p. 15. loüis xiii . de glorieuse memoire accompagne de sa cou● qui offre sa personne , & son royaume , à là sainte vierge — inscription pour loüis le juste . juste en la paix , juste en la guerre , loüis repandit par la terre , vn nom que la justice orna deces appas mais ce monarque auguste jamais ne fut plus juste , que quand trazant la regle aux autre potentats , a la rein e du ciel ii offrit ces estats . ‖ ibid. p. 16. la victoire & les vertus chargées de palmes & couronnées de lauriers , qui representent en plusieur● tableaux les grandes actions de nostre invincible monarque faite pour l' honneur & le service de la sainte vierge . inscription pour loüis le grand . pendant que la terre ●tonnée decent prodiges inouis que fait l' admirable loüis ne comprend pas le but de cette destinée , le ciel applaudissant á ses faits glorieux nous dit que ce grand roy s'acquerant ( la victoire , ) travaille bien moins pour sa gloire que pour l' honneur de la reine des ( cieux . ) * ibid. p. 17. tableau 1. eglises de diées à nostre dame baties , reparèes , & ornées . † ibid. prise de la hollande & retablissement du culte de la vierge dans les temples reconciliez . ‖ ibid. p. 18. adversaries du culte de la mere de dieu chassez de port-royal , & de la france . * ibid. p. 19. mahometans ennemis de jesus christ , & de marie punis de alger . † ibid. 20. defaite de l' heresie ennemie de la mere de dieu . * p. 21 , 22. le roy met fin à la guerre contraire aux honneur de nostre dame de cons●●ation . — paix redonnée à ●● europe qui va retablir la sureté à la campagn● ensuite les pelerinages . & les autres devoirs de pieté que l'on a coust●me de rendre à nostre dame de consolation . † p. 17. il ne parroit par aucun act public qu● la guerre , contre les hollandois ait este pour cause de religion : & de plus pour quoy pretendre que le but du roy , dans la reconciliation de quelques temples en hollande ait esté le cul●e de la vierge plustot que l' adoration du s. sacrament , & le rétablissement en general de la religion catholique . n'est ce pas donner lieux aux heretiques de croire qu'on met toute la religion dans le cul●e de la vierge cequi ne leur peut etre qu' un grand sujet de scandale ? ‖ p. 18. car c'en est une horrible adire — il est faux , &c. * p. 19. ory eut il jamais une plus grand chimere que de vouloir qu'il act fait bombarder alger , pour punir les mahometans de ce qu'ils sont ennemis de jesus & de marie . il fau droit donc qu'il eut mis pour condition dans la paix qu'il à faire depuis auec eux , qu' a l' avenir ils porteroient plus d' honneur à la sainte vierge . † p. 20. nous nous plaignons avec raison de ce que les heretiques pour nous rendre odieux nous imputent beaucoup de choses que nous avous toujours soustenu n'estre poiut les sentimens de l' eglise catholique . nous devons done garder le mesme equite envers eux . or ils toujours protesté qu'ils n' etoient point ennemis de la vierge , ‖ p. 21. orn'est ce pas loüis le grand qui à assiege cette place , vous ne le representez done point comme fort de vot à la sainte vierge puis qu'un di●ant d'unepart qu'il à mi● fin à la guerre contraire aux honneurs de nostre dame de consolation , nous f●ites ●●●endre de l' autre qu'il à fait un● guerre contraire aux honneurs de nostre dame de consolation . * p. 3. ces mannieres theatrales d' honorer la mere de dieu , sont si indignes de la gravité de la religion chrestienne , & qui ne peuvent que donner sujet aux ennemis de l' eglise de decrier la devotion que les fidelles ont à la sainte vierge , & de la faire passer pour un culte superstitieux & profane . † p. 11. et en effet comment peut on croire que tant de personnes peu spirituelles que la curiosite a fait trouver à cette feste , ayent pû avoir une attention raisonnable à cet auguste mystere parmi tant de vains spectacles qui rempliss●ient leur esprit de continuelles distractions & qui les port●ient incessemment à penser à toute autre chose . ‖ ibid. on szait aussi qu c'est pour ce la que m. l' archeveque de malines avoit defendu avec grand raison non seulement de meler des choses profanes aux choses saintes dans les processions ; mais m●sme d●y porter les images des saints quand on●y porte le s. sacrament , parce que l' experience à fait connoître , que c'est un suj●t de tentation , à la p●us grande part du peuple , qui s' occupe bien d' avantage à regarder ces images , s●ornées & si bien parées , qu'● rentrer dans soymem● pour adorer jesus christ , &c. * with this title . la ste vierge patrône honorée & bien faisante dans la france , & dans le luxembourg , dessein de la procession qui se ●erapar les ecoliers du colege de compagnie de jesus , à luxembourg le 20. may 1685. jour auquel l'image miracule use de notre dame de consolation patrone du duche de luxembourg & compté de chiny sera reportée de la capitale de la province en sa chapelle . † avis p. 10. parmi tant de choses profanes & de verses de poêtes payense il n'y a pas un seul mots de l' ecriture , qui auroit du faire seule les ornemens d' une procession vrayment chrêtienne . — m●r. remarks . p. 70. p. 82. * rainer . cont . wald. c. 4 ▪ ●olummodo romanam ecclesiam blasphemant & clerum . * sieur du haillan . l' hist. du france . p. 511. et bien quils eussent des mauvaises opinions , si est ce qu'ell ne susciterent pas tant la haine du pape , & des grands princes , & des ecclesiastiques contre eux , que fut la libertie du language ; ce fut le principal point qui lesmit en haine universalle & qui les charger de plu● de mes chantes opinions , qu'ils n'en avoyent . see the acc. of the quietists in three letters concerning the present state of italy . p. 27 , 28. &c. in the agreement between the ch. of engl. and the ch. of rome . † letter from a dissenter , lond. 1687. 4 to . p. 2 , 3. see the answer to it , and primitive fathers no papists . p. 4 , 5. * the title of it is , decretum ss . d. n. innocentii divina providentia papae xi . quo 65. casuistarum propositiones damnavit . decree made at rome 2● . of march , 1679. lond. 1679. 4 to . † bern. ger. pat. apolog. p. 135 , 136. trans alpes catholici non aeque se vel concilii [ tridentini ] vel congregationis [ romanae , ] legibus subjecerunt adeoque nemo sibi privilegium arrogari patitur , quod aliis plerisque omnibus liberum esse ac solutum videat ; qua quidem in re nihil eos peccare , ipse gretserus jesuita , in libro suo primo de jure & more , prohibendi libros malos . c ▪ 38. — demonstrat . in hispania autem alio librorum vetitorum indice utuntur , eoque ●it ut plures libri palam ibi venales prostant , quos in italia legere piaculare sit , sic rursum alios ibi legere nefas habent quos romae nemini religio sit cognoscere , veneti nostri , satis se catholici hominis officio fungi arbitrantur , si libris fidem catholicam bonosque mores ex professo oppugnantibus se abstineant ; caeterum nec romano nec hispanico librorum indice se obligari patiuntur , neque eo nom●ne quisquam adhuc romanorum ponti●icum venetae reipublicae nego●●●m ●ace●ere animum induunt , &c. * see st. amour's journal , par. 4. ch . 7. † see his letter at large in the history of the irish remonstr . p. 524. see the letter about the quietists p. 19 , 25 , 26 , 33 , 34 39. ‖ in his letter before cited . * by his breve of july ▪ 10. 1684. wherein are these words . de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine omnes & singulos libros supradictos tenore praesentium damnamus & reprobamus , ac legi , seu retineri prohibemus ipsorumque librorum omnium & singulorum impressionem , descriptionem , lectionem & usum , omnibus & singulis christi fidelibus etiam specifica & individua mentione & expressione dignis , sub poena excommunicationis per contra facientes ipso ●●cto absque alia declaratione incurrenda — omnino interdicimus . see it at large in nouvelle de la rep. des lettres 8vo . 1684. * answ. to n●bes testium in the pref. p. 4. lond. 1688. 4 to . † primit . fath ▪ no prot. p. 7 , 8. ‖ see burnet's history of the regale , pref p. 38. and his sermon on jan. 30. 1680 / 1. before the lord mayor . p. 21.22 . policy of the french clergy . p. 67 , 68. when this decree was objected in a disputation at thoulon against one of the propositions condemned in it , the moderator who defended that position answered , that it was not made by the pope in consistory . and mr. de la berchere now a. b. of aix , order'd the morals of m. abelly ( which maintain many of the points censured in that decree ) to be taught in his seminary . see avis au r.r. pp . jesuits de aix en provence sur imprimè qui a pour titre , ballet danse reception de m l'arcevêque d' aix . p. 49 , 51 , 52.61 . a. col. 1687. 12 s. see tolet. instruct. sacerdot . cap. 20. ad 32. fulminatur contra hereticis credentes , re●eptat●res , legentes paucas lineas librorum haereticorum . — appellantes ad futurum concilium — imponentes nova paedagia seu gabellas in terris suis , praeterquam in casibus sibi à jure ex speciali sedis apostolicae licentia permissis ; qui deferunt ad infideles aut haereticos arma & equos , lignamima , eorumque materiam ferrum , filum ferri stannum , & alia metallorum genera , &c. eos q●i aliqua injuria afficiunt , venientes ad sedem apostolicam , — eos qui avocant causas beneficiales à commissariis apostolicis , & authoritate laicali imp●diunt earum cursum ; vel executi●nem literarum apostolicarum , — eos qui impediunt archiepiscopos , &c. ne possint uti jurisdictione ecclesiastica ; occupantes quaevis loca jurisdictionis ecclesiae romanae , sive sint fructus , sive redditus sine licentia romani pontificis . — imponentes onera , decimas , &c. quibuscunque personis ecclesiasticis — quoscunque magistratus & quomodo libet se interponentes in causis criminalibus personarum ecclesiasticarum — protestatur pont. absolutionem solennem in die jovis coenae faciendam non comprehendere nec suffragari ulli ex praedictis , nisi prius à commissis cum vero proposito similia non committendi destiterent . — praecipit in virtutes sanctae obedientiae patriarchis , &c. ubi libet constitutis ut , praesentes literas semel in anno aut pluries in ecclesiis suis dum in eis major populi multitudo ad divina convenerit solemniter publicent . * caus. 15. cann . nos sanctorum . eos qui excommunicatis fidelitate aut sacramento obstricti sunt , apostolica auctoritate à juramento absolvimus , & ne sibi fidelitatem observent omnibus modis prohibemus . see declarat . of the favourable dealing of her majesties commiss . p. 4. 1583. 4 to . * p. 68. hunt. of the rom. fox , p. 146 , 147. fowl's hist. of rom. treas . p. 55 , 56 , 57 , 58. † premonition p. 291. of his works . ‖ account of the proceedings , p. 126. * hist. of the gunp. treas . p. 29. copley's reasons . p. 23. see hist. jesuit . p. 160. oportetigitur ut illi qui tenent & in regno vestro manere volunt , eas [ sc. opiniones ] publice in suis collegiis abjurent . one was dated sep. 22. 1606. another aug. 23. 1607. a third , feb. 1. 1608. and a fourth , may , 30. 1626. hist. jesuit . p. 219 , 220 , 221 , 222 , 223 , 224 , 225. franck. ann. p ▪ 6 , 7. cressy's exomolog . p. 72. par. 1647. 8 vo . lord clar. against cressy . p ▪ 76 , 77. hist. of the ir. remonst . p. 523 , 524. hist. of the ir. rem . pref . p. 3.4 . hist. of ir. rem . p. 763. see pap. not misrep . by prot. p. 58. 1688. 4 to , & answer to pap. prot. against prot. popery . p. 131. lond. 1686. 4 to . see three letters of the pres . state of italy , p. 46. * see p. 8● . † pap. protest . against prot. popery . p. 18.19 . in his preservative against popery , lond. 1688. 4 to . answer to dr· sherlocks preser . against popery . lond. 1688. 4 to . pap. prot . against prot. popery . p. 17. notes for div a66213-e24370 (a) answer to the considerations which obliged peter manby , &c. p. 3. lond. 1687. 4to . (b) summ. of prin. cont. p. 3. lond. 1687. 4to . (c) see burn. answ. to the meth. of the french clerg . 8vo . 1683. (d) mysterium pietatis vltraj . 8vo . 1686. (a) instruct. secret . pro super . societat . jesu , p. 17. it is one of the pieces published in the arcana societat . jesu . 8vo . 1635. see it in english . printed at london for tho. dring . 1658. 8vo in the 2d part of the mystery of jesuitism . thus where we teach meditation to be the duty of every christian. fa. cross in his sermon before the q. ap. 21. 1686. saith , i do not approve the opinion of those who hold it obligatory to all . (a) instructiones pro super . societ . jesu , p. 4. — vt se gratam & acceptam praebeat societas incolis l●ci , multum ad hoc conducet explicatio finis societatis , praescripti in regula secunda summarii , incumbere in salutem proximi aeque ac suam . quare humilia obsequia obeunda , in xenodochiis , & limo jacentes invisendi . — eleemosynae conqui●endae , dandaeque pāuperibus allis videntibus , ut aedisicati facto nostrorum sint in nos liberaliores . (b) ibid. p. 30. — saepe inculcent principib●● , distributionem honorum & dignitatum in repub. spectare ad justitiam ; gravitérque deum offendi si contra eam à principibus peccetur ; se tamen nolle dicant ingerere in ullam administrationem reip . & haec se invitos dicere ratione sui officii ; quod ubi apprehenderint principes , explicetur ipsis , quibus virtutibus praediti esse debeant viri ass●mendi ad dignitates reip . commendationis capita sumantur , ex amicis societat●s nostrae , &c. — (c) europae speculum , p. 71 , 72· lond. 1687. 8vo . (a) europae speculum , p. 37 , 38. (a) bellar. lib. de not . eccl. c. 18. * sure and honest meanes for the conversion of heretic . p. 110. lond. 4 to . 1687. † see their letter at large in vergerius ; and lately in english ; intituled , the state of the church of rome , before the reformation . 4 to . 1687. ‖ richer . histor . concil . gen. l. 4. par . 2. p. 246 , 247. colon. 1683. 80. * apud richer . ubi sup . * ru●shw . collect . par . 1. p. 83. fol. lond. 1659. † in his epistle to the nonconformists . 1664 , 8 vo . ‖ gages new survey of the west-indies . p. 152. edit . lond. 1655. fol. ogilby in his history of japan , edit . lond. 1670. p. 242 , 246 , 247 , &c. gives an account of the same method used by the missionaries in that country . * ad ann . 200. sect . 5. consulto introductum videtur ut quae erant gentilitiae superstitionis ●fficia eadem veri dei cultui sanctificata in verae religionis cult●m impenderentur . † europae speculum . p. 8. lond. 1687. ●0 . burnet's letters of his travels . p. 287 , 288. edit . roterd. 1687. 80. * 1 cor. 2 4 , 5. † ephes. 4.14 . ‖ 1 cor. 14.20 . * sure and honest means for converting hereticks . p. 110. ibid. pag. 111. for this he cites , hil. contr . auxentium . & hieron . ad marcellam viduam . lib. 4. part 2. p. 246. * moral practice of the jesuites , p. 384. lond. 1670. 8vo . † lib. 2. de purg. c. 7. ‖ moral practice of the jesuites , p. 386. * ibid. p. 388 , 389. note , that this book entituled , the business of the saints in heaven ; was written by f. l. henriquez , approved by fr. prado provincial of castile . ap. 28. 1631. and allowed of by order of the general of the jesuites , mutius ▪ vitelleschi . † gee's foot out of the snare . p. 13. 4 to . lond. 1624. ‖ barst. in lib. instit . the propitiator . pag. 74. vid. fitz-sim . in fin . citat . in divers . loc . * ebber . in praef . in com . philip ▪ super . christ. ad cor. cited by mr. gee . p. 17. thus . an non audis dicentes grata multitudini , flectentes , fingentes , ac refingentes , religionem ad nutum & cupiditates dominorum & coetuum quorum gloriam nisi suam pluris faciunt quam gloriam dei ? * protestancy destitute of scripture-proofs . p. 1. 4 to . 1687. * acts of the , conf. at paris in july , and august . ann. 1566. in the preface . p. 8. 4 to . lond. 1602. this conference was printed the same year 1566. in french with this title , conference entre deux docteures de sorbonne , & deux ministres de l' eglise reformee . 8vo . * see the oath in the pontifical , edi● . c●lon . 1682. p. 450 , 451. 8 vo . where after they have professed obedience to the pope , they go on thus , jurans dico per deum omnipotentem , & sancta dei evangelia , me in unitate & communione praemissis in concusse mansurum . et si ( quod absit ) ab hac me unitate aliqua occasione vel argumento divisero , perjuris reatum incurrens aeterne obligatus p●enae ●nveniar , & cum auctore schismatis habeam in futuro saeculo portionem . * matt. 7.15 . † rom. 16.18 . ‖ col. 2.4 . * 2 tim. 3.5 . † psal. 55.21 . ‖ matt. 7.16 . * lucas brugensis in loc . edit . antwerp . 1606. † maldonate in loc . edit . mogunt . 1624. ‖ joseph . acosta de noviss ▪ tempor . l. 2. c 20 edit . lugd. 1592. 8vo . ad signorum magnitudinem accedet apta & composita ad decipiendum sanctitatis simulatio qua solet ( sc. antichristus ) homines parum cautos externa specie vehementer allicere . pro. 26.25 . * 1 joh. 4.1 . † act. 17.10 , 11. ‖ considerat . on the spirit of martin luther p. 2. oxford , 1687. 4 to . * prov. 26.24 , 25. † jesuits catech . praef . p. 9. edit . 1604. 4 to . * heb. 10.23 . † mr. rockwood and sir everard digby . see the gunpowder-treason , with a discourse of the manner of its discovery , p. 125 , 127. — lond. 1679. 8 vo . * dr. brevint . saul and samuel at endor . praef . p. 5. ox. 1674. 4 to . † ibid. p. 3. * drelincourts protestants self defence , in the preface , l●nd . 1685. 12 s. † oxford . 1687. 4 to . ‖ in his consecration of protest . bishops vindicated , in the first ●ome of his works , dublin , 1676. fol. & in tom. 4. * vind. eccl●s . aug. lond. 1625. fol. † in his history of the reformation . lond 1679. fol. and his vindicat● of the ordination of the church of england , lond , ●677 8 ●o . * reply to the def. of the expos . of the doct. of the ch. of eng. p. 3. of the preface , lond. 1687. 4 to . † spanhemii histor . imaginum , lugd. batav . 1686 , 8 vo . ‖ bishop of meaux pastor . lett. p. 3 , 4. lond. 1686 , 4 to . * nouvelle de la republique des lettres . juin . 1686. p. 736. il est apparent que m. de meaux retranchera l'endroit cidessus marques , & que les gens d' honneur se plaindront in petto de ce qu'on se tue de leur sou tenir ▪ que les huguenots ont signe le formulaire le plus v●l●ntairement du monde . * on parle e●core dans cette cinquieme objection de ceque jay dit dans ma lettre pastorale touchant ce qui c'est passé dans le diocesse de meaux . & dans plusieurs autres , dont les evesques mes confrere & mes amis n'avoient fait le recit ; & may je persist à dire , sons les y ieùx de dieu , qui jugera les vivans & les morts , que je n'ay rien dit que de veritable ; & que l' autheur de le republique des lettres av●it rezen un mauvais memoire , quand il a di● que ●e retranchi●●● cet article dans les editions ●●●bantes , puisque , je n'y ay pas se●lmeat songe reply to the def. of the expos . of the doct. of the ch. of eng. p. 181. † present state of the controv. between the ch. of eng. and the ch. of rome , p. 22. lond. 1687. 4 to . ‖ ibid. 22 , 23 , 24. * ibid. p. 23. his pastoral letter , bears date march 24. and this to the gentleman , april 4. † expos. of the doct. of the ch. of eng. p. 7. of the preface , lond. 1686. 4 to . ‖ laveritable devotion envers la sr. vierge , par. 1679. 4 to . * vind. of the bishop of condom's exposition , p. 115 , lond , 1686 , 4 to . † reply to the def . &c. p. 181. * edit . paris , 1685. 12s . † def. of the expos. of the doct. of the ch. of england , p. 114. lond. 1686. 4 to . ‖ see last efforts of afflicted innocency , p. 5 , 6. lond. 1682. 8 vo . * de cultu adorat . lib. 2. disput . 5. c. 3. mogunt . 1601 , 8 vo . speaking of alanus copus and sanders denying the epistle to joh. hierosol . to be his , saith , id commune etiam & frequens effugium esse solet iis qui testimoniis conciliorum , aut patrum in aliqua controversia nimis premuntur . † ad ann . 32. n. 18 , 19. ‖ in catholicis veteribus plurimos feramus errores & extenuemus , excusemus , excogitato commento persaepe negemus , & commodum iis sensum affingamus , dum opponuntur in disputationibus , aut in conflictionibus cum adversariis , index expurg . libror. qui hoc seculo prodierunt , edit . 1586. 12 s. * confer . with campion in the tower p. 134. lond. 1583. 4 to . † ibid. 146 , 147. ‖ ibid. p. 166. * mat. 4.10 . † deut. 6.14 . ‖ rom. 9.11 . gal. 2.16 . * rom. 3.21 . * hospi● . histor. jesuit , p. 222 , 223. edit . tig. 1670. fol. pater cotton , tum dixit eum librum nequaquam à suae societatis hominibus emanasse , sed genovae ad constandum jesui●is odium fictum ab haereticis fuisse . qui tamen postea , longe aliter , quid sentiret , expressit , laudato scribanii opere & distributis multis illius exemplaribus , atque etiam claro admodum viro commandaret eum , tanquam juventu●i latinis literis imbuendae apprime utile , &c. † see answer to the considerations on the spirit of martin luther , p. 12 , 13. oxford . 1687. 4 to . ‖ see his letter in the preface to the history of the irish reb. lond. 1680. fol. * see his falsificationum roman●rum 〈◊〉 primi liber pri●●s , in the preface , lond. 16●6 . 4 ●o . * see du moulin 's life ▪ p. 14 , 15. prefixt to his novelty of popery , edit . lond. 1664 fol. * reflexions on mr. ●ari●●as , p. 14. amsterd . 1686. 1● s. † edit . lond. 1685. chap. 11. ‖ richer . h●stor concil . gen. lib. 4. par . 2. p. 135. quibus viris hoc propositum esse nemo nescit ut temporalem curiae romanae monarchiam quovis jure vel injuria vendicent . * walsh . hist. of the irish remonstrance , pref . to the cath. p. 9. edit . lond. 1674. fol. * see animadversions upon fanaticism fanatically imputed to the catholick church , by the lord clarendon , p. 66. lond. 1674. 8 ●e . ibid. & p. 67. † catholick scripturist p. 191. lond. 1686. ● vo . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. 2. in tit. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hom. 3. in 1. tim. ‖ animadversions by way of answer to a sermon preached by dr. ke●n . &c. p. 4. lond. 1687 4 to . * sess. 21 c 4. eos nul●a 〈◊〉 necessitate i● fecisse sine controversi● credendum est . * lib. 2. ad bonif. cont . duas epist. pelag. cap. 4. beatae memoriae innocentius papa sine baptismo christi , & sine participatione corporis & sanguinis christi , vitam non habere parvulos dicit . † confer . with camp. in the tower the second day , p. 41. ‖ de romano pontifice ▪ lib. 1. c. 10. * dissert . 4. p. 1. pa. 274. † non enim de carne petri sed de ●ide dictum est , lib. de sacrament incarnationis . ‖ super hanc fidem super hoc quod dictum est , tu es christus . in epist. primam johannis tract . decim . * ephes. 2 ▪ 2● . * 1 tim. 1.7 . † good advice to the pulpits , p. 50. lond 1687. 4 to . * jerem. 18.18 . † chap. 20.10 . ‖ chap. 9.4 . * prov. 10.18 . † ep. 137. qui non habendo quod in causa suae divisionis defendant , non nisi hominum crimina colligere affectant ; & ea vice plura falsissime jactant , & quia ipsam divinae scripturae veritatem criminari & obscurarè non possunt , homines per quos praedicatur adducunt in odium , de quibus & fingere quicquid in mentem veniat possunt . * de jus● . l. 2. tr . 2. disp . 12. n. 404. see this passage in the provincial letters , p. 362. edit . lond. 1657. 8 vo . † answer to the prov. letters , p. 342. edit . paris . 1659. 8 vo . prov. letters . p. 363. ‖ ibid. p. 361. * instruct. secret . pro super . societ . jesu . p. 11 , 12. † discov . of the society in relat . to their politicks , p. 4. lond. 1658· 8vo . ‖ instruct. secret . ut supra . p. 20. * ibid. p. 22. dicantur malae ejus inclinationes , vitia , defectus , quos de se in manifestatione conscientiae aliquando superioribus aperuerat . — externis insinuentur causae dismissionis illae ob quas vulgus nos odio habent , sic enim plausibilior erit dismissio quorumcunque . † bernardi giraldi patavini pro repub . venetorum apologia p. 129. he cites mariana's words in his book de regimine societatis jesu , c. 2. si ipse paulus apostolus , generali jesuitarum & assentatoribus ejus contradiceret , neque errores illorum probaret , futurum esset ut pro extravagante , inquieto , & turbatore pacis haberetur . ‖ anthony tirrell in his exam . before commissioners , june 25. 1602. see it at the end of dr. harsenet's declaration of the popish impostures , lond. 1603. 4 to . * four letters on several subjects , p. 69. — 1686. † hospir . histor. jesuit . p. 249 ▪ — pontum tyardaeum episcopum cabillonensem , eruditionis ac pietatis singularis , ●irum , cum jesuitae in suam factionem & conspirationem contra regem henricum tertium pertrahere non possent , — populi furiosum odium & invidiam in caput ejus modis omnibus concitare studuerunt . est collegium divioni jesuitarum , quod episcopi hujus non exiguis beneficiis adauctum fuit . erat enim bonae partis fundi illius clientelaris patronus ; — quamobrem libello , etiam graecis , latinis & gallicis versibus , atque oratione soluta scripto & ipsi dicato cum amplissimo laudum ejus praedicatione , habuerunt gratiam , & fidem dederunt . sed quod in conspirationem jesuitarum , & parricidium regis consentire noll●t , quidam carolus inter jesuitas collegii istius ascriptus linguam suam & calamum superiorum instinctu , vehementer contra illum acuit . — contra hunc praesulem , ob dictam causam non solum in familiaribus colloquiis , sed etiam publicis in contionibus atque editis quoque libellis debacchatus est : ac inter alia 〈◊〉 . — se quadraginta quatuor haereses in tribus foliolis homiliarum ejus in orationem dominic●m exprompsiss● , &c. vid. locum . * provincial letters p. 368 , 369 , 370 , 371. † viz. mr. de ville , vicar general to the cardinal of lyons . m. scarron , canon and pastor of st. pauls . m. margat . messieurs borrand , sevé , aubert and darvie canons of st. nicier . m. du gu● president of the treasurers of france . m. groslier , provost of merchants . m. de flechere , president , and lieutenant general . messieurs de boissat , de st. romain , & de bartoly gent. m. bourgeois the king's advocate in the treasurers court of france . m. de cotton , father and son and mr. boniel . in their answer to the fifth letter . * burnet's hist. of the rights of princes , p. 399. lond. 1682. 8 vo . † europ . spec. p. 101. ‖ novelty of popery , p. 627. * advice to the confuter of bellarmine , p. 1. lond. 1687. 4 to . * def. of the confut. of bella● ▪ 2 d. note of the ch. p. 1● lond. 1687. 4 to . † laurentii surii comment . brevis , p. 259. col. 1574. 8 vo . quod quidem nos de sectarum authoribus dictum praecipue volumus , quos plerosque perspicuum est contra suam mentem & conscientiam longe aliter & scribere & docere quam rem ipsam se habere non sint nescii . ‖ bishop vsher's life and letters , p. 63.65 . lond. 1686. fol. * mr. thomas davis , his letter to arch-b . vsher , ib. 381. † smith's acc . of the gr. ch. p. 266 , 267 , 268. lond. 168● . 8 vo , see also his miscellanea . p. 95 , 96 , 97 , 98 , 99 , 100 , 101 , 102 , 103. lond. 1686. 8 vo . * mr. davis's letter , ut supr . † fowles hist. of rom. treasons , p. 470. lond. 1681. fol. ibid. p. 514. ‖ sheldon's survey of the miracles of the church of rome , p. 25. lond. 1616. 4 to . * see their examinations in dr. sam●el harsene●'s . declaration of popish impostures in casting out of devils . * defence of the papers written by the late king , p. 126. lond. 1686. 4 to . † hind and panther in the pref. lond. 1687. 4 to . ‖ difference between the protest . socinians and methods , p. 62. lond. 1686. 4 to . * s●illin . unreason . of separat . pref . p. 22. lond. 1681. 4 to . † lord carend . against cressy , p. 13 , 14. * speed in his chronicle reckons that in the beginning of king james his time , there were 4543. livings under ten pound , edit . lond. 1623. at the end of the reign of k. henry the eighth . p. 1101. † ibid. p. 1100. * the undeceiving of the people in the point of tithes . by ph. trelinie gent. lond. 1651. 4 to . † fifth part of ch. government , p. 68. see appendix to dr. burnet's history of the reformation , vol. 2. p. 396. reflect . on the hist. part of ch government , par . 5. p. 35. oxford , 1687. 4 to . † adami contzen politicorum libri decem . p. 96. he advises to follow the example of those , qui cum recusarent , quasi superbi contumaces in obedientes magistratui accusabantur , &c. * long 's hist. of plots p. 89. lond. 1684. v8 o. dr. stillin ▪ unreasonableness of separation , p. 21. of the preface . † the agreement between the ch. of eng. and the ch. of rome , lond. 1687. 4 to . ‖ the difference between the ch. of eng. and the ch. of rome . lond. 1687. 4 to . * considerations on the spirit of ma●tin luther , sect . 32. † pulton's remarks , p. 1. * luke 4.41 . † mar. 1.23 , 24. ‖ luke ● . 28 , 29 , 30. * a●● . 16.16 , 17. † act. 19.13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. ‖ in vita antonii , inter athan ●pera , vol. 2. edit . colon. 1636. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * answer to a letter to a dissenter , p. 4. printed for h. hills , 1687. 4 to . † mr. pain 's answer to the letter to a dissenter , p. 2. 1687. 4 to . ‖ reply to the reasons of the oxford clergy against addressing , p. 6 , 7. 1687. 4 to . * letter in answer to two main questions , p. 7.14 . by t. g. lond. 1687. 4 to . † discourse for taking off the test , — p. 35. lo●d . 1687. 4 to . * defence of the expos. of the doct. of the ch. of england , p. 3● . † reply to the defence , &c. p. 62. ‖ expos. of the doctrine of the chathol . church , p. 20 lond. 1685. 4 to . * policy of the clergy of france , p. 57 , 58 , 59. lond. 1681. 8 vo . † hunting of the romish fox , p. 94 , 95. du●lin . 1683. 8 vo . * matt. 5 11. † psal. 101.5 . ‖ answer to a letter to a dissenter , p. 5. printed for henry hills . * disc. of the notes of the church , p. 333. to 365. lond. 1687. 4 to . † ecces . 7.15 . ‖ chap. 8.14 . * chap. 9.2 . † luk. 13.4 . ‖ luk. 13.1.2 . * europae spec. p 135. † wilson's hist. of great britain . p 26. lond. 1653. fol. ‖ fowlis hist. rom. treasons p. 470. * wilson 's hist. of great brittain , p. 241. † mirror or looking-glass both for saints and sinners , p. 195. lond. 1671. fol. ‖ key for catholicks , p. 258. lond. 1674 ▪ 4to . europ . spec. 114 , 115. * m. spon's history of the city and state of geneva , p. 144. lond. 1687. fol. † jesuits catech , p. 62. ‖ sands europ . spec. p. 113. * jes. catech. p. 62. † history of gen. p. 144. ‖ novelty of popery , lib. 7. c. 10. cont . 8. p. 627. * gee's foot out of the snare , p. 76. † birckback's protestant evidence . cent. 16 p. ●88 . lond. 1635. 4 to . ‖ ib. p. 189. and foot out of the snare . p. 77. see a relation of this forgery in the history of the ch. of great britain from the birth of our saviour . p. 134.188 . lond 1674. 4 to . * foot out of the snare ▪ p. 77. † ib. p. 78. ‖ it is a thick quar●o , i have seen it , but cannot remember the title . history of the irish remonstrance , p. 759. ‖ instruct. secret , p●o super . societ ▪ jesu . p. 23. de d●smiss● in exhortationibus dicatur , quod iterum ardenter petat ingredi societatem . * hunting of the romish fox , p. 155.156 , europ . spec. p. 112 , 113. † ibid. ‖ ibid. in hist ▪ of geneva , p. ●44 . * shel●on of miracles p. 52. † franciscan convert by ant. ega● . p. 24. lond. 1673. 4 to . ‖ ricaut's state of the gr. and armenian ch. p. 451. lond. 1679. 8 vo . * acosta . de procur . 〈…〉 . lib. 4. c. 3. pos● 〈…〉 , ab 〈…〉 turba , vix quemquam 〈…〉 , quid vita aeterna , &c. 〈◊〉 c●●echisandi ratio umbra●itis & 〈◊〉 s●milis . — 〈…〉 simile supervisum est inter tot millia christianorum nomine donatorum , tam esse rarum qui christum agnoscat , ut quod ephesii olim de spiritu sancto , paulo responderunt , possint hi de christo melius usurpare , neque an sit christus audivimus . id. lib. 5. c. 2. — invenies tam tenuis & inopis messis apud indos potentissimam causam in eo esse quod divinis & occultis quidem sed justis consiliis , antiquis gentibus praedicatores fuerint praedicatione sua digni , cum nostri tam sint plerique indigni , ut longe plus evertant & dissipent quam aedisicent , atque plantent . id. l. 4. c. 4. see more out of the same author ap . hesp in . histor. jesuit . p. 231. † provin . letters , p. 83 , 84 ▪ and mor. pract . of the jesuits . p. 390. ‖ sure and honest means , &c. p. 82. * terries voyage to eas●-india , p. 450. lond. 1655. 8 vo . † ibid. p. 440. * ogi●by's japan , p , 262. † last efforts , p. 291. ‖ nouvelle de la repub. des lettres , juin , 1686. — dans la de●nier fete dieu plusieurs 〈◊〉 mieux aime payer une amende que de tendre devant leurs maisons . * smith's account of the greek church , p 242 , 243. and his narratio de vita cyrilli lucarii ▪ p. 6. inter jus miscellanea . last efforts , 134 , 135. * lib. 2. c. 8. sect. 6. † unreason . of sepa . pref . p. 22. ‖ new test of the ch. of engl. loyalty , lond. 1687. 4 to . * instance of the ch. of engl. loyalty , lond. 1687. 4 to . † new test of the ch. of eng. loyalty ; p. 8. * reflex . on the answ. to the pap. misap . p. 10. lond. 1685. 4 to . † sure and hon. means , p. 88. * fa. ellis ser. before the k. dec . 5. 1686. p. 21. st. gregory's judgment is become that of the whole church , being inserted in the body of the canon-law . † gratian. cau. 15. quaes . 6. can. auctoritatem — edi● . 1518. 4to . a fidelitatis etiam juramento romanus pontifex nonnullos absolvir . ‖ id. ibid. can. alias . * id. ibid. can. nos sanctorum . † id. dis●i●ct . 63. fol. 90. ‖ id fol. 135. col . 3. ●it . ● . * decernit & prae●ip●t 〈◊〉 , canones & concilia generalia omnia , nec non alias apostolicas sanctiones in favore ecclesiasticarum personarum , libertatis ecclesiasticae & contra ejus violatores editas , &c. sess . 25. c. 20. † bulla pii 4 ti . super forma juram . profess . fidei . they are enjoyned to swear thus , omnia tradita a sacris canonibus indubitanter recipio , atque profiteor , & contraria omnia , damno rejicio & anathematizo . ‖ mr. drylen's religio l●ici , in the preface , lond. 1632. 4 to . * sure and honest means , p. 100 , 101. † sheldon of the miracles of the ch. of rome , p. 186. * answer to the provincial letters , p. 34 , 35. † the jesuits reasons unreasonable . — see it in collectos treat . concern . the penal laws . p. 110. lond. 1675. 4 to . ‖ hist. of the irish remonst . p. 567. * see his letter in the hist. of the irish remonst . p. 624. europ . spec. p. 59. d●scov . of the jes in relat . to their politicks . in his account . p. 17. jesuits reasons unreasonable , p. 112 , 11● . * in his account , p. 18. vindicat. of the sincerity of the prot. religion p. 116. lond. 1679. 4 to . cressen . vind. p. 14. lond. 1687. 4 to . * answ. to two main quest. of the let. to a diss. p. 10. see history of the irish remonstrance . † request to rom. catho . p. 38. lond. 1687. 4 to . walsh's letters , p. 557 , 558 , 559. * sure and honest means , p. 69 , 70. tertullian . apolog. c. 7. &c. dicimur sceleratissimi , de sacramento infanticidii , pabulo inde & post convivium incesso , quod eversores luminum caues , lenones scilicet tenebrarum & libidinum impiaram in verecundia procurent , &c. popery anat. p. 15. * in his three conver. of engl. p. 3. c. 3. edit . 1604. 8 vo . † rainer . contra wald. c. 4. haec secta magnam habet speciem pietatis , eo quod coram hominibus juste vivant , & bene omnia de deo credant , & omnes articulos quae in symbolo continentur . ‖ claud. seiss . adver . wald. p. 9. puriorem quam caeteri christiani vitam agunt . * joa . camer . p. 4●9 . illi ad regem referunt illis in locis homi●es baptizari , articulos fidei & decalogum doceri , dominicos dies religi●se coli , dei verbum exponi , beneficia & stupra apud eos nulla esse . his auditis rex jurejurando addito ; me , inquit & caetero populo meo catholico meliores illi viri sunt . vsher's life and letters , p. 14. letter to mr. tho. lydiat . * carpantur primum illa quae in vulgus male audiunt , quaeque absurditatem primo aspectu etiam rudibus ostendunt , cont . politic. c. 18. p. 8. walsh . lett. p. 8. * securis evangelica romae , 1687. 8 vo . † colligitur deum religionis reformatae non differre à diabolo , nec ejus paradisum ab inf●rno , p. 151. ‖ p. 130. structura religionis reformatae , fundatur in hoc horrenda blasphemia , christum esse falsum prophetam . * ibid. — confessio angliae art . 19. & art 20. dicit concilia generalia , gubernata à spiritu sancto , possunt errare . roger's faith , doctrine and religion professed in engl. cambr. 1681. 4 to . † secur. evang. p. 95. ‖ europ . spec. p. 134.136 . campion's reasons reas. 8. lond. 1687 4 to . see it also in the first edition in latin , cosmop . 1681. norunt isti suorum axiomata , opera nostra deus nequaquam curat , &c. * quamvis autem dicamus nihil nobis esse praesidii , in operibus & factis nostris , & omnem salutis nostrae rationem constituamus in solo christo , non tamen ea causa dicimus , laxe absolute vivendum esse quasi tingi tantum & credere s●tis sit homini christiano , & nihil ab eo aliud expectetur , vera fides viva est nec potest esse otiosa , ergo docemus populum , deum nos vocâsee ad bona opera ut in eis ambul●m●● , &c. corpus confess . fidei . p. 98. gen. 1654. 4 to . ‖ confess . argentin . c. 4. nolumus autem haec sic intelligi , quasi salutem in ignavis animi cogitationibus fidéve charitate destituta — ponamus : quandoquidem certi sumus neminem justum aut salvum fieri posse nisi amet summe deum , & intitetur studiosissime . — . c. 5. negamus quenquam plene posse salvum fieri , nisi huc per spiritum christi evaserit , ut nihil jam bonorum operum in eo desideretur . — .c. 6. praecationes & religiosa jejunia actiones sanctissimas , quaeque christianos plurima doceant habemus , &c. * confess . august . art. 6. docent quod ●um fide reconciliamur necessario sequi debeat justitia bonorum operum . † art. 20. quod adversarii criminantur nos , negligi à nobis doctrinam de bonis operibus , manifesta calumnia est , &c. ‖ ibid. sec. de bonis operibus . nec existere fides potest nisi in his qui poenitentiam agunt . * confess . basil. sive mylhysiania art. 8. — haec [ fides ] per opera charitatum se sine intermissione exercet , exercet atque ita probatur . † art. 13. fides — praeclaros omnium fructus pullulat — & est operum foecundissima . ‖ confess . bohe. art. 5. docent ut qui in dei nomine dum in vivis est poenitentiam agere neglexerit , eum malo exitio perdendum . * confess . saxon. art. de nova obedientia . — necessaria est cura vitandi tales lapsus . haec manifesta necessitas , proposita summa poena si quos non movet ad bene operandum . † confess . wirtemb . art. de lege . agnoscimus legem dei cujus epitome est decalogus , praecipere optima justissima & perfectissima opera , & hominem obligatum esse ad obediendum moralibus praeceptis decalogi . ‖ ibid. art. de bonis operibus docemus bona opera , divinitus praecepta necessario facienda esse . * ibid. art. de jejunio . jejunium sentimus utile esse . &c. † confess . gall. art. 22. tantum abest igitur , ut bene sancteque vivendi studium fides extinguat ut etiam illud cieat & inflammet in nobis unde bona opera necessaria consequuntur . ‖ confess . helv. c. 16. eadem [ fides ] retinet nos in officio quod deo debemus & proximo , & in adversis patientiam firmat , & confessionem veram format , atque facit , & ut uno verbo omnia dicam omnis generis bonos fructus & bona opera progignit . docemus enim vere bona opera enasci ex viva fide . — quamvis ergo d●ceamus cum apostolo , hominem gratis justificari per fidem in christum & non per ulia bona opera , non ideo tamen vili pendimus , aut condemnamus opera bona . — damnamus itaque omnes , qui bona opera contemnunt , non curanda & inutilia esse blaterant . * confess . scot. art. 13. causa bonorum operum , & art. 14. † confess . eccles. belgicar . in synodo dordr . art. 24. fieri non potest ut sancta haec fides in homine otiosa sit : siquidem non loquimur de fide vana , sed de eâ quae in scriptura dicitur , fides per charitatem efficax ; quae inducit hominem ut illis operibus quae deus verbo suo praecepit , sese execeat ▪ * a supplication to the k. most excellent majest . lond. 1604. 4 to . † reasons of fat. neville's conversion , chap. 2● . ‖ verit. evang. p 41.108 lond. 1687. 4 to . * touchst. of the refor . gos. p. 51. lond. 1685 12 s. † manual of controv. p. 65. doway , 1671. 8 vo . ‖ use of the notes of the church , p. 6. * secur. evang. introd . sect. 2. ra. dices ex quibus horror catholitorum pullulat , sunt — horror jejuniorum & operum poenitentiae , pigritia & tedium frequentandi cultum laudesque divinas . † idd. p. 179. i●dulget praetensa reformatio , credere quod bona opera non sint necessaria ad saultem . ‖ id. p. 151. coelum religionis reformatae admittit , homicidas , adulteros , blasphemos , &c. qua tales , esto nunquam sua peccata detestati fuerint modo crediderint . and in another place , p. 107. ex principiis ejusdem religionis , sequitur adulteros , homicidas , idololatras , qua tales tam esse filios dei , quam fuere apostoli , &c. * mat. 7.5 . † catholick scriptur . p. 77. ‖ primit . rule bef . the refor . par . 1. p. 7. * secur. evangel . p. quintum principium ▪ omnes omnino traditiones sunt inventiones humanae . † secur. evang. introd . sec. 4 sec. 5. sec. 6. & p. 9. where under this head , recensentur praecipuae heterodoxae religionis principia . he reckons that for one . † art. 6. ‖ secur. evang. p. 26. omnes pastores ecclesiae aequalem habent authoritatem & potestatem , &c. — haec sunt dogmata fidei reformatae , hae bases & fundamenta pretensae reformationis . * transub . defend ▪ in the introduction . † answ. to a dis. against trans . p. 7. touchstone of the reform . gosp. p. 63.71 . ‖ monomachia . p. 20. * st. peter's supremacy discuss'd , p. 20. man of cont● . p. 258. nubes testium , p. 2. * in his answer to the span. ambass . inform . see the connexion , p. 143. concil . nicaen . 〈◊〉 . act. 6. hist. of 〈…〉 p. 506. cont. pol. p. 97. traver's answer to a supplicatory epistle p. 339 , 340 ▪ se● the picture of a papist , p. 37. the principles of the christian religion explained in a brief commentary upon the church catechism. by william wake, d.d. rector of st. james westminster, and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty. wake, william, 1657-1737. 1699 approx. 363 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66289 wing w258 estc r217651 99829306 99829306 33743 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66289) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33743) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1940:21) the principles of the christian religion explained in a brief commentary upon the church catechism. by william wake, d.d. rector of st. james westminster, and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty. wake, william, 1657-1737. [10], 183, [1] p. printed for richard sare, at grays-inn gate in holborn, london : 1699. with errata at foot of p. 183, and a final advertisement on n4v. running title reads: the principles of the christian religion explain'd. reproduction of the original in the lambeth palace library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catechisms, english -early works to 1800. christianity -creeds -early works to 1800. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-01 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the principles of the christian religion explained : in a brief commentary upon the church catechism . by william wake , d. d. rector of st. james westminster , and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . london , printed for richard sare , at grays-inn gate in holborn . 1699. the preface . the design of the following treatise being to instruct those , who are yet to learn , in the principles of their christian religion , i shall not think it necessary to make any apology for my publishing of it . it is so proper a part of our ministerial office , not only to teach these things , but to use our utmost endeavours , to inculcate them upon the minds of those who are committed to our charge ; that we never more truly pursue the business of our calling , than when we are doing of it . and no one ought to make an excuse for doing that , the neglect of which would need an excuse , or rather would not admit of any . it has pleased god , to whose providence i desire in all things to submit my self , to engage me in a cure , in which 't is next to impossible , in the ordinary method of teaching , to instruct all those who belong to it . neither will our churches receive them ; nor can i hope , by any private application , effectually to supply what i am sensible must be wanting in our publick ministration . to make up the defects of both , i knew no way so ready , as to compose a short summary of what is most necessary for every christian to know ; and to order it in such wise , that every one who pleases may partake of the benefit of it . this i have done in the present treatise : which as it was design'd by me particularly for those of my own parish , for whose instruction i am principally concern'd ; so , to them i must beg leave , in a more especial manner , to recommend the use of it . i am not aware 〈◊〉 that there is any thing in it above the capacity of the most ordinary christian to comprehend ; who will but duly consider what he reads , and is not utterly a stranger to the principles of his religion . 't is true , i have inserted many things into this , which are not wont to be handled in other catechisms : as designing it not for children , ( for whom such treatises are commonly framed ; ) but for men and women ; for such as either have , or i am sure ought to have , already pass'd the first rudiments of the gospel of christ. but i have endeavour'd to express my self with so much clearness , and perspicuity , that i hope all sorts of persons may be able to profit by what i have done ; and see , in a short compass , both what that holy doctrine which we profess is , and upon what grounds we build our belief of it . i have chosen to do this in the form of a catechism , not only because i look upon that to be the plainest , and most natural way of instruction ; but because it is certainly the shortest , and most easy to the memory . and would but parents take care to teach their children , at a competent age , to answer the questions here proposed ; they might possibly , thereby , not only take a good method for the instruction of them in the knowledge of that religion into which they were baptized ; but might , at the same time , improve themselves too , in the understanding of it . it has been the wisdom , as well as piety , of the church of england , to make a suitable provision for the instruction of all sorts of persons in her communion , in the knowledge of their christian profession . in order hereunto , she has appointed catechetical exercises for younger persons , as well as sermons for those of a greater age , and understanding : and has obliged masters , and parents , no less to send their children , and servants , to the one , than to come themselves to the other . how others may judge of this her pious care , i cannot tell : but , for my own part , i must freely profess , that i never think my self employ'd to better purpose , than when i am discharging this part of my ministry . and i am confident , that would all sorts of persons but duly attend upon these instructions ; they would reap a more substantial benefit by them , than from those other exercises which have , i know not how , so universally crept into the place of them . it being certain , that the only way either judiciously to hear , or truly to profit by , sermons ; is to lay a good foundation for both , by a previous catechetical institution in the principles of religion : and which , if men have neglected when they were young , the best way to remedy that defect , will be , not only to send their children , but to come themselves also , to our publick catechizings ; where not only the ignorant may be informed , but those who are the best improved , may possibly meet with somewhat , either to confirm their faith , or to direct their practice . i have divided the following treatise into 52 sections ; that so taking of one every lord's day , the whole may be gone through once in the year . i have more or less referr'd to scripture-proofs , for every point that i have proposed : and that not only to shew upon what ground i build my answers , but moreover to accustom the pious reader to a better acquaintance with those holy writings . and i have purposely made the sections very short , that so he may not only peruse what i have written ; but may be encouraged thereby , at the same time , diligently to compare it with , and examine it by , the great rule of our faith , the word of god. if by what i have done , i shall minister to the improvement of any good christians in the knowledge of their religion ; but especially to those of my own cure ; i shall think my pains very happily bestow'd . if not , yet at least i shall have this satisfaction , that i have done what in me lay to supply their necessities : and that it must be , in some measure , their own faults , if they shall still continue ignorant of what was needful to have been known by them , in order to their salvation . the principles of the christian religion explain'd : in a brief commentary upon the church-catechism . sect . i. q. from whence is the word catechism derived ? a. from a greek word , which signifies to teach by word of mouth : and therefore it has been used particularly to denote such a kind of instruction , as is made by way of question and answer . q. what is that you call your church-catechism ? a. it is a plain , and summary institution of the principles of the christian religion , set forth by authority , and required to be learned of every person , in order to his being confirm'd by the bishop ; and prepared both for the profitable reading , and hearing of god's word , and for the worthy receiving of the lord's supper . q. what do you look upon to be the proper subject of such an institution ? a. it ought to comprehend all such things as are generally necessary to be known of all persons , in order to their due serving of god here , and to their being saved hereafter . q. what are those things which may be accounted thus necessary to be known by all christians ? a. they may , in general , be reduced to these two heads : viz. the knowledge of the gospel-covenant ; that is to say , of the promises made by god to mankind through our lord jesus christ , and of the conditions upon which we may become partakers of them . and , 2dly , of the means which god has appointed whereby to convey his grace to us ; and thereby both to assist , and confirm us , in the discharge of our duty to him. q. what are the promises which god has made to mankind , through jesus christ ? a. pardon of sins : grace to fulfil our duty in this life : and , upon our sincere performance thereof , everlasting salvation in the life which is to come . q. what are the conditions required of us by god , in order to our being made partakers of these promises ? a. a hearty repentance of our sins past : a sincere endeavour to live according to god's commands for the time to come : and both these made perfect , by a lively faith in god's mercies towards us , through jesus christ , jo. iii. 16 . q. what are the means ordained of god , whereby to convey his grace to us ? a. they are chiefly two : constant prayer to god for it : and a worthy use of the holy sacraments , luk. xi . 13 . mark xvi . 16 . acts ii . 38 . 1 cor. x. 16 . xi . 23 , &c. q. are there not , besides these , some other means ordain'd by god , and necessary to be made use of by us , in order to our salvation ? a. yes there are ; particularly the hearing , reading , and meditating upon his word : the substance of which , tho' it be sufficiently gather'd together , and represented to us in our catechism , yet ought not that to hinder our reading of the holy scriptures , nor to deprive us of any other means of christian instruction ; but rather should be used as a help whereby to render both the reading , and hearing of god's word , more plain and profitable to us. psal. i. 2 . 2 tim. iii. 16 . jo. v. 39 . rom. xv . 4 . q. does your church-catechism sufficiently instruct you in all these ? a. it does : for therein both the nature of the christian covenant is declared to us , and the conditions are set forth on which we may become partakers of it . and we are particularly instructed , both how we ought to pray to god ; and what those sacraments are , which are necessary to be administred unto , and received by all of us. sect . ii. q. what is your name ? a. n. or m. q. who gave you this name ? a. my godfathers , and godmothers , &c. q. what is that name which is here demanded of you ? a. it is my christian name ; therefore so called , because it was given to me by my godfathers , and godmothers , at my baptism . for as from my natural parents i derive the name of my family ; so from those who were my spiritual parents , i take that name which properly belongs to me as a member of christ's church . gen. xvii . 5 , 15. gen. xxi . 3 , 4. luk. i. 59 , 60. luk. ii . 21 . q. whom do you mean by your godfathers and godmothers ? a. i mean those persons who became sureties for me at my baptism : and upon whose promise there made in my name , i was baptized , and so foederally admitted into the communion of christ's church . q. what are the benefits which by your baptism have accrued to you ? a. they are many , and great ones ; but may , in general , be reduced to these three ; that thereby i was made a member of christ , the child of god , and an inheritor of the kingdom of heaven . q. how were you hereby made a member of christ ? a. as i was made a ( a ) member of his mystical body , the church ; of which christ is the ( b ) head. ( a ) 1 cor. xii . 27 . ye are the body of christ , and members in particular . ( b ) ephes. iv . 15 . v. 23 . christ is the head of the church . q. how were you hereby made the child of god ? a. as , by this means , i was taken into covenant with him ; was adopted into his family ; dedicated to his service ; and intituled to his promises . gal. iii. 26 , 27 , ye are all the children of god by faith in jesus christ. for as many of you as have been baptized into christ , have put on christ. — and if ye be christs , then are ye abrahams seed , and heirs according to the promise . see gal. iv . 5 , 7. eph. i. 5 . q. how were you hereby made an inheritor of the kingdom of heaven ? a. as , by my baptism , i became intituled to a right to it ; and was actually put into such a state , that if i be not wanting to my self , i shall not fail of being made partaker of it . tit. iii. 4 , &c. but after that , the kindness and love of god our saviour toward man appeared , not by works of righteousness which we have done , but according to his mercy , he saved us , by the washing of regeneration , and renewing of the holy ghost : — that being justified by his grace , we should be made heirs according to the hope of eternal life . 1 pet. i. 3 , &c. blessed be the god , and father of our lord jesus christ , who according to his abundant mercy , hath begotten us again unto a lively hope , by the resurrection of jesus christ from the dead ; to an inheritance incorruptible , and undefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserved in heaven for vs. q. are all , who are baptized , made partakers thereby of these benefits ? a. they are all , at that time , either made partakers of them , or intituled to them . but those only continue to hold their right to these privileges , who take care to fulfill their part of the covenant which was therein made between god and them. q. have none , but such as are baptized , a right to these benefits ? a. none have a right to them but such as are baptized , or were ready to have been baptized , had they had the opportunity of receiving that holy sacrament . jo. iii. 5 . except a man be born of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven . mark xvi . 16 . he that believeth , and is baptized , shall be saved . sect . iii. q. what did your godfathers , and godmothers then for you ? a. they did promise and uow three things in my name , &c. q. what is the first thing which your godfathers , and godmothers , promised in your name ? a. that i should renounce the devil , and all his works , the pomps , and uanity , of this wicked world , and all the sinful lusts of the flesh. q. what does the renouncing of all these import ? a. it imports an utter forsaking of them : and obliges me not only inwardly to detest them ; but so to watch , and govern all my outward actions , as not to follow , nor be led by them. q. do you think that you shall be able thus to renounce the devil , the world , and your own flesh ? a. so perfectly , as i could wish , i cannot hope to do it in this present life : yet i trust that , by the grace of god , i shall always from my heart detest , and abhor them ; and so order my life , and actions , as not to be drawn into any evil courses by them ; nor even into the actual commission of any very great , and voluntary sins . q. what mean you by the devil ? a. it is the common name given in scripture to those wicked spirits , who having rebelled against god , and being thereupon justly cast off from that glorious state in which they were created by him ; do make it their constant business and endeavour to draw as many of us as they can into the same rebellion , and thereby into the same state of misery with themselves . 1 pet. v. 8 . be sober , be vigilant : because your adversary the devil , as a roaring lion , walketh about , seeking whom he may devour . q. what are the works of the devil , which , together with him , you , at your baptism , promised to renounce ? a. (a) all manner of sin : but chiefly i comprehend , under this first rank , those sins which either more immediately relate to him , or proceed from his suggestions ; (b) such as pride , malice , envy , revenge , murder , lying ; and , above all , witch-craft , and idolatry . q. what is the next enemy which , at your baptism , you promised to renounce ? a. this wicked world , with all the pomps , and uanitiy , of it . q. how is it that you call the world , ( the work of god's hands ) a wicked world ? a. not that it is in its self so , but only to shew how far , and in what respect , i am to renounce it ; namely , in all such cases in which it would draw me into any wickedness , for the sake of any thing which i desire , or enjoy , in it . gal. 1.4 . christ gave himself for our sins , that he might deliver us from this present evil world. 1 john ii . 15 . love not the world , neither the things that are in the world : if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him . q. what do you mean by the pomps , and vanity , of this wicked world ? a. they do most properly denote the vain shew , and magnificence , of such as are great , and rich , in it : but do withal comprehend the riches themselves which minister to these vanities ; together with the covetousness , injustice , oppression , and whatsoever other sins , of the like kind , men commit for the support of their vanity , and to obtain such things as minister only to the pomp , and pride , of life . q. what is the third enemy , which your religion engages you to renounce ? a. the sinful lusts of the flesh. q. what mean you by the word flesh ? a. i mean that natural corruption which dwells in our flesh , and through which we are continually apt either to be led into sin , or to be hindered in our duty . rom. vii . 18.23 . for i know that in me , that is in my flesh , dwelleth no good thing . rom. viii . 13 . therefore , we are debtors not to the flesh , to live after the flesh : for if ye live after the flesh ye shall die ; but if ye , through the spirit , do mortifie the deeds of the body , ye shall live . see gal. v. 16 , 17. q. what do you understand by the sinful lusts of the flesh ? a. those inordinate desires , and inclinations , which proceed from this principle ; and dispose us to those sins which are in a peculiar manner called , in scripture , the works of the flesh : see gal. v. 19 . rom. viii . 13 . coloss. iii. 5 . 1 joh. ii . 16 . q. what was the second thing which your godfathers , and godmothers , promised for you at your baptism ? a. that i should believe all the articles of the christian faith. q. where are those articles to be met with ? a. they are only to be found in , and believed upon the authority of , god's word : yet have been collected into that short summary of our faith , which is commonly called the apostles creed . q. what was the third thing , which your godfathers , and godmothers , promised in your name at your baptism ? a. that i should keep god's holy will and commandments , and walk in the same all the days of my life . q. has there been any such summary collection made of god's commandments , as you say there has been of the principal articles of your christian faith ? a. yes there hath , and that by god himself , in those ten commandments which god deliver'd to the jews heretofore ; exod. xx , and which continue no less to oblige us now . mat. v. 17 , &c. q. dost thou not think that thou art bound , &c. a. yes verily , and by god's help so i will , &c. q. upon what grounds do you think your self obliged to make good what your godfathers , and godmothers , promised for you at your baptism ? a. upon many accounts ; but chiefly because what was then transacted , was not only done in my name , but for my benefit , and advantage : and i must resolve to fulfil what they promised for me , or i shall not receive the blessings , which , in consideration thereof , god was pleased to make over to me . besides that they promised nothing on my behalf , but what it would otherwise have been my duty , as well as interest , to have fulfill'd . q. by what means do you hope you shall be able to fulfil what they promised for you ? a. by the grace of god , which i am assured shall not be wanting to me , if i do but heartily pray to god for it , and take care to use it as i ought to do . luke xi . 13 . if ye being evil know how to give good gifts unto your children , how much more shall your heavenly father give the holy spirit to them that ask him ? q. how are you assured of god's grace to enable you to believe , and to do , what he requires of you ? a. inasmuch as by my baptism i was put into a state of salvation , which i could not have been , were i not thereby secure of whatsoever is needful , on god's part , to be bestow'd upon me , in order to my attaining of salvation , through jesus christ our saviour . rom. i. 16 . the gospel of christ , is the power of god unto salvation to every one that believeth . phil. ii . 13 , 14. work out your own salvation with fear and trembling : for it is god which worketh in you both to will , and to do , of his good pleasure . q. how came you to be called unto such a blessed state as this ? a. only by the mercy of god , and thro' the merits of jesus christ our saviour ; and therefore i do most heartily thank our heavenly father , that he has called me to this state of salvation , through jesus christ our saviour . q. do you think that you shall be able still to go on , and persevere in this state ? a. it is my earnest desire and purpose so to do ; and i trust that by the grace of god , i shall do so . b for which cause , i will never cease to pray unto him for the continuance of his grace ; that so i may be found faithful and sincere in my duty to my lives end. 2 thess. iii. 3 . the lord is faithful , who shall stablish you , and keep you from evil. eph. iv . 30 . grieve not the holy spirit of god , whereby you are sealed unto the day of redemption . phil. 1.6 . being confident of this very thing , that he which hath begun a good work in you , will perform it untill the day of jesus christ. sect . iv. q. but what if notwithstanding all your present desires , and resolutions , you should chance to fall away from your duty ; and thereby put your self out of this state of salvation ; ●s there no way left for you to recover your self , and to return again to it ? a. yes , there is ; by a true repentance for the sins which i shall have committed , and an humble confession of them to god ; with earnest prayer for his forgiveness , through the merits , and intercession , of jesus christ , our blessed saviour and redeemer . q. what mean you by repentance ? a. i mean such a conversion of a sinner to god , whereby he is not only heartily ‖ sorry for the evil he has done , and resolved to forsake it ; † but do's actually begin to renounce it , and to fulfil his duty according to his ability ; with a steadfast purpose to continue god's faithful servant unto his life's end. q. what are the chief acts required to such a repentance ? a. to forsake evil , and to do good : to turn from those sins which we repent of ; and to serve god by an universal obedience of him , in whatsoever he has required of us . q. what is the first step towards a true repentance ? a. to be thoroughly convinced of the evil of our ways , and heartily sorry for it . q. is any kind of sorrow to be look'd upon as a part of true repentance ? a. no ; there is a sorrow for sin which proceeds , not from any love of god , or sense of our duty to him ; nor yet from any real hatred of the sins which we have committed ; but meerly from the fear of god's judgment , and of the punishment which we may be likely to suffer for them . this is that sorrow which is commonly called attrition ; and may be in the most wicked men , without ever bringing them to any true repentance for their sins . q. what then is that sorrow which leads to a true repentance ? a. it is that godly sorrow which proceeds from a sense of our duty , and of the obligations we lie under to the performance of it . when we are sorry for our sins upon the account of our having thereby offended god ; broken the covenant of the gospel ; and grieved the holy spirit which was given to us ; and are therefore resolved immediately to forsake our sins , and never to return any more to them . q. how is such a sorrow to be wrought in a sinner ? a. only by the grace of god , and the serious consideration of our own estate towards him : the former to be attain'd by our constant prayers for it ; the latter , by accustoming our selves often to examine our souls , and to try our ways , by the measures of that obedience which the gospel of christ requires of us . q. do's not god make use of many other ways to bring men to such a sorrow ? a. god has many ways whereby to bring sinners to repentance . sometimes he do's it by bringing some temporal evils , and calamities , upon them : sometimes by visiting them with terrors , and disquiets of mind : sometimes he calls upon them by the outward ministry of his word ; and sometimes by the evils which befal others , especially those who were their companions in their sins . but whatever the occasions be which god is pleased to make use of to bring us to repentance , it is the grace of the holy spirit , and the serious consideration of our own wretched estate , that begins the work , and produces in us that godly sorrow , which finally ends in a true repentance . q. what are the chief motives , with respect to us , to engage us thus to sorrow for our sins ? a. the threats of god , denounced in the holy scriptures , against impenitent sinners ; and the promises there made of pardon to all such as shall truly repent , and return to their duty , as they ought to do . q. what is the next thing required in order to a true repentance ? a. confession of sin : not that god has any need of being informed by us of what we have done amiss ; but to the end we may thereby both raise in our selves a greater shame , and sorrow , for our evil doings ; and give the greater glory to god , by such a solemn humbling of our selves in confession before him . q. is such a confession necessary to our forgiveness . a. so necessary that we have no promise of any pardon without it : prov. xxviii . 13 . he that covereth his sins shall not prosper ; but whoso confesseth and forsaketh them shall have mercy . 1 joh. i. 8 , 9. if we say that we have no sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . if we confess our sins , he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins , and to cleanse us from all vnrighteousness . q. to whom is our confession to be made ? a. always to god ; and in some certain cases to man also . q. what are those cases in which we ought to confess our sins to man , as well as unto god ? a. they are especially these three . 1. i● case we have offended , or injured our neighbour , and upon that account need to obtain hi● pardon , as well as god's . 2. if by any ope● and notorious transgression we shall happe● to have either deserved , or , it may be , to hav● fallen under , the censures of the church ; an● so confession to the church be necessary , to restore us to the peace of it . or , 3. if we shal● have any private reason that may move us to acquaint any person with our sins ; for advice , for prayer , for absolution ; or for any the like advantage , which cannot be had without it . q. what think you of that confession ( commonly called by them auricular-confession ) which the church of rome requires , as necessary to forgiveness ? a. i look upon it as a great and dangerous imposition , that has no warrant from god ; is a great rack and snare to the consciences of good men , and may be apt to encourage most others in their sins : whilst by the absolution , which is so readily given them thereupon ( and the efficacy of which is so highly magnified in that church ) they are taught to entertain a much less opinion both of the heinousness , and danger , of their evil-doings , than either the scripture warrants , or their own interest should prompt them to admit of . q. is there not somewhat yet required , beyond this , in order to our forgiveness ? a. yes there is : for to all this there must be super-added an actual forsaking of those sins which we confess , and that absolute , and without reserve : so that we must firmly resolve , and , as much as in us lies , heartily endeavour , never to return again any more to them . q. but ought there not , beyond all this some satisfaction to be made to god , for the sins which we have committed ? a. yes certainly ; and such there has been made , by our saviour christ , for us ; who has fully satisfied the justice of god in that kind , and left nothing more for us to do , in that behalf . q. what do you then say to those satisfactions , which the church of rome teaches we may , and ought to make , for our sins ? a. that they are built upon a false foundation ; are contrary to the goodness of god , and beyond the capacity of man. q. what is the foundation upon which they are built ? a. it is this ; that when god forgives us our sins , whether upon our own repentance , or by virtue of the priest's absolution ; he remits indeed the fault , and purges away our guilt ; and by this acquits us from the everlasting punishment that would otherwise have been due to them ; but yet still retains us under an obligation to some temporal sufferings , either by satisfactory works to be done for them in this life ; or by undergoing a certain proportion of pain for them after death , in a place which they call purgatory . q. how does it appear that this foundation is false and erroneous ? a. because , in the first place , it is absurd to suppose , that god should forgive the whole guilt of our sins , and yet , having done so , should afterwards punish us for them : and , secondly ; it is injurious to the sufferings and merits of christ , whose death was a sufficient satisfaction for the sins of the whole world ; and has left no room either for god to require , or for us to pay , any thing more . q. does repentance then , if it be sincere , without any thing more , restore us again to our state of grace , and reconcile us to god almighty ? a. if it be sincere , it does , through faith in jesus christ. q. does god allow repentance to all sins ? jo. vi . 29 . act. xiii . 38 . xvi . 30 , 31. 2 pet. i. 5 , &c. a. there is no sin but what true repentance washes away : but there may be some cases in which god may deny us his grace , so that we shall not be able truly to repent . q. what cases are they ? a. they may all be reduced to this one general ; namely , a wilful abuse , and resistance , of the divine grace : whether it be by a long habit of sinning ; or by frequent acting against the dictates of our own consciences , and the motions of god's holy spirit : to say nothing of some sins , which are in an eminent manner destructive of the divine grace , such as pride , covetousness , sensuality ; but especially that sin which is particularly called in scripture , the sin against the holy ghost . q. what is meant by that sin ? a. i suppose it to have been the particular sin of the jews heretofore , in not only obstinately refusing to receive our blessed lord for their messiah , after sufficient proofs given by him to convince them that he was so ; but ascribing those miracles which he wrought in proof of his authority , to the help of the devil , when at the same time they either were abundantly convinced , or , but for their own fault might have been , that he did them by the power of god. mat. xii . 31 . comp. mark iii. 28 . luk. xii . 10 . q. do you look upon this sin to have so wholly belonged to those men , as not to be capable of being committed by any now ? a. that very sin , which in scripture is so called , cannot now be committed , because christ is not now upon earth , nor have we therefore any occasion given us , thus to blaspheme against the holy ghost . yet some sins there are of a like nature , which may still be committed ; and which , being committed , may prove no less dangerous to those who are guilty of them , than that sin did prove to the pharisees heretofore . q. what sins are those , which you suppose to come the nearest to it ? a. apostacy from the christian religion , after having been convinced of the truth , and made partakers of the promises of it . next to that , an apostacy from the truth , and purity of the gospel , for the sake of some worldly fears on the one hand , or present hopes on the other , to the communion of a church , which not only obstinately resists the truth ; but damns , and persecutes , all such as profess it . and , lastly , apostacy to idolatry , which seems to be the sin unto death spoken of by st. john , 1 jo. v. 16 . and for the remission of which he gives us but little encouragement to pray , v. 16 . q. what then do you think of those who go off from the communion of the church of england , to that of the church of rome ? a. as of apostates , and idolaters : to whom god may , by an extraordinary effect of his mercy , give grace for repentance , and so for salvation ; but of whom otherwise , we have no ground of hope . q. do you think such in a more dangerous estate , than those who were from the beginning bred up in the roman communion ? a. i do ; forasmuch as they have both rejected the truth once known , and received by them ; and cast off the way , in which the providence of god had placed them ; and that , it may be , on some base grounds , to be sure , without any sufficient reason to justifie their doing of it . q. what then do you think of those who have always been of the communion of that church ? a. i think them , in general , in much greater danger now , than they were before the reformation : and still those in more danger who have lived among those of the reformed church , and so were in a better capacity of being convinc'd of the errors of their way . but , most of all , do i think the estate of those dangerous , or rather desperate , who are learned , and know their errors ; or are priests , and so called to instruct the people in the purity of christ's religion . the sincere , and ignorant , who want capacity , or want opportunity , to know the truth , i hope god will forgive : the careless , the prejudiced ; but , most of all , the obstinately blind , among them , i neither can acquit , nor do i think that god will forgive them. sect . v. q. what was the second thing which your godfathers , and godmothers , promised in your name ? a. that i should believe all the articles of the christian faith. q. where are those articles to be found ? a. in the holy scriptures ; and particularly those of the new testament . q. what mean you by the holy scriptures ? a. i mean those books , which thro' the assistance of the holy spirit , were written by moses , and the prophets , under the law ; and by the apostles and evangelists of christ , since the publishing of the gospel ; to direct us in the knowledge of god , and of the duty which he requires of us. q. how do you know what books were written by these persons , in order to these ends ? a. by the constant , universal , and undeniable testimony both of the jewish and christian church : from the former of which we have received the scriptures of the old , from the latter those of the new testament . q. how do you know that these books were written by the assistance of the holy spirit ? a. by the authors who wrote them ; who were doubtless no less inspired in what they wrote , than in what they taught , of the gospel of christ. 2. by the design of god in the composing of them ; which was to leave thereby a constant , infallible rule of faith , to the church , in all ages of it . 3. by the opinion which all christians from the time that they were publish'd , have had of them ; and the deference which , upon that account , they have paid to them. and , lastly , by the subject-matter of them , and those internal marks of divine wisdom , and piety , which are so conspicuous in all the parts of them. q. do you look upon these scriptures , as the only , present , rule of your faith ? a. i do : nor is there any other certain foundation , on which to build it . q. what think you of the tradition of the church ? a. could i be sure that any thing , not contain'd in the scriptures , came down by a certain , uninterrupted tradition , from the apostles , i should not except against it . nay , i do therefore receive the holy scriptures , as the rule of my faith , because they have such a tradition to warrant me so to do . but because there is no such tradition for any thing besides , therefore neither do i build my faith upon it : but , on the contrary , do suppose that , by the providence of god , the holy scriptures were purposely written , to prevent those doubts , those forgeries , and deceits , which his infinite wisdom foresaw , an oral tradition would always have been liable unto . q. can the holy scriptures alone make your faith perfect ? a. they can : nor ought i to believe any thing as an article of my faith , which is not to be found in them , or cannot plainly be proved by them. q. what do you think of the church's definitions ? a. that i ought to submit to them in whatsoever they define agreeably to the word of god : but if in any thing they require me to believe what is contrary to the word of god , or cannot be proved thereby ; i ought absolutely to reject the one , and am under no obligation to receive the other . q. but is not this to make your self wiser than the church ? a. no , by no means ; but only to make the word of god , of more authority with me than the word of man : whilst i chuse rather to regulate my faith by what god has deliver'd , than by what man defines . q. are the holy scriptures so plain , and easy to be understood , that every one may be able to judge for himself what he ought to believe ? a. in matters of necessary belief , they are very plain , even to the most ordinary christian : yet we do not deny but that every man ought to hear the church ; and attend to the instructions of those who are the pastors of it . only we say , that neither the church , nor its pastors , ought to teach any thing as an article of faith ; or require any man's assent to it , as such , that cannot be shewn to have been either expresly deliver'd in the word of god ; or , by a plain and necessary consequence , be proved thereby . q. but how shall the unlearned be able to know what the scriptures propose ; seeing they are written in a language which such persons do not understand ? a. by reading them in their own vulgar tongue , into which every church has , or ought to have them faithfully translated , for the benefit of those who do not understand the languages in which they were composed . q. do you then think that the people ought to be suffered promiscuously to read the holy scriptures ? a. who shall forbid them to read what was purposely designed by god for their instruction ? the scriptures are as much the voice of the apostles , and evangelists , to us of these times , as their preaching was to those of the age in which they lived . and it may , with as good reason , be ask'd , whether we think the people ought to have been promiscuously suffer'd heretofore to hear the apostles preach ; as whether they ought to be suffer'd promiscuously to read their writings now. q. but amidst so many things as the holy scriptures deliver , how shall the people be able to judge what is necessary to be believed by them ? a. let them believe all they meet with there , and then to be sure they will believe all that is necessary . but for the sake of those who either want ability to read , or capacity to judge , what is most necessary , in point of faith , to be known , and profess'd by them ; the * church has , from the beginning , collected it into a short summary ; which every person , of old , was required both to know , and assent to , before he was admitted into the communion of it . q. what is that summary of which you speak , and which you account to comprehend all the most necessary articles of our christian faith ? a. it is commonly called the apostles creed : not that the apostles themselves composed it ; ( at least not in the very form in which we now have it ; ) but because it seems to come the nearest , of any , to the apostles times ; and does , with the greatest simplicity of expression , comprehend a short summary of the apostles doctrine . q. what mean you by the word creed ? a. it is the same in latine , as belief in english : and it is so called in both from the first words of it , i believe ; and which in sense , though not in expression , run through every article of it . sect . vi. q. rehearse the articles of your belief . a. i believe in god the father almighty , &c. q. you said that those words i believe , were not only the first words of your creed , but the most material ; as running , in effect , through every branch of it . tell me , therefore , what do you mean when you say , i believe ? a. to believe , in the general , is to assent to the truth of any thing , upon the sole authority of the person who delivers it : who , if he be a man only , the assent which i give to what he says , produces in me a humane faith ; if , as here , he be god , then the assent which i give to what is deliver'd by him , is properly a divine faith. q. what is the difference , with respect to us , between these two ? a. it is very great : for because a man , though never so wise , and careful himself , may yet not be honest , and so impose upon me : or should he be never so upright , may yet , after all his care , be mistaken himself , and thereby lead me into errour ; therefore in assenting to what such a one proposes , i can at the most give but such a belief to it , as is suitable to a meer humane testimony . i may believe what he says to be true , but yet so as not to exclude a possibility of its being otherwise . whereas god being neither capable of being deceived himself , nor of imposing upon any other ; when i give my assent to what he has revealed , i do it not only with a certain assurance that what i believe is true , but with an absolute security , that it cannot possibly be false . q. but why do you say , i believe , and not we believe ; as when you pray , you say , ovr father , & c ? a. because though one man may pray , yet one man cannot believe for another . and however in charity i may suppose every christian to believe what is here delivered ; yet since 't is certain there are many infidels , and hypocrites , scatter'd up and down among the faithful , and i cannot certainly distinguish who are indeed believers , and who not ; neither can i , with an assurance of faith , say , we believe , because i cannot certainly tell , whether another man does truly believe these articles or no. besides , that this creed being intended to be the form , upon the confession whereof , persons should be admitted to baptism ; and in that case , every one was to make a distinct profession of his faith , in order thereunto ; it was fitting the creed its self should be penn'd after such a manner , as was most proper for the main end for which it was compos'd . q. are all the things contain'd in this creed to be proved by divine revelation ? a. they are all plainly deliver'd to us in the holy scriptures ; which being confessed by all christians to be the word of god , what is deliver'd by them , must be look'd upon to be delivered to us by god himself . q. what are the general parts of which this creed does consist ? a. they are these four : first , it shews us what is most needful to be believ'd , and professed by us , concerning god the father : secondly , concerning our lord jesus christ : thirdly , concerning the holy ghost : and fourthly , concerning the church of christ ; its duties and privileges here , and the blessings and glory which god has prepared for it hereafter . q. do you think it necessary not only to believe all these things , but also , upon occasion , to profess the belief of them . a. i do think it necessary , whenever our duty to god ; or the edification of our neighbour ; or the honour of our religion , shall require it of me. mat. x. 32 . whosoever shall confess me before men , him will i confess also before my father which is in heaven . but whosoever shall deny me before men , him will i also deny before my father which is in heaven . rom. x. 9 . if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord jesus , and shalt believe in thy heart , that god hath raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved . for with the heart man believeth unto righteousness ; and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation . see 1 pet. iii. 14 . sect . vii . q. what is the first article of your creed ? a. i believe in god the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth . q. what is god ? a. he is an eternal , infinite , incomprehensible spirit ; immortal , invisible ; most perfect himself , and the giver of all perfection , to all other things . q. how do you profess to believe in god ? a. i do firmly believe that there is such a being as god , heb. xi . 6 . and that there is but one such being ; so that besides him there neither is , nor can be , any other . 1 cor. viii . 4.6 . we know that there is none other god but one : — to us there is but one god the father . isaiah xlv . 5 , 6. i am the lord , and there is none else ; there is no god besides me : i am the lord , and there is none else . q. upon what account do you give to god the title of father ? a. upon several accounts , but chiefly on these two : 1. with respect to our lord jesus christ , whom , in the next article , we profess to be his son : and , secondly , as he may also be accounted our father . 2 cor. i. 3 . blessed be god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. see joh. x. 25 , 29 , &c. q. how do you believe god to be our father ? a. by right of creation ; so he is the father of all mankind : 1 cor. viii . 5 . to vs , there is but one god the father , of whom are all things . by right of adoption ; so he is the father of us christians in particular . eph. i. 3 , 5. blessed be the god , and father of our lord jesus christ — who hath predestinated vs unto the adoption of children , by jesus christ , to himself . q. what do you mean by the attribute of almighty ? a. i mean two things : ( 1 st ) that god has a right of absolute power , and dominion , over all the world. dan. iv . 34 . his dominion is an everlasting dominion , and his kingdom is from generation to generation . and ( 2 dly ) that he has an infinite power of action ; so that he can do all things , and with him nothing is impossible . mat. xix . 26 . q. can god then do all things ? a. he can do all things that are not either simply impossible to be done , as implying a contradiction : or else contrary to his goodness , and perfection , to do ; as to sin ; to be ignorant ; and the like . q. by what act especially has god manifested himself to be almighty ? a. by making the heaven , and the earth . q. what do you understand by that expression , the heaven , and the earth ? a. i comprehend under it all things that ever were made ; visible , and invisible ; as being all made , and created by god. q. how did god make all these ? a. after two different manners . some he produced by an immediate creation : thus were the angels form'd , and the spirits of men ; and thus was that first matter produced , of which moses speaks , gen. i. 1 . that in the beginning god created the heaven , and the earth . to the other parts of the creation he gave being , by forming them out of an antecedent matter : so he made this visible world , as we read , gen. i. q. by whom did god make the world. a. by his son ; sometimes call'd the word : job . i. 3 . all things were made by him , and without him was not any thing made that was made . and again , vii . 10 . the world was made by him. q. was this son , the same jesvs , who afterwards came into the world , to publish the gospel , and die for us ? a. so the scriptures expresly tell us : heb. i. 1 , 2. god , who at sundry times , and in divers manners , spake in time past unto the fathers by the prophets , hath in these last days spoken unto vs by his son ; by whom also he made the worlds . and st. paul , speaking of him , in whom we have redemption through his blood , even the forgiveness of sins ; col. i. 14 . tells us , ver. 16. that by him were all things created , that are in heaven , and that are in earth , visible and invisible ; whether they be thrones , or dominions , or principalities , or powers , all things were created by him , and for him ; and he is before all things , and by him all things consist . q. is there any thing more comprehended in this article , with relation to god the father ? a. this only ; that as god , at the beginning , thus created all things ; so having created them , he has ever since continued to support and preserve them . heb. i. 3 . and that so particularly , that there is not the least thing in the world , to which his providence does not extend it self . mat. vi . 26.30 . x. 29 , 30. q. how do you profess to believe all this of god ? a. because though some part of it might have been discover'd by natural reason , and accordingly was found out by the wiser heathens ; yet the full , and perfect knowledge of all this , is due to revelation : and by the accounts we have of these things in the holy scriptures , we both more clearly understand them , and are more firmly perswaded of the truth of them. sect . viii . q. what does the second part of your creed contain ? a. it contains a short summary of all such things as are necessary to be known , and believed by us , concerning our lord and saviour jesvs christ . q. how is he here described to us ? a. by his person ; his office ; his relation to god , and to vs. and in iesus christ , his only son , our lord. q. how is his person set out , in this article , to us ? a. by the name which he went by whilst he was upon earth ; jesvs . q. how came our saviour to be called by that name ? a. he was so called by the express command of god , deliver'd by an angel ; first to the blessed virgin , luk. i. 31 . and then to joseph . mat. i. 21 . q. is there any particular significancy in that name , that should move god , in such an extraordinary manner , to give it to him ? a. there is : for it denotes a saviour ; and was given by god to our blessed lord to shew , that he was to be the saviour of the world ; and that no other was to be so : mat. i. 21 . thou shalt call his name jesus , for he shall save his people from their sins . acts iv . 12 . neither is there salvation in any other ; for there is none other name under heaven given among men , whereby we must be saved . q. how was this jesus to save the world ? a. by delivering us both from the power , and from the punishment of our sins ; and by putting us in a way of attaining unto everlasting salvation . tit. ii . 11 , &c. rom. vi . 4 , 5 , &c. q. what is the title given to our blessed lord , with respect to his office ? q. he is called christ ; which is the same in greek , that messias is in hebrew , or syriac : and is as much as to say , the anointed . joh. i. 41 . we have found the messias , which is being interpreted , ‖ the christ. joh. iv . 25 . i know that messias cometh , which is called christ. q. why had our saviour this title given to him ? a. to shew , that as by the ceremony of anointing heretofore , god consecrated those whom he called to some certain offices ; so was this jesus to be separated , though not by a visible vnction , yet by the invisible power , and grace of the holy spirit , for all those offices , to which men were anointed , by god's command , under the law. act. x. 38 . god anointed jesus of nazareth , with the holy ghost , and with power . q. what were those offices , to which men were consecrated , by the ceremony of anointing , under the law ? a. they were chiefly three ; to the office of a prophet , a priest , and a king. q. was our saviour to be consecrated to all these ? a. he was ; and that by express prophecies , before his coming into the world. see psal. xlv . cx . deut. xviii . 15 , 18 , &c. isa. ix . 6 . lxi . 1 . q. how did god anoint him to these offices ? a. the holy ghost came upon him ; and god , by a voice from heaven , declared him to be his son , and commanded all the world to hear him : mat. iii. 16 , 17. and he received the spirit without measure , for the discharge of all of them. joh. iii. 34 . q. you say , that god before prophesy'd of such a christ ; did the jews know that he had done so ? a. yes ; and at that very time that christ came into the world , they generally expected the coming of him. mat. xi . 2 . joh. iv . 25 . vii . 31 . luke iii. 15 . q. how then came it to pass , that they did not more readily receive him ? a. because they had flatter'd themselves with the expectation of a temporal prince ; who should deliver them from their enemies , and restore again the kingdom unto israel : and therefore they could not bear the disappointment of receiving such a messias , as our saviour professed himself to be . luke xxiv . 21 . act. i. 6 . q. what security have we , that this was indeed the messias , of whom moses , and the prophets spake ? a. the greatest that can be imagin'd . ( a ) he came at the exact time that the messias was to come . ( a ) gen. xlix . 10 . malach. iii. 1 . dan. ix . 25 ▪ 26. (b) he descended of the tribe out of which the messiah was to proceed . gen. xlix . 9 , 10. isa. xi . 1 , 10. comp . mat. i. luk. iii. (c) he was born at the place where the messias was to be born . mich. v. 2 . mat. ii . 1 . he was conceived of a virgin , as the messias was to be conceived . isa. vii . 14 . mat. i. 25 . luk. i. 27 , 34. besides all which , he had such extraordinary witness born to him , as is not to be gain-said . god raised up a singular fore-runner to prepare the way for him . being come into the world , he own'd him , by a voice from heaven , to be his son : mat. iii. 17 . he himself wrought such miracles , as no one ever did : joh. vii . 31 . ‖ he empower'd his disciples to work the same miracles in his name , and for the confirmation of his authority . mat. x. 7 , 8. mark xvi . 17 , 18. being put to death at the instigation of the jews , he was by god raised again the third day from the dead ; and , in the presence of his disciples , visibly taken up into heaven , where he now sitteth at the right-hand of god. acts i. 3 , 9. q. you said that jesus was called christ , because he was to be consecrated by the holy ghost to the several offices , to which men were anointed under the law : tell me therefore , how does it appear that this christ was a prophet ? a. it is manifest that he exercised all the parts of the prophetick office. he foretold things to come . jo. ii . 19 . mat. xvii . 22 , 23. xxiv . 2 , &c. he declared god's will to the world : and he commission'd his disciples , to go and publish the same doctrine of salvation to all mankind . mat. xxviii . 19 , 20. mar. xvi . 15 . q. how do you believe christ to have been a priest , seeing he was not descended of a priestly tribe , or family . heb. vii . 14 . a. as the scriptures teach me to believe : i believe him to have been a priest not according to the legal institution ; but of another , and more ancient kind : after the order of melchisedeck . psal. cx . 4 . heb. v. 10 . vi . 20 . vii . 14 , &c. q. what is the order of which you speak ? a. it is evident that when god chose the tribe of levi , and the family of aaron , to minister unto him under the law , he took them instead of the first-born of every tribe , and family , who , by virtue of their birth-right , had the priesthood belonging to them . exod. xix . 22 . xxiv . 5 . now melchisedeck living before this was done , was a priest by that ancient right , and not according to the law. but then besides this , he was a king too ; and so the high-priest over his people . now such a priest , and prince together , was christ over his church . heb. vii . 1 , 2. again : of melchisedeck we know not either who went before him , or who succeeded him in these offices . so that his priesthood , as to us , was a solitary priesthood , in which as he succeeded none , so neither does it appear that any succeeded him. and such also is the priesthood of christ : there was never any such high-priest before , nor shall there ever rise up any like him . heb. vii . 3 , 6. — 23 , 24. q. wherein did he exercise this office ? a. in all the parts of the priestly function : he offer'd up himself a sacrifice for our sins . heb. vii . 27 . ix . 12 , 26 , 28. having done this , he ascended into heaven , there to appear in the presence of god for vs , heb. ix . 12 , 24. and he blesseth us , not only by delivering us hereby from the punishment of our sins , but by sanctifying our souls ; and so freeing us , in great measure , even from the present power of them. heb. ix . 14 . x. 10 , 14 , 16 , 17. q. how does it appear that our lord was not only a prophet , and a priest , but a king also ? a. the scripture expresly calls him so : jo. xii . 15 . xviii . 37 . and that authority which he has all along exercised over his church , proves him to have been so . q. what is that authority ? a. while he was yet upon earth , he gave laws unto his church , for the regulation of the lives and actions of those who should become members of it . mat. vii . 24 , 26. these laws he establish'd with the royal sanction of rewards and punishments : mat. vii . 19 , 21. he settled a ministry , for the conduct of his church under him : jo. xx . 21 , 22 , 23. he rules in the hearts of the faithful , by his spirit . he has already begun to subdue our enemies , sin , the devil , and death : and he will hereafter utterly destroy them . 1 cor. xv . 24 , 25 , 26. he now sits , in full power , at the right-hand of god , interceeding for us : and , at the end of the world , he will descend from thence with glory , to judge the world , and so put in execution his promises , and threatnings ; by infinitely rewarding those who shall be found to have observed his laws ; and exceedingly punishing those who shall have broken them : mat. xxv . 31 , &c. sect . ix . q. what is that relation which christ is here said to have to god ? a. he is his only son. q. in what respect do you believe christ to be the son of god ? a. he is called so in the holy scriptures upon several accounts : * as he was conceived by the holy ghost of the virgin mary : luk. i. 45 . * as he was anointed by the holy ghost to the office of the messiah : jo. x. 34 . * as he was begotten again of god when he raised him from the dead : act. xiii . 33 . rom. i. 4 . and , lastly , * as being raised from the dead , he was made by god the heir of all things . heb. i. 3 . q. in which of these respects do you here profess to believe , that jesus christ is the only son of god ? a. precisely speaking , in none of them all ; though yet i acknowledge the most of them to be so proper to him , as not to be capable of being applied to any other . but when i here profess christ to be god's only son , i do it upon a much higher , and more excellent foundation ; namely , upon the account of his eternal generation , and that communication which god the father thereby made of the divine nature to him. q. do you then look upon christ to have been made by god partaker of the divine nature ; and so , to have been from all eternity , god , together with him ? a. if i believe the scriptures to give a true account of the nature of christ , so i must believe : for i find the same evidences in them of the godhead of christ , that i do of that of the father . q. what be those evidences ? a. first , they give the name of god to him ; and that in such a manner as plainly shews it is to be understood , in its most proper import , and signification . jo. i. 1 . xx . 28 . rom. ix . 5 . 1 tim. iii. 16 . 1 jo. v. 20 . phil. ii . 6 . secondly , they ascribe the most proper , and incommunicable attributes , of god to him. such as omnipotence ; jo. v. 17 . rev. i. 8 . xi . 17 . omniscience : jo. xvi . 30 . xxi . 17 . luk. vi . 8 . comp . jo. ii . 24 . rev. ii . 23 . immensity : jo. iii. 13 . mat. xviii . 20 . xxviii . 20 . jo. iii. 13 . immutability : heb. i. 11 , 12. xiii . 8 . and even eternity it self : rev. i. 8 , 17. xxii . 13 . prov. viii . 22 . mich. v. 2 . isa. ix . 5 . to him , thirdly , they ascribe such works , as can belong to none that is not god. the creation of the world : jo. i. 3 , 10. col. i. 16 . heb. i. 2 , 10. the preservation of it : heb. i. 3 . miracles : jo. v. 21 , 36. vi . 40 . the mission of the holy ghost : jo. xvi . 7 , 14. xiii . 26 . and , in short , all the works of grace , and regeneration : jo. v. 21 . x. 16 . xiii . 18 . act. xvii . 31 . xx . 28 . eph. v. 26 , &c. add to this , fourthly , that he is there shewn to be honoured as god : jo. v. 23 . heb. 1.6 . prayer fs made to him : act. vii . 59 . 1 cor. i. 2 . faith , and hope are directed to be put in him : jo. xiv . 1 . psal. ii . 12 . praises and thanksgivings are given to him. jo. xiv . 1 . rev. iii. 5 . glory , and honour , are rendred to him. rev. v. 13 . compare iv . 11 . and no wonder ; since , lastly , the nature of god is therein also expresly ascribed to him : heb. i. 3 . phil. ii . 6 . col. ii . 9 . compare col. i. 15 , 19. q. but if christ , therefore , be god , as well as the father , how can he be called the son of god ? a. because he received his divine nature from the father ; who is the beginning , and root , of the divinity ; and has communicated his own essence to christ : who , therefore , though he has the same nature , and so , in that , is equal with the father ; yet is he in order after him ; as being god of god. q. how does it appear that christ received his divine nature from the father ? a. it can only be known by that revelation which god has made of it in the holy scriptures : where he is , for this reason , said to be the brightness of his glory , and the express image of his person , heb. i. 3 . the image of the invisible god : col. i. 15 . 2 cor. iv . 4 . to be from god : jo vii . 29 . to have life from the father : jo. v. 26 . and the like . and upon this account it is , that our saviour himself says , that the father is greater than he : jo. xiv . 28 . that he can do nothing of himself , but what he seeth the father do : jo. v. 18 , 19. or if this be not yet plain enough ; they tell us farther , in express terms , that he is the begotten , and the only begotten , son of the father , jo. i. 14 , 18. iii. 16 , 18. heb xi . 17 . 1 jo. iv . 9 . v. 1 . q. but will not this make the holy ghost , as much god's son , as christ ? and how then is christ his only son ? a. in matters of this kind , which are so far above our capacities , and of which we know nothing , but what god has been pleased to reveal to us , we must speak , as god , in his word , has taught us to speak . now the scriptures no where call the holy ghost , the son of god ; nor god , the father of the holy ghost : and therefore though we know not what the precise difference is , yet because the proper act of a father is to beget ; we say that christ received his divine nature from god by generation ; but of the holy ghost we say , as the scriptures do , that he proceedeth from the father : jo. xv . 26 . and is the spirit not of the father only , but of the son also . gal. iv . 6 . rom. viii . 9 . phil. i 19. 1 pet. i. 11 . q. what is the last respect in which our saviour is here represented to us ? a. his relation to vs : ovr lord . eph. iv . 5 . 1 cor. viii . 5 . rev. x. 6 . q. how is christ ovr lord ? a. as he is god , together with the father ; and as by him god created the world ; so has he the same original right of dominion with him , and is lord of all his creatures . q. is there not some other ground for this title , and which restrains it in a particular manner to mankind ? a. yes , there is : inasmuch as by his coming into the world , and dying for us , he redeemed us from death , and so became our lord , by virtue of that purchase which thereby he made of us. q. when did christ begin , in this respect , to be our lord ? a. he entred , in part , upon this authority before his death , though not without respect to his dying for us : as is evident from his publishing his gospel ; abrogating the law ; and setting out the conditions of life and death to mankind . hence , before his death , he asserted to himself the power to forgive sins : mat. ix . 2 , 6. but the full exercise of his dominion , he entred not upon till after his resurrection ; when , as himself declared to his apostles , mat. xxviii . 18 . all power in heaven and earth was given unto him. see eph. i. 20 , 21. q. how long will christ continue , in this respect , to be our lord ? a. christ will continue to be our lord for ever ; and of his kingdom there shall be no end : luk. i 32 , 33. but then as the subject matter of a great part of that authority which he now exercises over his church , is proper only to the present state of it , and will determine at the day of judgment ; so will all the farther exercise of such authority cease together with it . christ , as mediator , must reign , till he has put all his enemies under his feet ; till sin , death , the devil , and all wicked men , shall be destroy'd ; and all his faithful servants , be delivered from the power of them . psal. cx . 1 . 1 cor. xv . 25 . but that being done , christ will deliver up this authority , to god , even the father : 1 cor. xv . 24 . nevertheless , still , as god-man , he will continue to reign with , and over , his saints , to all eternity , in heaven : and so make good what daniel foretold concerning him , dan. vii . 14 . that his dominion is an everlasting dominion ; which shall not pass away ; and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed . sect . x. q. what does your creed teach you farther to believe concerning our lord jesus christ ; in the following articles which relate to him ? a. all such matters as are necessary to be known , and believed by us , with relation to the great work of our redemption , which was accomplish'd by him. q. by what means did christ accomplish the redemption of mankind ? a. by giving up himself to the death upon the cross for us. 1 pet. i. 18 , 19. q. how could christ , whom you believe to be god , die ? a. he took upon him our nature , he became man , like unto one of us ; and being found in fashion as a man , he yielded up himself to death , even the death of the cross for us : phil. ii . 7 , 8. act. xx . 28 . q. after what manner was christ made man ? a. not by the conversion of his divine nature into the humane ; nor by any confounding of the two natures together : but by vniting our humane nature to his divine ; after a singular manner , and such as cannot be perfectly express'd by us. q. were then two distinct natures , the divine and humane , vnited together in christ ? a. yes , there were : and that in such wise as to make the same jesus christ , by the distinction of the two natures , in the vnity of the same person ; become truly , and really , at once , both god , and man. q. how was christ made man ? a. he was conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the uirgin mary . q. how could christ be conceived by the holy ghost ? a. not by the communication of any part of his own substance to him ; but as that blessed spirit set nature on work , and took away the need of any human concurrence to his production : and as , having thus prepared a body for him , of the substance of the virgin ; he breathed into it a most perfect , reasonable soul. q. wherefore was it needful for the holy ghost to do this ? a. both for the honour , and purity of our blessed saviour : † that so he might come into the world free from all tincture of sin : * and also , that by the extraordinariness of his birth , he might fulfil the prophecies , which god had before deliver'd concerning it . q. how was christ born of the virgin mary ? a. the substance of his body , was derived from that of the blessed virgin : he grew in her womb ; and at the full time of her delivery , she brought him into the world : and upon all these accounts , she was as much his mother , as any other woman is mother of the child that is born by her. q. had our saviour then a real body , like unto one of us ? a. he had both a real humane body , luke xxiv . 39 . 1 jo. iv . 2 , 3 and rational soul ; mat. xxvi . 28 . luk. xxiii . 46 . and was in all things like unto us , only without sin. heb. ii . 17 . iv . 15 . q. wherefore do you give the title of virgin , to the mother of our lord ? a. to testify our belief , that in the production of our saviour she had no knowledge of any man , but was at once a mother , and a virgin : not to determine any thing of her condition afterwards ; though we piously suppose , and it has been generally received , that she still continued , as she then was , a virgin. q. should not this relation of the blessed virgin to our saviour , oblige us to pay a more than ordinary respect to her ? a. no doubt it should : and therefore it will become us always to mention her with honour ; to imitate her vertues ; and to give thanks to god , for that extraordinary favour which he was pleased , to bestow upon her , that she should be the mother of our lord. luke . i. 48 . q. what think you of that worship , which , upon this account , is paid to her , in the church of rome ? a. as of the grossest idolatry that , it may be , was ever committed in the world : such as no good christian can think of without horrour ; nor any one partake of , without the hazard of his salvation . q. what is that worship , of which you speak such hard things ? a. it is the most proper worship of god. * they pray to her in all their religious service : * they put their trust in her : they rely upon her for * grace , and * salvation : * they consecrate particular offices of devotion to her : * they erect societies to her honour : * they depend more on her mercies , than christs ; and * recur much oftner to her , than to him , for pardon , and forgiveness . sect . xi . q. you said , that the end of christ's being born of the virgin mary , was , that he might thereby be in a capacity of dying for us : tell me , therefore , how did christ do this ? a. he suffer'd under pontius pilate ; was crucified , dead , and buried . q. who was pontius pilate ? a. he was governor of judaea , under tiberius the roman emperor , at the time of christ's death ; and condemn'd our saviour to be crucified . q. why do you take notice of the person under whom christ suffer'd ? a. for several reasons . 1. to fix the time of his suffering , which had been particularly foretold by the prophet daniel , 490 years before it came to pass . 2. to shew that at that time the sceptre was departed from judah , and so the time of jacob's prophecy , concerning the coming of the messiah , accomplish'd . and , 3. to account for the manner of christ's death ; which was also extraordinary , and foretold by the prophets : crucifixion being not a jewish , but a roman , kind of punishment . q. how came pontius pilate to condemn our saviour to this death ? a. he did it to satisfy the importunity of the jews , after having plainly declared , that he was not worthy to die . mat. xxvii . 24 . luk. xxiii . 14 , 15. . q. what do you observe from this ? a. the same which the providence of god evidently design'd to declare by it ; viz. that christ suffered for our sins , not for any evil that himself had done . q. did christ suffer any thing before his crucifixion ; that you say , first , he suffer'd ; and then that he was crucified ? a. yes , (a) very much : he was betray'd by one of his own apostles , was deny'd by another ; * was forsaken by them all. ‖ he was accused as a rebel , and false-prophet by the jews ; † was evil-intreated by the souldiers ; hurried from the chief priests to pilate ; thence to herod ; from him back to pilate again . he was blind-folded ; buffeted ; scourged ; crown'd with thorns ; spit upon : he carry'd his own cross through the city : and besides all this , underwent that inward grief , and anguish of mind in the garden , which much surpass'd all that he endured upon mount calvary . mat. xxvi . 37 , 38. mar. xiv . 33 , 34. q. wherefore was christ crucified ? a. to fulfil both the types , and prophecies , concerning his death . gen. xxii . 6 . numb . xxi . 9 . comp . jo. iii. 14 . psal. xxii . 17 . zach. xii . 10 . and , in the next place , to deliver us from the curse of the law , by making himself a curse for vs. gal. iii. 13 . q. how did christ suffer all this ? a. only in his * humane nature : his body bore all the inflictions of the jews , and souldiers , without : his soul was the seat of all his fears , and horrours , and pains , which he felt within . the † divine nature only gave worth , and value , to what the humane bore . the same person was god , and man , who underwent all this : but the man only suffer'd ; the divine nature , neither did , nor could suffer any thing . q. wherefore to his being crucified , do you add , that he died ? a. because though crucifixion 〈◊〉 was capital punishment , and extended unto death , yet it was not necessarily , in its self , mortal . so that christ might have been crucified , and yet for all that , not have died. q. was it necessary to our redemption , that christ should die ? a. it was : for the wages of sin is death : rom. vi . 23 . and without shedding of bloud there could be no remission : heb. ix . 22 . and therefore we could not have been deliver'd from death , on any other terms , than by christ's dying in our stead . whereas by dying , he has made a full satisfaction for our sins ; has taken away the sting of death ; and conquer'd him who had the power of death , that is , the devil . heb. ii . 14 . ix.x. rom. v. 6 , 8. 1 cor. xv . 55 , 57. q. how was christ's body disposed of , after he was dead ? a. it was decently , and honourably buried , by joseph of arimathea , and nicodemus , principal men among the jews ; and that according to the prophecies of god to that purpose . mat. xxvii . 60 . mar. xv . 46 . jo. xix . 38 , &c. comp . psal. xvi . 9 . isa. liii . 7 , 8. q. what became of his soul , while his body lay in the grave ? a. he therein descended into hell. psal. xvi . 10 . act. ii . 31 . q. what does the word hell signify ? a. it is diversly used in the holy scriptures . sometimes it signifies the (a) grave : (b) sometimes the state of the dead : and sometimes ( especially in the new testament ) it denotes the (c) place of the damned , wherein they are to be tormented for ever and ever . q. in which of these significations do you here understand it ? a. in the first it cannot be taken : for of the burial of christ's body there was mention before ; and a soul cannot go into the grave . neither can it be taken in the last ; for christ finished all his sufferings on the cross : jo. xix . 30 . and had nothing to undergo in the place of torments . q. but might not christ descend thither , to triumph over the devil in his own place ? or to deliver from thence , all such as should there believe in him ? a. something of this , i confess , has been suggested ; but without any sufficient arguments to support it . q. what then do you take to be the true meaning of this article ? a. it is evident that it must refer to the place whither christ's soul went in its state of separation : acts ii . 31 . now what that place was , seems clearly pointed out to us in the holy scriptures . for , first , our blessed saviour promised the penitent thief , but a little before his death , that that day he should be with him in paradise : luk. xxiii . 43 . and , secondly , as he was expiring , he gave up the ghost , with these words , father , into thy hands i commend my spirit . christ therefore having now finish'd his passion , expired upon the cross. his body was laid in the sepulchre ; his spirit return'd unto god that gave it ; and together with the soul of the penitent thief , was carry'd by the holy angels into paradise , where the souls of the righteous rest till the day of the resurrection . and from thence it return'd on the third day , and was again reunited to its body , as ours also shall be , at the day of judgment . q. what is your opinion of the limbus patrum , or prison , in which those of the church of rome suppose the souls of holy men , who dyed before the time of christ , to be shut up : and to deliver whom , they say , our saviour now went down thither ? a. as of a meer fiction , for which there is not the least ground in scripture , ‖ but much to the contrary ; and fit to keep company with their other dream of purgatory since . sect . xii . q. was christ to continue always under the power of death ? a. no , but the contrary was foretold concerning him : that god would not leave his soul in hell , nor suffer his holy one to see corruption . psal xvi . 10 . acts ii . 31 . q. how was he deliver'd from the power of the grave ? a. he rose again the third day from the dead . q. how do you understand these words ? a. that upon the third day after his death , his soul and body , which had been separated from one another , were , by the mighty power of god , brought together again , and vitally united to one another . and so the same jesus who was dead , became again alive ; or , as it is in my creed , rose again the third day from the dead . q. did christ raise himself from the dead ? a. i before said , that he was raised by the mighty power of god : nor could any thing less than a divine power have done it : eph. i. 19 , 20. yet as christ was god , as well as man , so he did also , upon that account , concur to his own resurrection . and thus the scripture tells us , jo. ii . 19 . destroy this temple ( says christ to the jews ) and in three days i will raise it up . jo. x. 17 , 18. therefore doth my father love me , because i lay down my life that i may take it up again . no man taketh it from me , but i lay it down of my self : i have power to lay it down , and i have power to take it again . which is also , by the way , another evident argument to prove that christ is god. q. how does it appear that he did thus rise from the dead ? a. by the testimony of those who were eye-witnesses of it : and saw him first cruelly put to death , and afterwards beheld him alive again . q. are the persons who give testimony hereunto , such as may be securely rely'd upon , in a matter of this moment ? a. they are : for , first , we have the testimony of his most bitter enemies , as well as of his friends , to prove his death : mar. xv . 39 , 44 , 45. mat. xxvii . 62 , &c. nor will the sufferings which he underwent , permit us to doubt of it : jo. xix . 33 , 34. and , secondly , as for his being alive after ; the jews , who set a guard upon his sepulchre , on purpose to prevent his being stollen away , and the pretence of his resurrection , which they were afraid his disciples had design'd to raise thereupon , yet could not deny , but that in despight of all their care , he was gone out of the sepulchre ; and what was become of him they could not tell . mat. xxvii . 62 , &c. xxviii . 11 , &c. q. but what positive witness have you , of his being alive after his crucifixion ? a. we have the † witness of his * apostles ; of his * disciples ; of above * five hundred persons , who saw him , and conversed with him ; and many of which died for the testimony which they gave unto it : none ever went back from it . we have besides this , the witness * of ‖ angels : the witness * of a (a) persecutor , by this very assurance converted into an apostle . and , lastly , the witness * of (b) god himself ; who , without all dispute , enabled the first preachers of this very article to work wonderful miracles , in confirmation of it ; and thereby as effectually , as could be desired , gave his own evidence to the truth of it . q. why do you add the circumstance of the time of his resurrection ; that he rose the third day ? a. to shew that he rose according to the types , and prophecies , that had gone before concerning him ; and upon the very day that he himself had foretold he would rise . jon. i. 17 . ii . 10 . compare mat. xii . 38 . — mat. xvi . 21 . jo. ii . 19 , 20. q. how does it appear that it was the third day on which he rose ? a. * he suffer'd on the sixth day , being our friday , between nine and twelve a clock in the morning : † he rose on the first , commonly called , our sunday morning after ; and so was dead , part of friday ; all saturday ; and part of sunday . for the jews computed the day from the evening ; and so saturday night , six a clock , the first day of the week , according to them , began . q. was there any thing remarkable in the day on which he rose ? a. it was the day on which god had before designed he should rise . and therefore , on this day , the sheaf of the first-fruits , by which their harvest was to be consecrated , was lifted up before god , among the jews ; lev. xxiii . 10 . to signify , that christ , our first-fruits , should on this day be raised up by god from the dead ; and so become a surety to us , of our future resurrection . see rom. xi . 16 . 1 cor. xv . 20 , 23. q. what is the special importance of this article to us ? a. it is very great : inasmuch as , first , it does beyond contradiction confirm the divine authority of our blessed lord ; rom. i. 4 . and the truth of our religion : rom. viii . 33 , 34. and , in the next place , does assure us , that the price of our redemption was fully paid by him ; rom. iv . 25 . and is a pledg to us , that as christ was raised from the dead , so shall our mortal bodies be quickned also , by the same spirit of christ , which dwelleth in vs. rom. vi . 5 , 9. viii . 11 . sect . xiii . q. how did our blessed lord dispose of himself , after that he was risen from the dead ? a. he continued upon the earth , forty days , with his disciples , both to confirm them in their belief of his resurrection : jo. xx . 19 , 25 , 27. act. i. 3 . and to instruct them more fully in all those things , which they were afterwards to preach to the world : acts i. 3 . and then , at the end of them ; he ascended into heaven ; where he now sitteth at the right-hand of god , the father almighty . q. after what manner did christ ascend into heaven ? a. he went up visibly in the presence of all his disciples . a cloud came down under his feet ; and he mounted by degrees in it . they follow'd him a long time with their eyes ; till at last having lost sight of him , but yet still looking after him to the place where he passed , two angels appear'd to them , and thus confirm'd them in the truth of what they had seen ; ye men of galilee , why stand ye gazing up into heaven ? this same jesus which is taken up from you into heaven , shall so come in like manner , as ye have seen him go into heaven . acts i. 9 , 10 , 11. q. did christ ascend in the same body , in which he conversed with his disciples , after his resurrection ? a. he did ascend in the same body ; and has assured us thereby , that we shall hereafter be received up thither in our bodies , as well as souls ; and so reign , in both , together with him. q. into what part of heaven did christ ascend ? a. he ascended into the highest heaven ; where god does in a singular manner shew his majesty , and glory . and therefore our creed tells us , that being ascended into heaven , he * sat down at the right-hand of god , the father almighty : where also he shall continue , till he shall come again from thence to judge both the quick , and the dead . luk. xxii . 69 . 1 cor. iii. 1 , 2. q. what do you mean by the right-hand of god ? a. not to represent god under the figure of a man ; nor to intimate any particular ‖ posture of christ above ; though having a humane body , he might well enough be described in it . but , as by the one , i understand a place of power , honour , and authority ; 1 king. ii . 19 . psal. xvi . 11 . xliv . 3 . luk. xxii . 69 . heb. i. 3 , 4. so , by the other , i suppose is meant , the settled possession , and enjoyment of all these : prov. xx . 8 . heb. x. 12 . and the sense of the whole i take to be this ; that christ being ascended up into heaven , was immediately thereupon enstated by god in the full possession of his regal office , and dignity ; and † shall continue to enjoy it , till he shall have finish'd the whole work of our redemption : by bestowing glory , and salvation upon all his faithful servants ; and by finally destroying , in hell-fire , all the enemies of his power and dignity . q. does our saviour do any thing , at present , for us , with god in heaven ? a. yes ; he perfects his priestly office there , by interceding effectually with god for our forgiveness : as the high priest under the law , when he went into the holy place , before the ark , with the bloud of the sin-offering , did thereby finish the propitiation which he was to make , for the sins , and offences , of the people of the jews . rom. viii . 34 . 1 tim. ii . 5 . heb. ix . 11 , 12 , 24. 1 jo. ii . 1 . sect . xiv . q. how long shall our saviour christ continue to sit , and intercede for us , at god's right-hand ? a. till the end of the world : which being come , he shall return from thence with glory to iudge both the † quick and the dead . acts iii. 21 . the heavens must receive him till the times of restitution of all things . and then , this same jesus , which was taken up into heaven , shall so come in like manner , as he was seen to go into heaven . acts i. 11 . q. what do you mean by that phrase , the quick , and the dead ? a. by the quick , i understand those who shall be found alive on the earth at the day of judgment : 1 cor. xv . 51 . 1 thess. iv . 15 . by the dead , those who shall have before departed out of this life . and i make mention of both to shew , that all men shall be judged ; and that ‖ christ shall be the judge of all. acts x. 42 . 2 cor. v. 10 . 2 tim. iv . 1 . 1 pet. iv . 5 . q. do you then believe that there shall be a general day of judgment , to the whole world ? a. i do believe there shall be such a day , and that most solemn , and terrible : mat. x. 15 . xi . 22 , 24. xii . 36 . jo. v. 22 , 25. acts xvii . 31 . rom. ii . 5 , &c. 2 pet. ii . 9 . iii. 7 , heb. vi . 2 . ix . 27 . 1 jo. iv . 17 . jude 6. * wherein , first , the angels shall sound the trumpet ; at the voice of which , all that are in the graves shall arise , and come forth , and be gather'd together into one certain place : † then our saviour shall come down in the clouds of heaven , with power and great glory ; and the books shall be open'd , and the judgment sit ; and every man be judged out of the things which are written in those books , according to his works . see mat. xxv . 31 . comp . mat. xxiv . 30 . q. after what manner shall this judgment be transacted ? a. the particular manner is unknown to us : yet this we are told , that we shall then be call'd to an account for all that we shall have done in the whole course of our lives here on earth . every evil work ; every foolish , and wicked word ; every secret thought , shall be brought to light . nothing that we now covet the most to hide , but shall be then disclosed . and we shall be either acquitted , or condemn'd , according to what we shall have done , whether it be good , or whether it be evil. eccles. xii . 14 . 1 cor. iv . 5 . 2 cor. v. 10 . mat. xii . 36 . rom. ii . 5 . rev. xx . 12 . q. shall there be any particular method observed , in the proceedings of this judgment ? a. yes , there shall : for , first , the ‖ just shall be raised , and judged , and acquitted ; and caught up into the air , at some convenient distance from the earth , where , with the holy angels , they shall fill up the retinue of our blessed saviour . then the * wicked shall be raised , and brought to judgment : and being condemn'd , not only by christ , and his saints , but by the sentence of their own consciences , they shall , together with the devils , † be driven away by the angels thereunto appointed , into their place of torments . which being done , our saviour shall , together with all his saints , return triumphantly to heaven , and there reign in glory at the head of them for ever , and ever . mat. xxv . 1 thess. iv , &c. sect . xv. q. what does the third part of your creed contain ? a. it contains all that is needful to be known , and profess'd by us , with relation to the holy ghost . q. what do you account needful to be believed concerning him ? a. not only that there is a holy ghost ; but that he is the third person in the ever-blessed trinity ; and partakes , as such , of the same divine nature , with the father , and the son. q. how does this appear ? a. by the plain testimony of the holy scriptures ; by which alone we are capable of knowing any thing , in these matters . now those sacred writings evidently speak of him , not only as a person ; but as a divine person ; and that distinct both from the father , and from our lord jesus christ. q. wherein do the holy scriptures speak of this blessed spirit , as of a person ? a. * they give him the proper names of a person : god ; acts v. 3 , 4. lord ; 2 cor. iii. 17 . the spirit ; 1 sam. xvi . 14 . jo. xvi . 13 . the comforter ; jo. xiv . 26 . xvi . 7 , &c. * they ascribe to him the properties of a person ; vnderstanding , 1 cor. ii . 11 . will , 1 cor. xii . 11 . * they represent him as doing personal acts : he is sent ; he cometh ; goeth ; heareth ; teacheth : jo. xiv . 26 . xv . 26 , 27. jo. xvi . 7 , 13 , &c. is tempted ; resisted ; grieved : eph. iv . 30 . speaketh ; commandeth ; intercedeth : acts x. 19 . xiii . 2 . rom. viii . 26 . * they join him with those who are confessedly persons ; viz. god the father , and our lord jesus christ. in the form of baptism : mat. xxviii . 19 . in st. paul's wish for the corinthians : 2 cor. xiii . 14 . in st. john's catalogue of witnesses : 1 jo. v. 7 . they oppose him to such spirits , as we all allow to be persons : 1 sam. xvi . 14 . * they represent him under personal apparitions : mat. iii. 16 . acts ii . 3 . and by all this undoubtedly assure us , that he is a person . q. by what arguments from the holy scriptures do you prove , that he is a divine person ? a. by the same by which i before shew'd the son so to be . they ascribe to him the names of god : acts v. 3 , 4. 2 cor. iii. 17 . the attributes of god : heb. ix . 14 . psal. cxxxix . 7 . job xxvi . 13 . the honour of god. they tell us , that he is the spirit of god : 1 cor. ii . 11.17 . that a sin may be immediately committed against him : mat. xii . 31 . that his dwelling in us , makes our bodies the temples of god : 1 cor. iii. 16 . that christ , by being conceived by him , became the son of god : luke i. 35 . they teach us to baptize in his name , together with those of the father , and son : mat. xxviii . 19 . and shew us even st. paul himself paying a religious invocation to him : 1 thes. iii. 12 , 13. 2 thes. iii. 3 , &c. q. how do you prove him not only to be a divine person , but a person distinct both from the father , and the son ? a. he proceedeth from the father ; and therefore is not the father : jo. xv . 26 . he is sent by the son ; and therefore is not the son : jo. xvi . 7 , 15. he is sent , sometimes by the father , in the name of the son ; and sometimes by the son , from the father ; and therefore is neither the father , nor the son : jo. xiv . 26 . xv . 26 . q. but did not you before say , that there is but one god ? and how now do you say , that the father is god , the son is god , and the holy ghost is god ? a. that there is but one god , the holy scriptures plainly declare ; and even reason it self confirms it to us. and yet the same scriptures as plainly declare , every one of these three to be god. and the only way we know of reconciling these two , seemingly contrary , assertions ; is to say , that these three partake of one , and the same divine nature , communicated from the father , to the son ; and from both to the holy ghost : and that therefore they together make but one god. q. how can it be possible that three distinct persons , should so partake of the one , divine nature , or essence , as all together to make but one god ? a. that is not my concern to determine : this i am sure , that if the scriptures be ( as we all allow that they are ) the word of god , what they plainly deliver must be true , because it is , in effect , delivered by god himself ; who can neither be himself deceived , nor will deceive me. now that they deliver both these propositions to me ; that the father is god , the son is god , and the holy ghost is god : and yet , that there are not three gods , but one god : i am as sure , as i can be of any thing that is spoken , or written , for my understanding . that therefore both these assertions are true , and credible , i am sure . but how , or after what manner , i am to understand them , so as to remove all shew of contradiction in them , this the holy scriptures have not revealed ; nor do i therefore presume to pronounce any thing , more particularly , concerning it . q. why then do you say that they are three persons , and but one , in the divine essence ? a. because i know not how better to express the vnity , and distinction of them ; and they are terms which the church has long received ; and i see no reason to depart from them , unless i knew of some better , and more apt expressions , to use in their stead . q. is there any thing farther needful to be known , concerning the holy ghost ? a. yes , there is ; and that is with relation to his office : that it is he who sanctifieth me , and all the elect people of god. q. how is it that the holy ghost does this ? a. he regenerates us at our baptism : jo. iii. 5 . tit. iii. 5 . gal. v. 15 . he vnites us unto christ : 1 cor. xii . 12 , 13. 1 jo. iii. 24 . co-operates with us in all our religious vndertakings : 2 cor. ix . 5 . he illuminates our vnderstandings : psal. cxix . 18 . acts xvi . 14 . disposes our wills : phil. ii . 12 . settles us in the faith of christ : eph. ii . 8 . phil. i. 29 . heb. iv . 2 . enables us to fulfil our duty : rom. viii . 14 . gal. v. 16 . helps our prayers : rom. viii . 26 , 34. 1 jo. v. 14 . fortifies us against temptations : 1 cor. x. 13 . and carries us through all the dangers , that either our own weakness , or the cunning , and malice of the devil , may raise against us ; to draw us away from , or hinder us in our duty . phil. i. 6 . 1 cor. . i.8 . 2 cor. i. 22 . eph. iv . 30 . q. will the holy ghost alone do all this for us ? a. no , but we must use our own endeavour , if ever we mean to be assisted by him . it is by the grace of the holy spirit alone , that we are able to do those things which god , and our duty , require of us. but that grace is not to exclude , but to assist and perfect our own endeavours ; and to enable us thereby to do that , which , without it , we should never have been able to have done . phil. ii . 12 . work out your own salvation with fear and trembling : for it is god which worketh in you , both to will , and to do , of his good pleasure . q. by what means may we obtain this help of the holy spirit ? a. by fervent prayer to god for his grace : luke xi . 9 . and by a diligent care to use that portion of it , whatever it be , which god hath given us , to his honour , and service : mat. xiii . 12 . xxv . 29 . and upon our doing of which , not only that grace which we have already , shall be sure to be continued to us , but greater degrees shall be added to it . 2 pet. iii. 18 . q. are these the only ends for which the holy spirit was given by christ , to his church ? a. no ; his operations are very many , and can hardly be particularly enumerated . he not only regenerates , and sanctifies us ; disposes us to our duty ; and fortifies us against temptation ; but moreover , directs us in our doubts ; comforts us in our afflictions ; supports us in our troubles ; arms us against the fear of death ; gives us strength , and courage , in trials and persecutions : and , in such cases as he sees needful , seals our souls , with such an inward sense , and assurance of god's favour , as makes us firmly satisfied of our future , everlasting , salvation . rom. v. 5 . viii . 14 , 17. 2 cor. i. 22 . eph. i. 14 . gal. iv . 6 . q. how long shall the holy ghost continue thus to comfort , sanctify , and guide , the faithful ? a. as long as there shall any faithful remain in need of his assistance : which because there will be to the end of the world , therefore christ has promised , that he shall also , till then , continue to conduct , and govern , his faithful servants . jo. 14.16 . mat. xxviii . 20 . sect . xvi . q. what does the fovrth , and last part of your creed relate to ? a. to the church of christ : its duty and privileges here ; and its future hope of glory and immortality hereafter . q. what is the first thing which you are taught to believe concerning christ's church ? a. that there is a holy catholick church . q. what is that church , of which this article speaks ? a. it is the vniversal church of christ ; the general assembly of all those , who from the time of the first publishing of the gospel , to this day , have believed in christ ; or shall hereafter profess his faith , to the end of the world. q. how can such a church be the object of our faith ? a. not as to that part of it which we see , and communicate with ; but chiefly in these two respects . first , as we believe , by the word of god , that those who have gone before us , in the true faith of christ , and the fear of his holy name , though out of all visible communion , at present , with us , do yet live to god ; and are still members of christ's church , though in a different state from us ; and shall , together with us , be gather'd into one glorious society at the last day . and , secondly , as , upon the same grounds , we do also farther believe , that in all the ages yet to come , to the end of the world , christ shall continue to have a church upon earth ; so that no power of men , or malice of the devil , shall ever be able utterly to root it out , or to destroy it . q. how can a society , consisting of such different members , and those at so great a distance , both in time and place , from one another , yet all together make but one church ? a. because how different so ever the members of this church may otherwise seem to be ; yet they are all * united together under one head , the lord jesus : * are * sanctified , and ruled , by the same holy spirit : * endued with the same love to god , and towards one another : * live by the same laws : * profess the same faith : * partake of the same sacraments : * have the same hope of salvation set before them : * worship the same god , by the same advocate , and saviour jesus christ : and ( as to what concerns all the true , and lively members , of this society ) * shall one day be gathered together into one actual place , and portion ; in the glorious kingdom of god for ever . q. wherefore , do you give this church the title of catholick ? a. upon several accounts , but chiefly these two : first , to distinguish it from the jewish church ; which was confined to a certain people ; and was to continue , but for a certain time : whereas the christian church takes in all mankind ; and is to last to the end of the world. psal. ii . 8 . acts x. 34 , 35. mat. xxviii . 19 . mark xvi . 15 . luk. xxiv . 47 . 1 cor. xii . 13 . and , secondly , to shew that in this creed , which comprehends what is to be believed by all christians ; we profess not our faith of any one , determinate , church ; which may cease , and fail ; ( such as the church of england , or church of rome ; ) but of the catholick , or vniversal church of christ ; as that which shall never fail ; and to which , alone , the promises of god belong . q. may not any one , determinate church , be called the catholick church . a. no , it may not ; any more than london may be called england ; or england , the whole world. the catholick church , is the vniversal church ; and that neither ours , nor any other particular church is ; nor , whilst there are more such christian churches in the world , can be . but , a catholick church , a particular church may be called : and such ours is ; though that of rome , i doubt , will hardly be able to make a good pretension to this title , any more than to the other . q. do you make a difference then , between a catholick church , and the catholick church ? a. there is certainly a wide difference between them . the catholick church , is , as i before said , the whole church . but a catholick church , implies no more than a sound part of it ; a church in communion with the catholick church of christ , in opposition to the conventicles of hereticks , and schismaticks : who , whatsoever they may pretend , are really no parts of the catholick church ; nor shall be consider'd by christ , as such . q. whom do you account hereticks , and schismaticks ? and how does it appear that they are not parts of the catholick church ? a. the catholick church , is that church which professes the true faith which christ , and his apostles deliver'd to it ; and that , if not free from all errour whatsoever , yet without any such errours , as destroy the foundation of that doctrine , which was committed to its custody . now a heretick is one , who not only errs in some matters of lesser moment , but in matters of such consequence , as subvert the very foundation of christianity . but he who does this , can never be a member of that church , whose doctrine he not only does not receive , but rejects : and who by his errours destroys that very faith , by which alone he can be intituled to the character either of a true disciple , or a sound member of christ's church . q. but why may not schismaticks be accounted true members of christs church . a. because none are schismaticks but such as forsake , and cut themselves off from , the communion of the catholick church . now it is a contradiction that those should continue members of the catholick church , who by their own voluntary departure from it , have renounced the communion of it . q. do you look upon the church of england to be a true part of the catholick church ? a. it certainly is : inasmuch as it professes the true catholick faith , deliver'd in the holy scriptures , and drawn up in the creeds of the church ; and , by the most ancient councils , acknowledged to be sufficient to denominate those who profess'd according thereunto , to be truly catholick christians : and also holds communion with all such churches as profess the same faith ; and , as far forth , as they do so . q. what is your opinion of the church of rome , in this particular ? a. that she is both schismatical , and heretical . schismatical ; in cutting off all others from her communion , who will not profess her errors , and submit to her vsurp'd authority : heretical ; in professing such doctrines as quite destroy the foundations of christianity ; and are inconsistent with that truth , which yet she pretends to maintain . q. in what respect do you believe the catholick church to be holy ? a. as both the * end of christ in gathering of it ; the * rules he has given to it ; the * promises he has made it ; * it s sacraments , * ministry , all its * ordinances , were design'd to make it holy. but especially , as * all those who are indeed the faithful members of it , are actually sanctify'd by the grace of the holy spirit : and so are truly , though imperfectly , holy , now ; and shall be made altogether holy , and without spot , hereafter . eph. 5.25 . sect . xvii . q. what is the first duty , or privilege , belonging to those who are members of christ's church ? a. the communion of saints . q. what do you mean by saints ? a. though the word , in our language , be more restrain'd ; yet in that , in which this creed was composed , it may indifferently denote either holy persons , or holy things : and this article may very well be extended to both of them. q. whom do you mean by holy persons ? a. though all christians in general , are so called in scripture ; and we are charitably to presume that all such are holy persons : yet , by saints , we are most properly to understand , such as answer the end of their calling , by a lively faith , and a holy conversation ; in which two , the gospel-saintship seems to consist . q. with whom , and in what things , do you believe such persons to have communion ? a. i believe that all the true members of christ's church , have a right of fellowship , or communion , with god the father , and our lord jesus christ ; as they are received into covenant by the one , through the death , and passion , of the other . ‖ i believe that they have a fellowship with the holy ghost , by his dwelling in them , and sanctifying of them. * i believe that they have fellowship with the holy angels ; who both minister unto them in their exigencies , and have a most tender , affectionate concern for them. † i believe that they all have a fellowship with one another , as * members of the same mystical body of christ ; * professors of the same faith ; * heirs of the same promises ; * guided by the same spirit ; and * governed by the same laws : and i believe that they ought , as living members , * to have a fellowship of love , and charity , also towards each other . and , lastly , i believe that they have a right of communicating in all the ordinances of the gospel : in the prayers of the church ; in the ministry of the word and sacraments ; and whatsoever else hath been ordain'd by christ , or establish'd in the church , for the common good , and benefit , of all the members of it . q. do you not , by this account of the present article , utterly shut out those from any part in it , who yet are most commonly called saints ; i mean , such as have departed this life in the fear of god , and the faith of jesus christ ? a. no , by no means : i believe them to partake in this communion also ; as they are still living members of christ's holy catholick church . and therefore i believe , that they have a fellowship , no less than we , with god , and christ. that they are sanctified by the same spirit ; are visited by the holy angels ; have some kind of fellowship with one another ; and with vs also , however separated , by death , from us. q. wherein do you suppose their fellowship with us to consist ? a. i look upon the case to be much the same with us , as it is with members of the same civil society upon earth ; when they are , in a foreign country , far distant from one another . * we are members of the same church ; * vnited to the same head ; * sanctified by the same spirit ; * heirs of the same promises ; * shall , in a little time , be in the same place , and state ; and when the end of the world comes , * we shall all be translated to the same glory and happiness , in god's heavenly kingdom . q. to what offices of communion does this belief oblige us , at present , towards each other ? a. to the members of christ's church still living , it obliges us to love and charity ; to mutual prayers for , and help of , each other ; in all such things as may promote the salvation of us all . how the saints departed maintain communion with us , we cannot tell . probable it is that they do , in general , pray for us , as it is certain they wish well to us. but for our selves , who are yet here on earth ; we must bless god for the grace he was pleased to bestow upon them ; and by which they were delivered from the sins , and temptations of this evil world ; and enabled faithfully to serve him unto the end. we must set before us their examples , and imitate their vertues . we must account of them as living members of christ's body ; and be not only ready , but desirous , to go to them , whenever it shall please god to call for us. we must take care decently to dispose of their bodies ; and faithfully to fulfil , as much as in us lies , what they have left in trust with us , to be done for them after their departure . q. what think you of that honour which is paid to them in the church of rome ? a. it is not only vain , and without all warrant from god's word ; but is indeed superstitious , and idolatrous . to pray to any creature , and he at a vast distance from vs ; in the house of god ; with all the outward marks of adoration ; nay , and oftentimes , in the same words , and in the same breath , that we pray to god ; and that , lastly , with a confidence that the person so pray'd to , can hear our prayers , and answer our desires ; being evidently to give to the creature the honour due to the creator ; which cannot be done without the peril of idolatry . sect . xviii . q. what is the next privilege which you believe does , of right , belong to those , who are the members of christ's church ? a. the forgiveness of sins . q. what is sin ? a. it is the transgression of god's law , 1 jo. iii. 4 . whether by our omitting to do what that required us to have done ; or by our doing any thing contrary to its commands . q. what mean you by the law of god ? a. the will of god , howsoever made known to us ; whether by the light of our own consciences , or by the declarations of his word ; especially that which is deliver'd to us , in the books of the new testament . q. how does god forgive sin ? a. he washes away the stain of it by his sanctifying grace ; r and remits the punishment of it ; for the sake , and through the merits , and mediation of jesus christ , our saviour . q. what assurance have we that god will thus forgive us our sins ? a. the covenant of the gospel is founded upon the promise of it : so that if we believe that christ died for our sins , we must also believe that god , for christ's sake , will forgive all those , who truly repent of their sins . luk. xxiv . 47 . acts v. 31 . xiii . 38 . xxvi . 18 . eph. iv . 32 . q. is this the peculiar privilege of the church of christ ? a. so the scriptures tell us : there being no other name under heaven given among men , by which we must be saved , but only that of the lord jesus . acts iv . 12 . q. from whom is this forgiveness to be sought ? a. who hath power to forgive sins but god only ? mark ii . 7 . of him therefore it must be sought , in the name of jesus christ. q. but has not christ left a power with his church to forgive sins ? a. he has left with his church a ministerial power , to declare forgiveness of sins , to all such as truly repent of them , and believe in him . and when the ministers of his word , are called in to the assistance of sick , or scrupulous persons ; they may , upon the supposition of a true repentance , pronounce , in god's name , the pardon of their sins to them . but in this they only deliver the sentence of god ; which , if the sinner be truly penitent , god will infallibly make good : otherwise , it will be of no use to them ; because it was erroneously , though charitably , pass'd upon them. q. but does not the church of rome , ascribe much more , to the absolution of the priest , than this ? a. yes , it does : nor is this one of the least presumptuous , or least dangerous , of its errours . they tell us , that the sentence of the priest , in this case , is not only declarative , but judicial . and , which is yet worse , they add ; that though a sinner be not affected with such a sorrow for his sin , as would otherwise be sufficient to obtain god's pardon ; yet , by rightly confessing to a priest , his sins shall be forgiven ; and an entrance opened into heaven , by the power of the keys , in absolution . by the former of which , as they usurp upon the prerogative of god. mark ii . 7 . so do they , by the latter , lay a very dangerous stumbling-block in the way of wicked men ; whilst they encourage them to rely on such a sorrow for the forgiveness of their sins , as will certainly fail , and ruin them in the end. sect . xix . q. what is the third privilege promised by god to christ's church ? a. the resurrection of the body . q. shall not all men whatsoever be raised again at the last day ? a. they shall . q. how then is this a privilege of those who are the faithful members of christ's church ? a. because though all men shall be raised , yet not all after the same manner . the bodies of the faithful shall be raised in a most blessed , and glorious state : 1 cor. xv . 42 , &c. they shall be perfected in all their parts , and qualities ; shall be render'd an habitation fit for a glorified soul to dwell in ; and be prepared for the enjoyment of an everlasting felicity . and thus to rise ; in such a state , and for such an end , is certainly a very great benefit , and the peculiar privilege of christ's holy church . q. how then shall the wicked be raised ? a. their bodies shall also be restored to them ; and that in such a state , as to be capable of undergoing for ever those torments which god has prepared for them. but their resurrection shall be to shame , and misery : and what is the blessing of the righteous , shall to the wicked be a means of encreasing their pain , and enlarging their punishment . q. shall we receive the same bodies , we now have , at the resurrection ; or shall some other bodies be prepared for us ? a. the very nature of a resurrection does unanswerably prove , that we shall receive our own bodies ; and the end of it confirms it to us : our bodies being therefore raised , and restored to us , that we may be rewarded , or punish'd , in the same estate both of soul and body , in which we had done things worthy either of reward , or punishment . q. shall all mankind , not only good , and bad , but every single person , of either kind , be raised at the last day ? a. all that ever died shall be raised : jo. v. 20 . 2 cor. v. 10 . but many will be found , at the last day , alive on the earth . now they shall not die , nor , by consequence , rise from the dead . but they shall be changed : that is to say , the men of that age , ( whether good or bad ) shall , by the mighty power of god , be put into the same state with those who being dead , were raised from the dead : and so be brought , with them , before the judgment seat of christ : 1 cor. xv . 51 . 1 thes. iv . 15 . sect . xx. q. what shall follow upon the resurrection ? a. the last , and general judgment of mankind ; which being pass'd , and the sentence pronounced upon every one , according to his works ; it shall immediately be put in execution : the wicked shall go into everlasting punishment , but the righteous into life everlasting . mat. xxv . 46 . q. shall the wicked , as well as the righteous , live for ever ? a. they shall ; if such a state of inexpressible misery , as they shall be condemn'd to , may be called living . for they shall never cease to be ; nor ever cease to be tormented to all eternity . mat. x. 28 . xxv . 41 , 46. xviii . 8 . compare mark ix . 44 . q. how then is everlasting life a privilege of the church of christ ? a. as the resurrection of the body , was before said to be . that life which alone deserves to be so called ; that happy and glorious life , which god has prepared for the faithful in his kingdom ; that is the singular privilege of christ's church , and of the faithful members of it . the other , is rather an everlasting duration ; a state of endless dying , rather than an everlasting life . q. but can it be consistent with the justice , and mercy of god , to punish the temporary , and transient sins of men , with an everlasting state of misery , and sufferings ? a. we must confess it so to be , or say , ( which is as unreasonable ▪ as it would be wicked ) that god will deal unjustly , and unmercifully with sinners , at the last day . for certain it is , that this he has declared shall be the result of their evil-doings . q. why may we not by the everlasting death , and everlasting punishment , of which the scriptures speak , on this occasion ; understand rather the final destruction of such wicked persons ; than an eternal continuance of them in pain , and misery ? a. because the scriptures have plainly declared , were men willing to understand it , that by everlasting punishment , is meant everlasting torment . that their worm shall not die , nor their fire be quenched ; but they shall dwell in everlasting burnings . mark ix . 44 . isa. lxvi . 24 . that there shall be weeping , and wailing , and gnashing of teeth . mat. viii . 12 . xiii . 42 , 50. all which phrases , howsoever they be understood , must denote suffering , as well as punishment : an eternity of pain , not an eternal state of death , and insensibility . besides that everlasting death , or destruction , would not otherwise be , properly speaking , an everlasting punishment . for as soon as men are thus dead , they cease to suffer ; and , for that very reason , cease to be punish'd . and one may as well say , that a malefactor , who was executed for his crimes a hundred years ago , still continues to be punish'd by the magistrate ; as that after a man should be once annihilated , he should afterwards continue to be punish'd , for his sins , by god almighty . q. wherein do you suppose the everlasting happiness of the righteous shall consist ? a. as to the particulars of it , they are altogether unknown to us ; nor indeed are we able in our present estate , perfectly to comprehend the greatness of them . thus much , in general , we are told ; that we shall be placed in a most glorious , and perfect state ; free from all sin , and from all misery : where we shall enjoy all the pleasure , and satisfaction , that our natures , vastly enlarged , shall be capable of . we shall dwell in the presence of god ; shall be continually entertain'd not only in the contemplation , but with the fruition , of all the riches of his goodness , and glory . we shall be companions with the holy angels ; and pass our time , in the greatest love of god , and of one another , that can be imagined . we shall turn all our service , into praise , and wonder ; shall have nothing left to wish , or desire of him . and we shall both love , and serve , and praise him , with such rapture , and satisfaction ; with such joy to our selves , as well as such fervour towards god ; as no thoughts can conceive , nor is it possible for us , by any words , to express the greatness of it . sect . xxi . q. what was the third thing , which your godfathers and godmothers promised for you at your baptism ? a. that i should keep god's holy will and commandments , and walk in the same all the days of my life . q. do you account it to be necessary for you , herein also , to fulfil what they promised for you ? a. i do ; and that so necessary that i cannot be saved without it . q. do you then expect to be saved by virtue of your own good works ? a. god forbid : on the contrary , i am perswaded that when i shall have done all that i can , i shall be but an vnprofitable servant : luk. xvii . 10 . but however , i must sincerely endeavour , what in me lies , to keep god's commandments ; and then i am assured that god will reward me , not according to my works , but according to his own mercy , and promises to us , in jesus christ. q. are you able , of your self , by your own natural strength , to keep god's commandments ? a. no , i am not : for in me , that is to say , in my flesh , dwelleth no good thing . rom. vii . 18 . it is the grace of god which must work in me , both to will , and to do , according to his good pleasure . phil. ii . 13 . q. being thus assisted by the holy spirit , can you perfectly keep god's commandments ? a. no , i cannot ; nor will it ever be possible for me , in this life , to do it . i must serve god sincerely , with all my heart ; i must serve him zealously , with all my strength ; i must go as far as i can , and as the measure of the grace which he is pleased to allow me , will enable me to do , towards perfection : but to discharge a perfect , that is to say , an vnsinning obedience , to god's commandements , this neither i can ; nor did ever any one else , but he who was god as well as man , do it . for , in many things , we offend all : and if we say that we have no sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in vs. jam. 3.2 . 1 jo. i. 8 . q. will not this undervalue the grace of the holy spirit , by which we are sanctified ? a. not at all : forasmuch as i ascribe to that the glory of all the good i do ; and take to my self the shame , of whatsoever is evil , or defective , in me ▪ q. what think you of those of the church of rome , who , notwithstanding ▪ this , talk of works of supererrogation : and thereby pretend not only perfectly to keep god's commandments ; but to do even more , than god required them to have done ? a. i think that they neither understand themselves , nor their duty : it being certain , that the measure of our duty , is to love the lord our god with all our heart , and with all our soul , and with all our strength : beyond which , as it is not possible for any man to go ; so neither is there any that can justly say , he has ever , for any long time together , absolutely come up to the utmost height of it . q. seeing then our obedience cannot be brought to perfection in this life ; what is that obedience which god does now require of us in order to our salvation ? a. it is the obedience of an honest , humble , sincere heart : such as leads us , in the first place , to an vniversal obedience of all god's commandments . secondly , to a hearty endeavour to come up to as perfect a discharge of our duty , according to the measures of them , as our present condition will admit of . and that , thirdly , with constancy , and perseverance , unto our lives end. mat. x ▪ 22. 1 cor. i. 8 . 1 pet. i. 13 . heb. x. 38 , 39. rev. ii● 10. sect . xxii . q. has there been any such summary collection made , of the main branches of what we are to do ; as we had in the creed , of what we are to believe ? a. there is such a collection , and that deliver'd by god himself ; in what we commonly call the ten commandments . q do those commandments which were given by god to the jews , still continue in force , and oblige us christians ? a yes , they do ; mat. v. 17 , &c. and that in some measure more strictly than they did them : the most part , if not all of them , having been either more fully expounded , or more perfectly delivered to us , by christ in the new testament , than they were first given by god to the jews in the old. see mat. v. vi.vii . chapters . q. why do you call them the ten commandments ? a. not only because they have been usually divided into that number ; but because they were originally delivered so by god ; and are accordingly so called by moses . exod. xxxiv . 28 . deut iv . 13 . q. what do these commandments in general refer to ? a. to the two great branches of our duty ; our duty towards god , and our duty towards our neighbour . q. what authority have you for this division of these commandments ? a. the authority of our blessed saviour , mat. xxii . 37 . and indeed god himself seems to have had regard unto it , when he commanded moses to prepare two tables for them : on the one of which , were to be engraven those which concern our duty towards god ; on the other , those which contain our duty toward our neighbour . exod. xxxi . 18 . xxxii . 19 . xxxiv . 1.4.28 . q. how many commandments does each of these tables comprehend ? a. as to the commandments themselves , it is not doubted by any , but that those of the first table end with that which concerns the sabbath ; and that the second begins with that which requires us to honour our father , and our mother . but in dividing the commandments of each table , there is a difference between vs , and those of the church of rome . for they join the two first into one ; and then , to complete the number of ten , divide the last into two : and so assign , not as we do , four to one table , and six to the other ; but three to the first table , and seven to the second . q. is it a matter of any moment , how each precept is divided , so long as all are retained ? a. in its self it is not : but as the design of this new division was to enable them thereby to drop the second commandment , against their image-worship , altogether ; ( and which accordingly , from thenceforth they did oftentimes omit , in their common books of devotion ; ) so it is certainly of great moment to be taken notice of . now the first , and second commandments , have apparently a different prospect , and were design'd to prohibit two very different things . but the last commandment solely respects the sin of coveting : and if the difference of the instances which are given in it , the better to clear , and inforce the observance of it , be sufficient to make a several command , according to the distinction of them ; they may as well divide it into six , or indeed into six hundred commands , as into two. for at this rate , thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house , will be one : thou shalt not covet thy neigbour's wife , another : nor his man-servant , will be a third : nor his maid-servant , a fourth : nor his ox , a fifth : nor his ass , a sixth : nor any thing that is his ; a hundred more , in one general expression . q. but is there not one great branch of our duty here wanting , namely , our duty towards our selves ? a. there is not : for all those duties which we so call , have a manifest regard , more or less , to our duty to god , and our neighbour ; and may be comprised under the offices relating to them. at least , since there is no duty of this kind but what is required by god of us , the better to fit us for his service , and acceptance ; it must be confess'd , that the first commandment alone , will take in , whatsoever of this nature may seem wanting in the whole . q. is there any other division of these commands , that may be fit to be taken notice of , before we proceed to the particular consideration of them ? a. there is yet one ; namely , that of these commandments , some are positive , and declare what we are to do ; as the fourth commandment of the first table ; the fifth in the second . others are negative , and shew us what we are to avoid ; as all the others of both tables . q. what do you observe from this distinction ? a. a great difference with respect to our obligation to obedience . for ( 1 st ) the positive commands , though they are always in force , and therefore oblige all who have any concern with them , and so long as they are under the power of them ; yet they do not extend to all persons , nor oblige at all times . as for example : to honour our father and mother , is a duty of eternal obligation . but then many there are , who have no father , nor mother ; and therefore neither can they lie under any obligation to honour them. again ; to observe the sabbath day to keep it holy , is a command that never ceases to oblige . but yet should a man be made a prisoner , or a slave , in a pagan , or other country , where he had no means , nor opportunity to observe it ; whilst he lay under those circumstances , he would not be guilty of any sin by not observing of it . but now the negative commands , not only oblige always , but all persons ; at all times ; and in all circumstances . and therefore , to worship any other god , besides the lord : to make any graven image , to bow down before it , and worship it : to take god's name in vain : these , and the like prohibitions , oblige men to a constant , uninterrupted observance of them ; be their circumstances , or conditions of life , what they will. nor can it , at any time , or upon any occasion , be lawful for any man , to worship another god ; to make a graven image to worship it ; to take god's name in vain ; and the like . q. have you any thing farther to observe from this division ? a. this only ; that these two kinds mutually include one another : so that when god commands any duty to be perform'd , we are to understand that he does , by the very same command , forbid whatsoever is contrary thereunto , to be done by us. and again , when he forbids any thing to be done ; he does thereby require us to fulfil the opposite duty , imply'd ; as well as to avoid the sin which is expresly taken notice of . to clear my meaning in an instance of each kind . god commands us , in the fourth commandment , to keep holy the sabbath-day ; and that by sanctifying of it to a religious rest : and , by the same commandment , he forbids us to do any servile work upon it ; or any thing whereby this day , may be unhallow'd , or profaned by us. and this would have been understood , by the other part of the command , though god had not expresly taken notice of it . in like manner ; when in the sixth commandment , god forbids us to commit murder ; we are to understand , that we are not only prohibited thereby to stab , or poison , our neighbour ; but are required to do , what in us lies , to cherish , and preserve his life : to help him , if he be assaulted by another ; to feed , and cloath him , as far as we are able ; and to prevent , according to our ability , whatsoever may bring him in danger of losing of it . q. are there any other general rules that may be of use to us , in the vnderstanding of the commandments here proposed to us ? a. there are several such rules ; but those of most consequence seem to be these four. first , that in every commandment , the general thing express'd , comprehends under it all such particulars , as either directly depend upon it ; or may fairly , and reasonably , be reduced to it . thus the seventh commandment , though in express terms , it forbids only the sin of adultery ; yet , under that general , is to be extended to all manner of fornication , vncleanness , lasciviousness ; not only to all unchast actions , but to all wanton words , thoughts , desires : to all immodest behaviour , and indecent attire . to whatsoever , in short , may intrench upon that gravity , and reservedness , which our religion requires of us ; or may be apt to tempt us to such sins as are here forbidden : such as high and full diet ; soft cloathing ; the company 〈◊〉 younger , especially of wanton women ; from all which we must abstain by vertue of this commandment : as also , from all places of danger ; such as play-houses , balls , dancings , musick-meetings , and the like . q. what is the next general rule to be observed , in the interpreting of these commandments ? a. that where any duty is required , or sin is forbidden ; we are to reckon our selves obliged thereby , to vse all such means as may enable vs to fulfil the one , and to avoid the other . thus , because in the eighth commandment we are required not to steal ; therefore , in order to our more constant , and ready avoiding of it , we must account our selves obliged , not only to watch our actions , that we do not in any thing defraud our neighbour ; but moreover must do , what in us lies , to keep our selves out of such circumstances as may be likely to tempt us thereunto . we are therefore , by vertue of this commandment , required to work for the supply of our own needs , and of the wants of those who depend upon us. we are to live soberly , and frugally ; free from vice , and all extravagance . we are to avoid all lewdness , gaming , and the like occasions of excess : to abstain from all idle , dissolute , and dishonest conversation , and acquaintance ; and from whatsoever else may be apt to tempt us to , or engage us in the sin , which is here forbidden to us. q. what is the third rule to be observed , for the better understanding of these commandments ? a. that the last commandment is to be look'd upon by vs , not so much as a single commandment , as a general caution given to vs , with relation to most of the duties of the second table ; which ought to be govern'd , and influenced by it . thus because we must not steal from , or defraud our neighbour of his goods , neither must we covet them . because we must not commit adultery , neither must we lust. because we must do no murder , neither must we desire the hurt , or death of our neighbour . for this is the first spring of evil in our hearts ; and by stopping of which , we shall the most effectually arm our selves against the commission of it . q. what is the last general rule to be observed , for the better interpretation of god's commandments ? a. that wheresoever we are prohibited to do any thing our selves , as sinful , there we are to take care that we be not partakers of other mens guilt , who do commit what was so prohibited : by advising , assisting , encouraging , or otherwise aiding , and abetting them , in it . nay , we must not so much as give any countenance to the evil which they do , by making excuses for , and extenuating their guilt ; by hiding , or concealing of it ; least by so doing , we make our selves accessary to it , and contract to our selves a stain by it . sect . xxiii . q. you said that the first table contain'd those commandments which concern our duty towards god : what is the first of these ? a. thou shalt have none other gods but me. q. is this all that belongs to this commandment ? a. yes , it is . q. what then do you account that which goes immediately before it , and was also deliver'd by god himself ; namely , i am the lord thy god , which brought thee out of the land of egypt , out of the house of bondage ? a. it is a general preface , or introduction , to the commandments ; and represents to us the two great grounds , or motives , on which god required the jews to obey those commandments which he was about to deliver to them ; namely , first , * that he was the lord their god : and secondly , that he had brought them out of the land of egypt , out of the house of bondage . deut. i. 30 . vi . 21 . xxvi . 8 . judg. ii . 1 . q. do these reasons extend to us christians ? a. they do , and that no less , if not more , than they did to the jews . for we are the spiritual israel , and heirs of the promises . he is the lord our god , by a more excellent covenant than he was theirs . he has brought us out of that slavery of which the jews egyptian bondage was but a type : and has prepared for us an inheritance in heaven , in comparison of which their land of canaan is nothing to be accounted of . q. what is the full import of the first commandment ? a. * that we should have the lord for our god ; and * that we should have no other besides him. q. what is it to have the lord for our god ? a. it is to think of him , and to worship him , as god. q. how ought we to think of god ? a. as of an eternal , and all-perfect being ; the maker , and preserver , of all things : and our most gracious and merciful father , in , and through his son , jesus christ our lord. q. how ought we to worship god ? a. with all the powers and faculties both of our souls and bodies : in publick , and in private : according to all that in his holy gospel he has required , or by the force of our own natural reason , directed us to do . q. what are the main things wherein we are to express our duty towards god ? a. it is almost impossible to recount them : but , in general , it is our duty , to (a) believe in him ; to (b) fear him ; to (c) love him , with all our heart , with all our mind , with all our soul , and with all our strength : to (d) worship him ; to (e) give him thanks ; to (f) put our whole trust in him ; to (g) call upon him ; to (h) honour his holy name , and his word ; and to (i) serve him truly all the days of our life . q. what are the chief offences that may be committed , against this part of the first commandment ? a. they are chiefly these : first , atheism , and infidelity , whether it be speculative , or practical ; that is to say , whether men do really believe that there is no god ; or live so as if they did ; without either any due worship of him , or regard to him. next to these ; all vnworthy opinions of god , or blasphemous thoughts , or speeches , against him. such are the thoughts , and speeches , of those who not only deny the doctrine of the trinity , but make it their business to expose , and ridicule the belief of it . and , lastly ; such are all the heinous , but especially the habitual sins , which men fall into ; and the consequence of which plainly shews , either that they do not , in good earnest , believe the lord to be their god , or that they are yet to consider what that belief requires of them. q. what is the other thing proposed to us in this commandment ? a. not to have any other , besides the lord , for our god ? q. is there any other god , besides the lord ? a. no , there is not ; nor does this commandment at all suppose that there is . but when these commandments were delivered , the world generally believed in , and worshipped , other gods , besides the lord ; who was almost utterly forgotten by them. and therefore it was highly necessary , that the lord should , in the very first place , caution his people against this folly , and idolatry . q. how many ways may a man have others for their gods , besides the lord ? a. by as many ways as we are capable of shewing , that we have him for our god : namely , first , by thinking of them as god ; and , secondly , by worshipping of them as such . q. is it possible for any man who knows , and worships the lord , to have any other god besides him ? a. so this commandment evidently supposes ; and so indeed it may easily enough be : there being nothing so unreasonable which an immoderate superstition is not capable of leading , sometimes , even wise-men into . and therefore not only god here gives this caution to the jews ; but st. paul , in like manner , forewarns even the christians to whom he preached , to flee from idolatry ; 1 cor. x. 14 . and not to keep company with a brother , that is a christian , who was guilty of it . 1 cor. v. 11 . q. how can this be ; seeing he who knows , and believes aright of god ; must know , and believe , that there neither is , nor can be , any god besides him ? a. would men always act consistently to their own knowledge , and profession , it would then indeed be impossible for those who had a right notion of god , to have any other god besides him. but , as in other cases , men may know very well what their duty is , and yet act contrary to it ; so it is certain that they not only may , but have done , in the case before us. in short , whosoever gives divine honour to any being , does thereby profess that being to be god , as much as he who swears allegiance to any person , does by such his action , recognize that person for his prince . now such an honour religious prayer , and invocation , without all controversy are . yet these the church of rome does publickly , and solemnly , pay to others , besides the lord ; and , by so doing , shews to all the world , that she has other gods , besides him. q. what do you then suppose to be the full import , of this second part , of the present commandment ? a. that we should neither believe in , account of , or worship any other , as god , besides the lord : whether it be by forsaking him , and falling off altogether to idolatry ; or by giving the honour of god to any other being , together with him. sect . xxiii . q. what is the second commandment ? a. thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image , &c. q. how does this commandment differ from the foregoing ? a. the design of the first commandment was to determine , and set us right in , the object of our religious worship ; and to prevent us from giving divine honour to any besides the true god. the design of this , is to direct us in the manner of worshipping him ; that so we may not only serve the true god , but may serve him after such a manner as he requires , and is most sitting for us to do . q. what is the full import of this commandment ? a. it is this ; first , * that we must not make any image of god , at all ; be our design what it will , in making of it . nor , secondly , * that of any other being , with an intention to pay any honour , or worship , to it . q. do you think it utterly unlawful to make any image at all of god ? a. it is certainly unlawful , and is in many places of scripture expresly forbidden ; as being highly dishonourable to the infinite nature , and majesty of god ; and of great danger , and harm to us. see deut. iv . 15 . isai. xl . 18 . xlii . 8 . rom. i. 23 . q. what think you of the image of christ ; may that be made without offending against this commandment ? a. christ being man , as well as god , his body may certainly be aptly enough represented by an image ; nor would it be any sin so to do , provided that no use were made of any such image , in any part of our religious worship . but to represent god the father in a graven image ; to paint the holy trinity , and that in so profane a manner as it has often been done in the church of rome , is certainly a great sin , and a great scandal ; and directly contrary to the intention of this commandment . q. do you then look upon all vse of images in god's service to be vnlawful ? a. i do account it contrary to the prohibition of this commandment , and by consequence , vnlawful . and therefore when aaron first , and afterwards jeroboam , made use of them for this purpose ; we find how highly god was pleased to resent it ; and with what detestation it is condemn'd in the holy scriptures . exod. xxxii . 1 kings xii . 30 . xiii . 34 . psal. cvi . 20 . q. what say you to the practice of the church of rome , in this particular ? a. that it is scandalous , and intolerable : there having never been greater idolatry committed among the heathen in the business of image-worship , than has been committed in that church ; and is , by publick authority , still practised by it ; especially in the ceremony of their good-friday , cross-worship . q. do you think they are so foolish as to worship the cross ; or is it idolatry to worship christ , in presence of the cross ? a. if we may either believe their own words , or judge by their actions , they adore the cross , as well as christ ; and both alike , and with the same worship . as for the new pretence of worshipping christ in presence of the cross , it is a meer delusion , contrived only to cheat ignorant people : and carries just as much sense in it , as if you should ask , whether it were lawful to say your prayers in presence of a post ; or to write a letter in the presence of a candlestick ; the nonsense of which there is no one so dull as not to discover . q. what is the positive duty required of us in this commandment ? a. to worship god after a manner suitable to his divine nature , and excellencies : god is a spirit , and whoso will worship him aright , must do it in spirit and in truth , jo. iv . 24 . rom. xii . 1 . comp. mat. xv . 8 , 9. q. how has god enforced these commandments ? a. he has done it after a very singular manner : by declaring , 1st ; that he is a jealous god , acts xvii . 29 . and will not suffer his glory to be given to another ; neither his praise to graven images . isai. xlii . 8 . but 2dly , will visit this sin not only upon those who commit it , but on their posterity also , to the third , and fourth generation . as , on the other side , 3dly ; to those who are careful to worship him as they ought to do , he will shew abundant mercy in this present time ; and , in the world to come , give them life everlasting . q. can it consist with the justice of god to punish one for the sin of another ? a. no certainly , nor does god here threaten any such thing . but god , who is the great lord of the whole world , may so punish a man for his sins , that the evil of it shall reach not to himself alone , but to his posterity also . and thus the children may be visited , and yet not punish'd , for their father's idolatry . as in the case of high-treason , the father by forfeiting his honour , and estate , brings the ill-consequence of his crime upon his family as well as upon himself ; and the prince , by exacting the penalty of the law , does truly visit ; tho not punish , his posterity ; for the offence which he alone committed . q. how then do you understand this part of the commandment ? a. god had , in general , promised to the jews temporal blessings to encourage their obedience ; and had denounced present evils against them , to keep them from sinning . but to set a particular mark of his indignation upon the sin of idolatry , he thought fit to declare , that if they offended in this matter , he would not only severely punish them himself , but would deliver them up into the hands of their enemies , who should both oppress them , and their children after them. whereas if they continued firm to his worship , tho' otherwise they should be guilty of many lesser crimes , yet he would not cast them off from his favour ; but , on the contrary , would bless both them , and their posterity , with plenty , and prosperity , all their days . this i take to have been the literal meaning of the present denunciation ; and how exactly it was made good to them , their history sufficiently declares to us. q. may this be , in any wise , apply'd to us now ? a. thus far it may , to teach us how heinous the sin of idolatry is ; how odious in the sight of god ; how worthy of his vengeance ; how certain to feel it . the jews were , in their whole estate , a figure to us : as therefore god threatned that he would , with the utmost severity , require this sin of them ; so most certainly he will do it of us ; it may be in this present life , but without all controversie in the life which is to come . sect . xxv . q. what is the third commandment ? a. thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in uain , &c. q. what is the design of this commandment ? a. to secure that honour we ought to pay to god , by a reverend esteem of whatsoever relates to him. q. what mean you by the name of god ? a. i understand thereby god himself , and whatsoever has any immediate relation to him. psal. xxix . 2 . exod. xxxiv . 14 . deutr. xxviii . 58 . q. when may we be accounted to take god's name in vain ? a. when we make mention of god , or of any thing which belongs unto him , rashly , and irreverently : in a way that is not suitable to his divine honour , and majesty ; nor to that deference we ought to pay , to his sovereign power , and authority over us. q. upon what occasions , especially , may god's name be made use of by us ? a. chiefly on these three ; in swearing : vowing : praying : and in all these it may be , and oftentimes is , taken in vain . q. when may we be accounted to take god's name in vain , by using it in swearing ? a. when we swear falsely : lev. xix . 12 . whether it be by a positive asserting of what is untrue ; or by tricking , and equivocating , in what is in some respect true ; tho' not in that , in which we would be understood to swear . 2dly , when we swear needlesly ; where either the matter was not of moment enough to justifie the solemnity of an oath , or might have been sufficiently determined without one. of which kind are the greatest part of those voluntary oaths , which are so frequently used by profane persons in their common discourse . 3dly , when we swear rashly , but especially in matters of promise ; in which we are the most exposed to the danger of perjury . and 4thly , when we swear irreverently : whether we take an oath carelesly , and lightly , and without due regard to the honour of god's name , our selves ; or administer it so to others . q. what think you of those who swear not only by the name of god , but by that of some creature ; such as the blessed virgin , or the like saint ? a. i think it to be , without all controversie , sinful : as giving that honour to the creature , which is due only to the creator . and so god himself declares that he accounts it : deut. vi . 13 . thou shalt fear the lord thy god , and serve him : and shalt swear by his name ; ye shall not go after other gods. and again , deut. x. 20 . thou shalt fear the lord thy god ; him shalt thou serve , and to him shalt thou cleave , and swear by his name . and when , in process of time , that people began to do otherwise ; the prophet jeremy tells us how heinously god resented the affront that was thereby put upon him : jer. v. 7 . how shall i pardon thee for this ? thy children have forsaken me , and sworn by them that are no gods. and again , amos viii . 14 . they that swear by the sin of samaria , and say , thy god , o dan , liveth , and the manner of beersheba liveth : even they shall fall , and never rise up again . comp. josh. xxiii . 7 . jer. xii . 16 . zeph. i. 5 . q. how does it appear that to swear by any creature , is to give to that creature by whom we swear , the proper honour of god ? a. the very nature of an oath declares it : which supposes the person whom we swear by , to be capable both of discerning the truth , or falshood , of what is sworn ; and the sincerity or insincerity , with which we swear ; and also of punishing us for our perjury , if we swear otherwise than we ought to do . all which are actions proper to god alone : and above the capacity of any creature ; and therefore being ascribed to one who is not god , must needs give the honour due to god alone , to that person by whom we swear . q. is it lawful to swear in any matter of moment ; if we take care to swear in such a manner as we ought to do ? a. it has been the opinion of many good men , that we should decline all voluntary swearing , even in matters of moment , as much as may be : and that for fear of perjury , which is a sin of a very heinous nature , yet if we are required to do it by such whom we ought not to disobey , and we do it faithfully , and reverently ; it is both an act of religious worship ; and for the glory of god ; and upon both those accounts undoubtedly lawful . nor did our saviour ever intend to forbid swearing altogether ; but only to restrain all voluntary , and needless , vse of it in common conversation ; and to keep us , when we do swear , to the doing of it only by the name of god , and not by that of any other thing , or person . see mat. v. 34 , &c. q. how may god's name be taken in vain , by vowing ? a. * by vowing to do any thing which may not lawfully be fulfill'd : * by vowing that which we are not able to fulfil : * by vowing rashly , and indiscreetly ; what tho' we should be able to fulfil , might yet much better , and more prudently , have been let alone : * by vowing any thing for a long time to come , it may be for one's whole life ; and of our future capacity to make good which hereafter , we cannot , at the present , judge : and lastly ; * by accustoming our selves to vow frequently ; which must necessarily expose us to the hazard of not performing our vows . q. is it not then good to make vows at all ? a. there is no doubt to be made but that a vow , duly regulated , is not only lawful , but acceptable to god. but then that it may be so , we should take heed ; 1st , not to vow upon every occasion ; but when we have some considerable motive to engage us to the doing of it . 2dly , to see that what we do vow , be in its self good ; fit for vs to vow , and for god to accept . 3dly , that we be sure not to vow any thing , but what we are in a capacity to fulfil . eccles. v. 4 , 5. when thou vowest a vow unto god , defer not to pay it , for he hath no pleasure in fools ; pay that which thou hast vowed . better is it that thou shouldst not vow , than that thou shouldst vow , and not pay. q. when do we take god's name in vain , in praying ? a. * when we pray , without minding what we are about : * when we pray for such things as we ought not to pray for : * when , in our prayers , we use vain repetitions of god's name , without need , and against reason . but , especially , when we join the name of any creature , with that of god , in our prayers ; as the papists in many , or rather most , of their prayers , do . q. are there not other ways , of taking god's name in vain , besides those we have hitherto spoken of ? a. there are several other ways : * by profane cursing , as well as swearing : * by any light , and unfitting vse of god's name , in our common , and vain conversation : * by all lewd , atheistical discourse : * by blaspheming , or speaking reproachfully , of god , or his religion : * by murmuring against him : * by ridiculing , abusing , or otherwise profaning his holy word : * by despising , or exposing his ministers , upon the account of their function ; and as they stand related to him : * by an irreverent behaviour in his publick service ; in the use of his prayers , and sacraments : in short , * by a contemptuous treating of any thing in which his name , and honour , are concern'd . q. what does this commandment positively require of us ? a. to honour god's holy name , and word : to employ our tongues to his praise , and glory : never to make mention of god , or of any thing which relates to him , without a religious reverence : and to use our utmost endeavour , upon all occasions , to keep up the reputation of religion ; and the respect which is due to holy things , for the sake of god , and as they have a relation to him. q. what is the sanction wherewith god has enforced this commandment ? a. it is this ; that the lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in uain . q. what do you understand thereby ? a. that he will severely punish such sinners ; and not suffer his name to be profaned by them , without bringing some exemplary vengeance upon them , for such their presumption . q. if this be so , how comes it to pass that such persons oftentimes escape , without any such exemplary mark of god's vengeance against them ? a. we are not to call god to account for his actions . it is enough that he has assured us , that he will not hold such persons guiltless : and that therefore every such sinner , must either repent , in a very singular manner , of his offence in taking god's name in vain ; or he shall assuredly be punish'd with an extraordinary severity for it ; it may be in this present life , but without all question , in that which is to come . sect . xxvi . q. what is the last commandment of the first table . a. remember that thou keep holy the sabbath-day , &c. q. what do you mean by the sabbath-day ? a. the commandment it self explains it . 't is a seventh day of rest , after six of work and labour : six days shalt thou labour , and do all that thou hast to do ; but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god ; in it thou shalt do no manner of work. q. wherefore did god establish a seventh day of rest , after six of work and labour ? a. in memory of his having created the world in six days ; and on the seventh day rested , or ceased from creating it : and to keep up thereby the memory of his being the creator of the world ; and to engage mankind solemnly to acknowledge , and worship him , as such . — for in six days the lord made heaven and earth , the sea , and all that is therein , and rested the seventh day ; wherefore the lord blessed the sabbath-day , and hallowed it . q. was this command given by god to mankind from the beginning of the world ? a. so moses tells us , gen. ii . 2 . and it is not to be doubted but that accordingly such a sabbath did continue to be observed , so long as any sense of true religion remained upon the earth . q. how then did it become needful for god to renew it again in this place ? a. as it was needful for him to renew many other precepts , which yet were certainly both given by him , and observed in the world , long before . no body doubts but that adam , and his first descendents , both knew , and worshipped the true god ; yet this was provided for again now. so immediately after the floud , the law against murder was solemnly promulged ; gen. ix . 6 . yet nevertheless the same command was here again repeated . as for the case before us ; as men lived farther off from the creation , and wickedness prevailed over the face of the earth , and the true worship of god was corrupted by almost a universal idolatry ; so was the solemn day of his worship neglected likewise . and tho' it may have in some measure been received after the floud , and continued , in some part of abraham's family ; yet , in their aegyptian slavery , it was utterly abolish'd ; and the very memory of it seems to have been lost among them . q. when did god renew this command to them ? a. presently after their passing thro' the red sea , exod. xvi . when he began to give the manna to them. for then he commanded them to gather it every morning six days ; but on the sixth day to provide a double quantity for the next day ; because that thereon they should keep the sabbath to the lord , and no manna should fall , or be gathered , upon it . q. on what day of the week did that sabbath-day fall ? a. on that which they , from thenceforth , observed for their sabbath-day , and which answers to our saturday . q. was that the same day on which god rested from the creation , and which he had before commanded adam to keep in memory of it ? a. that we cannot tell : by the providence of god so it may have been ; but that it was so , god has not declared to us , nor is it possible , ( without a particular revelation , ) for us to come to the knowledge of it . that which is more certain is , that god designed this particular day to be kept by the jews in memory of his delivering of them out of their egyptian slavery , and of his miraculous feeding them with manna in the wilderness . and for this reason it was that he required that strict rest of them , of which we read : exod. xxxi , 12 , &c. nehem. xiii . 15 . isai. lviii . 13 . that thereby they might both keep up the memory of the hard work they had been held to during their abode in egypt , where they were not suffer'd to rest on the sabbath-day ; and be the more engaged to serve that god , who had so wonderfully delivered them from that wretched estate . q. how then , upon the whole , are we to consider the jewish sabbath , here establish'd by god ? a. it is evident from the several reasons given for it , in the command its self , that it must be consider'd in two different respects : 1st , as a day to be kept by them in memory of the creation : exod. xx . 11 . and to declare themselves thereby to be the worshippers of that god , who created the heaven and earth : and to this end , they were required to observe a seventh day of rest , after six of labour ; because god wrought six days , and rested the seventh . and , 2dly , as a day to be observed in memory of their egyptian-bondage , and of god's delivering them out of it : deut. v. 15 . and thus the jews were tied to observe not only the proportion , but the very day of the week too ; as being that day on which they had pass'd the red sea , and so were set intirely free from their slavery . for which reason also they were obliged not only to worship god upon it , but moreover to abstain from all bodily labour ; and that under the pain of death , exod. xxxi . 12 , &c. numb . xv . 32 . q. how far do you suppose this command obliges us now ? a. as much as ever it did the jews , tho' not exactly after the same manner . we worship , as they did , that god who in six days created the heaven , and earth ; the sea , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day : and in acknowledgment thereof we stand obliged , with them , to keep a seventh day of rest , after six of labour . but then as they worshipp'd this god under the peculiar character , of the god who brought them out of the land of egypt , out of the house of bondage , so were they determined to take that particular day , the seventh of the week , for their sabbath , on which he compleated their deliverance ; and strictly to abstain from all bodily labour upon it . now in this respect we differ from them . we worship god , the creator of the world , under a much higher , and more divine character ; as he is our father , and deliverer , by jesus christ our lord : who upon the first day of the week , rose from the dead , and thereby put an end to the jewish oeconomy . and in testimony hereof , we keep the first day of the week for our sabbath ; and so profess our selves to be the servants of the true god , thro' the covenant which he has been pleased to make with us , in christ jesus our lord. q. upon what authority was this change of the sabbath-day made ? a. upon the greatest that can be desired : the reason of it has been already mention'd ; viz. christ's rising on this day from the dead . the thing it self was done by the apostles , who no doubt had in this , as in all the rest that they did , the direction of the holy ghost . and as for the jewish sabbath , which is the seventh day , besides that the ground of it does not concern us ; st. paul speaks of it as ceasing with the law , no less than the new-moons , or meats , and drinks , prescribed by the same law. col. . ii.16 . q. how are we to keep our sabbath day ? a. we are to consecrate it to a religious rest , * by attending upon the publick service of the church ; * and hearing god's word read , and preach'd there . * by participating of the holy sacrament : * by private prayer , meditation , and reading : * by works of charity , and mercy : * by taking all the care we can to improve our own piety , and to help other men in the enlivening of theirs . q. is all bodily labour forbidden to vs , upon this day , as it was to the jews ? a. no , it is not : . works of charity , and necessity , may certainly be done upon it . friendly visits and entertainments may , in a reasonable measure , be allow'd also : provided that neither the publick service of the church , nor the necessary improvement of our own private piety , be at all neglected thereby . but as for all works of gain ; all such allowances as are inconsistent with the religious design of the day , or may be apt to give offence to any good men ; they ought , without question , to be avoided upon it . q. what is forbidden by this commandment ? a. to neglect , and profane the sabbath : not to employ it to the honour , and service , of god ; much more to spend it in idleness and pleasure ; in sin , and debauchery , as too many wicked persons are wont to do . q. is there any thing farther required of us , in order to the full observance of this commandment ? a. this only ; that we be careful not only to sanctify the sabbath day our selves , but to see that all who belong to vs , do likewise . for , for these also , the commandment tells us we are to answer : in it thou shalt do no manner of work ; thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter ; thy man-servant , nor thy maid-servant ; thy cattle , nor the stranger that is within , thy gates . and since now the piety of our ‖ own laws have provided for the better observation of this day ; we ought , in obedience to them , as well as out of conscience towards god , not only to be careful of our selves , and families , but to bring all others , as much as in us lies , to a due regard of it : if not out of duty towards him , whose sabbath it is , yet for fear of that punishment , which the civil magistrate is to inflict on those who despise , and profane it . sect . xxvii . q. what do the commandments of the second table respect ? a. our duty towards our neighbour . q. what is the general foundation of our duty towards our neighbour ? a. to love him as my self ; and to do to all men as i would they should do unto me : the one of which shews , what that inward affection is , which every one ought to have for his neighbour ; the other , how we ought to regulate our outward actions towards each other . q. is a man obliged , in all cases , to do all that for his neighbour , which he would desire his neighbour should do for him ? a. yes , certainly ; provided the rule be but rightly stated , and duly limited , by us : otherwise it may prove a snare , rather than a guide , to us. q. how then do you suppose that this rule is to be vnderstood by us ? a. we must first set our selves in our neighbour's place , and then put it to our consciences ; were his case our own , what would we desire that one , in our circumstances , should do for vs , and then conclude , that we ought to do the same for him. thus for example ; if a poor man ask an alms of us ; we must not think that we are at liberty to refuse him , because we neither need , nor desire , that any one should relieve us : but we must bring his case home to our selves ; and suppose that we were in his circumstances ; poor , and destitute ; would we not then think it reasonable , that one , in our circumstances , should relieve vs ; and that will shew us , that therefore we ought to relieve him . q. but must we then , after such a change of circumstances , absolutely do to others , whatsoever we would , in the like circumstances , desire , that they should do to us ? a. i do not say that neither : men may desire what is vnlawful , and then in conscience of our duty to god , we must deny them . they may desire what is vnreasonable , or may be greatly inconvenient to us ; and , in such cases , though we owe a duty to our neighbour , yet we must remember that we owe a duty to our selves too ; and must consider our own interests , as well as those of our neighbour . if a man should fall into such circumstances , as to need my telling of a lie ; or forswearing my self , to bring him safely out of them ; though i should be so wicked as to desire , in the like case , that another would do the same for me , yet i am not therefore obliged , by this rule , to do this for him ; because neither ought i to desire such a thing of another , nor ought any other to desire it of me. again ; should a man desire me to be bound with him for a considerable sum of money ; which i cannot pay , without great damage to my self , and prejudice to my family : though i should perhaps wish , that , had i the same occasion that this man has , another would be bound for me ; yet because the desire is vnreasonable , and such as in duty to my self , and my family , i ought not to comply with ; neither am i obliged , by vertue of this rule , to answer his desires in it . q. what then do you take to be the true import of this rule ? a. that whatsoever i could justly , and reasonably , desire of another man , in my circumstances ; and it would become him , in charity , to do for me ; the same ought i to do for my neighbour : and thereby make it manifest , as the other rule directs , that i do , indeed , love him as my self . q. to how many commandments has god reduced our duty towards our neighbour ? a. to six ; which make up the whole of the second table ? q. what is the first of these ? a. honour thy father , and thy mother , that thy days may be long in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee . q. what is the proper extent of this commandment ? a. it expresly regards only our natural parents ; but the reason of it extends to all sorts of persons who are in any respect our superiours , and to whom we owe any singular honour upon that account : and to the most of which the very name of fathers is given in the holy scriptures . q. what are the chief relations to which this commandement may be referr'd ? a. they are especially these following : 1. of children towards their parents . 2. of subjects towards those who are in authority over them. 3. of scholars towards their governours . 4. of ordinary christians towards their ministers . 5. of servants towards their masters . 6. of wives towards their husbands . 7. of younger persons towards the aged . and , 8. of those who are in a lower degree , towards such as are in a higher place of state , and dignity . q. does not this commandment require some return of duty from those , who are , upon any of these accounts , to be honoured by us ? a. in the equity of it , it certainly does : and therefore as it is our duty to honour them , so it is no less their duty to behave themselves , as their relation requires , towards us. q. what do you mean by honouring of such persons ? a. not a bare , formal respect ; but , with that , all that love , duty , and obedience ; all that help , and service ; which they may justly expect from us , and which our own reason tells us , we ought to yield to them. q. what are the particular duties which are required of children towards their parents ? a. to love , honour , and succour , their father and mother : to obey their orders , and bear with their infirmities ; and submit to their correction . to promote their comfort , and welfare , by all fitting means ; and if they need , and their children are able , to provide for , and support them. q. are all these duties to be equally paid to both our parents ? a. they are , and that by the express words of the commandment , honour thy father and thy mother . comp. prov. i. 8 . vi . 20 . eph. vi 4. q. what return of duty ought parents to make to their children ? a. it is their duty to breed them up carefully whilst they are young ; vertuously , and religiously , when they are capable of discerning between good and evil. to love them : to provide , according to their ability , for them : to bring them up to some honest and useful employment : to encourage them when they do well ; to correct them when they do amiss : to be gentle , and courteous , towards them ; and not by their passions , or perverseness , provoke them to anger , and alienate their affections from them . q. what is the duty of subjects towards those whom god has set in authority over them ? a. to submit to their laws , to be faithful to their interests , and obedient to them in all their just commands . to live quietly under their government ; and to contribute , according to their capacity , towards the support , and defence of it : by their counsel ; their estate ; and ( if need be ) by venturing their very lives for their service . q. what if the civil power shall command me to do that which is contrary to my duty towards god ? a. i must , in that case , obey god rather than man. if for this i shall be punish'd , i must patiently yield to it ; and glorify god , that he has thought me worthy to suffer for my duty to him. exod. i. 15 , 16. dan. iii. 14 , &c. vi . 6 , &c. a. what if any difference should arise in the commonwealth , of which i am a member , between the prince , and the people ? a. i must carefully examine where the right lies ; and act so , as is most agreeable to the rules of religion first ; and , ( where they are silent , ) to the laws , and constitution of the state , to which i belong . q. what is the duty of the civil magistrate towards his people ? a. to order all his counsels , designs , and enterprizes , as much as in him lies , to the publick good. not to vex , or oppress his subjects , but to rule them with gentleness , and moderation ; but especially with an exact justice , and equity . to be faithful to the trust committed to him ; and not seek to oppress , or enslave his people . but above all , to take care of the service of god ; and see that the true religion be maintain'd , and protected in his dominions : and to use his utmost endeavours for the suppression of all vice , profaness , and irreligion ; as being at once both odious to god , and destructive of the publick peace , and welfare , of any people . psal. ci . isa. xlix . 23 . q. what is the proper duty of scholars towards their teachers ; and ( which is much the same ) of ordinary christians towards their spiritual rulers and guides ? a. to respect them highly for their office , and works sake : to attend upon their instructions with care , and diligence : to submit themselves to their conduct , in those things wherein they are set over them : and to reward them according to their several stations , and the work which they have to do . q. how ought those , who are teachers , to behave themselves towards them who are committed to their charge ? a. they should attend to their teaching with faithfulness and diligence : should be careful to consider what instruction is most proper for every one , and give it in that way that may be likely to prove the most profitable to them. they are freely to tell them of their faults ; to admonish them of the danger , as well as sinfulness of them ; and to help them , according to the best of their power , to correct them . in short ; it is their duty , and ought to be their study , and endeavour , to guide those whom they have the charge of , the best , and most direct way they can , for the attainment of that knowledge which they pretend to bring them to . q. what is the duty of the wife towards her husband ? a. faithfully to observe her marriage vow and covenant : to love , honour , and obey him ; to be true and just to him in all his concerns : to order his house with prudence and discretion : to bring up his children in the nurture , and fear of the lord ; to instil good principles betimes into them , and root out bad ones : not to forsake him in any troubles , or adversities , that may fall upon him ; but to continue faithful , and united to him , in person , and affection , to her lives end. q. what is the husbands duty towards his wife ? a. to be true to her bed ; kind and loving to her person ; to communicate to her of his substance ; and to look after her in all her sicknesses , or other distresses : to protect her against the injuries of others , and to cherish her himself as his own flesh : to keep only to her , and not be separated from her , so long as it shall please god to continue her life to him . q. what is the duty of servants towards their masters ? a. to be diligent in their business ; true and just to what they are intrusted withal ; careful in the management of their concerns , as if it were for themselves : not profuse , or extravagant , in any thing which is committed to their care , but thrifty , and watchful ▪ not to be eye-servants , but to use the same industry , and integrity , in their master's absence , as they would do if he were present with them . q. how ought masters to behave themselves towards their servants ? a. with kindness and gentleness ; providing for them what is convenient ; not laying too much work upon them , nor too rigorously exacting what they do . to have a due regard to their souls as well as bodies ; and in order thereunto , not only to allow them a sufficient time for the service of god , but to see that they employ the time so allow'd them , to the glory of god , and the promoting of their souls welfare . and , lastly , to be just in paying them their wages ; neither keeping it back from them , when it is due , nor otherwise defrauding them of their hire . q. what is the duty of the younger towards the aged ? a. to give a seemly respect , and honour to them ; and not to injure , or affront them , for any infirmities which their age may chance to have brought upon them. q. how ought elder persons to behave themselves towards the younger ? a. they ought to advise them in their affairs ; to encourage them in their duty ; to set a good example to them ; and prudently to reprove them for , and endeavour to reform in them , what they see amiss . q. how ought those who are in a lower degree , to behave themselves towards such as are in fortune , and quality , above them ? a. they ought to give them honour , suitable to what the difference of their ranks , and stations , may justly require : not to envy , or back-bite them ; not to wish , or do them any evil , out of any malice , or enmity against them , for what they enjoy , in character , or estate , beyond them . q. what is the duty of those who are of a higher rank , towards such as are below them ? a. not to behave themselves proudly , or arrogantly , towards them ; not to despise them for their poverty , or meanness in the world ; but to remember that they are both men , and christians ; and , upon both those accounts , as high in god's esteem as themselves . that when we come before the judgment-seat of christ , we shall all stand upon the same level ; all titles , and honours , and distinctions shall be laid aside ; and only the vertue , and piety of the soul be consider'd . that in the mean time , the poorest , and lowest man , may be wise and good , brave and constant , chast and temperate ; and that these , in reality , make a great man , beyond all the outward trappings of titles , and retinue . and , lastly , it is their duty to be liberal , and charitable , out of what god hath given them , to those who are in need ; which is the best use that any man can put his riches to , and will turn to the highest account at the last . q. what encouragement has god given us , to make us the more careful to observe this commandment ? a. that thy days may be long in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee . q. what is the import of this exhortation . a. it contains a promise to those who should honour their father and mother ; that they should live long in that good land , to which the lord was then leading them , by the hand of moses his servant . q. what encouragement does this give to us now ? a. it shews us , in a type , what we may promise our selves upon our obedience . that as long life , and that in the land of canaan , their expected inheritance , was the highest temporal promise god could make to the jews ; as being indeed the foundation of all the present blessings they were capable of receiving : so , if we carefully observe this command , it shall not only promote our present peace , but shall be a good means to procure to us an everlasting inheritance , in our heavenly canaan ; and intitle us to a more than ordinary degree of happiness in it . sect . xxviii . q. what is the sixth commandment ? a. thou shalt do no murder . q. what is murder ? a. it is the wilful , and unlawful , taking away of the life of a man , by what way , or means , soever it be done . q. is not all killing , murder ? a. no ; that only is murder , which is voluntary , and unlawful . q. wherefore must the killing be wilful , and designed ? a. because if a man slay another purely by chance , without any design , or intention , so to do ; without malice , and without premeditation ; it is a misfortune , it is not murder . q. wherefore must the killing be vnlawful ? a. to exclude those cases in which tho' the killing be voluntary , yet it is not murder ; nor forbidden by god as such . q. what are those cases ? a. * the execution of justice , after a lawful manner , for a suitable offence ; and by a lawful magistrate . † the killing of an enemy in a just war : * the killing of another for the necessary defence of a man 's own life : to which under the law were added some other cases , of which it may be doubted how far they are to be allow'd under the gospel . q. what be they ? a. the killing of any person who would have inticed them to commit idolatry : * the avenger of bloud , slaying him who had vnawares kill'd his brother . and , lastly , ‖ the execution of vengeance on any wicked person , by an extraordinary impulse from god ; as phineas did , in the day of the assembly . num. xxv . 7 , &c. q. what is your opinion of self-murder ? a. that it is as much forbidden by this mandment as any other . q. what think you of those who meet in a set duel , and so kill ? a. if both agree to it , which soever falls , they are both guilty of murder . q. what if men draw in a sudden heat , and one be slain ? a. the heat being criminal , it will not excuse the mischief consequent upon it , any more than drunkenness , in the like case , would have done . the laws of men may distinguish as they please ; but in the sight of god 't is murder . q. what are the peculiar aggravations of this sin ? a. they are very many , and very great ones : murder being above most other sins , 1. a heinous offence against god , who is the sole lord of all his creatures ; after whose image we are made ; and who must therefore be , in a singular manner , both injured , and affronted , by the destruction of his creature , and his image . 2. it is a sin against nature ; which has established a common relation betwixt us ; design'd us for society ; and , in order thereunto , has made it one of its fundamental laws , that we should love , and protect , and do good , to one another : and this law cannot by any thing be more eminently trampled under foot than by murder . 3. it is a sin against the civil society ; the end of which is protection ; to provide for the safety , and security , of those who are the members of it : and the very bands of which must therefore be broken hereby . 4. it is a sin against the magistrate ; who alone , under god , has the power of life and death ; and who , by this violence , is deprived of the counsel , help , and support , of one of his subjects . and , lastly , it is a particular , and signal offence , against all the relatives of him who is murdered , and such as perhaps may be utterly ruinous to them. to say nothing of the injury that is hereby done to the person murder'd ; and who , thereby , is not only deprived of his life , and of all the advantages he enjoy'd by it ; but is , it may be , taken off in the midst of his sins , and so undone to all eternity . q. is there nothing else , besides murder , forbidden by this commandment ? a. yes , much more ; viz. all variance , hatred , emulation , envy , revenge , evil-speaking , quarrelling ; all rash and immoderate anger ; and , in one word , whatsoever tends towards murder , or may be likely to end in it . q. what are the positive duties which this commandment requires of us ? a. to do all we can for the safety , and preservation , both of our own , and our neighbour's lives : if they are sick , to advise and and assist them , with our money , and our service . if they are well ; to prevent their quarrels , and make up their differences . if they are needy , to feed them , and cloath them . if they have injured us , to forgive them : if we have injured them , to make them all reasonable satisfaction . in one word ; to do all we can to promote love , and peace , and good will , among all men. sect . xxix . q. what is the seventh commandment ? a. thou shalt not commit adultery . q. what is adultery ? a. it is the violation of the marriage-bed , by which party soever it be done . q. how many ways may the marriage-bed be polluted ? a. either by the one's leaving the other altogether , and marrying again ; or by the one's being false to the other , whilst they still continue to hold together . q. is this all that is here forbidden by god ? a. it is all that this commandment does expresly forbid ; and seems to have been chiefly design'd by god , when he deliver'd it to the jews : but our saviour has taught us to extend it much farther . q. what does our saviour teach us to understand by this prohibition ? a. that we are to abstain not only from adultery , but from all manner of carnal pollutions whatsoever , and from all the most distant approaches to it , and incitements towards it . such as fornication , vncleanness , sensual desires , and inclinations ; all lewd , and effeminate conversation ; all wantonness of behaviour ; all undecent dressing ; all familiar conversation of younger persons of different sexes together : all excess of meat , drink , sleep , cloathing : all places , and exercises , which may be likely to raise our passions to any immoderate heighth . in short ; from whatsoever is contrary to the gravity , and modesty , and purity , of the gospel of christ. q. was adultery the only pollution that was forbidden by god under the law ? a. no ; fornication was forbidden then , no less than it is now : exod. xxii . 16 . deut. xxii . 28 . xxiii . 17 . so were all incestuous and vnseemly marriages : lev. xviii . 6 . &c. deut. vii . 3 . all vnnatural communication between near relations : lev. xx . 11 , &c. deut. 22.30 . but above all , most detestable was the sin of sodom accounted then , as well as now it ought to be : lev. xviii . 22 , 23. xx . 13 , 15 , 16. rom. i. 26 , 27. comp . versa 22. q. what are the positive duties comprehended under this commandment ? a. to keep our bodies in temperance , soberness , and chastity : and , in order hereunto , not only carefully to avoid all temptations , and incentives , to the contrary ; but , if need be , to exercise our selves in great watchings , and fastings , and other corporal austerities ; which are in no cases more proper , than for the suppression of these sins . to be modest in our behaviour ; grave , and chast , in our conversation ; to regulate , as much as may be , our very thoughts , and desires : and , above all things , to take care that we have somewhat to employ our selves about ; that may spend our spirits , and take up our thoughts : as considering that there is nothing more dangerous to the purity of a christian , than idleness ; and that unhappy privilege of a great fortune , to have nothing to do . q. how was this sin of adultery punish'd under the law ? a. it was punish'd with death : and that not only upon a civil account , as being most injurious to society ; but also typically , to denote what such persons are to expect from god in the other world , even death eternal . q. what are the particular aggravations of this sin ? a. that it is not only a very heinous sin in the sight of god , but such as is destructive of humane society also . that it breaks the most solemn vow that can be made between man and man : seperates the nearest relations : lays the ground of infinite quarrels , and hatred , and divisions in families ; and oftentimes occasions murders , seditions , and contentions , in the civil state. that it propagates sickness , and infirmities , to mens posterity : is an enemy to all serious counsels , and generous actions : emasculates mens minds ; enfeebles their bodies ; and , upon all these accounts , ought as well to be severely punish'd by the civil magistrate now , as we are sure it shall be punish'd by god with eternal damnation . sect . xxx . q. what is the eighth commandment ? a. thou shalt not steal . q. what do you here understand by stealing ? a. not only the secret , and fraudulent taking away of what is anothers ; but all kind of vnlawful getting , or detaining of any thing , whereby another is injured , or oppressed , in what of right belongs , or ought to belong , to him . q. what are the chief ways whereby this sin may be committed ? a. ‖ chiefly by these three : 1. by stealth , and robbery ; as the one implies a secret thievery , or conveying away of another's goods ; the other a more violent , and forcible taking of them. 2. * to these may be added , as not very different from them , all the artificial ways which men have got of doing the same thing ; by cheating , in buying and selling ; in borrowing what they are not able , or never intend , to pay ; which is in truth stealing . by extortion upon , or oppression of , those who are in need ; or whom we are otherwise able by our power , or authority , to over-bear ; which is the same thing with down-right robbery . 3. to all which , let me add , lastly ; all aiding , advising , encouraging , or otherwise communicating with others in any of these crimes : by receiving , buying , or concealing what is stoln ; by helping any one to cheat , or over-reach another ; by serving any great and violent oppressor , in crushing , and ruining a poor man. q. are there yet any other vices forbidden by this commandment ? a. there are several others that may fairly be reduced to it : such as * prodigality , in spending a man's estate , and beggaring his family . * negligence in making an honest provision , according to a man's station , and opportunities , for his children . * contracting of debts , which we are not able to pay. * engaging for others , beyond what we are able , or it is fitting for us to answer . * taking vsury of any , especially of a needy man. to which may be added the whole mystery of ruining estates , and families , * by the excessive rates of procuring , continuing , advancing of money , and interest ; * by buying mens goods , or estates , at vnder-rates ; * by taking advantage of gain by mens private wants , or by the publick necessities ; * the trade of pawns , as it is commonly managed , and the exactions depending thereupon ; * and , lastly , all such other trades as live upon the vices , and extravagancies of men ; with all manner of vnlawful , and injurious ways of gain . q. what think you of going to law ? a. that as it may be managed both by the counsellor , and the client , it is as much theft as ever the law punish'd ; and will , as such , be required of both by god. and therefore tho' such cases there be in which a christian may go to law without violating this , or any other command ; yet is it certainly the last resort , and not to be used till all other means have proved ineffectual , to secure our property , or to recover our right . and , for the most part ; it is in law , as in war , where one side is certainly in the wrong , and generally both are to blame : and let those who by their purse , their tongue , or their art , defraud another of his right , know assuredly , that however they may build up their houses by iniquity , and escape the punishment of man for what they do , yet they shall not be acquitted at the tribunal of god. q. what are the duties which this commandment requires of us ? a. to be fair , and upright , in all our dealings ; not willingly to wrong , or be accessary to the wronging of , any . if we should happen to have unwillingly injured any man , to be ready to make him a full , and ample restitution for it . to be free , and charitable to the poor ; careful to provide a competent subsistence for our families ; and diligent in pursuing some honest , and useful calling , in order thereunto . sect . xxxi . q. what is the ninth commandment ? a. thou shalt not bear false-witness against thy neighbour . q. what do you here understand by bearing of false witness ? a. the false-accusing of , or witnessing against him in judgment : and which is commonly attended with perjury , as well as lying ; and so becomes an offence at once against the third commandment , by our taking god's name in vain ; and against this , of injuring our neighbour , by bearing false-witness against him. q. is there any thing else forbidden in this commandment ? a. there is ; namely all sort of calumny , and evil-speaking , against any ; whether it be in , or , out of , judgment . q. how do you distinguish between calumny , and evil-speaking ? a. by calumny i mean , a reproach falsly raised upon , and reported against , a person , who is wholly innocent of it . when we are the makers , as well as spreaders , of an untruth ; at least , know what we say of our neighbour to be false ; or have just reason to believe it to be so . by evil-speaking , i understand , the relating of what is , or has been told to us , as true ; and is believed by us so to be ; when we do it not to the person concerned , for discovery of the truth ; or to some friend of his , in order to his being admonish'd of it ; but to our indifferent acquaintance : and that whether it be done with a design to defame him , or only in the common way of discourse , for want of better matter to entertain our company withal . q. is there any thing yet more forbidden in this commandment ? a. to this commandment must be reduced all * subornation of false-witnesses in judgment ; * all credit ; or countenance that is given to them ; * all counterfeiting of hands , and seals , or any other writings to his prejudice : all * tale-bearing ; * rash-speaking , and * censuring : all * credulity , or being ready to believe what is evil of our neighbour : all * encouragement that is given to those who are apt to speak evil of other men. q. what is required of us by this commandment ? a. to be religiously strict in speaking truth of our neighbour ; * not only to take care that what we say be true , but that by our manner of delivering it , by our flourishing upon it , or otherwise circumstantiating of it , we do not give occasion to any to mistake us. * to be charitable both in what we hear , and say of other men. * to vindicate their reputation as far as fairly we can ; and to * hold our tongues , at least not to * aggravate their faults , where we cannot . sect . xxxii . q. what is the last commandment ? a. thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house ; thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife ; nor his servant , nor his maid , nor his ox , nor his ass , nor any thing that is his. q. what is the sin forbidden in this commandment ? a. the vnlawful desire of what is another man's . q. when is such a desire vnlawful ? a. when it puts men on any deliberate thoughts , and contrivances , to obtain that which is anothers ; without the consent , and allowance of him to whom it belongs . q. what if a man's desire be so bounded , as not to put him upon any undue means to obtain what is another man's ? a. if it be so bounded within the use of lawful means , that he is determined not to make use of any other , tho' he should never obtain it , it is not sinful . as if ahab had only desired naboth's vineyard for the convenience of it ; and as soon as he saw that naboth would not part with it , had rested in the refusal , and gone no farther ; he would have done nothing amiss . but if a man's desire be violent , and vnreasonable , if it makes him resolve to compass what he covets by any means ; if fair means will not do , to have it by foul ones ; such a desire as this , is sinful . and therefore when ahab grew discontented at naboth's refusal ; and after that the malice and cunning of jezebel had destroy'd him , went down , and took possession of it ; the event shew'd his coveting to have been criminal ; and that his desire was as inordinate , as the event was tragical . q. what think you of such a desire , as tho' it be violent and immoderate , yet is presently suppress'd ; and does not proceed to any wicked resolutions , endeavours , or actions , in order to the accomplishment of what it covets ? a. st. james seems to warrant us to think favourably of it : jam. i. 14 , 15. yet it cannot be doubted but that all such desires proceed from an evil principle within us ; and we ought to watch all we can , even against the first motions of them , and suppress them . mat. v. 28.29 , 30. q. what is the duty required in this commandment ? a. contentment with our estate whatsoever it be , so as neither to murmur against god , nor to envy our neighbour , upon the account of any thing which he possesses . there being nothing more certain , than that he who is not satisfied with what himself enjoys , will be apt , upon every occasion , criminally to covet what is another man's . sect . xxxiii . q. we have now done with the several branches of that duty which god requires of us ; and which our godfathers , and godmothers , promised , at our baptism , that we should fulfil : is there any thing yet remaining necessary to be known by us in order to our salvation ? a. yes there is ; namely , to understand what those means are which god has ordain'd for the conveying of his grace to us , and to enable us to fulfil that duty which he has required of us. q. by what means may we obtain the grace of god , in order to this end ? a. chiefly by these two : hearty prayer to god for it ; and a right use of the holy sacraments . q. what is prayer ? a. it is a religious ‖ calling upon god , founded upon the belief both of his infinite knowledge , power , and presence ; and of his gracious goodness , and mercy towards us in * jesus christ : and by virtue whereof , he is not only always † present with vs , to hear and receive our prayers , ‖ thoroughly acquainted with all our needs ; and * fully able , to supply them ; but is also most † willing , and ready so to do ; if we call upon him as we ought to do . q. upon what is the necessity of our praying to god founded ? a. besides that it is a part of that religious worship which it behoves us to pay to him ; and being publickly perform'd , is one of the highest acts of outward honour , that we are capable of giving to him ; it is necessarily establish'd upon these two principles ; first , a due sense of our own weakness , and wants : and , secondly , a firm belief , that god is both able , and willing , to relieve us. q. what are the wants , which we chiefly need to have supply'd by god ? a. there is nothing wherein we do not stand in need of his support . our life , health , food , and raiment ; all that we have , or hope to enjoy , in our present estate , proceeds from him ; and we do , in all these , intirely depend upon his providence . but that for which we ought to be more especially concern'd , and have yet more need to beg the divine assistance , is for the supplying of our spiritual wants ; that god would enable us to fulfil our duty towards him ; and thereby , 〈…〉 would qualify us for his favour at the present , and for his pardon , and acceptance , when we come to die . q. are we not able , of our selves , to fulfil our duty towards god , as we ought to do ? a. so far from it , that we cannot have so much as any saving knowledge of it , or desire after it , without the concurrence of his grace , to open our vnderstandings , to purify our affections , to regulate our wills , and to prepare us both to believe , and do , according to his good pleasure . q. by what means may we be enabled to live according to god's commandments ? a. by the special grace of the holy spirit ; which he never denies to any christian who heartily prays for it , and duly improves that portion of it , which god has before bestow'd upon him . q. does god always answer the prayers that are made to him ? a. he does , if they are made after such a manner as he requires ; and for such things as he sees to be expedient for us ; unless he should have some extraordinary reason to refuse us : in which case , though he may not grant us the very things which we desire , yet he will recompense us the more abundantly in some other way . q. after what manner ought we to pray to god ? a. with faith ; with diligence ; with attention ; with fervour ; and with perseverance . q. are these conditions so strictly required by god , that no prayers are heard by him which want any of them ? a. that may not generally be affirm'd : there are great inequalities in the affections of the best men in their prayers ; nor can any avoid all kind of wandrings , and disturbances , in them . nay , sometimes the best christians , may be the most distracted , with vain thoughts , and melancholy fancies , in their devotions . that which is certain is this , that every man ought to pray as frequently as his circumstances of life will permit him ; and when he does pray , ought to do it with the utmost zeal , and attention , that he is able to do . which having sincerely endeavour'd , he ought not to doubt , but that god will pardon his infirmities , in that , as well as in the other instances of his duty , and accept his prayers ; and grant him his desires . q. what are the things which we ought to pray for ? a. for those of this life in general only , unless it be on some special occasions ; and with an intire submission of our selves to god's will , in whatsoever he shall please to order for us. but as to the graces which are necessary for us , in order to the other life , we are to pray particularly ; earnestly ; absolutely ; and without any qualifications ; because we know these things to be always proper for us to ask ; and always suitable to the will of god , to give to us. q. at what times ought we to pray ? a. continually , and without ceasing : not that we are to account our selves thereby obliged to spend our whole time in prayer , but to look upon those expressions to imply a constant , daily attendance , upon this duty ; the frequency whereof must be left to every one's state , and condition , to determine . q. what is that general proportion which every christian ought to observe , in the times of his daily prayers ? a. if he has opportunity for it , and can have leisure so to do , it were to be wish'd that he should come every day to the publick prayers of the church : but if this cannot be done , he must at least , every day , without fail , pray to god in private , morning and evening ; and , if he has a family , he should every day , at some convenient time , pray with that also , in order to the better keeping up a sense of religion in it . q. do you think it to be a matter of necessary duty , to pray publickly with the church ? a. in general it certainly is ; especially upon the lord's day , and such other solemn times of prayer , as both the laws of the realm , and the canons of the church , require of us. as for the daily prayers , if we live in a place where they are publickly read , and are not hinder'd by any necessary business to come to them , i do not see how we can excuse our selves from usually joining to them. q. has our saviour left us any particular direction how we should pray ? a. he has left us a form of his own composing , not only to be continually made use of by us ; but also to be a pattern to us , after what manner we ought to put up our own addresses to god. q. in what does that form chiefly direct us to compose aright our own prayers ? a. it teaches us especially these four things : first , that we should make our prayers short , and pertinent ; as being most suitable both to the wisdom , and majesty of god ; and to our own weakness , and infirmities . secondly , that we should pray for others , as well as for our selves ; and that in our private , as well as our publick prayers . thirdly , that we may pray for the necessaries of this life ; though our main concern should be , in our prayers , as well as our endeavours , after those of the other . fourthly , that we should pray to god only , and to him as our father , through jesus christ our lord. q. have you any thing else to observe from the form of this prayer ? a. this only , that to pray to god by a set-form , is so far from being a thing either in its self vnlawful , or injurious to the holy spirit ; that we see our saviour himself has here given us an example for it ; as under the law , god was pleased , in several cases , to direct the very words in which he would be address'd to by the jews . sect . xxxiv . q. say the lord's prayer . a. our father , &c. q. what are the general parts of this prayer ? a. it is divided into three general parts : * a preface , or introduction ; * the petitions ; and * a doxology , or conclusion . q. what is the preface to this prayer ? a. our father which art in heaven . q. wherefore did our saviour begin his prayer with this compellation of god , our father ? a. to shew us , that all our hope of being heard , or accepted by god , is by vertue of that relation wherein we stand to him , in , and through his son jesus christ. jo. xiv . 6 . no man cometh unto the father , but by me. jo. xv . 16 . xvi . 23 , 24. verily , verily , i say unto you , whatsoever ye shall ask the father in my name , he will give it you . — ask , and ye shall receive , that your joy may be full . see col. iii. 17 . q. why was that circumstance added , which art in heaven ? a. to shew the difference between him , and our earthly parents ; who sometimes are hard towards their children , and will not give them what they ask : oftentimes are not able to supply their needs : and , in many cases , cannot tell what is best for them ; but either deny them , when they ought to have given them what they desired ; or give them , when it would have been more advisable not to have done it . whereas our heavenly father is all-merciful , all-powerful , and all-wise ; and , by consequence , liable to none of these defects . q. what do you learn from this introduction ? a. to come to god with great assurance , but with great reverence too : who as our father will not fail to hear his children , if they ask , as they ought , of him ; as he is a heavenly father , can give us whatsoever we stand in need of . q. is god so in heaven , as our earthly fathers are upon earth ? a. no , by no means : for god being infinite , is every where present ; neither shut out of any place , nor circumscribed by any . * but because god is pleased to shew himself in heaven , in the highest excellencies of his divine majesty , and glory ; and is there attended by his holy angels ; therefore heaven is consider'd as his court , and his throne . and we very properly direct our prayers to god there , where our saviour sits to intercede with him for us ; and where the blessed spirits attend upon him , and fall down before him , and worship him . q. wherefore are we taught to say , ovr father ? a. not as if god were not the father of every one of us in particular , as well as of us all in general ; or that we might not each of us truly , and properly say , my father : but to enlarge our affections , and correct our pride , and increase our charity ; and to teach us that there is no man so mean , but what has as good a right to call god his father , as the greatest among us ; nor any , therefore , who ought not to be look'd upon as a brother by us , and to be treated , and loved , and pray'd for by us , accordingly . sect . xxxv . q. how many petitions are there in this prayer ? a. six : three with respect to the honour , and glory of god ; and which may be accounted pious wishes , rather than formal petitions : and three with relation to our own needs . q. what is the first of these ? a. hallowed be thy name . q. wherefore did christ begin his prayer , with this petition , or desire ? a. to shew us that we ought to make god's glory the first thing in our prayers , as well as the chief end of all our actions . 1 cor. x. 31 . whether ye eat , or drink , or whatsoever ye do , do all to the glory of god. q. what is here meant by the name of god ? a. the same as in the third commandment : viz. god himself ; and whatsoever does in any wise relate to him. exod. vi . 3 . xxxiv . 5 , 6. psal. cxxxviii . 2 . q. what is meant by hallowing ? a. it denotes the separation of any thing to a holy vse ; and the treating , and respecting , of it accordingly . q. what then do you look upon to be the full import of this petition ? a. that it would please god to make himself known to , and to be adored , and glorified by , the whole world. that he would so dispose ours , and all other mens hearts , that we might never mention his name , but with a religious reverence . that whatsoever has any relation to him , his word , his sacraments , his ministers , his houses of prayer , may all be treated by us with a regard suitable to the majesty of him to whom they belong : and that neither we our selves , nor any others , may ever entertain any opinions , or commit any sins , whereby either god the father , or his son jesus ; the glory of the one , or the gospel of the other , may be vilified , or profaned . sect . xxxvi . q. what is the second petition of this prayer ? a. thy kingdom come . q. in how many respects is god a king ? a. chiefly in these three : first , ‖ as he is the king of all the world ; which he created by his power ; and rules , and governs , as well as supports , by his providence . secondly , † with relation to his church and people ; which he governs , and conducts , by his word , and holy spirit . and , thirdly , with * respect to his heavenly kingdom , where he reigns with glory , and majesty , over his angels now ; and will rule over all his saints hereafter , to all eternity . q. how is it that we here , either wish , or pray , that god's kingdom may come . a. as we desire ; first , that all men may both more clearly know , and more worthily obey the true , and only god ; the lord of heaven , and earth . secondly , that , to this end , it would please god to enlarge the borders of his church , and bring all nations within the pale of it . and that where it is already establish'd ; he would go on , more and more , by his grace , to destroy the power of sin , and the dominion of satan ; and to implant the fear , and love of his name , in the hearts of all his servants . that so , thirdly , his eternal kingdom may also be enlarged ; the fulness of his saints be accomplish'd ; and the blessed time come , when we shall all be translated into his heavenly kingdom ; and all other powers , and dominions , being done away , god alone shall be exalted , and rule over his saints , for ever and ever . sect . xxxvii . q. what is the third petition of this prayer ? a. thy will be done in earth , as it is in heaven ? q. how does god declare his will to us ? a. chiefly two ways ; by the dispensations of his providence , and by the rules he has set us to live by ; whether they be by nature implanted in us , or be revealed to us in the gospel of christ. q. does this petition respect both these ? a. it does ; and so teaches us to pray , that ( with respect to the former of them ) we may always seriously consider the ways of his providence , and discern what it is that he would have us either do , or suffer , in obedience thereunto . that whatsoever it be , that he shall thereby call us to , whether to a prosperous , or unprosperous state ; to receive good from him , or to suffer evil ; we may , in the one , improve his blessings to the glory of his name , and the benefit of those about us ; * in the other , may patiently submit to whatsoever he shall call us to suffer for his sake . with relation to the † latter , ( the rules he has given us to walk by ) that we may faithfully obey all his commandments , how contrary soever they may chance to be , to our own corrupt desires , and affections ; and continue his obedient , and constant servants , all the days of our life . q. why is this circumstance added , as it is in heaven ? a. to shew us what kind of obedience we ought to pay to god's will. that as the angels in heaven not only do the will of god , but do it with all readiness , chearfulness , constancy , and delight ; so may we , if it shall please god , in some measure fulfil it too . q. is it possible for us , ever to attain to such a perfection of obedience , in this present life ? a. it is hardly to be expected , yet we must pray for it , and endeavour to come up as near as is possible to it . and in the mean time , must learn from hence not only how we ought to serve god , but how we shall hereafter do his will , when we come to the blessed state , as well as place , of those holy spirits in heaven . sect . xxxviii . q. what is the first of those petitions , which you said related to our own needs ? a. give us this day our daily bread. q. what do you observe from the general composure of this part of the present prayer ? a. that as man consists of two different parts , a soul , and body ; and has need of several things to be given him for the good of both : so are we here directed to beg of god , first , what is necessary to our present life ; and secondly , what may conduce to the everlasting happiness of our souls , in the life that is to come . q. how does our saviour express what is necessary to be asked by us , for the sustenance of our present life ? a. he calls it our daily bread. q. what does the word bread denote ? a. it is commonly used in scripture for all sort of provision , as it is indeed the chiefest , and most necessary ; and such as may supply the defect of all other . and it is here made use of , to signify all that is necessary for our support ; excluding at the same time whatsoever is superfluous ; and desired rather to gratify our lusts , than to preserve our life . q. what is meant by our bread ? a. it may imply these two things : either , first , what is necessary for us ; that is to say , for our selves , and for those who depend upon us. or , secondly , it may be called our bread , as intimating that we are to labour for it ; and so it is ours , because gotten by our own work , and the blessing of god , upon our endeavours after it . q. what do you understand by the word daily ? a. what is sufficient for the next day : but then we add withal , this day , or day by day ; to shew , that though because such is the uncertainty of our present life , that how many , or how few days , we may have to come , we cannot tell , therefore we ask no more of god than what is needful for our present support : yet we trust , that god , of his goodness , will every day give us our bread , as he did the jews their manna in the wilderness , so long as he shall think fit to continue us in this state of our pilgrimage ; until he shall bring us to our heavenly canaan , that good country which he has provided for us. q. wherefore do we pray to god for such a support ? a. not to exclude our own reasonable care in providing for it , much less to excuse our labouring after it ; but to shew , that we depend altogether upon the providence of god , and owe our lives , and all the support of them , not to our own cunning , or industry , but to his blessing : and to engage us thereby both to rely the more confidently upon god , and to make those suitable returns of love , and praise , and gratitude , that we ought to do , to him. q. are the rich as mueh concern'd thus to pray to god , as the poor ? a. they are altogether : our saviour composed this prayer for both alike . it is the same providence of god which maintains both ; and and gives abundance to the one , and a competency to the other . q. is it unlawful for any man to take care of , or provide for any thing more than the next day ? a. no , by no means : god himself has sent us to the ant to learn the contrary ; prov. vi . 8 . who provideth her meat in the summer , and gathereth her food in the harvest . such a care as goes no farther than a prudent foresight , and neither prompts us to any evil , nor keeps us back from any good , is certainly not only innocent but commendable . without this , the world could not subsist otherwise than by a continual miracle ; which we ought not to expect , where ordinary methods are to be had . the solicitude which our saviour forbids , and which is indeed sinful , is that which proceeds from an immoderate concern for the future : when men are uneasie , and discontented ; distrustful of god's providence , and still hoarding more up , as if they could never have enough ; and trust more to their own care , and foresight , than to god's blessing . sect . xxxix . q. what are the blessings which we are here taught to ask of god for our souls ? a. the forgiveness of sins past ; and the prevention of them for the time to come . q. how do you pray to god for the forgiveness of your past sins ? a. in these words ; and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us. q. what do you mean by forgiving of trespasses ? a. i pray that god would do away all my sins , of what nature , or quality soever they be ; that he would wash away the guilt , and remit the punishment of them. q. do you trust that god will do this ? a. yes , if i take care to make good the condition upon which i ask it of him ; by forgiving of those who trespass against me. q. will that alone suffice to intitule you to god's forgiveness ? a. no , it will not : without forgiving of others , i shall never be my self forgiven ; mat. vi . 15 . but that i may be forgiven by god , i must not only forgive others , but must my self repent of my sins , and ask pardon for them , in the name , and thro' the merits , and mediation of jesus christ our saviour . q. why then is this added , as the condition upon which we are to pray to god for his forgiveness ? a. it was fit to be mention'd upon several accounts : 1st . as a consideration very fit to be offered by us to god , to induce him to forgive us. if we who are proud , and peevish ; easie to be affronted , and hard to be reconciled ; yet , for god's sake , and in obedience to his commands , forgive those who have offended vs ; how much more shall our most gracious , and merciful father forgive vs , in what we have offended him . it was fit to have been added , 2dly ; as a motive , upon the same grounds , to assure us , that if we truly repent of our sins , and beg of god the forgiveness of them , god will certainly remit them to us. it was fit to have been added , 3dly ; to put us continually in mind of the necessity we lie under to forgive injuries , and to engage us readily , and heartily so to do : considering that till we have done it , we cannot pray to god for his forgiveness ; and that if we do not do it sincerely , god will certainly find it out : and tho' by pretending a reconciliation where really it is not , we may delude men , yet we cannot possibly deceive god. q. what think you of those , who say their lord's prayer , and yet either continue at variance with their neighbour ; or at least do not truly , and from their hearts , forgive him ? a. i think that they . do not pray for pardon , but for vengeance : they imprecate the wrath of god upon their own heads ; and do , in reality , pray after this desperate manner . thou , o god! hast commanded me to forgive my brother his trespasses : thou hast declared that unless i do so , thou wilt not forgive me my sins . well ; let what will come , i am resolved to stand to the hazard of it . i will not forgive , nor be reconciled to my brother ; do thou deal as thou pleasest with me. sect . xl. q. what is the last petition of this prayer ? a. and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil. q. what is meant by temptation ? a. it , in general , signifies no more than trial ; and may be taken in an indifferent , or even in a good sense , to denote any occasion of proving , and experimenting a man's faith , or obedience . so god tempted abraham : gen. xxii . 1 . but it is more usually taken in an ill sense ; to denote such a trial , as is designed to seduce , and lead us into sin. so the devil tempts us : gal. vi.i. 1 thes. iii. 5 . heb. ii . 18 . so every man is tempted by his own lusts ; jam. i. 14 . so god tempteth no man : jam. i. 13 . q. what is the evil which you here pray against ? a. that also may be taken in a double sense ; and signifie either an evil person , or an evil thing . in the former it may respect all wicked men , but especially the wicked one , the tempter . in the latter , not so much the evil of sin its self , as the evil of temptation , to which is seems most properly to refer . q. what then is the full import of this petition ? a. i therein desire , that god would neither try me himself beyond my strength , nor suffer the devil , the world , or my own flesh to do it . that , if it be his will , i may not be exposed to any great temptations at all : but if for any ends of his wise providence he shall think fit to † suffer me to be tempted ; that then he would be pleased * graciously to strengthen , and support me in my temptations , and carry me with innocence , and integrity , through them ; and not suffer me to be led into sin by them. sect . xli . q. what does the last part of this prayer consist of ? a. a doxology , or conclusion : for thine is the kingdom , and the power , and the glory , for ever , and ever . amen . q. what do you mean by a doxology ? a. a form of giving glory , and praise , and honour to god. q. why was this doxology here added by our saviour ? a. to shew us that all the religious service we pay to god ; whether we pray , confess , give thanks , or whatever we do , still we ought to design it all to his glory . it was also added to keep up in our minds a due sense of the reason we have both to pray to god for all the things we have before consider'd ; and to expect a suitable return of them at his hands . q. how does this doxology shew , that we ought to ask these things of god ? a. very plainly : for because god is king of all the world , therefore he ought to be apply'd to by all his creatures . because his is the power ; he is able both to hear , and answer our requests ; and therefore of him it is most fit to desire whatsoever we stand in need of . because his is the glory , of all our religious invocation ; ( 't is a worship that peculiarly belongs to god , as distinguish'd from the creature ; ) therefore to him only ought we to make our prayers , and not to any other . q. how does this doxology encourage us to hope that we shall receive what we ask of god ? a. because we do hereby profess to believe that he can grant what we desire ; and the things we ask are so much for his own glory , as well as our advantage , that we ought not to doubt but that we shall receive them from him. q. after what manner do we acknowledge these excellencies to be in god ? a. in a super-eminent manner , beyond what they are , or can be , in any one besides . others may have authority ; but as derived from him , who only is the supreme king over all the earth . others may have power , but god only is almighty . others may have glory ; a majesty suitable to their station , and character in the world. but to god only belongs the excellency of divine honour , and worship . to him only is prayer , and religious invocation to be made : he only is either capable of it , or can pretend any right to it . q. why do you to this doxology add , for ever and ever . a. to shew that these divine perfections , and prerogatives did always belong to god ; and will always continue to belong , in this singular manner , to him. q. what does amen import ? a. it is a word of wish , and approbation ; and denotes our assent to that to which it is subjoin'd , with an earnest desire of its accomplishment . so that putting its several significations together , it is as much as if we should say ; god of his goodness grant what i have here pray'd for ; and so i trust he will do , of his mercy towards me , through jesus christ our saviour . sect . xlii . q. what is the other means appointed by god for the conveyance of his grace to us ; and to confirm to us his promises , in christ jesus ? a. the worthy participation of the holy sacraments ? q. what mean you by this word sacrament ? a. i mean an outward and uisible sign of an inward and spiritual grace , given unto us , and ordained by christ himself , as a means whereby we receive the same , and a pledge to assure us thereof . q how many such sacraments hath christ ordained in his church ? a. two only as generally necessary to salvation ; that is to say , baptism , and the supper of the lord . q. how does it appear that these two are properly sacraments ? a. because the whole nature of a sacrament , as before described , does belong to them . for , 1st . there is in both these an outward and visible sign ; viz. water , in baptism ; bread and wine , in the lord's supper . 2dly . there is an inward and spiritual grace , both signified , and conveyed , by these signs . the washing of regeneration , tit. iii. 5 . by the one ; the body and blood of christ by the other . 1 cor. x. 16 . 3dly . there is for both a divine institution . for baptism , mat. xxviii . 19 . go ye and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . for the lord's supper ; luk. xxii . 19 . this do in remembrance of me. see 1 cor. xi . 24 , 25. 4thly . they were both ordain'd as a means whereby to convey their several graces to us , and as a pledge to assure vs of them . baptism to regenerate us ; jo. iii. 5 . tit. iii. 5 . the lord's supper to communicate to us the body , and blood , of christ : 1 cor. x. 16 . for which reason , lastly ; they are generally necessary to salvation . all christians have a right to them ; nor may any , without hazard of missing of these graces , refuse to use them , who have the opportunity of being made partakers of them . jo. iii. 5 . except a man be born of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven . 1 cor. xi . 24 . this do in remembrance of me. q. are these all the sacraments that any christians receive , as establish'd by christ ? a. the church of rome to these adds five more ; tho' they cannot say that they are all of christ's institution ; viz. confirmation : penance : extreme-vnction : orders : and matrimony . q. how does it appear that these are not truly sacraments ? a. because not one of them hath all the conditions required to make a sacrament , and the most part have hardly any of them. confirmation is , we confess , an apostolical ceremony : as such it is still retain'd , and practised by us. but then it is , at most , but an apostolical ceremony . christ neither ordain'd any such sign ; nor made it either the seal , or means , of conveying any spiritual grace to us. penance ; if publick , is confessedly a part of church-discipline . if private , is only the application of the power of the keys to a particular person , for his comfort , and correction . it has neither any outward sign instituted by christ , nor any inward grace , particularly annex'd to it . indeed if a true penitent receive absolution from his minister , god ratifies the sentence , and forgives the sin. but so god would have done , had neither any confession been made to , or absolution received from , him. and that the sin is forgiven , is owing to the mercy of god , upon the repentance of the sinner ; and not to be ascribed to the priest's sentence . in extreme vnction there is an outward sign , but neither of christ's , nor his apostles , institution . they anointed sick persons for the recovery of their bodily health ; and , in certain cases , advised the elders of the church to be sent for , to do likewise . but as to any spiritual effects , they neither used any such sign themselves , nor recommended it to others : nor is there any the least ground on which to expect any such benefit from the use of it . matrimony , is a holy state , ordain'd by god , and highly to be accounted of by all men. but it neither confers any grace where it is not , nor encreases it , where it is : and therefore is not to be look'd upon as a true , and proper sacrament . ordination , is also a divine institution . by the administration of it authority is given to those who partake of it , to minister in holy things ; which , otherwise , it would not have been lawful for them to do . we do not at all doubt but that the grace of god accompanies this ordinance ; and the discharge of those ministries which are perform'd in consequence of it . but then this grace , is only the blessing of god upon a particular employ ; not such a grace , as is necessary to the making of a sacrament . and it is given to such persons rather for the benefit of others , than for the furtherance of their own salvation . q. how many parts are there in a sacrament ? a. two ; the outward and uisible sign , and the inward and spiritual grace . sect . xliii . q. what is the first sacrament of the new testament ? a. it is baptism . q. what is baptism ? a. it is the sacrament of our new , and spiritual birth , jo. iii. 4 . the seal of our adoption , rom. iv . 11 . and the solemn means of our admission into the communion of the christian church ▪ acts ii . 41 . col. ii . 11 , 12. by the outward washing whereof , our inward washing from our sins , by the blood , and spirit , of christ , is both clearly exhibited , and certainly sealed to us. rom. iv . 11 . acts ii . 38.39 . heb ix . 14 . tit. iii. 5 . q. how is baptism perform'd ? a. by dipping in ; pouring on of ; or sprinkling with water ; in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . q. in which of these was this sacrament administred at the beginning ? a. to aged , and healthful persons , in that hot country in which our saviour lived , it was for the most part administred by dipping , or plunging , the person who was baptized , into the water : according to the common ceremony among the jews , of receiving proselytes with the very same ceremony ; and from which our saviour seems to have taken occasion to institute this sacrament . q. were any baptized otherwise at the beginning ? a. it cannot be doubted but that as all who embraced the gospel were baptized , so many of these could not be dipped in water . such were very old , and sick persons ; and it may be all , at the first ; when three , and five thousand at a time , believed , and were baptized ; very likely in a private house ; acts ii . 41 . acts iv . 4 . where it would have been very difficult to have had water enough , and endless , to have dipped them all . q. what are the necessary parts of this sacrament ? a. water , and the word : the one to represent our spiritual washing , and cleansing , by the blood of christ ; the other to declare the faith into which we are baptized , and by which we hope to be saved ; namely , of god the father , the son , and the holy ghost . q. how came the custom of dipping , to be so universally left off in the church ? a. chiefly upon the ground of charity ; because when the gospel became every where received , and the persons to be baptized were the children of believing parents ; many of which ( in these cold countries , and for a great part of the year ) could not be dipped in water without the hazard of their lives ; it was necessary either to sprinkle them only with water , or not to baptize them at all . q. what ground had the church to admit of sprinkling , as sufficient to answer the design of this sacrament ? a. the example of the purifications under the law , which were made as well by sprinklings , as washings : heb. ix . 13 , 19. the application of this made by st. paul , to the spiritual cleansing of us from our sins : heb. x. 22 , 24. and by st. peter to the same purpose : 1 pet. i. 2 . the analogy between the sprinkling of the water in baptism , and that sprinkling of the blood of christ , by which we are cleansed from our sins : all these , as they left a sufficient latitude to the church to administer this sacrament , in any of these ways ; so the law of charity required that the church should make choice of sprinkling , rather than of a total immersion ; and we cannot doubt , but that the god of charity does approve of it . mat. ix . 13 . sect . xliv . you said , that in every sacrament there were two parts , an outward , and visible sign , and an inward and spiritual grace : tell me therefore ; q. what is the outward uisible sign , or form in baptism ? a. water wherein the person is baptized , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . q. is this element so necessary a part of this sacrament , that the church may in no case depart from it ? a. it is of divine institution , and was designed to denote our spiritual cleansing by christ's blood : that as our bodies are wash'd with , and cleansed from their pollutions , by water ; so are our souls purified from sin by the blood of christ : and for both these reasons it is a necessary , and immutable part , of this holy sacrament . q. is the form of baptism necessary to the administration of this sacrament ? a. it is necessary ; nor can this sacrament be duly administred by any other . q. was no other form ever used in the apostle's times ? a. it is indeed said of some in those times , who had been jewish converts , or had received john's baptism , that they were baptized in the name of the lord jesus . but this does not hinder but that they may have been baptized ( as no doubt they were ) in the words appointed by christ for that purpose . all it implies is , that they were baptized into the faith , and gospel of christ ; as by comparing the passages of scripture together , it will evidently appear . see act. viii . 16 . x. 48 . xix . 5 . rom. vi . 3 . gal. iii. 7 . q. are then the words appointed by christ so necessary , that to use any other , will destroy the efficacy of this sacrament ? a. that i dot say : for as persons of all countries are to be baptized , so , no doubt , but the form of words may be translated into the language of every country ; and baptism be effectually administred , so long as the sense is preserved . that which we insist upon is , that every person who is baptized , ought to be baptized in the name , as well as to profess the faith of , the father , son , and holy ghost . q. what is the inward or spiritual grace , of this sacrament ? a. a death unto sin , and a new-birth unto righteousness ; for heing by nature born in sin , and the children of wrath , we are hereby made the children of grace . q. are all men , by nature , born in sin ? a. they are , ever since that by the transgression of our first parents sin entred into the world : nor was ever any exempt from this unhappy state , but he only who knew no sin , the lord christ jesus . q. are all men , by nature , children of wrath ? a. being born in sin , they must of necessity be also children of wrath : seeing all sin is both hateful to god , and worthy of his punishment . q. have the children of believing parents , in this case , no privilege above others ? a. yes , they have : for being descended from those who are members of christ's church , they are born within the covenant ; are the heirs of god's promises ; and have a right to baptism , as the children of the jews had to circumcision . and therefore should they chance to die before they have received it , yet this being no fault of theirs , we piously believe that it shall be no barr to their pretensions ; but that they shall nevertheless be saved , by the merits of jesus christ. q. how are those who are baptized , made thereby children of grace ? a. as by baptism they are taken into covenant with god ; are regenerated by the holy spirit ; and wash'd from their sins by the blood of christ : so that should they die before they commit any actual sin , we are assured , by god's word , that they shall certainly be saved . q. are all who are baptized made partakers of these benefits ? a. they are all thereby put into a state of salvation , and become children of grace . but those only continue in this state , and hold fast their right to these benefits , who take care to live according to the gospel of christ ; and to fulfil those promises , which either themselves made ; or which were , by others , made in their name , and on their behalf , at their baptism . sect . xlv . q. what is required of persons to be baptized ? a. repentance , whereby they forsake sin ; and faith , whereby they stedfastly believe the promises of god made to them in that sacrament . q. what repentance is required to prepare any person for baptism ? a. the same which is required to qualify a man for god's forgiveness after baptism . for baptism , if duly received , washes away all sin : and therefore no one can worthily come to it , who does not heartily repent of all his sins ; and firmly resolve never more to return to any . act. ii . 38 , 41. iii. 18 . viii . 37 . q. what is the faith which every one ought to bring to this sacrament ? a. a firm belief of the truth of the whole christian religion ; but more especially , of all those articles of it , which he solemnly , at his baptism , is to profess his belief of to the church . act. viii . 37 . q. if such a repentance , and such a faith , be required of all who are baptized , how come infants to be baptized , who by reason of their tender age cannot perform either of them ? a. because they promise them both by their sureties , which promise when they come to age themselves are bound to perform . q. are not actual faith , and repentance , required of those who are to be baptized ? a. yes , if they be persons capable of it : otherwise it is sufficient that they be obliged to believe , and repent , as soon as they shall be capable of so doing . q. how can any one promise this for another ? a. upon a supposition of charity : that as children are born of christian parents , and under a security of being bred up to a sense of their duty , and the knowledge of the true religion ; and of the infinite obligations that lie upon them , to repent , and believe ; so they will take care ( by god's help ) so to order both their faith , and manners , as their interest , as well as duty , requires them to do . q. but what if they should not fulfil , what has been promised in their names ? a. in that case , the covenant made on their behalf will be void : and so by not fulfilling what was promised for them , they will lose all those blessings , which god would otherwise have been obliged to bestow upon them. q. would it not be more reasonable to tarry till persons are grown up , and so in a condition to make the covenant themselves , before they were permitted to be baptized ? a. we are not to consider what we think best , but what god has directed us to do . now god expresly order'd the children of the jews to be admitted into covenant with him , at eight days old. into the place of circumcision , baptism has succeeded ; as the gospel has into the place of the law. there is therefore the same reason why our children should , from the beginning , be admitted into the christian ; as why the jews children should have been entred into the legal covenant . our infants are as capable of covenanting , as theirs were : and if god thought fit to receive them ; and did not account the incapacity which their age put them under , any bar to hinder them from circumcision ; neither ought we to think the same defect , any sufficient obstacle to keep our infants from being baptized . sect . xlvi . q. what is the other sacrament of the new testament ? a. the sacrament of the lord's supper . q. why do you call it the lord's supper ? a. because it was both instituted by our lord at supper , and was designed to succeed into the place of the paschal supper among the jews . q. ought this sacrament to be administred only at the time of supper ? a. that is not necessary , any more than that we should be obliged to eat our own supper before it ; that we should celebrate it only once a year ; in an vpper room ; in an eating posture ; and the like . our saviour took that occasion , and that season , for the institution of it ; but he did not intend thereby to oblige us to celebrate it in all the exact circumstances of time , place , posture , &c. that occurr'd in his own administration of it . q. why was the sacrament of the lord's supper ordain'd ? a. for the continual remembrance of the sacrifice of the death of christ , and of the benefits which we receive thereby . q. what do you mean by a continual remembrance ? a. a remembrance that is not to determine after a certain time , as the paschal supper did ; but is to continue to be kept up by this holy sacrament , to the very end of the world. q. is there any thing more intimated by that expression ? a. yes , there is ; namely , that this sacrament ought not to be celebrated only once in the year , as the passover was ; but to be administred from time to time , so as to keep up a constant , lively remembrance , in our minds , of the sacrifice of the death of christ. q. wherefore do you call it the sacrifice of christ's death ? a. because christ , by his dying , became an an expiatory sacrifice for the sins of mankind . q. did christ then suffer death for the forgiveness of our sins ? a. he did : he took upon him our sins , and died for them ; that by his death we might be free'd , both from the guilt , and punishment of them . q. was it necessary that christ should die , in order to his being such a sacrifice ? a. it was necessary ; for without shedding of blood there is no remission : heb. ix . 22 . and death being the punishment of sin , he could no otherwise have free'd us from death , than by dying himself in our stead . q. can christ any more suffer , or die , now , since his rising from the dead ? a. no , st. paul expresly tells us that he cannot ; rom. vi . 9 , 10. christ being raised from the dead dieth no more ; death hath no more dominion over him . for in that he died , he died unto sin once , but in that he liveth , he liveth unto god. q. how then do those of the church of rome say , that he is again offer'd for us , as a true , and proper sacrifice in this holy sacrament ? a. this sacrament is not a renewal , or repetition , of christ's sacrifice ; but only a solemn memorial , and exhibition of it . to talk of an expiatory sacrifice for sin , without suffering , is not only contrary to scripture , but is in the nature of the thing its self absurd , and unreasonable : every sacrifice being put in the place of the person for whom it is offer'd ; and to be treated so , as that person , in rigour , ought to have been , had not god admitted of a sacrifice in his stead . and therefore the apostle , from hence , concludes , that christ could not be more than once offer'd , because he could but once suffer . but to suppose that christ , in his present glorified state , can suffer , is such a contradiction to all the principles of our religion , that the papists themselves are ashamed to assert it . q. what think you of the sacrifice , as they call it , of the mass ? a. we do not deny but that , in a large sense , this sacrament may be called a sacrifice ; as the bread and wine , may be called the body and blood of christ. but that this sacrament should be a true , and proper sacrifice , as they define the sacrifice of the mass to be , it is altogether false , and impious to assert . q. what was then the design of our saviour , in this institution ? a. to leave to his church a perpetual , solemn , and sacred memorial of his death for us. that as often as we come to the lord's table , and there join in the celebration of this holy sacrament , we might be moved , by what is there done , at once both to call to our remembrance all the passages of his passion ; ( to consider him as there set forth crucified before our eyes ; ) and to meditate upon the love of christ thus dying for us , and upon the mighty benefits , and advantages , which have accrued to us thereby . sect . xlvii . q. you before said , that in every sacrament there must be two parts , an outward , and an inward : what is therefore the outward part , or sign of the lord's supper ? a. bread and wine , which the lord hath commanded to be received . q. did christ institute this sacrament in both these ? a. yes , he did : he first took bread , gave thanks , and brake it ; saying , take , eat , this is my body which is broken for you , this do in remembrance of me . and then ; after the same manner he took the cup , saying , this cup is the new testament in my blood ; this do ye , as oft as ye drink it , in remembrance of me . 1 cor. xi . 24 , 25. q. for what end did christ appoint these outward signs of this sacrament ? a. the words of his institution plainly shew it ; that those who celebrate this sacrament , might eat of the one , and drink of the other , at his table . q. is it necessary for all those who join in this holy sacrament , both to eat of that bread , and to drink of that cup ? a. it is so necessary that they cannot , without violating our saviour's institution , come to to the holy table , unless they do it . for christ appointed both to be taken ; and he who takes not the cup , as well as bread , does not communicate in christ's body , and blood , at all . q. may not a person who only looks on , and sees the priest officiate , commemorate christ's death , and meditate upon the benefits of it , as well as if he received the elements of bread , and wine ? a. i will answer your question with another : may not a person who is not baptized , when he sees that holy sacrament administred , be truly penitent for his sins , and believe in christ ; and desire to be regenerated , and adopted into the communion of his church ; as fully as if he were himself wash'd with the water of baptism ? but yet the bare looking on , in this case , would not intitule such a one to the grace of regeneration ; nor will it any more intitule the other , to the communion of christ's body and blood. in all these cases , the question is not what we think we might do , but what christ has commanded us to do : and we must observe what he requires , if ever we mean to be made partakers of what he promises . now that in the present instance is not idly to look on ; but to do this ; i. e. to eat this bread , and drink of this cup , in remembrance of him. q. do you think it necessary that every communicant should receive this sacrament in both kinds ? a. i do think it necessary ; for so our saviour has appointed it . thus he gave it to his disciples , and thus they received it at his hands . q. but his disciples were priests , and therefore their receiving this sacrament in both kinds , does not argue , that it is necessary for the people to do likewise ? a. whether all who were then present at the table with our saviour were priests , is very uncertain . the blessed virgin , we are sure , was at that time at jerusalem ; and , no doubt , did eat the passover , according to the law , with him ; yet she was certainly but a lay communicant . and many others , for ought we know , there might be in the same circumstances . but not to insist upon this ; our saviour made no distinction between priests , and lay communicants , as to the business of receiving of this sacrament in one , or both kinds . he gave both the bread , and wine , himself , to all that were at the table ; and he has left a general commandment to us to do likewise . and his words , and his action together , evidently require this of all of us : that those who administer this sacrament , should administer it as christ did ; and those who receive it , should receive it as the disciples did of him. q. do you then make no distinction between the priests , and the people , in what concerns this holy sacrament ? a. as to the manner of receiving it , none at all . when those who are priests receive this sacrament of another priest , it is as when they hear the word preach'd : they do it not as priests , but as christians . and therefore at the institution of this sacrament , our saviour christ alone acted as a priest : he resembled the ministers of his church ; the disciples represented the faithful ; who were afterwards to receive the sacrament from the ministers of the church , after the very same manner that they received it at christ's hands . q. but is not this sacrament as perfect in one kind , as in both ? a. can a thing be perfect , which wants one half of what is required to make it perfect ? q. yet it cannot be deny'd , but that he who receives the body of christ , does therewith receive the blood too ? a. though that be not the question , yet if not only may be , but , in this case , is , absolutely deny'd by us ; nor indeed can it , without a manifest absurdity be affirm'd . it was the design of our saviour christ in this sacrament to represent his crucified body ; his body as it was given for vs. now we know that when he suffer'd , his blood was shed , and let out of his body ; and that to represent his blood thus separated from his body , the cup was consecrated apart by him. and how then can it be pretended that he who communicates in such a body , must partake of the blood together with it ? but this is not our business ; the points which we insist upon are these : first , whether christ having confessedly instituted this sacrament in both kinds , and commanded us to do likewise ; those do not evidently depart from his institution , who give , and receive it , only in one ? and if they do ; then , secondly , whether they have any reason to expect to be made partakers of the benefits of this holy communion , who do not receive it after such a manner , as christ has commanded us to do ? q. did the apostles give the cup to the lay communicants in their churches ? a. yes , certainly ; or else st. paul would never have argued with the corinthians against communicating with idolaters as he does , 1 cor. x. 15 , &c. i speak as to wise men , judge ye what i say . the cvp of blessing which we bless , is it not the communion of the body of christ ? — ye cannot drink the cvp of the lord , and the cup of devils . nor have spoken of this sacrament , as he does in the next chapter : ver. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. in every one of which , he takes notice of their drinking of the sacramental cvp , as well as of their eating of the sacramental bread. q. what then do you think of those of the church of rome , who deny the cup to the laity ? a. as of a most presumptuous sort of men , who sacrilegiously deprive the people of what christ has given them a right to . q. do you think this change so considerable , as to warrant you to break off communion with that church which has made it ? a. no one can with a good conscience receive this holy sacrament after any other manner , than christ has ordain'd it to be received . if therefore the church of rome shall obstinately refuse to give it to the lay communicant in both kinds , he is bound in conscience not to receive it of her priests at all : but to go to those who are ready to distribute it to them in the same integrity , in which it was first instituted by our blessed lord. sect . xlviii . q. what is the inward part , or thing signified , in this holy sacrament ? a. the body and blood of christ , which are verily , and indeed , taken and received by the faithful in the lord's supper . q. are the body , and blood of christ , really distributed to every communicant , in this sacrament ? a. no , they are not ; for then every communicant , howsoever prepared , or not , for it ; would alike receive christ's body , and blood , as to its substance , there . that which is given by the priest to the communicant , is , as to its nature , the same after consecration , that it was before ; viz. bread , and wine : only alter'd as to its vse , and signification . q. if the body and blood of christ , be not really given and distributed by the priest , how can they be verily and indeed taken , and received , by the faithful communicant ? a. that which is given by the priest is , as to its substance , bread , and wine : as to its sacramental nature , and signification , it is the figure , or representation , of christ's body , and blood ; which was broken , and shed for us. the very body , and blood of christ , as yet , it is not . but being with faith , and piety , recieved by the communicant , it becomes to him , by the blessing of god , and the grace of the holy spirit , the very body , and blood of christ : as to those who come unworthily to it ; it is made damnation ; that is , it renders them worthy of it , and , without repentance , will certainly consign them over unto it . q. how does the bread , and wine , become to the faithful , and worthy communicant , the very body and blood of christ ? a. as it intitules him to a part in the sacrifice of his death , and to the benefits thereby procured to all his faithful , and obedient servants . q. how does every such communicant take , and receive , the body and blood of christ , in this sacrament ? a. by faith : and by means whereof he is as truly intituled to a part in christ's sacrifice , by receiving the sacramental bread , and wine , which is there deliver'd to him ; as any man is intituled to an estate , by receiving a deed of conveyance from one who has a power to surrender it to his use. q. what are the benefits whereof those , who thus receive this holy sacrament , are made partakers thereby ? a. the strengthning and refreshing of their souls by the body and blood of christ , as their bodies are by the bread and wine . q. how does such a receiving of this holy sacrament strengthen our souls ? a. as it adds a new confirmation to us , every time we receive it , of god's mercy towards us , through the sacrifice of jesus christ ; and thereby fortifies , and corroborates us , more and more , both in the discharge of our duty ; and to a resistance of all such temptations , as may be likely to draw us away from it . q. does it strengthen us in any other respect besides this ? a. yes , it does : for being thus secured of a right to christ's sacrifice for us , we are thereby fortified against all doubts , and fears , of our salvation ; are confirm'd against the apprehension of any present dangers , or sufferings , which we shall reckon not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in vs : and , finally , are strengthned against the fear of death its self , which we are hereby taught to look upon as a passage only to a most blessed , and everlasting state. sect . xlix . q. is this the only way in which you suppose christ's body , and blood , to be really present in this sacrament ? a. it is the only way in which i conceive it possible for them to be present there . as for his divine nature , that being infinite , he is by virtue thereof every where present . but in his humane nature , especially his body , he is in heaven only ; nor can that be any otherwise present to us on earth , than by figure , and representation ; or else by such a communion , as i have before been speaking of . q. does not christ expresly say , that the bread is his body ; the cup his blood ? a. he does say of the bread , and wine , so taken , blessed , broken , and given , as they were by him in that sacred action , that this is my body , &c. and so they are . the bread which we break , is not only in figure , and similitude , but by a real , spiritual communion , his body : the cup of blessing which we bless , is , by the same communion , his blood. but this does not hinder but that , as to their own natural substances , they may , and indeed do , still continue to be what they appear to us , the same bread , and wine , that before they were . q. what think you of those who believe the very elements of bread and wine , ( by the words of christ ) to be really changed into the body and blood of christ ; and to have nothing of their own remaining but the meer appearance , or species , of what they were before ? a. if any really do believe this , i think they contradict both sense , reason , and scripture , in so doing . q. do you suppose that we ought to judge of a thing of this nature by our senses ? a. i know no other way of judging of sensible objects , but by our senses . and if i must not believe what i see , and taste , and smell , to be bread , and wine ; to be truly bread , and wine ; i must resolve to turn sceptick , and not believe any thing at all . q. is not the word of god to be more rely'd upon , than our own senses ? a. i do not at all doubt but that we ought , without all controversy , to believe whatever the word of god proposes to us. but where does the word of god require me to believe any thing in opposition to my senses , which it is the proper business of my senses to judge of ? q. does not the word of god say , this is my body ? a. it does say so of the bread , so blessed , given , and received , as it ought to be , in this sacrament : and accordingly i believe that it is so . but does the word of god any where say , that it is not bread ? or that i am not to believe it to be bread , though my senses never so evidently assure me that it is ? q. can the same thing be christ's body , and bread , too ? a. i have before shewn you not only that it may be so , but that it truly , and really , is so : bread , in substance ; the body of christ , by signification ; by representation ; and spiritual communication , of his crucified body , to every faithful , and worthy receiver . q. how is transubstantiation contrary to our reason ? a. as my reason tells me it is a contradiction to say of one and the same natural body , that it should be in heaven , and on earth ; at london , and at rome , at the same time . that it should be a true humane body , and and yet not have any one part , or member , of such a body : to omit a hundred other absurdities , that are the necessary consequences of such a belief . q. how does the scripture contradict this belief ? a. as it tells us , that christ's body is in heaven ; absent from us : that there it is to continue till the day of judgment . that he has now a glorified body , and is not capable of dying any more : whereas the body we receive , in this holy sacrament , is his crucified body ; his body given for us ; his blood shed for us ; which can never be verified in his present glorified body . q. do not those who believe transubstantiation , believe the bread and wine to be changed into christ's mortal , and passible body ? a. no , they do not ; but into that body in which he now sits at the right-hand of god in heaven . q. how then does their belief of transubstantiation contradict the sense of the holy scriptures , as to what concerns the nature of christ's body in the eucharist ? a. because by supposing christ's glorified body to be that which we receive in this sacrament , they utterly destroy the very nature of it . it was the design of this sacrament , to exhibite , and communicate to us , the body and blood of christ , not any way , but in the state of his suffering ; as he was given for vs , and became a sacrifice for our sins . now this he neither was , nor could have been , in his present , glorified estate . so that if the body , and blood of christ , be in this sacrament , it must be not that which he now has in heaven , but that which he then had when he suffer'd for us upon earth ; and they must not only bring christ down from above , but must bring him back again to his mortal , and passible estate ; or they will never be able to make good any such change as they pretend to ; and that , i think , is sufficiently contrary to scripture , as well as in the nature of the thing its self impossible . sect . l. q. what have been the ill effects of this errour ? a. chiefly those two which i before mentioned ; that it introduced the doctrines of the mass sacrifice , and of the half communion ; to which may be added , thirdly , the adoration of the host. q. what do you call the host ? a. it is the wafer which those of the church of rome make use of , instead of bread , in this sacrament . q. do those of that church adore the consecrated wafer ? a. they do , and that as if it were really , what they pretend to believe that it is ; our saviour christ himself . q. is there any great harm in such a worship ? a. only the sin of idolatry : for so it must needs be , to give divine worship to a piece of bread. q. ought not christ to be adored in the sacrament ? a. christ is every where to be adored ; and therefore in the receiving of the holy communion , as well as in all our other religious performances . q. how can it then be sinful for those who believe the bread to be changed into the body of christ , upon that supposition , to worship the host ? a. as well as for a heathen who takes the sun to be god , upon that supposition , to worship the sun. q. but he intends to worship christ , and that can never be justly said to be idolatry ? a. and so the other intends to worship god : but to put another case , which may more easily be understood . if a man will , in defiance of sense , and reason , believe a post to be his father , and , upon that supposition , ask blessing of a post ; does his opinion , or rather his madness , alter the nature of things , and make him ever the less ask blessing of a post , because he takes it to be his father . the papist will needs have a piece of bread to be christ's body ; and , upon that presumption , he pays divine honour to it : does he ever the less give divine honour to a piece of bread , because he fancies that bread to be the body of christ ? q. will not his intention direct his action aright ? a. no , it will not : or if it would , his very intention it self is wrong . for his intention is to adore the host. 't is true , he believes it to be christ's body ; and therefore adores it : but still , right or wrong , the host he adores ; which being in reality no more than bread , he must needs commit idolatry in adoring of it . sect . li. q. what is required of them who come to the lord's supper ? a. to examine themselves , &c. q. when ought such an examination to be made ? a. it were much to be wish'd , that men would be perswaded to live under the constant practice of it ; and consider every week , or indeed every day , how their accounts stand towards god. but , at least , if they neglect it at other times , yet certainly they ought to do this very nicely , and scrupulously , before they come to the holy communion . q. how must this examination be perform'd ? a. by a careful , and diligent search into our lives , and actions ; that so we may , if possible , know what the true state of our souls is , in all those particulars concerning which we are here directed to examine our selves . and this accompanied with earnest prayer to god , for his assistance in , and blessing upon , our endeavours . q. what is the first point concerning which we are to examine our selves ? a. whether we repent us truly of our former sins , stedfastly purposing to lead a new life . q. how may we know whether we do this , so effectually as we are here required to do ? a. we can only judge by the present frame , and disposition , of our souls . if we are heartily sorry for , and ashamed of our sins : if we earnestly desire god's forgiveness of them : if we are instant with god in our prayers for pardon ; and where we have done any injury to our neighbour , are ready to ask his forgiveness also , and to make all reasonable satisfaction to him ; if , lastly , as far as we can judge of our selves , we do all this uprightly , and sincerely : if we reserve no secret affection for any sin in our souls , but universally resolve to forsake all our evil ways ; and in every thing to follow the rules of our duty ; we may , i think , justly conclude , that our repentance , and resolutions , are hearty , and without deceit ; and , as such , will qualify us for the worthy receiving of this holy sacrament . q. but what , if after all this , we should relapse into sin again ? a. if we do it by surprise , or infirmity ; if we fall back only into some lesser sins , and such as will hardly be altogether to be avoided by us in this present life ; we ought not to be discouraged . but , indeed , if after this we fall into the commission of some heinous , deliberate , wasting sin ; but especially should we relapse into a habit and course of such sins ; this would be of a dangerous consequence to us ; and make our last state worse than our first . q. would it not therefore be the safest way , rather to abstain altogether from the holy table , than to run the hazard of coming vnworthily to it . a. were it a matter of indifference whether we ever received this sacrament , or no , this might the more reasonably be insisted upon ; but as the case now stands , is altogether idle , and absurd . for , first , to come to the holy table is a matter of express duty ; what christ has commanded us to do ; and it is equally dangerous not to come at all , as it is to come vnworthily , to it . secondly , by not coming , we deprive our selves of the grace of god , which this sacrament was designed to convey to us ; and in that , of the greatest benefit , as well as comfort , to our souls , in the course of our duty , that our religion has provided for them . to all which , let me add , thirdly , that the shortness , and uncertainty of our lives , being consider'd , we ought , upon that account , to make the same preparation against the hour of our death , that we are required to do , for coming to the holy table . and since men are so very apt to put both the thoughts of death , and their provision for it so far off ; it is an instance of the great mercy and concern of our saviour christ for us , that by calling us frequently to his table , and requiring so strict a preparation for it ; he has engaged us to put our souls into such a posture , upon that account , as will fit them for dying ; should we chance , e're we are aware , to be surprized by death . q. what is the next thing wherein we are to examine our selves , before we come to the holy communion ? a. whether we have a lively faith in god's mercy through christ ; i. e. do stedfastly believe , that if we do truly repent us of our sins , god will not only most certainly forgive them ; but , as an earnest of it , does here , in this very sacrament , ratify , and seal anew his covenant with us ; and make us partakers of the benefit of that redemption , which our blessed saviour purchased for us , by the sacrifice of his own body and blood. q. what is the next particular upon which we are to examine our selves , before we come to the holy communion . a. whether we come to it , with a thankful remembrance of christ's death ; which is therein design'd to be set forth , and shewn by us. whether we are sufficiently sensible of the infinite love of god , and condescension of jesus christ , hereby declared to us ? whether we are careful always to keep up in our minds , a lively memory of his death , and passion ? and do , by the sincerity of our love to god , and the zeal we have for our duty , endeavour , in some measure , to testify how hearty a sense we have of those unspeakable mercies which he has been pleased thereby to favour us withal . q. what is the last thing concerning which we are to examine our selves . a. whether we are in charity with all men ? whether we do not only freely forgive whatsoever injuries any may chance to have done us , but are so intirely friends with them , as to be ready to do them all the kindness we can ; and that as truly , and heartily , as if they had never offended us , or otherwise done us the least injury . q. is this all that is required of us , before we come to the lord's supper ? a. other exercises there are , which may profitably be made use of by us , in order to our better performance of those duties we have before mentioned . such are , some extraordinary acts of prayer and devotion : a retirement from the business , and conversation , of the world ; but especially from the follies , and vanities of it . and these accompanied with some acts of prayer , and mortification , whilst we are making the examination of our selves before proposed . but these must be govern'd by the rules of prudence ; as every man's business ; opportunities ; needs ; state of health , and the like circumstances , either require , or will allow of . q. is such a preparatory examination of our selves , so necessary before we come to the holy table , that we may , in no case , presume to come without it ? a. no , it is not : those who live in a strict , and regular course of life , and have nothing extraordinary happen'd to . them , as they always know what their state towards god is , so are they always ready to receive this holy sacrament ; and need not be afraid to partake of it , because they had not the opportunity of making a particular , previous preparation of themselves for it . yet , if even these should design to go , at a certain time ( before known ) to the communion , they not only piously may , but in duty ought , to do somewhat of this kind , in order to their going with the better dispositions to it . q. what if by this means , a good christian should not be able fully to satisfy himself , concerning his worthiness to go to the holy table ? a. in that case he ought to consider what it is that puts him in doubt of it ; and having so done , let him take the advice of some person whom he can rely upon , but especially of his minister , about it : that so being free'd from his scruples , he may go with a quiet mind , and a full perswasion of conscience , to this spiritual feast ; and certainly receive the benefits of it . q. what if it shall appear that he is not in a state of going worthily to this sacrament ? a. he must , for the present , refrain from it ; and make all the haste he can to remove the impediment , and reconcile himself to god ; that so he may be in a condition both to come worthily to it ; and to be made partaker of those graces , which are thereby communicated to every faithful receiver of it . sect . lii . q. is there any thing yet farther required of those who come to the lord's supper ? a. yes , there is ; namely , that they be first confirm'd by the bishop : it being ordain'd by the church , that none shall be admitted to the holy communion until such time as he be confirm'd , or ready , and desirous , to be confirmed . q. what do you mean by confirmation ? a. i mean the solemn laying on of the hands of the bishop , upon such as have been baptized , and are come to years of discretion . q. how is this performed among us ? a. it is directed to be done after a very wise , and solemn manner . for , first , the bishop having given notice to the minister of his intention to confirm , and appointed a time for the doing of it ; the minister is to call together such of his parish , as are come to years of discretion , and have not yet been confirmed ; and to examine them in their church-catechism , and to prepare as many as he can for the bishop to confirm . secondly , having done this , he is either to bring , or send in writing , with his hand subscribed thereunto , the names of , all such persons , within his parish , as he shall think fit to be presented to the bishop to be confirm'd . these being approved of by the bishop , are brought openly into the church , and required by the bishop , in the presence of god , and the congregation there assembled , to renew the solemn vow , and promise , which was made in their names , at their baptism ; and , in their own persons , to ratify and confirm the same ; acknowledging themselves bound to believe , and do , all those things which their godfathers and godmothers then undertook for them . which having done , the bishop heartily prays to god for his grace to enable them to fulfil this their vow ; and laying his hand severally on every one's head , beseeches god to defend this his servant with his heavenly grace , that he may continue his for ever ; and daily increase in his holy spirit more and more , until he comes to his everlasting kingdom . to all which are finally added the joint prayers both of the bishop , and the church , to the same effect ; and so the ceremony is ended . q. what are the reasons that chiefly moved the church of england to retain such a ceremony as this ? a. there may several be assigned , but especially these four : * apostolical practice ; * the reasonableness of the thing its self ; * the benefit of it to the person who is confirmed ; and * the satisfaction that arises from hence to the church of christ. q. did the apostles practise such an imposition of hands ? a. the apostles did lay their hands on those who had been baptized ; and by their imposition of hands , such persons did receive the holy ghost . acts viii . 17 . xix . 6 . q. does the bishop give the holy ghost now , as the apostles did , by their imposition of hands ? a. that we do not say ; nor did the apostles themselves do it . they laid on their hands , and god gave his holy spirit to those on whom they laid them . and we piously presume , that by the fervent prayers of the bishop , and the church , those on whom he now lays his hands , shall also receive the holy ghost , if they do but worthily prepare themselves for it . q. is there any promise of god on which to build such a hope ? a. a general one there is , and such as may in this case , above any , be depended upon by us. for , first , we are directed to pray not only for our selves , but for one another also . to encourage us hereunto , christ has promised us to grant whatsoever is piously ask'd , by the joint suffrages of his church , of him. mat. xviii . 19 . and particularly , has declared , that god will give the holy spirit to them that ask him. luk. xi . 9 . add to this , that it has always been accounted a part of the ministerial office , not only to instruct , but to pray for , and bless their people when therefore the chief pastor of the church , and his congregation , solemnly join together , to beg of god the grace of his holy spirit , in behalf of such persons as these ; ( who have just now been dedicating themselves a-new , to his service ; and ratifying the covenant made between god , and them , at their baptism ; ) how can we chuse but believe , that god will certainly grant their request ; and give his holy spirit to those for whom he is thus earnestly , and solemnly , ask'd of him ? q. from whence does it appear , that such an imposition of hands was reasonable to have been ordain'd , and to be continued , in the church ? a. from the condition of those who are commonly baptized among us ; and who being , for the most part , infants , and so constrain'd to make use of others to become sureties for them at their baptism ; it was certainly very reasonable , that there should be some solemn time appointed , when such persons ( being come to years of discretion ) should themselves ratify their baptismal covenant ; and acknowledge their obligation to believe , and do , what their godfathers , and godmothers , had before promised for them . q. what are the benefits of this institution , to those who are confirmed ? a. besides the benefit of god's grace , which we reasonably presume to be hereby procured to such persons , by the prayers of the bishop , and church , on their behalf ; these two advantages do evidently accrue to them : that , first , they are , by this means , secured of the care of their godfathers , and godmothers , to see that they be duly instructed in the principles of their christian religion ; and in which , were this ordinance strictly observed , they could not be deficient , without being certainly found out , and censured by the church for their neglect . and , secondly , that by being thus solemnly called upon to ratify their baptismal vow , and covenant ; they are engaged to begin betimes , both to consider their duty , and to apply themselves to the serious discharge of it . q. how does this ordinance give a satisfaction to the church of christ , as to these matters ? a as , by this means , care is taken to have all these things openly transacted before it . the person , who perhaps was privately baptized , being now publickly confirmed , in the face of the congregation . the vow , which was made by others in his name ; being here solemnly renew'd , and ratified , by himself . the child , who was baptized by some minister of an inferior order , being now established in the communion of the church , by the chief pastor of it . and , lastly , the godfathers , and godmothers , who became sureties , both for the good instruction , and education , of the person , whom they answer'd for ; being hereby fully acquitted , and discharged , of their trust ; and declared to have faithfully fulfilled , what they had so sacredly promised , and vndertook to do. q. do you look upon all godfathers , and godmothers , to be obliged to see , that those for whom they answer , be first duly instructed in the principles of their religion , and then brought to be confirmed by the bishop ? a. they are certainly obliged , as far as a solemn promise , made in the presence of god , and in a matter not only lawful , but pious , and charitable , can oblige them . nor can i imagine , how any one , who has taken such an obligation upon himself , will ever be able to answer it , either to god , or his own conscience , if he shall neglect to fulfil what he undertook in that behalf . q. what think you of those who come to the lord's supper , without either being confirmed ; or having any desire , or intention , to be confirmed ? a. they are doubtless to be blamed : inasmuch as thereby they not only break the orders , and disobey the command of the church ; which , for such good reasons as we have seen , requires them to be confirmed ; but seem ashamed to own their christian profession ; and to despise the prayers of their bishop for such graces , as they certainly ought to desire ; and cannot reasonably hope , by any more effectual means , to obtain of god , than by a pious , and reverend participation , of this holy ordinance . q. may not the grace of god be obtain'd as well by our own prayers , as by the bishop's imposition of hands upon us ? a. that is not the question : we know that god has promised his holy spirit to every one who faithfully prays for him. but the question is this ; first , whether if a man may obtain this grace by his own prayers alone , he may not expect more certainly to do it , by adding the prayers of the bishop , and the church , to them ? and , secondly , whether he who carelesly neglects , or presumptuously despises the orders of the church ; and the pious provision made by her , for all her members , at their first setting out into the dangers , and temptations , of the world ; may not justly fear , lest god should refuse that grace to his own solitary prayers , for which he neglected , or despised , the prayers of the bishop , and the church , on his behalf ? q. what is required of persons to be confirmed ? a. first , that they be of years of discretion : that is to say , of a capacity to understand the nature of their baptismal covenant . what god therein promises to us ? and what we are thereby obliged to believe , and do , in obedience to his will ? secondly , that they be not only capable of this knowledge ; but be actually instructed in these things . thirdly , that being hereby brought to a clear sense of what was done for them , by their godfathers , and godmothers , at their baptism ; they be now ready , and desirous , in their own persons , to ratify , and confirm the same . and , lastly , that in testimony of their sincere resolutions to make good what they here promise , and vow , they do now truly repent of all their sins , and stedfastly resolve , by the grace of god , to go on in a constant obedience to god's commands , unto their lives end. q. at what times ought such persons to be confirmed ? a. at such times as the bishop appoints for this purpose . only , if it be possible , they should endeavour to be confirmed , and thereby fully take upon themselves the first sacrament ; before they proceed to the participation of the second . q. how often ought any christian to be confirmed ? a. the nature of the office plainly shews it . confirmation , as it is understood , and practised by us , is nothing else but a solemn ratification of our baptismal covenant . now no man ought to be baptized more than once : nor will he therefore need any more than once , to take that covenant upon himself . if after this , he shall fall into any sins , whereby to put himself out of a state of grace ; or even to be cut off from the communion of the church ; there are other means of restoring him again to both , upon his sincere repentance for what he has done amiss . but our baptism must not be repeated ▪ nor will our confirmation therefore need to be , any more , repeated by us. finis . errata . page 45. l. 24. for be was , r. was a. p. 115. l. 28. r. commandment . p. 127. l. 26. for tha● god would , r. both. p. 130. l. 15. for to them , r. in them. p. 151. l. 27. r. don't . p. 159. l. 14. blot out to . borks printed for richard sare , at grays inn gate in holborn . the genuine epistles of st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp , the shepherd of hermas , &c. with a large preliminary discourse . 8 vo . a practical discourse against profane swearing . 8 vo . the authority of christian princes over ecclesiastical synods , in answer to a letter to a convocation man. 8 vo . an appeal to all the true members of the church of england , on behalf of the king's supremacy . 8 vo . a sermon at the dorsetshire feast . 1690. before the queen at whitehall , may 10. 1691. before the lord mayor , nov. 26. 1691. at grays inn , on the death of the queen . at st. james's , on the day of thanksgiving . these nine by the reverend dr. wake . fables of aesop , and other eminent mythologists , with morals and reflexions . folio . fables and stories moralized ; ( being a second part of the fables of aesop , and other eminent mythologists , &c. ) folio . both by sir roger l'estrange . mr. collier's view of the stage . his defence . his essays upon several moral subjects . maxims and reflections upon plays ; ( in answer to a discourse printed before a play , called , beauty in distress ; ) written in french by the bishop of meaux ; with an advertisement concerning the author and book . by mr. collier . an answer to all the excuses and pretences that men ordinarily make , for their not coming to the holy communion . to which is added , a brief account of the end and design of the holy communion , the obligation to receive it , the way to prepare for it , and the behaviour of our selves both at , and after it . price but 3 d ▪ for the encouragement of such persons as are willing to give them away , for the promoting of piety and devotion . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a66289-e970 acts xxi . 21 , 24. luk. 1.4 . acts xviii . 25 , 26. heb. v. 12 . — vi . 1 , 2. heb. viii . 8 . &c. gen. iii. 15 . heb. viii . 12 . luk. xi . 13 . 1 pet. 1 ▪ 2. jo. iii. 16 , 17. 1 pet. 1.4 , 5. 2 cor. vii . 10· jam. v. 20 . rom. xii . 5 . eph i 22 , 23. jo. i. 12 ; 13 heb. ii . 11 12 , 13. rom. viii . 14 , 15. acts iii. 25 . rom. viii . 15 , 17. gal. iv . 5 , 7. ephes. 1.5 . 1 pet iii. 21 . 1 pet i. 3 , 4 5 gal. iii. 26 . heb. ii . 3 , eph. ii . 1 , 2 , 3. mat. xiii . 39 . luk. viii . 12 . je. viii . 44 . eph. iv . 27 . — vi . 11 . 1 tim. iii. 6 , 7. heb. ii . 14 . jam. iv . 7 . 1 jo. iii. 8 , 9 , 10. (a) jo. viii , 44. 1 jo. iii. 8 . (b) 1 tim iii. 6 . jo. viii . 44 . jam. 3.14 , 15. 1 joh. ii . 15 . — v. 19.21 . jam. iv . 4 . 1 jo. ii . 16 . act xxv . 23 . phil. ii . 3 . mat. xix . 17.18 , 19. rom. xiii . 9 . luk. xviii . 20 . jo. vi . 44 . 2 cor. iii. 5 . phil. 1.6 . — ii . 13 . jerem. xxxii . 40 . ezek. xxxvi , 27. 1 jo. iii. 9 . 2 thes. iii. 3 . tit. iii. 4 , 5. 2 tim. i. 9 . 1 jo. vi . 44 . ephes. ii . 8 . phil. i. 29 . jo viii . 31 . gal. vi . 9 . rom , ii . 7 . 1 cor. xv . 58 . b 1 cor. i. 8 . 2 cor. i. 22 . ephes. iv . 30 . 1 jo. i. 8 . luk. xv . 7.18 , &c. ‖ 2 cor. vii . 10 . † ezek. xviii . 21 . isa. i. 16 , 17. prov. xxviii . 13 . psal. xxxiv : 15. isai. i. 16 . psal. xxxviii . 18 . 2 cor. vii . 9 , 10 , 11 , 2 cor. vii . 10 . mat. xviii . 3 . luke xiii . 3 . prov. xxviii . 19 . ezek. xviii . 30 . — xxxiii . 11 . isa. lv . 7 . 1 jo. i. 8 . mat. v. 23 . 1 cor. v. 1 tim. v. 20 . jam. v. 16 . prov. xxviii . 13 . isa , lv , 7 , ezek , xxxiii 11 , heb , ix , 2● , 26 , 28 , heb. x. 12 , 14. 1 pet. ii . 24 . — iii. 18 . 1 jo. i. 7 . prov. 1.24 , &c. xxviii . 14 . heb. iii. 13 , 15. — vi . 6 . — xii . 17 . prov. xvi . 5 . jam. iv . 6 . 1 pet. v. 5 . psal. x. 3 . 1 cor. v. 11 . vi . 10 . eph. v. 5 . jam. iii. 15 ▪ jud. 19. jo. ix . 14 ▪ jo ▪ v. 44 . heb. vi . 4 . &c. 〈◊〉 x. 26 . 2 tim. iii. 16 . 2 pet. . i.28 . 2 pet. iii. 15 . jo. xx . 21 . luk. i. 4 . 2 tim. iii. 14 , 15 , 16. 2 thes. ii . 15 . 2 tim. iii. 17 . psal. cxix . 105 . jo. v. 39 . mat. xxii . 29 . jo. v. 39 . acts xvii . 2.11 . * act viii . 36.37 . 2 tim. 1.13 . jo. iv . 24 . isa. vi . 3 . — xli . 4 . — xliv . 6 . 1 kin. viii . 27 . psal. xc . 2 . job xi . 7 . 1 tim. vi . 15 , 16. heb. xiii . 8 . jer. xxxii . 27 . mat. xix . 26 . jer. xxiii . 23 . psal. cxxxix . 7 . deut. vi . 4 . jo. xvii . 3 . mark xii . 29 . 1 cor. viii . 4 . eph. iv . 6 . rom. viii . 15 . jam. i. 18 . 1 jo. iii. 1 . psal. xciii . xcvii.xcix . gen. xviii . 14 . psal. cxxxv . 6 . tit. i. 2 . hab. i. 13 . gen. i. 1 . col. i. 16 . neh. ix . 6 . job ii . 10 . psal. xxxvi . 6 . jo. xiv . 1 . 1 joh. iii. 23 . luk. ii . 21 : 1 tim. i. 15 . luk. ii . 11 . acts xiii . 23 . ‖ in the margin , the anointed . 1 kin. xix . 15 , 16. exod. xl . 13 , 15. 1 sam. xv . 1 . isa. lxi . 1 . comp . luk. iv . 21 , 22. joh. v. 44 . — ix . 14 . (b) ma● . xii . 35 . mat. xxii . 42 . heb. vii . 14 . (c) joh. vii . 41 , 42. luk. ii . 4 ▪ 11. isa. xl . 3 . mal. iv . 5 . luke i. 17 . mat. iii. 3 . mark i. 2 ▪ 3. mat. xi . 5 . jo. iii. 2 . — xxi . 25 . ‖ jo. xiv . 12 see below ▪ sect. xii . mat ▪ v. ●vi.vii . luk. ix 35● heb i. 1 . gen. xiv . 18 . eph. v. 2 . heb. x. 10 . rom. viii . 34 . acts iii. 26 . isa. ix . 6 , 7. luk. i. 32 , 33. mat. xxi . 5 . rev. xix ▪ 13 , 16. psal. xiv . 8 . isa. vii . 14 . — ix . 5 . acts xx . 28 . jo. i. 14 . — iii. 16 . act. xiii . 33 . comp. heb i. 5 , 6. v. 5 . acts x. 36 . jo. xx . 28 . psal. ii . 8 . rom. x. 12 . rom. xiv . 7 , 8 , 9. 1 cor. ii . 8 . phil. ii . 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. acts ii . 36 . jo. xiii . 3 . rom. xi● ▪ 9. phil. ii . 8 , 9 , &c. jo. i. 14 . heb. ii . 14 . mat. i. 18 , 20. luk. i. 35 . † heb. vii . 26 . 2 cor. v. 21 . 1 pet. i. 19 . * mat. i. 23 . isa. vii . 14 . luk. i. 27 . gal. iv . 4 . luk. ii . 5 , 6 , 7. — xi . 27 . 1 tim. ii . 5 . 1 cor. xv . 21 . mat ▪ i. 25 . luk. i. 34 , 35. isa. vii . 14 . mat. xxvii . 1 , 2. luk. iii. 1 . dan. ix . 26 . gen. xlix . 10 . isa. liii . 5 , 6. rom. iv . 25 . 1 cor. xv . 3 . heb. vii . 26 . ix . 28 . x. 10 . 1 pet. ii . 21 , 22. (a) mat. xxvi . 2 , 24 , 45 , 70. luk. xxii . 22 , 48 , 57. 1 cor. xi . 23 . * mat. xxvi . 56 . mar. xiv . 50 . ‖ luk. xxiii . ● , 5. jo. xix . 12 † mat. xxvi . xxvii . luk. xxii . xxiii . jo. xviii . xix . * 1 pet. iii. 18 . — iv . 1 . † acts xx . 28 . 1 cor. ii . 8 . luk. xxiii . 46 . mar. xv . 37.44 . acts ii . 2● ▪ v. 30 , &c. isa. liii . 10 . 1 pet. i. 18 , 19. rom v. 10 . viii . 32 . col. i 21. (a) ( b ) gen. xxxvii 35. — xlii . 38 . 1 sam. ii . 6 . (b) psal. xvi . 10 . (c) psal. ix . 17 . mat. v. 22 , 29 , 30. x. 23 . xxiii . 33 . luk. xii . 5 . &c. luke xxiii . 46 . eccles. xii . 7 . ‖ mat. viii . 11 . luk ▪ xvi . 22 , 23 ▪ eph. i. 19 , 20. acts ii . 32 . gal. i. 1 . jo. v. 21 . acts i. 21 , 22. mat. xxvii . 50 , 59. luk. xxiii . 55 . — xxiv . i.11 , 20. † 1 cor. xv . 5 , &c. luk xxiii . 37 . jo xx . 19 , 25 , 27. acts i. 3 , 21 , 23. ‖ jo. xx . 12 . (a) acts ix . 4 . (b) acts ii . 4 , 32. — iii. 8 , 15. — iv . 8 , 10 , 33. — v. 12 , 15 , 31 , 32. * mat. xxvii . 62 . mar. xv . 42 . luk. xxiii . 54 . jo. xix . 32 . † mat. xxviii . 1 . mar. xvi . 1 , 2. luk. xxiv . 1 . jo. xx . 1 . 2 cor. xiii . 4 . acts xiii . 33 . 1 pet. i. 3 . rom. 1.10 . luk. xxiv . 50 , 51. acts i. 9 , 10. eph. iv . 10 . heb. iv . 14 . — vi . 19 . — ix . 24 .. * mar. xvi 19. ps●l . cx . 1 . comp . act. ii . 34 . 〈◊〉 . i 13. ‖ see rom. viii . 34 . 1 pet. iii. 22 . acts vii . 56 . phil. ii . 8 , 9. eph. i. 20 , &c. act. v. 30 , 31. † 1 cor. xv . 25 . heb. x. 12 , 13 ▪ psal cx . 1 . † act. x. 42 . 1 pet. iv . 5 . 2 tim. iv . 1 . mat. xvi . 27 . ‖ act. xvii . 31 . rom. xiv . 9 . * mat. xxiv . 31 . — xxv . 32 . 2 thes. ii . 1 . † dan. vii . 9 , 10. rev. xx . 4 , 11 , 12. ‖ 1 cor. xv . 23 . 1 thes. iv . 16 , 17. mat. xxv . 32 , 34. * mat. xxv . 41 . — xix . 28 . 1 cor. vi . ● . † mat. xxv . 46 . comp. ma● . iii. 16 . xxviii . 19 . eph. ii . 18 . gal. iv . 4 , 5 , 6. 1 jo. v. 7 . jo. vi . 44 : deut. xxix . 4 . acts xiii . 48 . 1 thes. ii . 13 . jer. xxxii . 40 . ezek. xxxvi . 27 . 1 cor. iii. 6 . 1 jo. iii. 9 . 2 thes. iii. 3 . mat. vi . 13 . 2 cor. iii. 5 . eph. iv . 30 . acts iv . 31 . — v. 41 . — xiii 52. rom. xiv . 17 . 1 thes. i. 6 . rom. viii . 37 . 2 cor. iv . 13 , 16. eph iv . 30 . phil. i. 2● . 1 cor. xv . ●3 . 1 thes. iv . 13 . luk ▪ xx . 38 . mat. xvi . 18 . acts ii . 41 . & c.. 1 cor. x. 17 . gal. v. 5 . eph. i. 22 . iv . 3 , 4 , 5. v. 23 , 26. col. i. 18 . heb. xii . 23 . psal. lxxvi . 1 , 2. — cxlvii . 19 , 20. mat. xvi . 18 . — xxviii . 19 , 23. eph. i. 4 . — iv . 3 . — v. 26 , 27. col. 1.22 . 2 tim. 1.9 , 11 , 19. 1 pet i. 15 , 16. 1 thes. iv . 7 . 2 cor. vii . 1 . heb. xii . 14 . rom. i. 7 . xv . 25 , 26 , 31. eph. i. 3 . phil. i. 1 . col. i. 4 . iii. 12 , &c. 1 cor. i. 9 . eph. iii. 9 . — v. 23 , 25 , 26. 1 jo. i 3. ‖ jo. xiv . 23 . 1 cor. xii . 16 . 2 cor. xiii . 14 . gal. iv 6 , 7. phil. ii . 1 . * luk. xv . 10 . — xvi . 22 . heb i. 14 . mat. xviii . 10 . † 1 cor. xii . 26 . 1 jo. i. 7 . rom. xii . 15 . act. ii . 42 . rom. xii . 13 . — xv . 27 . 1 cor. x. 16 . heb. xii . 22 , 23. r jo. i. psal. xxxi . 1 , 2. comp. rom. iv . 8 . luk. xxiv . 47 . act. iii. 29 . xiii . 38 , 39. 1 cor. xv . 4 . 2 cor. v 21. phil. iii. 21 . mat. xiii . 4.3 . dan. xii . 3 . jo. v. 28 . act. xxiv . 15 . dan. xii 2. jo. v. 28 . rom. viii . 11 . 1 cor. vi . 15 , 19. 2 cor. v. 10 . mat. xx● 41.46 . — xviii ▪ 8. mark ix 43 , 44. comp. rev. ii . 11 . xiv . 11 . xxi . 8 . 1 cor. xv . 42 , &c. phil ii . 21 . 1 jo ii . 2 . rev. xxi . 4 . psal. x●i . 11 . 1 cor. ii . 9 . mat. vii . 21 , 24 , &c. mat. xxii . 37 . &c. mat. v. 48 . — xix . 21 . col. i. 28 . 1 pet. v. 10 . 2 cor. vii . 14 . — xiii . 9 . mat. xxii . 37 . compare deut. x. 12 . psal. cxix . 16 . 1 cor xv . 48 . mat. xxii 37. 2 pet. iii. 18 . mat. xix . 16 . — xxii . 37 . rom. xiii . 9 . jam. ii . 8 . * lev. xviii . 21 . xix . 14 , 16 , 18 , &c. xxi . 12 , &c. xxii 2. &c. num. iii. 13 , 41 , 45. rom. ii . 28 , 29. 1 cor. x. 18 . gal. iii. 23 , 26. vi . 15 , 16. phil. iii. 3 . heb. viii . 6.8 , &c. luk. i. 74 , 75. gal. iv , 26. heb. xii . 22 . rev. iii. 12 . xxi . 2 , 10 , &c. see before , sect. vii . psal. v. 7 . xlv . 11 . xcv . 6 . cxxxii . 7 . jo. iv . 24 . 1 cor. vi . 20 . phil. iii. 3 . heb. x. 25 . mat. vi . 5 , &c. (a) heb. xi . 6 . jo i. 12 . vi . 29 . act. xiii . 39 . rom. x. 9 . gal. iii. 22 . 1 jo. iii. 23 . v. 13 . (b) psal. xxii . 23 . xxxiii . 18 . xxxiv . 11 . mat. x. 28 . luk. i. 50 . 2 cor. vii . 1 . phil. ii . 12 . (c) mat. xxii 37. (d) see before . (e) psal. xcii . i . cv . 1 . cvi , &c. eph v. 20 . 1 thes. v. 18 . (f) psal. ii . 12 . xviii . 30 . cxv . 9 , 10 , 11. rom. xv . 12 . 2 cor. i. 9 . 2 tim. vi 17. 1 pet. iii. 5 . (g) psal. xiv . 4 . xviii . 3 . cxvi . 2 , 13 , 17. cxliv. 18 . act. ii . 21 . rom. x. 12 , 13 , 14. 1 cor. i. 2 . (h) psal. xcix . 3 . lxvi . 2 . cxix . 11 , &c. 105 , 140 , 161 , 162. col. iii. 16 . 1 thes. ii . 13 . heb. ii . 2 . iv . 12 . jam. i. 21 . (i) psal. ii . 11 . c. 2. luk. i. 74 . 1 thes. i. 9 , 10. heb. ix . 14 . 1 cor. viii . 5 , 6. gal. iv . 8 . 1 kin. xi . 4 . 2 kin. xvii● 33 , 34. lev. xix . 4 . xxvi . i . acts xvii . 29 . ezek. xiv . 5 . lev. xxvi . 1 . deut. iv . 16 . amos v. 26 . deut. viii . 19 . isai. xlii . 8 . psal. cxv . 14 . 1 kings xiv . 22 , xv . 13 . 2 kings xxii . 17 . xxiv . 3 . lam. v. 6 . 1 king. xi . 34 . 2 kings viii . 19 . 1 cor. vi . 9 . gal. v. 20 . rev. xxi . 8 . — xxii . 15 . isai. xlviii . i . mal ▪ iii. 5 . psal. xxiv . 4 . mat. v. 34 , &c. psal. lxiii . 11 . judg. xi 31. numb xxx . 3 . deut. xxiii . 21 , 22 , 23. psal. lxvi . 11 . prov. xx . 25 . mat. vi . 7 . lev. xxi . 6 lev. xxiv . 16 . 2 kings xix . 10 . lev. xxii . 2 . luk. viii 18. 1 cor. xi . 27 . prov. xiii . 13 . psal. xcix . ● ▪ isai. lxvi ● jer. iv . 2 . mat. v. 37 . 1 cor. x. 31 . col. iv . 6 . heb. xii . 28 . lev. xxiv . 16 . 2 sam. 12.14 . — xxi . 1 . 2 kings xix . 35 . zech. v. 3 , 4. gen ii . ● ▪ act. xx . 7 . 1 cor. xvi . 1 , 2. r. v. i , 10. jer. xvii . 24 . isa. lviii . 13 . act. xiii . 27 . — xv . 21 . — xvi . 13 . ‖ 20 car. ii. c●p 7. mat. xii . 39 . mat. ii . 12 . isa. xlix . 23 . 2 kin. v. 13 . gen. xlv . 8 . job xxix . 16 . judg. xvii . 10 . — xviii . 19 . 2 kin. ii . 12 . — vi . 21 . — xiii . 14 . 1 cor. iv . 15 . lev. xix . 15 . eph. vi . 1 , 2. 1 tim. vi . 1 , 2. 1 pet. ii . 17 . 1 tim. v. 3 , 17 , 18. mat. iv . 6 . mark vi . 10 , 11 , 12. deut. xxvii . 16 . prov. i. 8 . xxx . 17 . lev. xix . 3 . mat. xv . 4 . mark vii . 10 . eph. vi . 1 , 2. col. iii. 20 . 1 tim. v. 4 . 2 tim. iii. 2 . deut. xi . 7 , 11 , 19. prov. xiii . 24 , xxii . 6 , 15. xxiii . 13 , 14. luk xi . 11 . 2 cor. 12.14 . 1 tim. v. 8 . eph vi . 4 . col. ili . 21 . heb. xii . 9 . exod. xxii . 28 . eccles. x. 20 . prov. xxiv . 21 . mat. xxii . 21 . rom. xiii . 2 . tit. iii. 1 . 1 pet. ii . 13 , 17. 2 pet. ii . 10 , 11. jude 8 , 9. act iv . 19 . — v. 18 , 29 , 41. 1 kin. iii. 7 , 9. psal. lxxii . 2 , &c. lxxviii . 71 . prov xx . 38 . rom. xiii . 3 . 1 tim. ii . 2 . 1 pet ii . 1● . mal. iii. 8 . mat. x. 14 , 15. luk. x. 16 . 1 cor. iv . 1 , 15. — ix . 7 , &c. 1 thes. i. 12 , 13. 1 tim. v. 17 . heb. xiii . 7.17 . gal. vi . 6 . ezek. iii. 18 , &c. mal. ii 7. 1 pet. v. 2 . rom. xii . 7 . 1 tim. iv . 12 , &c. 2 tim. ii . 2 , 15 , &c. act. xx . 30 . 2 tim. iv . 2 . tit. ii . 7 , 8. prov. xxxi . 11 . eph. v. 22 , 23 , 33. col. iii. 18 . 1 pet. iii. ● . 1 tim. ii . 12 . col. iii. 19 . eph. v. 25 . &c. 1 pet. iii. ● . col. iii. 12.22 . eph. vi . ● . 6 . 1 tim. vi . 1 . tit. ii . 9 , 10. 1 pet. ii . 1● . jos. xxiv . 15 . col. iii. 22 . — iv . 1 . jam. 5.4 . eph. vi . 9 . lev. xix . 32 . job xxxii . 7 . prov. 16.31 . 1 tim. v. 1 , 2. tit. ii . 2 , 3. rom ▪ xiii . 7 . prov. xxix . 23 . rom. xi . 20 . — xii . 16 . 1 tim. vi . 17 . psal. xli . 1 . 1 tim. vi , 17.18 . 2 cor. ix . 9 . heb. xiii . 16 . ecclus. iii. 9 . deut. v. 16 . eph. vi . 2 , 3. gen. ix . 5 . exod. xxi . 13 . num ▪ xxxv . 22 . * exod. xxi . 14 . num. xxxv . 30 . rom. xiii . 4 . † num. x. 9 . deut. xxi . 10 . prov. xx . 18 . — xxiv . 6 . * exod. xxi . 14 . num. xxxv . 30 . rom. xiii . 4 . deut. xiii . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. * num. xxxv . 19 , 27. ‖ exod ii . 11 . comp. acts vii . 25 . 1 sam. xv . 33 . gen. ix . 5 . mat. v. 21 . gal. v. 20 . rom. xii . 1● ▪ jam. iii. 14 , 16. rom. xii . 18.20 . mat. v. 9 , 44. luk. x 34. gal. v. 22 . eph. v. 2 . 1 thes. iv . 9 ▪ heb. x. 24 . jam. ii . 8 . 1 jo. iv . 7.21 . lev. xviii . 2● ▪ prov. vi . 29 . mat. v. 29 , &c. gal. v. 19 . eph. v. 3 , 4. col. iii. 5 . 1 cor. iii. 17 . vi . 9 . ix . 27 . 1 tim. ii . 9 . 2 tim. ii . 22 . 1 pet. ii . 11 . — iii. 3 . — iv . 3 . job xxxi . 1 , 9. mat. xv . 19 . rom. xiii . 19 . eph. v. 3 , 11 , 18. 1 thes. iv . 3 , 4 , &c. col. iii. 5 , 8. gal. ● . 24 . 2 cor vii . 1 . t it ii 3. 1 pet. v. 8 ▪ lev. xx . 10 . job xxxi . 11 . prov. vi 29. 1 cor. vi . 9 , 10. eph. v. 5 . heb. xiii . 1● . lev. xix . 11 , 13. ‖ eph. iv . 28 . lev. xix . 11 , 13. rom. ii . 21 . prov. xx . 10 . xxii . 16 . xxviii . 8 . psal. xxxvii . 21 . luk. 18.11 . 1 cor. v. 10 , 11. vi . 10 . vii . 5 . 1 thes. iv . 6 . jam. v. 4 . * exod. xxiii . 9 . lev. xxv . 14 . 1 tim. v. 8 . prov. vi . 1 . xi . 15 . xxii . 26 . deut. xxiii . 19 , 20. psal. xv . 5 . prov. xxviii . 8 . jer. xvii . 15 . prov. x. 2 . xiii . 11 . xx . 21 . mat. v. 40 . 1 cor. vi . 1 , 6 , 7. psal. xv . 1 , 2. prov. xvi . 11 . ezek. xxxiii . 15 , 16. mich. vi 8. eph. iv . 28 . 2 thes. iii. 11 , 12. luk. iii. 14 . prov. vi . 18 , 19. tit. iii. 1 , 2. 1 tim. vi . 4 . lev. xix . 16 prov. xi . 30 . — xviii . 8 . 1 kings xxi . 10 . mat. xxvi . 59 . psal. xv . 1.3 . mat. vii . 1 , 2. eph. iv . 25 . jam. i. 26 . psal. xv . 1 , 2. eph. iv . 25 . 1 pet. iii. 10 . mat. vii . 1 , 2. 1 cor. xiii . 5 , 7. luk. xxiii . 41 . acts xxv . 8 . rom. vii . 7 . gal. 5.22 . 1 pet. ii . 11 . col. iii. 5 . eph. iv . 22 . 1 kings xxi . ib. ver . 6. — 16. ezek. xxxiii . 31 . 1 tim. vi . 6 . phil. iv . 11 . heb. xiii . 5 . rom. xiii . 13 . 1 cor. xiii . 4 . 1 thes. iv . 11 , 12. see the preface to this prayer : ch. cat. ‖ rom. x. 14 . * jo. xvi . 24 . † psal. lxv . 2 . xciv . 9 . 1 kings viii . 30 , &c. ‖ mat. vi . 8 . * lev. xxxii . 17 , 27. † mat. vii . 7 . xxi 22. luk. xi . 9 . jo. vi . 24 . jam. i. 6 . psal. v. 2 . xliv . 20 , 21. l. 23 . isa. xlv . 20 . jam. i.5 . mat. vii , 7 , 8. act. xvii . 25 , 28. luk. xi . 9 . jo. xvi . 24 . jam. i. 5 . deut. xxix . 4 . act. xiii . 48 . jo. vi . 44 . 1 cor. iii. 6 . eph. ii . 8 . phil. ii . 13 . luk. xi . 9 . mat. xiii . 12 . xxv . 29 . luk. viii . 18 . mat. vii . 7 . — xxi . 22 . jo. xvi . 23 , 24. jam. iv . 3 . 1 jo. iii. 22 . jam i. 6 . v. 14 , 16. luk. xviii . 1 . rom. xii . 12 . eph. vi . 18 . 1 jo. v. 14 . mat. vi 25. heb. xiii . 5 . prov. xxx . 8 . eph vi . 18 . phil iv . 6 . col. iv . 2 . 1 thes. 5.17 . 2 thes. i. 11 . heb. xiii . 18 . jam v. 16 . 1 pet. iv . 7 . zech. viii 21. luk. xxiv . 53 . act. vi . 4 . heb. xiii . 15 . 1 thes. v. 17 . rom. i. 9 . &c. psal. lv . 17 . jos. xxiv . 15 . psal. ci . heb. xii . 25 . act. i. 14 . — ii . 1 , 46. — iii. 1 . 1 cor. xi . 22 . xiv . 13 , 19 , &c. num. vi . 14 ▪ — ● . 35 , 36. 2 thes ii . 1● ▪ eph ▪ ii . 18 ▪ 1 kin viii . 38 . psal. cxv . 3 . cxxiii . 1 . luk. xi . 11 . jam i. 17 . psal. ciii 13. lam. iii. 41 . eccles v. 2 . mat. vii . 9 , 10. 2 thes ▪ ii 16. jer. xxiii . 23 . 1 kin ▪ viii . 23 , 27 , 38 , 39. isa. xl . 22 . psal. cxxxix . 7 , &c. * psal. xi . 4 . cxxiii . 1 . cxxvi . 28 . mat. v. 16 , 45. xii . 50 xvi . 1 . xxiii . 9 . act. vii . 49 . ps●l . cxlviii . 13 . prov. xvi . 4 . isa. vi . 3 . 1 kin. v. 5 . psal. xx.i. xliv . 20 . act. vii . 47 . exod. xx . 1● . xxix . 1 . lev ▪ x. 3 . 1 kin. ix . 3 . psal. lxxii . 19 . lxxxvi 9 , 12. cxiii 〈…〉 mat. v ●6 . jo. xv . 8 . act. xiii . 48 . rom. xv . 6 . 1 cor. x. 31 . vi . 20 . 1 pet. iii. 15 . iv 11. ● thes. 1.10 , ●● . ‖ ps●l ciii . 19 ▪ cx . ● cxiv . 11 , ●● . † mat. iii. 2 ▪ iv . 13 . xxiv . 14 . heb. i. 8 . * mat. v. 14 , 20. xiii . 4● . luk. xxiii . 42 , 43. 1 cor. vi . 9 ▪ 2 pet. i. 11 . act. xxvi . 18 . col. i. 13 . psal. ii . 8 . mich iv . 8 . rev. xi . 15 . xii . 10 . mat. xxviii . 19 . 1 cor. xv . 25 . tit. i. 3 . — ii . 12 , 13 ▪ mat. xxvi . 42 . act. xxi . 13 , 24. * luk. xxii . 42 . job . i 21. heb. x. 17 . † psal xl . 8 . — cxliii . 10 . mat. vii . 21 . jo. iv . 34 . vi . 37 , 38. act ix . 6 . rom. ii . 18 . xii . 2 . eph vi 6. 1 pet. ii . 15 . 1 jo. ii . 17 . psal. ciii . 20 , 21. job i. 16 . isa. vi 2. mat. xviii . 10 . gen. iii. 10 . xliii . 31 , 34. ps xxxvii . 25 . — xli . 9 . isa. xl . 1 . mar. iii. 20 . luk iv . 1 . 2 cor. ix . 10 . 2 thes. iii. 8 , 12. prov. xxx . 8 . 1 tim. vi . 8 . ● thes. iii. 1● ▪ exod. xvi . 5 . 2 kin. xxv . 20 . neh ▪ v. 18 . ●am . ii . 15 . mat. vi . 25 , &c. heb xiii . 5 . ● pet. v. 7 . gen iii. 19 . act. xx . 34 . 1 cor. iv . 12 , 1 tim. vi . 8 . 2 thes. iii. 12 . deut. viii . 3 . comp. mat. ●v . 4 . act. xvii . 28 . 1 pet. v. 7 . acts xi . 28 , 29 , 30. 2 cor. xii . 14 ▪ mat. vi . 25 . psal. cxxx . 3 . 1 jo. i. 9 . luk. vi . 37 . 1 jo. i. 8 , 9. luk. xi . 4 . mat. vii . 11 . mat. vi . 15 . mark xi . 25.26 . mal. iii. 15 . mat. xxii . 18 . acts v. 9 . jam. 1.2 , 12. mat. iv . 13 . xxvi . 41 . luk. viii . 13 . mat. iv . 3 . jo. xvii . 15 . mat. xxvi . 41 . 1 cor. x. 13 . heb. ii . 18 . rev. iii. 10 . † 2 sam. xxiv . 1 . 1 chr. xxi . 1 . job . 1. 1 pet. v. 8 . * psal. xxiii . 4 . 1 cor. x. 13 . 2 pet. ii . 9 . 1 chr. xxix . 11 . 1 cor. x. 31 . 1 pet. 4.11 . psal. xcvi . 7.10 . psal. xxii 2● . 2 chron. xx . 6 . psal. xcvi . 7 , 10. dan. ii . 37 . 1 tim. 1.17 . phil. iv . 20 . 1 tim. vi . 16 . 2 tim. iv . 18 . 1 pet. iv . 11 . numb . v. 22 . 1 kings i. 36 . jer. xxviii . 6 . 1 cor. xiv . 16 . 2 cor. i. 20 . 1 cor xii . 1● . see below . sect. lii . mark vi . 13 . 1 jam. v. 14 , 15. mark. vii 4. numb . viii . 7 ▪ exek . xxxvi . 25 . heb. x. 2● . mat. iii 6.16 . jo iii. 23 . acts viii . 38 . isa. lii . 15 . ezek. xxxvi . 25 . lev. xvi . 14 , 15 , 19. heb. ix . 13 . — x. 4 . act. ii . 38 . — viii . 16 . — xix . ● . psal li. 5 . rom. v. 12 . eph. ii . 3 . act. ii . 39 . rom. 9.8 . 1 cor. vii . 14 . mark xvi . 16 . act. ii . 38 , 39. — xxii . 16 . eph. ii 4 , 5. tit. iii. 5 . gal. iii 27. 1 pet. iii 21. mar. xvi . 16 . heb. x. 22 . xi . 11 , 13. deut. xxix . 12 , 12. gen. xvii . 13 . deut. xxix . 10 , 11 , 12. 1 cor. vii . 14 . mat. xxvi . 20 , 26. mat. xiv . 22 . 1 cor. xi . 23 . 2 cor. xi . 26 . comp. act. i. 11 . act. ii 46. — xx 7. 1 cor. xi . 26 . heb. ix . 12 , 14 , 28. x. 10 . 1 pet. ii . 21 , 24. iii. 18 . rom. iv . 25 . — v. 10 . viii . 32 . 2 cor. v. 21 . col. i. 21 , 22. 2 cor. iii. 21 . isa. liii . 10 . eph. v. 2 . col. i. 20 . 1 jo. ii . 1 . heb. ix 25.26 . 1 cor. xi . 24 , 26. 1. cor xi 25. mat. xxvi . 27 . exod. xii . 3 , &c. 1 cor. xi . 24 . — 25 , 26. 1 cor. xi . 29 . ● cor. x. 16 . act. i. 9 , 11. — iii. 21 . rom. vi . 9 , 10. heb. ix . 26 , 28. 1 cor. xi . 24 , 25 , 26. 1 cor. xi . 28 , 30. luk. xiv . 17 , 24. 1 cor. xi . 24 , 25. mat. v. 23 , 24. xxii . 11 , &c. rubr. at the end of the confirmation office. ●am . v. 16 . eph. vi . 18 . 1 tim. ii . 1 , 2. lev. ix . 22 , 23. num. vi . 23 , 24 , 27. deut. x. 8 . 2 chron. xxx . 27 . 1 sam. ii . 20 . eph. vi . 19 . col. iv . 3 . 1 thes ▪ v. 25 . 2 thes iii. 1 . heb. xiii . 18 . sure and honest means for the conversion of all hereticks and wholesome advice and expedients for the reformation of the church / writ by one of the communion of the church of rome and translated from the french, printed at colgn, 1682 ; with a preface by a divine of the church of england. vigne. 1688 approx. 368 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64936 wing v379 ocm 07840485 7840485 40127 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64936) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40127) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1217:12) sure and honest means for the conversion of all hereticks and wholesome advice and expedients for the reformation of the church / writ by one of the communion of the church of rome and translated from the french, printed at colgn, 1682 ; with a preface by a divine of the church of england. vigne. wake, william, 1657-1737. viii, [14], 120 p. printed and to be sold by randal taylor, london : 1688. translated from french by william wake. cf. british mus. gen. cat., v. 251, col. 674. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -apologetic works. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sure and honest means for the conversion of all hereticks : and wholesome advice and expedients for the reformation of the church . writ by one of the communion of the church of rome , and translated from the french printed at cologn , 1682. with a preface , by a divine of the church of england . licensed gvil . needham . novemb. 3. 1687. london : printed ▪ and to be sold by randal taylor , near stationers-hall . m dc lxxx viii . the preface to the english reader . after so many excellent discourses as have of late been publish'd by the divines of the church of england upon almost all the points in controversy between us and our brethren of the church of rome ; it might well be thought a very needless thing to call in this foreign auxiliary , were it not hoped that those reasons which usually are not so well received when coming from such as they esteem their enemies , might possibly be allow'd the favour of an examination , being offer'd by one of their own communion . it may besides be perhaps no unseasonable design , especially at this time , to satisfy the world , that those things which we chiefly complain of in their church , are after all no other , than what divers of those who have lived and died in it , have both confessed to be amiss , and earnestly wish'd they might see reformed . it is not unknown to any at this day , what the complaints have been of many the most considerable persons of the church of rome in the very beginning of our reformation . how much they desired that something might be done to rectify what they could not deny to be amiss both in the head and in the members . let the frequent demands of the emperor and other catholick princes ; let the acknowledgment of the pope himself , and the proposals of the colledg of cardinals expresly set apart for this consultation ; let the remonstrances that were made , and the endeavours that were used , both by the french legats , and the spanish bishops , even in the council of trent it self , suffice to shew , both that something was amiss , and that the protestants tho they might perhaps be censured by them for not proceeding so regularly as they thought they should , yet could not be deny'd to have had just grounds in the bottom for their complaints . and what was then more generally own'd as to these things , whilst as yet it was hoped that some redress might be had of them ; many of the best men of that church , and who have made the most diligent and impartial enquiries into the differences between us , have not ceased , tho in a more private manner to confess since , and publish to the world their just resentments of it . it were infinite to insist upon all those that have done this : something of that kind has been already offer'd to the world , and more perhaps may hereafter be done more fully to confirm it . in the mean time the author here before us , and who lived and died in the roman communion , sufficiently declares , that he was so far from esteeming that church , which now pretends to so much authority over all others , to be absolutely exempt from all possibility of erring , that on the contrary , he judged it to be actually involved in very great errors . it cannot reasonably be doubted by those who know any thing at all of this book , but that he who wrote it was truly a member of the church of rome , however dissatisfied with it in many of its pretences . his preface will give a satisfactory account , how by the general decay of piety that he met with in a place , which he expected should above all others have deserved the name of the holy city , he came first to search more fully into his religion : and how the more he read the holy scriptures , and compared the pretences of his church with what he found in them ; the more he still perceived it to have deviated from the primitive rule , and to have usurped upon the consciences and credulity of its members . but tho by this means therefore he saw that in many of our disputes we had reason in our arguments against them ; yet in so many other points he still defends their errors , as plainly shew how far he was , at the time that he wrote this book , from being a deserter of his first faith. hence it is that we sometimes find him arguing thus against our religion . that there being no visible church of our perswasion at the beginning of the reformation , and yet it being confess'd by us , that there ought always to have been a visible church of christ in the world , we must confess that then ours is not the visible church of christ : and there being no other that can with so good reason pretend to it as the roman , we ought to acknowledg that to be it . concerning the holy sacrament of the eucharist , he seems to the last to have stuck to that interpretation of christ's words , upon which the church of rome so much insists against us . that this sacrament being the last will and testament of our blessed lord , we ought to interpret it as all other things of that kind , according to the letter : and cannot without impiety believe , that our lord jesus christ in the institution of it should have made use of words , either obscure or ambiguous . besides , that it was never his custom to establish articles of faith upon metaphorical expressions . in a word ; tho for peace sake indeed he seems to desire that no ones conscience should be tied up to any determinate manner of christ's presence in this blessed eucharist , yet he plainly enough declares that as for himself he thought him to be really , nay corporally present there : and that the calvinists were guilty of novelty and error in this matter , seeing ( as he adds ) all the christians of asia and africk believe the real presence , and there are none but themselves that do deny it . from this error , he elsewhere argues in behalf of the communion in one kind : in which tho he confesses his church to have departed from the primitive institution and therefore wishes is might be redressed ; yet upon this principle of the real presence he endeavours to shew that it is not so capital a matter as we pretend , nor ought we from hence to conclude , that their church which he calls the catholick church , is not the true church . i shall add but one point more , and wherein he plainly shews himself to have been far from our perswasion , and that is , the invocation of saints . which , says he , we call a religious worship , and little better than idolatry . but he denies it to be a religious worship , for any one to pray to a saint to pray to god for him , or any more than to intreat any good man living to do the same . all the difference he thinks is , that we are not so secure that the saint hears our prayers , as we are that our f●llow christian does . that for that passage which from st. paul we alledg against them in the matter , rom. x. 14. how shall they call on him in whom they have not believed ? it does them no more harm than it does the calvinists themselves , who pray to their ministers to pray to god for them , altho they do not believe in him , nor put their confidence in him as god. that besides all this , their church does not teach that 't is necessary to pray to them , and that 't is therefore a manifest injustice to accuse them as idolatrous on any such account . and that after all , we cannot deny but that the invocation of saints was very early in the church . i suppose this may be sufficient to satisfy any reasonable man , that t●is author was indeed what he declares himself to be , a true member of the church of rome . but if yet any further doubt should still remain , this i hope at least will fully cle●r it , that the archbishop of tholouse has lately thought fit to cause this very bo●k to be reprinted , with a publick permission so to do . and now after what has been said concerning this worthy author , and who has hitherto m●t with a general acceptance from all those that prefer the interest of truth and the peace of the church , before their own secular ends and advantages ; i hope it will not displease the church of england-reader , if he meet with some things in the following treatise that may seem to reflect a little hardly upon his country and communion . for besides that they are not many , he may please to remember that it was written by one , who , tho by god's mercy he saw enough to detest some of the extravagances of his church , yet in the rest continued still firm to the communion of it : and the translator thought that he ought not to give those of the other side cause to complain of him , by representing only what made against them , and omiting that wherein he sometimes reflects upon us too . as for the design it self , the conversion of all hereticks , and the reformation of what is truly amiss in the church : how practicable it is i shall not undertake to determine . this must be confess'd , that it is certainly most worthy of a christian's thoughts and endeavours . and tho 't is much to be fear'd , that through the prejudices and interests of men we never shall see such a perfect vnion among christians as were to be wish'd ; yet i cannot doubt but that our author has truly pointed out to us the chiefest obstacle of our common peace ; and which , were it once removed , we might by god's grace soon proceed on all hands to a better understanding than we are ever like to arrive at without it . whilst men not only continue insensible of their errors , but are carried away with an opinion , that they cannot possible fall into any : whilst instead of examining imparpartially where the truth lies , they magisterially assume to themselves an authority to denounce anathema's against their brethren who would convince them of their deviations ; it is in vain to hope that either truth should prevail , or peace and unity be established among us . but would they once be perswaded to remove this obstacle out of the way ; would they know themselves to be but men , and as such , exposed to the same frailties and infirmities that other christians are ; would they seriously implore the blessing of heaven upon their endeavours , and laying aside their vain traditions , joyn impartially with us in the search of truth , out of the alone certain and infallible rule of it , the word of god ; why should we dispair but that the light of the glorious gospel of christ might yet so shine upon us , as to guide our feet into the way of peace . now this is that which our author here endeavours to draw all men to . he proposes that we should first do justice to one another , as to all those points that we have falsly laid to each others charge . that then we should reform on both sides whatever we could discover to need a reformation . to this end he freely gives us up the council of trent ; and indeed in effect , all the other councils that have been held before it ; the infallibility of the church , but especially the authority of the pope , whom he proves , in what we here publish , to be an vsurper , and wishes all men to separate from him as such . he desires that the cardinals might be reduced to their first condition ; that the number of bishops might be encreased , and their diocesses no larger than what they could easily supervise . that the monasteries might be retrenched , and the almost infinite number of the clergy reduced to a juster proportion . that for all this , a free council might be assembled , in which the laity as well as clergy might be present , as being the more likely of the two to bring things to an accommodation . that for those points wherein we could not after all agree , some way should be found out to tollerate one another . as for instance , that in the matter of the eucharist , neither should those of the church of rome require us to receive their doctrine , or to joyn in their worship ; nor we them to renounce either : but that continuing on both sides as we are , we should nevertheless communicate together in the same posture of kneeling , as is now done in the church of england . finally , that for all this it were to be wish'd some great prince would begin to set this matter on foot , for that without such a concurrence , it will be impossible it should ever be throughly effected . this is , as far as i can gather , the design of this author ; and which i have the rather put together here , because it is not so fully expressed in what is now publish'd , being only the first part of his work , tho all that he lived to bring to perfection : for the rest , which we find in the french edition , it is rather a collection of materials for a second part , than any compleat copy of what he had finish'd of it . i shall not here enter into any debate , either to vindicate or to censure this project . it will be time enough for us to deliberate on these things , when those of the church of rome will be content in good earnest to quit their pretences to that infallibility and authority they have so long usurped to themselves , and over all others , and joyn in such a christian design as is here proposed with us . and however we have been told that the present pope was once inclined to submit the council of trent to a new revision , yet if we may be allow'd to judg by his other actions , he does not seem to be at all disposed to give up the least part of his own pretences to the churches peace . and therefore , instead of pursuing such vain , however pleasing , speculations ; let us make this present use of our author's arguments , to confirm our selves yet more in opposition to those pretences , which we see here even one of their own communion to have proved , not only false but insupportable . let us beseech god , if it be his will , to bring all others that are yet enslaved by them , to the like knowledg of the truth . and that in the mean time , he would vouchsafe unto us the grace of his blessed spirit , that we may faithfully persevere in our holy profession to our lives end : that no terrors , no interests , no craftiness of cunning men , who lie in wait to deceive , may be able to make us fall from our own stedfastness : but that contending earnestly for the faith which was once delivered to the saints , we may grow in grace , and in the knowledg of our lord and saviour jesus christ : to him be glory both now and for ever . amen . the authors preface . the authority of the pope hath taken such root by the ignorance of the holy scripture , by the multitude of ecclesiasticks , and by all the temporal benefices , whereof the pope is looked upon as the source , that a kind of miracle seems necessary to destroy it , and to reestablish the church in that liberty which the son of god hath purchased for it by his blood. besides , impiety , irreligion , ambition and dissoluteness have so seized upon the minds of the greatest part of mankind , that a man cannot hope to be so much as heard when he speaks of reforming the church . a●tho i am very well satisfied of that , yet i think my self indispensibly obliged to represent the abuses of this power and authority which hath no just foundation ; at least in this respect i shall in some measure justifie my self towards god in doing my duty , i shall justifie my self to my own self , whom my conscience hath long accused of a large and criminal silence . i shall also justifie the catholicks against the hereticks , who will know by this , that we are not so blind as they imagin . and this will also serve to fortifie the catholicks against all the temptations they may have of abandoning the church , by freeing themselves from the papacy ; so that renouncing the latter , they may always stand firm to the former , and also prepare themselves to fight couragiously against antichrist , who in all appearance is near at hand . i have a great while hoped that there would have been found among the great and learned men that we have among us , some one or other that would have undertook to open mens eyes , and would have saved me a labour therein . i could consult no body without manifest danger both to themselves and me , since it is a work that may equally displease both weak catholicks and hereticks , being obliged in regard of the first to disentangle and separate truth from falshood , and a falshood more beloved by many catholicks than the most important truths . and in regard of the hereticks , i know it is the way to undermine the foundation of their false religions , tho without dispute , and indirectly , in abolishing the papacy . in respect both of the one and of the other , the effects of this mischievous authority are terrible ; since it fills the catholicks with ignorance , and gross and low ideas of the christian religion ; and mars the beauty of that as well as of the church . the hereticks are thereby scandalized , and harden themselves more and more in their obstinacy , perswading themselves that every thing in our religion is false , seeing clearly that some part of it is so . it is not to be doubted but that many catholicks of our time do see this evil , since in the preceding ages many have perceived it , and that the evil is come to so high a degree , that it is almost impossible not to take notice of it . and truly there have been some who could not forbear saying somewhat of it ; but this hath been but very slightly and superficially . it seems as tho they were ashamed of jesus christ and his gospel , as the scripture speaks . in truth , it is a deplorable thing that amongst the multitude of learned men professing the christian religion , and that employ themselves in writing , there cannot be found so much as one man of understanding touched with the miseries of the church , and of such courage as to represent it to those who may and ought to remedy it , the sacriledg daily committed in the church under the very name of the church , and under the pretence of religion . either the greatness of the evil must discourage them , and bereave them of all hopes , and not being able to cure the ulcer , they had rather let it wholly alone ; omittere potius praevalida & adulta vitia , quam hoc assequi ne palam fieret qualibus flagitiis impares simus , tac. annal. lib. 3. or else it must be , that their own interest is concerned in the continuance of this evil , or that they have no regard for the desolations of the church ; or lastly , they are afraid of shaking the catholick ▪ religion in respect of weak brethren , and for fear of giving occasion to the hereticks , thereby to insult over it . if they had these last thoughts , it was for want of examining the thing ; for it is certain that the papacy hath neither by nature nor divine institution any connexion with the christian religion , but on the contrary its principles are opposite , and tend to its destruction . it is also certain that those who have separated themselves from the church , see very clearly the inconsistency of the papacy with the gospel , since there was nothing else that heretofore obliged the greeks , and since the protestants , to forsake the church ; so that no man can believe but that they see the thing very well , since it is the only place wherein they daily attack us with a mighty advantage ; and tho it were not true that they knew it perfectly , we are however indispensibly obliged to oppose errors ( mendacia nec tegunt nec vulnerant ) and not to palliate them ; and certainly not sincerely to acknowledg palpable gross abuses , is to betray religion and the church ; for that makes men call in question the best establisht truths , according to that saying , he that denies all things , grants all things : qui en todo niga loda . and i have always observed , that a frank and generous acknowledgment when a man is in an error , produces a very good effect upon all judicious and reasonable persons , and disposeth the protestants with much more readiness to embrace the catholick verities . furthermore , i dare be bold to affirm , that one of the principal causes of the irreligion and impiety which reigns in the world , proceeds in great measure from the little reason and wisdom wherewith this primacy and papal almighty power is exercised , which converting all religion to its temporal profit , makes the very divinity of the christian religion to be called in question . for as the world goes , men will have all or nothing ; so that having at first received the article of the papacy , as an article of faith , whilst they see the popes , under colour of this article , robbing and plundering the church , they will perceive the imposture , and believe at length , that the other articles of religion are no more divine than that of the papacy . so that if it pleased god , that this tyranny were abolished in the church , this villainous mask taken off from religion , it would be incomparably more loved and respected , and the impiety , ambition , and dissoluteness , wherewith the papacy hath infected all things , would be banished from the church , and we should see all the schismaticks and hereticks range themselves under the standard of the church ; and even the pagans , and the other infidels , whose princes are afraid of the pride of rome , that would make them her subjects and tributaries , and dispose of them and their states at her pleasure . by this means all hopes would be taken away from the hereticks of ever seeing the catholick religion ruined by it : for i know their ministers have from hence all their hopes , and would be sorry to see the papacy abolished without the catholick religion . wherefore it is absolutely necessary to fortifie the catholicks against this danger , and to teach them how to distinguish between the wisdom of god , which they ought always to stand firm to , and the folly of men , which they ought always to abhor ; and that this last , whatever mixture it may seem to have with truth , by the art of men , may never make them contemn the other ; and that the truth may never make them receive the inventions of humane wisdom , sharpened by ambition and avarice , how specious soever they may appear . i shall not be at all surprised , if some men think i say too much , and that there be many who will call me extravagant ; for i know how gross and carnal ideas they who read not the scripture have of religion , having been one of that number , who , as well as others , believed that the church could not subsist without the pope , and that there ought to be a universal and visible head of the whole church : but i shall have reason to think it very strange , if people have not other sentiments , after the reading of this work . all those who will penetrate , and enter a little with me into the knowledg of the disorders which that authority causes among christians , will find , that i have too much reason , and that i speak with a great deal of moderation , if they have any zeal and love for the church . for my part , i have been in three different tempers , in regard of the papacy . when i first knew what it was , i did nothing but sigh , like another heraclitus , and afflict my self with grief for the disorders that shook my faith : after this , i fell into another frame , wherein , like democritus , i did nothing but laugh at the folly and vanity of men , who under pretence of religion , suffer'd themselves to be so imposed upon . since that , as my understanding encreased , i again fell into the condition of heraclitus , being more perswaded than i was of the truths of religion , and bearing a greater part in the calamities of the church , and in the salvation of my neighbour , than before i did ; and this it was that moved me to put these my thoughts in writing . so go the thoughts of men , succeeding one another , pro or con , according as they are more enlightned . here i think it proper to represent by what degrees i came to know the imposture . it is now more than 30. years since i was first at rome . there i began to perceive that there was nothing at all in what people had made me believe of the pope and cardinals . i did never believe that every thing that was told me of them was true ; for people would have perswaded me , that the pope received news every 24. hours from paradise , and that he sent whomsoever he pleased to heaven or hell. but what i believed of him , was his great sanctity , infallibility , and impeccability in every thing he said ( as indeed it seems necessary it should be so , if it be true , that christ hath given him the employ that he pretends to ) , a vast and almost infinite knowledge , a perfect abstraction from all frail and earthly things , with a continual application for the salvation of all mankind : and i believed as much in proportion of the cardinals . i found that to be very true which tacitus says , major e longinquo reverentia : you must not come near a thing to have a value for it . i had the leisure to consider the maxims and conduct of these people , which i soon found to be contrary to all the ideas i had formed to my self of them , and i wanted but very little of running stark mad . i was as full of indignation against those who gave me these impressions , as against those who scandalized me : i saw nothing throughout , but an horrible licentiousness both in the court and in the town , without any appearance of the true worship of god , as i had observed in many honest people of france . i heard of nothing any where , but horrors and abominations of all kinds ; comparing this with the sentiments that had been instilled into me in france , i often cried out , o quantum est in rebus inane ! o how the world is abused ! the mind of man is but vanity ; and i wished with all my heart , that our poor french-men had but seen it , that so they might be undeceived . the greatest part of the men here , pass half the day in the churches to hear the musick , and the other half among the curtesans ; and that was it which they at first commended to me , the fine churches , and the fine curtesans . this nation as well as the spaniards hath found the secret of associating their devotion with a habit of the most enormous vices . in one hand they shall hold a long bead-roll , and stick a dagger into a mans body with the other , or else commit the most horrible impurities ; nor is there any justice for this , nor for sodomy , which is more common there than simple fornication in our country ; nor for poysoning . and from all these things the cardinals , and court of rome , are no more free than others ; for the popes , their age ordinarily frees them from these things . i reasoned oftentimes thus with my self ; is it possible that this here should be the man whom they call his holiness , who gives pardons and indulgences to others , and who canonizes saints ? is it possible that these should be the men , and this the court that gives laws for religion to the whole earth ? i confess , that my respect for religion sensibly diminished every day ; that i was tempted to believe that the christian religion was made only for them , and that i doubted of its divinity , seeing and hearing nothing but inconceivable dissoluteness every where , even in the very cloisters ; an ambition , and an excessive vanity in all the prelates , who were promoted for no other merit than that of a machiavillian policy , wherein the disciples out-do their master . i knew not where i was : sometimes i cast my eye upon a person of reputation and of merit , as people told me , and i believed so , seeing his air and his behaviour : in a matter of 8 days i should hear the secret history of him , which was a horrible one . the heros of this court are , as tacitus says of mucian , people compounded of great vertues , and great vices ; mucianus luxuria , arrogantia , comitate , industria , bonis malisque artibus mixtus . these are brave worldly men ; but for religion , most certainly they have none at all . i am of the opinion , that staying in this place is very dangerous for an honest man ; and people do complain , both in germany and in england , that their young people that travel , come back from thence lost in debauchery and impiety . that which preserved me from the contagion of this place , was , that i went with an honest and a simple mind , however , not very ignorant ; for i had finished my studies . this it was that disgusted me at all the disorders and licentiousness i saw there , and gave me a horror for all their pleasures . perhaps i should have done like other people , if i had not been so stiff and resolute . to free my self from the perplexity i was in about religion , through the disorder and irregularity of this court , that is esteemed the center of religion , from whence , according to this supposition , there ought to shine forth nothing but sanctity , purity , humility , charity , and zeal for the salvation of men , contempt of the grandeurs and riches of the world , with a continual application to the instruction of the people ; and where i saw nevertheless nothing in the stead of these vertues but licentiousness , ambition and superstition , with a horrible ignorance in the people . i then formed a design to instruct my self , and to know a little better the principles of the christian religion : and i desired for that end a french abbot , with whom i lodged , to lend me a latin new testament , which he had , and which he read but seldom . i read it with attention , twice over , from one end to the other , which set my mind in better condition than it was before . the more i read , the more i was inwardly comforted ; but i was the more enraged against what i saw , without being able to find the least solution to the impossibility that there appeared to me to be , in the popes being the universal vicar of jesus christ upon earth , and head of the church catholick . i there quickly found the principal articles of religion established in many places , and often in express terms one only head of the church , jesus christ , of whom the church is the body , and believers the members ; one only spouse of the church , one only bishop of bishops ; but not one word , neither far nor near , of the pope and cardinals , nor any thing that had any relation to them . besides , all places there were full of examples and exhortations to humility , to piety , to chastity , and to charity . the master and disciples there spoke continually of renouncing the world , its grandeurs , vanities , pleasures , riches , and above all , against the spirit of domination . but in the popes , and in their court , i found maxims that were quite contrary . i sometimes entertained the abbot , who was an honest man , and very sociable , with the trouble that this authority of the popes gave me . he laughed at it , and gave me pleasing answers , owning one part of what i objected , and for the rest , he gave me reasons , which to me were not very sufficient . one day when i pressed him a little more than ordinary , not knowing what to answer me , he told me , that if i would read bellarmin , i should there find many reasons that would resolve my doubts . so that i hired one , which i read over and over upon this subject , without finding any thing that gave me the least satisfaction . there were passages of scripture wrested with great violence , which touched not the question , or else were contrary to it ; and the forc'd sense that he gave them was always directly contrary to the genius of the gospel , and opposite to other passages of scripture , whereof i had made a great collection , and agreed not at all with the maxims , and with the example of jesus christ , and of his apostles . it is true , there were some humane reasons , which at first might seem plausible ; but besides that they had not that weight which those had which the scripture furnished with against him ; they tended to establish a worldly and temporal dominion in the church , and renewed the error of those jews who believed that the reign of the messias ought to be accompanied with worldly pomp and splendor , and to be exercised with great authority and with fleshly arms ; for this was the sum of what he endeavoured to prove , that monarchical government is the most advantagious in the world , and by consequence , that the church ought to be governed by the soveraign orders of only one man , who is the pope , who hath the power to exterminate kings , and all those who will not submit themselves to him . this confirmed me in the opinion i had before , seeing that so subtil a wit as bellarmin , a man so well versed in antiquity , and that had so much interest in the thing ▪ could find out nothing at all to maintain this opinion . at length , i went into germany , where , after eight or nine months travelling , i came to cologne , where i had a great desire to inform my self farther , and to know if the papacy had a great while ruled in the church , and how long since ? whether or no the ancient doctors of the church had heard it spoken of , and what they thought of it ? i applied my self then to examine some of the fathers upon this article ; and that i might the sooner have done , i consulted them upon those places of scripture which the popes make use of , to see if the fathers understood them as they do . i found in examining them , that they explained them in a manner quite contrary to the pope's pretensions . this made me certainly conclude , that the papacy must have been set up in the church by some violent stroke , or else by small beginnings , and by degrees , as it ordinarily falls out in usurpations , which are made either altogether by a greater force , or else by little and little ; and that this usurpation had been seconded and favoured by people , who saw there was not like to be any great resistance , and they made their advantage of it through mens ignorance . after that , another thing that gave me a great deal of trouble , was , how to separate the article of the papacy from the verities of the catholick faith , so that the infallibility of the church , as i understood it , might not be prejudiced . thinking on this then , often in my unquiet mind , i resolved farther to consult the scripture , and the fathers , upon the passages ordinarily alledged to prove the infallibility of the church ; and i found that they did not understand them as i did : but because i knew what made the cardinals , and other people , employ the utmost of their ingenuity in defence of the popes authority , and that i saw not well what advantage they could draw from the infallibility of the church , which they maintained with so much ardor , that doubled my attention , to sound the depth of the matter ; and i found , that by the help of this infallibility , they would conceal every thing , so as to save the popes authority , and all the temporal advantages which flow from it ; and i made no further doubt of it , when i saw they applied it particularly to the clergy , excluding all the people , and many men to the pope alone , excluding all other bishops . since these discoveries , i have always held it as a maxim , wherein i have never been deceived , which is , that when any practice or custom in the church brings profit or honour to the ecclesiasticks , i presently suspect and examine it . at length having a long time reflected upon all the abuses of this papal authority , and having observed the deplorable condition to which it hath reduced the christian religion as well without as within the church , and seeing it was that which having driven the greeks and protestants out of the church , is still the cause why they return not again unto its communion , and that it even draws strange persecutions upon the church from these scattered sheep , by reason of the attempts of the court of rome , and its favourers ; i at last resolved to publish this little treatise to disabuse mankind in respect of the unjust and criminal devotion which they have for the papacy , and also to purge the church of it as well as of all other vices and misfortunes it hath there caused ; being perswaded that an infallible fruit of this reformation would be the conversion of the greeks , protestants , pagans , jews and mahometans ; not to mention the honour it would do to all the catholick princes , whose majesty and greatness are vilified by this shameful subjection to , and dependance on the popes , which make them to be despised by other princes who have freed themselves from their tyranny . a senator of sweden told me one day a very good saying of tacitus to this purpose , viri muliebria patiuntur . men act the parts of women ; which is as much as to say , they are the catamites of the popes . however , since it is in their power to treat those as hereticks and enemies of the church who oppose their ambition and interest , i prepare my self against it , and that doth not at all discourage me . it is more honourable to be hated by such people than loved . illi maledicent , at tu domine benedices . i know the reader will in this work of mine presently look after the caracters of either jansenist , calvinist , or lutheran ; or lastly , of a man who could not be promoted to benefices , and many times he will think he hath found me . as for benefices i might perhaps have had one if i had had a mind to it ; but by the grace of god , i will have none , nor have i need of any , nor was i ever designed for it . the jansenists are as yet too much papists to speak ill of the papacy . as for the calvinists and lutherans , i wish they could be brought to own the opinions which i do , and which i have no mind to betray in this my book . it is true , they have both written often against this power , but not with design that the catholick religion should be the better for it , to which this work wholly tends . whatever men will judg , i think i ought not to renounce any truth because the hereticks know it ; nor to put my eyes out rather than see the injustice of the papacy , because the hereticks see it . if i had not here drawn the picture of the jesuits religion , it may be those they call the jansenists would have suspected them to have been the authors of it as the present times go ; and for the calvinists , i am sure , that in many places they will say that i do but gild over the pill , that they may the more easily swallow down the poyson , as some people have said of the book of mr. de condom ; they may judg of it what they please , i have followed the sentiments which the reading of the holy scripture hath inspired me with , and in which i am confirmed the more by reading the fathers , and the ecclesiastical history , and by making reflection upon all that i have seen in foreign countries , and upon what i see every day here . if the romanists hear this work spoken of , they will say , without doubt , as heretofore at the council of trent , when mr. de faber made remonstrances on the kings behalf concerning the disorders of the church , gallus cantat , they cried . i have no better answer than what he made them , vtinam ad galli cantum , petrus resipisceret ; let them come and renounce the dominion and tyranny they exercise over the church , and over the world , and let our bishops for time to come , behave themselves like worthy successors of this apostle . this work shall be divided into three parts , which will contain so many chapters . in the first i shall prove that the papacy hath no foundation in the word of god ; and shall shew the vanity & folly of those arguments which they pretend to draw from the gospel . in the second i shall make it appear that the primitive church never knew it , and that in the darkest ages there were ever some who opposed it , and i shall confute many human reasons , which for want of the scripture , and of the fathers , are made use of for its defence . and in the third and last , i shall examine all the pretended advantages which this authority procures to the church , or to states , and i shall shew that 't is so far from bringing any real good to the church , or to catholick states , that it is the cause of the desolations of the church , and of the greatest part of the disorders among all christians , of ignorance , heresies , schisms and irreligion that reign . no man ought to be surprised that i conceal who i am in so perverse an age as we live in , where truth and honesty as well as those who profess it , are exposed to cruel persecutions , and wherein i shall have as many mortal enemies as there are worldly catholicks and papists , and people in possession of benefices , without mentioning the monks . i have no reason to flatter my self with any great success this book may have by reason of the extream disorder and irreligion of the age ; and i do it more to discharge my self of the load lying upon me , and for the consolation of my own mind , than for any other thing , as heretofore petrarch said upon a like occasion , haec scribo , non tam ùt saeculo meo prosim , cujus tam desperata miseria est , quam ut me conceptis onerem & animum scriptis soler . i write these things not so much to profit the age i live in , whose misery is so desperate , as to unburthen my self of my own thoughts , and to refresh my spirit with writing i have written for my self . haec mihi cecini & musis , & si nemo alius audierit . i have sung these things to my self and the muses , tho no body else should hear them . sure and honest means to convert all hereticks . chap. i. that the papacy hath no divine title . the vanity and nullity of those which it draws from the gospel . whosoever shall read the new testament , will there find that jesus christ alone is established as head of the church , and that it is not said of any other , that she should be his body , or believers his members , that belonging to none but jesus christ , who is also the only spouse of the church , which would be adulterous should she submit to another ; and this other could not be but an evil person , and a reprobate , since that in taking the quality of spouse of the church , he must renounce that of son of the church , and so could not have god for his father , according to the maxim , that he who hath not the church for his mother , hath not god for his father . now no one person can be the head , the spouse and son of the church at the same time . nevertheless it is certain that the popes do assume these titles to themselves by a vanity which exceeds all folly , and without being able to produce any reason for it , divine or humane . but let us see what they say to maintain their pretensions . they say that among the jews one man only , viz. aaron , had the conduct of divine service , and was head of the levites , and that by consequence there ought to be in the christian church an authority like unto this , established over the whole church ; and that the bishops of rome perform the functions of this charge . whereupon there are many things to be said : first of all , it was not difficult for aaron to acquit himself of this in so little a state as judea , and in one only city of this state , which was jerusalem , and in one only t●mple of that city ; for it was not allowed to perform divine service , nor to sacrifice elsewhere ; whereas christianity is at this time spread over the whole world , and therefore one single person only cannot perform these functions every where . it is as if a man should say , that because france is well governed by one king , he might as well govern all the states of the habitable earth ; and yet it would be much more easie for him to do it , than for one bishop to govern the whole church , because ( as it is well known ) the ecclesiastical ministry cannot inflict corporal punishments upon delinquents as the civil government may and does . besides , aaron was no way the figure of the bishops of rome ; for then the type would have been more excellent than the original ; but he was the figure of our great and soveraign high priest jesus christ. furthermore , aaron was not the monarch of the levites , but as the doge is at venice ; for according to all the talmudists , he was subject to the jurisdiction of the great sanhedrim , and to their censure ; whereas the popes pretend to be not only the monarchs of the whole earth , but particularly of all the clergy . and besides all this , there was an express institution of god for this charge , and for the person of aaron , and of his successors . whereas there is nothing like it for the papacy , nor for the persons of those who exercise it . we see in the old testament the institution of aaron's charge with many ceremonies for his installment , and for his anointing ; many ordinances for the exercise of this charge , and for the succession ; many chapters which speak of the subordination of priests and levites . but on the contrary we find not one word in the gospel of this pretended charge of universal head of the church , of vicar-general of jesus christ , and successor of st. peter , nor any thing that hath any relation to it ; and yet it ought to have been there clear and evident , since that this ministry was to be of an extent a thousand times greater , and the thing in it self is prodigious , and appears quite contrary to the nature of the messias his kingdom , and to the gospel . we see several orders of ministers of the gospel , there often spoken of ; but not one word that can any ways relate to the pope ; when surely that was the place to have spoken of it , especially if it be necessary to salvation to be subject to him , as they would have it , and if he hath the power as they would perswade us , as well over the temporality as the spirituality of the whole world ; st. paul who without question was of as great ability as the pope , was not of these peoples humour , who pretend to govern the whole church ; since he who had not the thousandth part of christians to take care of , as the pope would have according to their supposition , declares that no mortal man was sufficient to perform every thing that was necessary to be done in it , and that he was himself overwhelmed with the care he took for all the churches . nor had st. peter the courage of our good popes , who believe themselves capable of governing the whole church , ( and they might do it without difficulty after the method they take ) since he agreed with st. paul , that st. paul should go toward the gentiles , and he towards the jews , and so they parted the ministry between them . at least the popes , after aarons example , ought to meddle only in ecclesiastical , and not in secular affairs , as they do , pretending to lord it over the whole world ; for we see that aaron applied himself only to the functions of his charge , and that in things temporal and civil he was subject to moses , and left the absolute direction of them to him . instead of imitating aaron , the head of the levites , in his modesty , the popes pretend to be lords not only of the temporality , but of the spirituality , of all the states of the world , and will in this be vicars of jesus christ , tho he declared that his kingdom was not of this world , tho he taught his disciples , that he among them who would be the first , should be the last , though he fled away when they would have made him a king , tho he payed tribute to the princes of the world , when he was himself lord both of heaven and earth ; tho he expresly forbad his disciples to bear rule over any one whatsoever . the popes notwithstanding this , will govern , and pretend that our saviour did amiss when he spoke thus , and that they know better than he how to improve the rights of his prerogative . for my part , i believe that such a king as jesus christ who holds the earth in his hand , according to the prophet's expression , who upholds all things by the power of his word , as st. paul says , who knows the hearts of all men , and governs the motions of all the creatures ; who is almighty , who knows and sees every thing , without whom no man can have neither life , motion , nor being ; such a king , i say , hath no need of a vicar-general for the spiritual . government of the church , because he is present in all places , no more than an husband needs a vicar for his wife , or a living father for his children ; and that he himself assureth us that where two or three are gathered together in his name , there will he be in the midst of them . if he hath a vicar-general , he can be no other than the holy ghost . we also see that when he was upon the point of leaving his poor disciples who were afflicted by reason of his approaching departure from them , he tells them not , i will leave you the pope to guide and govern you , which had been but a poor consolation : but , i will send you the comforter , who shall lead you in all truth . and if we consider in what the administration of this spiritual kingdom doth consist , we shall clearly see that no one mortal man can be the vicar-general of it : can one only man preach the gospel , and administer the sacraments all the world over ? they tell you , that he will make it be done by others , ( would to god the popes would do so ) but these delegated preachers would be thus the popes vicars , who pretends to be the vicar of jesus christ , and sometimes of st. peter ; which cannot be according to all the canonists , who maintain that one vicar cannot make another ; besides , that the ecclesiastical ministry , properly speaking , cannot be subdelegated to vicars ; for whosoever discharges it , ought always to perform it in preaching , or ex●rcising the other episcopal functions in the name of jesus christ , and not in the name of any creature ; and a man must be a fool or a seducer to do otherwise . a meer man , as the pope is , can he fill the souls of men with peace and joy in the holy ghost , which is the kingdom of jesus christ ? can he def●nd the church against all its enemies , visible and invisible ? can he give the crown of righteousness to those who shall be victorious and faithful to god to the death ? can he raise them up again ? these are acts of the kingdom of jesus christ over his church . what relation hath the dominion of the pope to that of jesus christ ? what resemblance between light and darkness ? between jesus christ and belial ? thus it is evident that it is without any foundation that the bishops of rome boast of being vicars of jesus christ ; th●y are no more so , then the meanest priest of the church ; and it was with reason that the council of basil * maintained to them , that they were not vicars of jesus christ , but of the church , as every curate is in his parish , pontifex vicarius ecclesiae , non christi . nevertheless they maintain that st. peter had this employ of universal vicar , that he was head of the apostles , and of the whole church , bishop of bishops , soveraign both of spirituality and temporality , monarch of the church , and of the world. in a word , that he had all the prerogatives that the popes at this present time enjoy , in quality of successors of st. peter . and that , as i have said , without being able to produce so much as one word , of the creation and institution of this charge so important to the church , if you will believe them , nor of the rights of this charge , nor of the succession , nor of the manner of the election , nor how so marvellous a charge ought to be exercised , nor of the respect and obedience due to this vicar , nor of the use of his office. they affirm boldly that st. peter was at rome , that he was bishop there , that he founded that church , that he died there , and left a successor , who was called clement or linus , or anacletus ; of which things , tho they make the salvation of all men to depend upon them , they are not able to prove one tittle . and they do affirm that this successor entered into the full possession of all the priviledges of st. peter , to which all the bishops of that city have ever since equally succeeded , both good and bad , unto the present pope innocent the eleventh . it must be readily acknowledged , that these gentlemen must have very penetrating understandings to make these discoveries from the gospel ; for it is certain that they are wholly imperceptible there ; i have sometimes read it without ever finding any thing that was at all like it , and i think i saw clearly that st. peter never knew he had this authority , but that on the contrary he believed that no christian whatever , much less a bishop , ought to have it in the church ; nor did the other a●ostles know it any more than he , for somewhat of it would then appear ; and they who protest they have made known to us the whole will of god , would have been extreamly to blame not only to have declared nothing of it to us , but also to have always spoken and acted with their soveraign head and master , as with an equal . and st. paul would have lost all manner of respect for him when he so warmly reproved him . it seems probable also that our saviour was obliged to have given them notice of it ; for naturally they could not know it ; and the modesty , charity , and humility of st. peter might have hindred him from declaring and exercising this empire over them ; yet it is certain that there is nothing like this to be found . nevertheless this doth not hinder but that the pope and cardinals whose eyes their own interest opens , as it blinds other peoples , have in their own opinions found very strong proofs of it in the new testament : they say for example , that our saviour changed only st. peter's name ; the reason as you see is without reply ; for it follows very necessarily from thence , that st. peter was the head and king of the church . but unluckily he also changed the names of the children of zebedee . they say also that he is sometimes named the first ; but if he be not so always , this will signifie nothing to them ; but tho he had been always so , this would not prove that he had authority over the others as the pope hath over the other bishops . amongst the presidents , the first hath no power over the others ; nor amongst the electors of the empire ; the elector of mentz , who hath the first place , hath no authority over the other electors ; and so in all societies the primacy carries no dominion along with it : but besides , if that reason should take place , the holy virgin , who is sometimes named the last in scripture , would be greatly degraded from the place that belongs to her . if st. peter were always named the first , that might have been given to his age , as the fathers say ; and in truth we ought to attribute it to this , that our saviour spoke so often to him , as well as to the fervency of his zeal , which as we ought to admire and commend , so also may we say that it was owing to the eagerness of his temper , which being not always well regulated , made him commit greater faults than any others of the apostl●s ( except the perfidious judas ) which made him be called satan by his good master , which none of the other were . we ought also to attribute to this temper the blow he gave malchus with the sword , as well as that warmth that made him promise wonders of fidelity to his master , and induced him to accompany him to the emperors court , where he denied his saviour . so that it is with very little reason that they make an argument of this to prove his royalty in the church . in spain , where the most honourable walk the last , they will not fail to alledg places where st. peter is named last , as in the passage where it is said , i am the disciples of paul , and i of apollos , and i of caephas , who is peter . for i remember that at paris , where they understand divinity a little better than in spain , a good bishop and an abbot did maintain to me , that the passage where it is said that james , peter and john are esteemed pillars of the church , i having alledged against them another where he is named the first , they maintained to me i say , that this passage confirmed that which they alledged and proved very well the primacy of st. peter . for said the bishop , when three persons of worth are walking together , they always put the most honourable in the middle . this is according to the common saying , that a lawyer well paid shall always find the cause of his client , good : his benefices made him see clear in this passage . there are three other passages which the greatest part of our doctors produce against our adversaries with a little more colour , which are , thou art peter , &c. i will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven , &c. feed my sheep . which passages we shall examine one after another , to see if st. peter had any priviledg above the other apostles ; they say , that in the first of these passages jesus christ doth establish the church , found it , and built it upon st. peter . i do not deny but that st. peter was one of the pillars of the church , because he is so called as well as james and john. nor can it be denied , but that he was and is one of the foundations of the church , since that he is not excepted out of the number of the twelve , who in scripture are called the foundations of the new jerusalem . but i maintain that the church is no more founded upon him , than upon st. paul , and the other apostles . i would fain have these gentlemen tell me , upon whom the church was founded before st. peter ? and why the church changed its foundation , and upon whom peter himself was founded ? it was without doubt upon jesus christ , upon the rock which is the christ. and it is without all question that st. peter and we ought to have no other foundation than that which st. paul had , who says , that no man can lay any other foundation than that which is laid , which is jesus christ. also we see in this passage , that it is upon the rock , upon the rock of ages , that our saviour builds his church , and not upon st. peter . the holy ghost would have changed neither name nor person , if he would have had us to have believed this of st. peter . he would not have said , super hanc petram , sed super te petrum . vpon this rock , but upon thee peter . to the end that no difficulty may remain , we must observe what goes before , and what follows after . jesus christ had demanded of all the apostles together , whom they thought he was ? peter either as the eldest or most zealous answers for all , and says to him , thou art the christ the son of the living god. whereupon jesus christ says to him , thou art peter , and upon this rock will i build my church , &c. it is evident that as our saviour's discourse was directed to all , and that peter answered for all ; the following part of our saviours discourse was directed also to them all , and related no more to peter than to any other particular apostle . and men must have lost their understandings to think , that jesus christ in this place founded his church upon peter , whom in the same chapter he calls satan . what foundation would the church have had , and what would have become of her when he deni'd his saviour ? it must then necessarily be acknowledged , that it is not the visible church that is here spoken of , which they pretend st. peter to be the head of : but the invisible , the society of the faithful , and the elect. for the gates of hell would have prevailed against the church , not only when st. peter denied his master , since that the foundation being run to decay , that which is built upon it falls to ruin : but since that time have they not very often prevailed against this church which they would have the bishops of rome the pretended successors of st. peter to be the heads of ? for example , when according to the fathers the whole world was arian * , the bishops of rome and all their flock ; and so many other times as the popes have been magicians , sodomites , atheists , hereticks , &c. and what would have become of the church in the time of that great schism that succeeded gregory the ninth , which lasted fifty years , when the french would not have an italian pope , nor the italians a french one ; and many princes would have neither one nor other ; to whom at length charles the sixth joined himself for three years , and the kingdom of france was very well contented without a pope ; and many other princes for a longer season . and what shall we say of that great schism which the popes made and caused with the greek church , by cutting them off , out of devilish pride , from the communion of the church , because they would not submit to their yoke , but demanded the observation of the canons ? what shall we say also of that great apostacy that happened about 130 or 140 years since , or thereabout , when so many states separated themselves from the church , by reason of the impiety and tyranny of the popes ? doth not all this prove that hell hath prevailed against this exterior and visible church , which the popes govern , and whereof st. peter according to them was the head ? it is then the invisible church which is here spoken of the society of the faithful , the heavenly jerusalem , whereof jesus christ is the principal corner-stone , upon which st. peter himself saith believers are built as living stones . he says not it is on himself that they are built , but on the contrary , he pretends himself as well as others , to be one of these living stones which are built upon the corner-stone , which is christ. it is then upon the rock confessed by simon peter , or upon his confession that the church is founded ; on that which he declared that jesus christ was the true messias , the son of the living god. and the fathers understood it no otherwise . i do not pretend here to relate all that they have said upon this subject , but only some clear passages : * origen upon st. matthew tells us , that if we say as peter did , thou art the christ , &c. we are also what st. peter was ; and that it shall be also said unto us what follows , thou art peter . for whosoever is the disciple of christ , the same is also peter . and ‡ st. cyprian shews very well , that he did not believe that st. peter was priviledged beyond the other apostles , when he says , that the other apostles were as considerable as saint peter , and that they were all equal in authority and power , but that our lord to shew the unity there ought to be in his church , speaks but to one , and that the first place was given to peter . and in another place , our lord , says he , gave to all his apostles the same power after his resurrection , and said to them , as the father hath sent me , so send i you . * and saint ambrose , our lord said to peter , vpon this rock , &c. that is to say , upon this confession of the catholick church , i ordain that believers shall have life . and in another place , † what was said to peter , was said to the other apostles . and st. hierom ‖ the church is the house built upon the firm rock which is christ. * and in another place , she was founded upon a rock , that is to say , christ ; for this is the only foundation which the apostle as a good architect hath laid , viz. our lord jesus christ. * st. augustine , our lord said , vpon this rock , &c. because that peter had said , thou art the christ , &c. vpon this rock then which thou hast confessed , will i build my church . the rock was christ , upon whose f●undation peter himself was builded ; for no man can lay any other foundation than that which hath been laid , viz. jesus christ. ideo ait dominus super hanc petram , &c. quia dixerat petrus tu es christus , &c. super hanc ergo petram quam confessus es aedificabo ecclesiam meam . petra erat christus super quod fundamentum ipse aedi●icatus est petrus ; nam nemo potest ponere aliud fundamentum quam id quod positum est , a christo. the same * author speaks in another place thus : quid est super hanc petram ? super id quod dictum est , tu es christus , super petram quam confessus es , super hanc petram quam agnovisti dicens , tu es christus , super me aedificabo te , non me super te . nam volentes homines , super homines aedificare dicebant ; ego quidem sum pauli , ego autem apollo , ego autem cephae , ipse est petrus ; sed alii qui nolebant aedificare super petrum , sed super petram , dicebant ; ego sum christi , &c. what is this saying , vpon this rock ? that is , upon this faith , upon what was said , that thou art the christ , upon this rock which thou hast acknowledged , saying , thou art the christ : vpon me will i build thee , and not thee upon me ; for they who would build upon men , said , i am of paul , and i of apollos , and i of cephas , who is peter ; but those who would not build upon peter , but upon the rock , said , i am the disciple of christ. this holy doctor hath a thousand such like sayings which i cannot relate to avoid being tedious . ‖ chrysostome says also , vpon this rock , &c. that is to say , upon this faith and confession . super hanc petram , hoc est super hanc fidem & confessionem . and * in another place , super hanc petram , non dixit super petrum , non enim super hominem , sed super fidem aedificavit ecclesiam suam : quae autem erat fides ? tu es christus filius dei viventis . vpon this rock , he did not say upon peter ; for he hath not built his church upon a man , but upon faith. what then was this faith ? thou art the christ the son of the living god. * gregory nyssen , non petrus & johannes , & jacobus tantum , sunt ecclesiae columnae , sed omnes qui ecclesiam sustentant . peter , james and john are not the only pillars of the church , but all they who support the church . methinks there needs no more to perswade every honest minded man , that the fathers did not believe that jesus christ founded his church upon st. peter in particular , much less upon the popes . i could easily produce a thousand other eviden●es from the ancient fathers , and even from many doctors that lived within the last four or five hundred years ; tho the truth hath been almost wholly stifled , and that by men perfectly sold to the court of rome , as well as to iniquity . but i must not tire out my reader . † the jesuit salermont alone , is worth a thousand of them , for he doth own that the popes authority hath no foundation in the scripture , and he placeth it among traditions not written . i demand only the liberty of confuting the abuse of two other places of scripture , whereof we have spoken : one would think they were already sufficiently confuted by the passages which i have alledged ; which prove that the fathers did not believe that st. peter had any prerogative above the other apostles ; and here a reflection may be made , which i think necessary to prevent the cheat which may be put upon us in this matter , by producing some passages of the fathers falsified or maimed , or else some testimonies of the doctors of the later times , who have been for the most part vile slaves to the popes and the court of rome . it must be considered that when upon such a subject as this , a man shall pretend to alledg any thing of antiquity , which seems to favour the opinion of st. peter's primacy , that cannot counter-ballance what i have produced in short against that primacy , not only because i can produce an hundred places against one which they shall alledg ; but principally for this reason , that it is never allowable for any man to oppose the institutions of god , nor to misunderstand , deny , change , or diminish them . so that if st. peter had had the authority over the apostles , and over the whole church , which they pretend , and which the popes at this time do exercise over bishops , kings , and the whole church , the fathers never could deny it without a crime ; nor could they ever equal him to the other apostles without being guilty of heresie , and heinous offence against god. whereas we may very lawfully speak advantageously of the ordinances and institutions of god , of holy things , and every thing that conduceth to the true worship of god , and consequently of the holy apostles also , who were the admirable organs of his grace for the conversion of the world. we may , i say , speak of them with praise and with wonder , with respect and veneration , and even attribute to them sometimes names and degrees of excellency , which do not belong to them without any prejudice to piety , provided they are not attributes nor honours which are appropriated only to the divine being , for then it would be idolatry , as it is to attribute that to the pope which belongs only to jesus christ. for example , in reference to the great men of this world , it is very allowable to speak to the advantage of a minister of state , to whom a great king shall communicate a part of his authority for his service : it is very fit to commend him , and to extoll him even above his merit , by reason of the good qualities which appear in him , or the favours which he receives from the king ; provided that the respect and obedience due to the king be inviolably kept ; but it would be a crime to lessen or contemn him , especially when the prosperity , tranquillity and safety of the state depends upon him . so i maintain , that tho the fathers had said a t●ousand times of st. peter , that the church was founded upon him , and that he was the head of it ; if they have said sometimes that he was not so , and that he had nothing more excellent than the other apostles , this last ought to prevail , because that the first was an expression of favour , and without danger , since they assert ev●ry where , that jesus christ is the only head of the church , and that it was hard to conceive that ever men should arrive to su●h excess of extravagancy as to think that one simple man could be the head of the universal church . whereas if st. peter had been instituted by god in that quality , to deny it , would look like resisting god , destroying the church , which would be established upon him , and dethroning j●sus christ , by dethroning his vicar . it must then be agreed to , whatever the doctors of the age say , that the church is built upon jesus christ , and not upon a man ; and we may say with david , that the stone which the builders refused , is in spight of them become the corner-stone of the church . but let us come to the second passage : tibi dabo claves , &c. i will give thee the keys , &c. first of all you must know the occasion whereon this was said to him : jesus christ had asked this question of his disciples , whom think you that i am , &c. peter with his wonted fervor spake and answered for all , thou art the christ , &c. and our lord upon this promiseth to all his apostles , and to the whole church under the name of peter , the power of the keys , which is indisputable , because in the 18 chap. of st. matthew , he tells them all in general , and without distinction the same thing , verily i say unto you , that whatsoever you shall bind upon earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever you loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . the other apostles then , have this power as well as st. peter ; and we see it also in st. john the 20. and the 22. where jesus christ says to all his apostles , receive ye the holy ghost ; whosesoever sins ye forgive , they are forgiven ; and whosesoever ye retain , they are retained . let us see whether the fathers be not against us . we have already heard st. cyprian , * who says , christus apostolis post resurrectionem parem potestatem tribuit . jesus christ after his resurrection gave an equal power to his apostles . † origen demands , an vero soli petro dantur a christo claves regni caelorum , nec alius beatorum quisquam eas accepturus est ? quod si dictum hoc , tibi dabo claves , &c. caeteris quoque commune est , cur non simul & omnia & quae prius dicta sunt , & quae sequuntur velut ad petrum dicta sunt omnium communia ? were the keys of the kingdom of heaven given only to peter , and shall no other blessed person have them ? certainly if what was said , i will give thee the keys , be common to all the apostles , why shall not all that goes before , and that follows after , tho said only to peter , be common to all ? st. hilary * vos o sancti & beati viri ob fidei vestri meritum , claves regni coelorum & ligandi & solvendi jus in terra adepti . he spoke to the apostles , o holy and blessed men , who by the merits of your faith have obtained the keys of the kingdom of heaven , and the power of binding and loosing upon earth . † st. hierom , at dicis super petrum fundatur ecclesia , licet id ipsum , in alio loco super omnes apostolos fiat , & cuncti claves regni caelorum accipiunt , & ex aequo super eos , ecclesiae fortitudo solidetur ; tamen propterea inter duodecim unus eligitur , ut capite constituto schismatis tollatur occasio . sed cur non johannes electus est virgo ? aetati delatum est . quia petrus senior erat , ne adhuc adolescens ac poene puer provectae aetatis hominibus anteferretur , & ne causam praebere videretur invidiae . but you say the church is founded upon peter , tho in other places the same thing is done upon all the apostles , and they all receive equally the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and the strength of the church is equally founded upon one as well as another ; nevertheless he chose one out of the twelve , to the end that by establishing a head he might take away the occasion of schism . but why was not john chosen ? jesus christ had regard to the age of peter , who was the eldest , and would not prefer a young man , one that was almost a child , before those who were more advanced in years , that he might not seem to give an occasion for envy amongst them . * the same hierom tells us , that the ministers under the gospel have also the power of binding , and of loosing , of pardoning sins , or retaining them ; that is to say , of judging when god doth pardon us or not . id juris & officii habent sacerdotes evangelici quod olim sub lege habebent legales in curandis leprosis . hi ergo peccata dimittunt vel retinent , dum dimissa a deo , vel retenta judicant vel ostendunt . st. augustin ‡ , sicut in apostolis cum esset etiam numerus duodenarius , & omnes essent interrogati , solus petrus respondit , tu es christus , &c. et ei dicitur , tibi dabo claves , tanquam ligandi & solvendi solus acceperit potestatem , cum & illud unus pro omnibus dixerit , & hoc cum omnibus dixerit , & hoc cum omnibus tanquam personam gerens ipsius unitatis acceperit . ideo unus pro omnibus quia unitas est in omnibus . amongst the apostles who were twelve in number , tho they were all asked , peter only answered , thou art the christ : and jesus christ said to him , i will give thee the keys , as tho he alone had received the power of binding , and of loosing . tho the truth is , that he said that for all ; and that he received also this power for all ; because that he represented the person of them all , and the union that there ought to be amongst them . one spoke for all , because the unity was in all . the same father also says in another place , manifesta est sententia domini nostri apostolos mittentis , & ipsis solis potestatem a patre sibi datam promittentis , quibus nos successimus eadem potestate ecclesiam regentes : that is to say , we see clearly the intention of our lord when he sent out his apostles , and promised them the same power which his father had given him ; and we have succeeded them , governing the church with the same power . * and so in other places , quando petro dictum est , tibi dabo claves , &c. typum ecclesiae gerebat , unus pro omnibus respondit . when it was said to peter , i will give thee the keys , &c. he represented the church , one single person answered for all . and in another place , † ecclesiae dictum est : tibi dabo claves , &c. it was said to the church , i will give thee the keys , &c. theophylactalso , habent potestatem remittendi & ligandi quicunque sicut petrus episcopatus gratiam assecuti sunt , quamvis autem petro soli dictum sit , dabo tibi ; omnibus tamen apostolis concessae sunt . that is to say , all they have the power of remitting and unloosing , who as st. peter have obtained the honour of being bishops ; for tho it were said to peter alone , i will give , &c. yet the keys were given to all the apostles . and leo the first , † transivit etiam in alios apostolos vis potestatis istius , & ad omnes ecclesiae principes decreti hujus constitutio commeavit , sed non frustra uni commendavit , quod omnibus intimetur . petro idem ideo hoc singulariter creditur , quia cunctis ecclesiae rectoribus petri forma proponitur ; manet ergo petri privilegium , ubicunque fertur ex ipsius aequitate judicium . that is to say , that the power of the keys was given also to all the apostles ; and not only to them , but to all bishops ; and that it was not without design that our lord committed to one what he intimated to all : for thereby the example of peter is proposed to all them who have a share in the government of the church . where-ever then any one judges as peter did , there is the priviledg of peter also to be found . and it is to be observed that leo said this in a time when the bishop of constantinople would have had the primacy . i think these evidences are sufficient to shew the injustice of the popes , who attribute to st. peter alone those things which he had in common with all the other apostles , and all good pastors , and that to usurp an authority which neither st. peter nor any other creature ever could have ; and though it were possible that st. peter or any other might have had it , the popes have less right to pretend to it than any other priest , because that they are but temporal princes ; for under the gospel men derogate both from episcopacy and priesthood , when they become temporal princes ; and it is certain that according to the scripture and the holy canons , these two things are inconsistent . they ought to consider which they will stand to : i am perswaded they would not contradict themselves in the matter , but would always hold to the temporal , which they call the solid thing , as cardinal palavicini † very well observes , that they desire the popedom only for the vast quantities of money which they get by it , with the means of obliging and doing courtesies ; due beni per cui soli appar desiderable il pontificato , il principiato dell oro e del obligo . and in the age we live in , they would be in danger of not making so much of their episcopacy as boniface the third did by phocas ; and if they should let their beast but once get loose , they would find it a hard matter to get up again . but besides , i think i ought here to put you in mind of one thing , which is , that the power of binding and loosing is not what the popes and many evil minded priests would make us believe ; for i do maintain , not only that the pope cannot free a man from the guilt of his crimes , and from the punishment due to them , no more than the meanest priest , as * marsilius of padua heretofore said ; but also , that neither one nor other of them hath any power of pardoning sins , but as far as it doth appear to them that god doth pardon them , and that properly it belongs not to them but to god. i shall be asked how the priest or the pope knows when god pardons any mans sins : and i ask them , by what authority they can dispence with the punishments a man hath deserved for having offended god , without there be some appearance of contrition in this man ? i know very well there are many who affirm that the pope can do it , and others who pretend that attrition is sufficient ; but it will be no hard matter for me to prove that these opinions are both foolish and impious : it is god only that can truly pardon sins , and he never does it but to the contrite heart , that is to say , to those who have a real sorrow within themselves for having offended so good and so merciful a god ; and who make a firm resolution to forsake their sins , and to punish themselves by repentance , and by the mortification of their flesh , and of their passions , and who will as much as in them lies in reference to men , repair their crimes by making satisfaction to all those they have wronged : and lastly , who have made a vow to endeavour all their life-time to root up all their evil habits . when these dispositions do not appear in a penitent , the pastor cannot pardon his sins ; and when they do appear , he cannot refuse to give him absolution . the holy scripture mentions no other power of binding and loosing sinners , but doth detest the use which the popes make of it , who excommunicated whomsoever they please , even kings themselves , and whole nations for no other reason that their fantasy , ‡ st. hierom made light enough of these excommunications , when he said , apud deum non sententia sacerdotum , sed reorum vita quaeritur . * and in an other place , solvunt apostoli sermone dei , testimoniis scripturarum & exhortatione virtutum . that is to say , that god enquires not after the priests opinion , but what sort of life a sinner hath led . it is the word of god , the evidences of holy scripture , and exhortations to vertue , by which the apostles do absolve , * st. ambrose also , verbum dei , says he , dimittit peccata , sacerdos est judex , sacerdos officium suum exhibet , nullius autem potestatis jura exercet ; it is the word of god , says he , that pardons sins , the priest is the judge who doth his duty ( in judging according to this word ) but exerciseth no authority . and st. augustin . † claves sunt discernendi scientia & potentia qua dignos recipere & indignos excludere debet sacerdos a regno dei. the keys , saith he , signifie no other thing than the knowledge and skill of discerning those who are worthy , and those who are vnworthy , that the priest may exclude them from the kingdom of god. it is now time to examine the third passage which they alledge for the primacy of st. peter , which you find in the 21 of st. john. peter , lovest thou me ? feed my sheep ? from whence they draw this consequence , that st. peter was the head of the universal church ; it is certain that he was one of the most excellent pastors of the church ; but notwithstanding that , he was not a pastor to any of the apostles , nor to any other christians , but as the other apostles were ; for our lord says to them all in common : as my father hath sent me , so send i you ; and in another place , go then and teach all nations , &c. which is the same thing as if he had said to them all , feed my sheep . what is to feed , but to teach , instruct , and edify as well by speaking as writing , by preaching , and explaining to men the word of god and its truth , accompanying that with a life conformable to that holiness the gospel requires ; which is called pascere exemplo & verbo ? but they ask why our lord repeated three times , peter lovest thou me , feed my sheep ? † st. augustin answers that redditur negationi trime trina confessio , &c. st. cyril understands it also in the same sense , jure nunc ab eo trina dilectionis confessio petitur , ut trina negatio aequali confessionis numero compensetur : ita quod verbis commissum fuit verbis curatur , &c. dixit autem pasce agnos meos apostolatus ipsi renovans dignitatem ne propter negationem quae humana infirmitate accidit , labefacta videretur , &c. that is to say , our saviour had reason to demand a three-fold confession of his love towards him , to recompence in some measure peters thrice denying him , &c. and he says unto him , feed my sheep , to renew unto him the dignity of his apostle-ship , from which he might seem to have fallen by denying his master . * st. cyprian , pastores sunt omnes , says he , sed grex unus ostenditur qui ab apostolis omnibus unanimi confessione pascatur . episcopatus unus est cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur . they were all pastors , but he shewed them but one flock , which all the apostles were to feed with an vnanimous consent . st. augustin , * in petro unitatem commendavit ; multi erant apostoli & uni dicitur pasce oves meas , &c. sed omnes boni pastores in uno sunt , unum sunt illi pascunt , christus pascit , &c. he recommended the unity in the person of peter ; there were many apostles ; he said nevertheless but to one of them , feed my sheep , &c. but all good pastors are in one , and are but one . they feed , christ feedeth , &c. the same father says in another place ; in uno petro figurabatur unitas omnium pastorum sed bonorum . in peter only was represented the unity of all pastors ; but that is to say , of all good pastors . chrysostom , * tum ostensu●us es eximiam tuam dilectionem in christum , cum paveris ejus gregem , cum scriptum sit si diligis me , pasce oves meas . then said he to st. basil , thou wilt shew thy love towards jesus christ , if thou feedest his flock as it is written , lovest thou me ? feed my sheep . st. peter himself explains to us these words , and shews that he was himself far from pretending to the quality of universal pastor , excluding the other apostles ; because he doth acknowledge that even the priests are pastors as well as himself , and that the flock of christ is committed to their charge as well as to his ; which they ought to feed not out of a ●hameful desire of gain ; but by a disinterested charity , not in lording it over the heritage , or over the cl●rgy of the lord ; but by giving themselves a good example to their flock : how many r●proofs are ●ere in a f●w words ag●inst the pope and evil priests ? these are the places of scripture which they cite with the greatest colour for the papacy of st. peter , which as they explain them , are i think sufficiently confuted . one may say of them , as heretofore the council of basil said to the creatures of pope eugenius , who also corrupted the sence of these passages . sunt interpretationes paparum fimbrias suas extendentium . * these are interpretations of popes , that stretch out the skirts of their garments . to these which i have already given , i shall yet add some reasons drawn from the gospel it self , against this pretended primacy and rule of st. peter . i shall not repeat that we see nothing in the gospel but precepts of humility , of charity , of renouncing the world , its grandures , pleasures and riches , but i shall say that we read in the acts of the apostles , † that st. peter was sent to samaria by the other apostles . a prince is not usually treated thus by his subjects : * we see also that in another place , having been accused by the others for misbehaving himself , he justifies himself ; this looks not like a soveraign . would the pope endure this from the bishops , or from any other ? we see not that he gave laws to others , that he established any thing by his own private authority , without the other bishops . * st. paul says expresly , that he was not inferior to the greatest of the apostles : in st. † matthew and st. john , it is manifest , that jesus christ gave to all his apostles the same power . * and in the epistle to the galatians , that peter , james and john gave their hands to each other , as a mark of the society that was between them . would the pope give his in this manner to the other bishops ? we see that at the council of jerusalem , it was not st. peter , but st. james , who presided and concluded . we read in the epistle to the galatians , ‖ that st. paul and he agreed together , that st. paul should go and preach to the gentiles , and st. peter to the jews . if st. peter had known that he had been the head of the church , he would not in all likelihood have suffered , that his ministry should have been thus limited , or that the ministry or power of st. paul should have been of an extent an hundred times greater than his , especially if he had been of the humour of our good popes . if any bishop should pretend to govern the church of france or spain without them , it is to be believed , that it would not be very pleasing to them ; and from hence by the way , one may judge that saint peter had nothing to do at rome , nor was he ever there , as they imagine . there is yet somewhat of greater weight then all this ; that is , that st. paul tells us he withstood st. peter to his face , because he deserved reproof . this looks as if st. paul had had some authority over st. peter : we hear not that he reproached him for his arrogance , nor that he excommunicated him . it must be acknowledged that here is a great difference between the proceedings of the pope , and those of st. peter : for it is certain that if a bishop should at this day dare to displease the majesty of the pope , he should be soon swallowed up and destroyed by his glory . i believe that origen might have an eye to st. paul's thus correcting st. peter , when he said that st. paul was the greatest of all the apostles ; * paulus apostolorum maximus ; or else he might also have regard to the great extent of st. pauls ministry , or to what he himself says , that he took more pains than all the other apostles . and all the fathe●s looked upon him , as he who among all the apostles wrote the most profoundly , and with the greatest light . this is what st. augustin says of him . st. chrysostom looks upon him as the first of all the saints ; and if there had been any preheminence among the apostles , he should have been preferred before any other . we may say then , that the popes in that authority which they usu●p , have nothing common with st. peter , nor can they be compared together , but in one thing , which is , that as st. peter being come into pilates-hall , denyed christ three times , the popes since they have taken upon themselves the authority of pilate , and of worldly princes , have denyed him not three times , but once for all . vna sol volta in corte di pilato entro est petro e tra rinego christo. thus we see that in the holy scripture there is not one word that can in the least authorize the popes supremacy . and we may compare those who establish it there , to poor heralds , who to get a little money , do very frequently make people meanly descended , to derive from the ancient greek and roman emperors , because the cullyes hav● gotten an estate , and are become rich , tho most usually 't is only by rogueries and robberies . and it is not difficult thus to deceive people , who always admire those that are rich and able to do them a kindness . they never enquire how they came by it as the spaniard says , alcansados los honores quedam borrados los passos , pordende se subio a ellos . since then that the new testament doth not acknowledg this authority of the popes , but absolutely condemn it ; it hath no lawful institution for a doctrine of that importance as the primacy of the pope is , whereon they make the whole government of the church , religion it self , and the salvation of all christians to depend , being not to be found in scripture , cannot be but false . for though it be true that there are some customs and ceremonies in the church which are not to be found in scripture , and which the protestants are greatly in the wrong , obstinately to reject , because that tradition , and the use or practise of the church , have so long since given them sufficient authority , as they themselves acknowledg ; yet that cannot be said of this article , which according to the popes , and the greatest part of the doctors , is capital ; and so capital they would willingly perswade us , that without it the rest signifies nothing . it was very impiously said of cardinal palavicim in his third book of his history of the council of trent , chap. the 15. that the christian religion hath no more sure and immediate certainty than the popes authority . quella religione , i cui articoli vnitamente considerati non hanno altera certezza prossima & immediata che l' autorita del pontifice . we see clearly , that if this authority were laid aside , they would renounce the profession of christianity , as piety hath been already renounced by them . chap. ii. that the primitive church knew not the papacy . the vanity of some humane reasons , by which for want of the scriptures and the fathers they would establish it . let us now see if the primitive church did acknowledg a power in the church like to that of the popes . altho that which hath been already alledged from the holy fathers proves sufficiently , that they knew not the papacy , let us however examine the thing a little more particularly . we are told then that st. peter was head of the church , that he was at rome , that he was a bishop there , that he died there , that he resigned that charge of head of the church , and of bishop , but not that of an apostle to a successor ; which successor he either chose , or the church of rome did it after his death , by the power which he had given her ; which things are all of them very difficult to prove , and certainly very false ; for a thing of this consequence ought not to be founded upon conjectures of meer probabilities , but we ought to have as certain and as exact a knowledg of it as of any other article of our religion . and yet we see that they who have spoken of st. peter's coming to rome , and of his death there , have said it upon such miserable grounds , and say so many contradictory things as well of it as of his pretended successor , that there is nothing more uncertain in all antiquity . but besides this , none of them ever believed , no nor so much as suspected that st. pet●r was head of the universal church . and the contradiction and little certainty that is in these authors , shews sufficiently that in the primitive times it was not believed that this was necessary to be known ; nor did they in the least suspect that ever any body would endeavour to lay upon it the foundation of that horrible autho●ity which the popes do exercise . to give you some instances of their contradictions , i need only to shew you that some say it was linus who succeeded peter ; others clement ; and lastly , others say it was anacletus ; some will have it that st. peter founded this church , and was the first that preached at rome . others maintain , namely dorotheus , that it was barnabas . * barnabas primus romae praedicavit . and st. paul shews us clearly that it was he himself who founded that church ; for he complains that coming to rome , he found that the jews there , who had embraced christianity , were but very little instructed in the doctrine of the christian religion . who can believe that if st. peter had been there , and had founded this church , he would not have instructed them better ? and what is yet more , st. paul says expresly in another pla●e , that he would not go and preach , wh●re others had preached before him ; because he would not build upon the foundation of others . as for the manner of his death , some say he was crucified with st. paul ; others , that he was beheaded , and linus the pretended successor of st. peter , who writes the history of st. pauls death , says not one word of st. peters . st. ‡ hierom though a roman , and nicolas de lyra assures us , that he was crucified at hierusalem : and st. hierom says in another place also , that his sepulcher is in hierusalem . thus we see what reason they have to build an article of faith so monstrous , as the popes supremacy is , upon an imaginary conjecture , that hath no foundation that st. peter was at rome . but how comes it then to pass , may some say , that many of the fathers both believed , and said , that st. peter was at rome ? it was , because they did not examine the thing , believing it useless ; and they did not forsee the dreadful consequences that the bishops of rome would draw from it : they grounded it upon that place of st. peters epistle , where it is said , the church which is at babylon , saluteth you ; interpreting rome by babylon , without any reason ; because there were two other babylons , the one in mesopotamia where bagdet is ; and the other in aegypt near memphis , where it is certain there were many jews who were under st. peter's ministry . as for the pretended combat between st. peter and simon magus , the learned acknowledg that it was but a fiction . but put the case st. peter had been at rome , what advantage can the bishops of rome make of it ? that he had left at rome his charge of universal vicar of jesus christ ? but on what do they found this pretence ? if he had done it , it would plainly have been united to his apostleship , rather than to the quality of a bishop ; and so by consequence could not have been communicated to any other than an apostle , and so st. james , or st. john , who continued alive long time after him , should have inherited it , and not linus nor any other ; and they would have transported it to jerusalem , or to ephesus , which were their churches , if the town of rome had not had some particular priviledges ( which no man knows ) that affixed this dignity to that city , in which case one of these two apostles ought to have come and resided there . however it is likely that st. james or st. john , who without all controversie lived a great while after him , should rather have succeeded him in this admirable charge than a simple priest or bishop , as linus . if the city of rome pretends to derive this prerogative from st. peter's having been there , and preached the gospel , ( which cannot be proved ) the church of antioch ought to be preferred before it , for it is certain both by the scriptures and by the fathers , that he was there , and preached there before it was possible for him to do it at rome . and upon this it was that they built that revelation of the see of peter's being removed from antioch to rome , which you find in the decrees of gratian , in the epistle of pope marcellus (a) ; which imposture they contrived , because they could find nothing in the scripture that could favour their pretences . besides , if st. peter had had a successor in this pretended charge , how comes it to pass that the primitive church that compiled the canon of books , which ought to regulate the faith of the church , hath not comprehended therein the works of linus , or of clement , who wrote enough , and yet hath inserted those of st. james , and of st. john , who ought to be much inferior in infallibility , and in sanctity to the vicar-general of jesus christ upon earth , and who ought to have been his subjects , and to have taken the oath of fidelity to him as they do at this day to his holiness ? but a man may well wonder that clement , who according to some writers was his successor , and who , be he what he will , must have lived very near that time , knew nothing of it . 't is seen by his first epistle to st. james (a) where he terms him bishop of bishops ; and in another place he brings in st. peter , saying , jacobus episcopus acc●rcitum me inde huc caesaream mittit . that is to say , that the bishop james sent him into caesarea . it is yet a little surprising that the fath●rs of the primitive church who composed the canon of our faith , that is the creed * ; should forget to place after the catholick church the bishop of rome , who is the head of it , and without whom as they say it is like a body without a soul , or a vessel exposed to the tempest without a pilot. that article doth it self sufficiently exclude all dependance upon any particular see. and the other , i believe the communion of saints , doth also establish jesus christ the only head of the church , and condemns its being subject to an humane head. and st. dionysius the areopagite , or some other of those times who in his name composed a treatise of the hierarchy , and says not one word of a bishop of bishops , and head of the church , shews that in those times people did not believe that the hierarchy could not subsist without him . saint gregory also bishop of rome was wholly ignorant of these pretended priviledges of his bishoprick ; for he acknowledges in his register to eulogius bishop of alexandria , that the bishops of alexandria and of antioch , are successors of st. peter , and that they sit in the chair of peter as well as the bishops of rome . nor was irenaeus any more perswaded that the bishops of rome alone had this advantage , when having reproved victor bishop of rome , who by a ridiculous rashness had excommunicated for a matter of small importance all the churches of asia , ( which was concerning the difference of the day whereon easter was to be kept ) he says to him (b) , presbyteri ecclesiae cui nunc praesides , anicetum dicimus , ejum , hyginum , telesphorum & christum ; neque ipsi sic observarunt , neque posteris suis sic praeceperunt . observe by the way the modesty of the bishops of those times , they affected no other quality than that of priest , as we also see in the gospel that bishops are there sometimes called priests : it was not in contempt that st. ireneus called them so , but because that in those blessed times the bishops were humble , and were ambitious of no other title . but now-a-days a priest is called , my lord abbot , an abbot takes the arms of a bishop , a bishop of a cardinal , a cardinal equals himself to princes , and will even take the place of them . and the bishops of rome ( who in those times were humble , and desired no other crown than that of martyrdom ) now raise themselves above soveraigns , kings and emperors , wear a triple crown which these villains called il regno , for a mark of their royalty , tread even emp●rors under their feet , make them kiss their slippers , and treat them like fools . cardinal cusan confirms to us what st. gregory said before (a) , in cathedra petri , says he , patriarchae leguntur sedisse , romanus , alexandrinus , & antiochenus , & cum illis omnes subjecti episcopi ; that is to say , we read that the three first patriarchs who sat in the chair of peter , were he of rome , he of alexandria , and he of antioch , and with them all the bishops who were under them . let a man read the writings of gregory , of gelasius , and of leo , who were all popes , and he shall see that they all acknowledg that all good bishops are successors of st. peter ; and altho they sometimes failed not to demonstrate suffiently their ambition , and the desire they had to make the other bishops their subjects , yet it was not in quality of heads of the church , much less by vertue of any text of scripture . and we find not that for the first six centuries any man dared to bring so much as one passage of scripture to establish the primacy of the bishoprick of rome , * st. ambrose is not at all favourable to them , when he says , primatus petri , confessionis erat , non honoris , fidei non ordinis : that the primacy of peter was a primacy of confession , and not of honour● ; of faith , and not of place . st. cyprian whom we have already mention'd , says farthermore , in another place , (b) neque enim quisquam nostrum se episcopum episcoporum constituit ut tyrannico t●rrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigat , cum habeat omnis episcopus pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suae arbitrium proprium , tanquam judicari ab alio non possit , cum nec ipse possit alterum judicare sed expectamus vniversi judicium d●mini nostri jesu christi qui unus & solus habet potestatem & praeponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione & de ac●u nostro judicandi . there is n●ne among us who pretendeth to be a bishop of bishops , that by a tyrannical power he may oblige any of his colleagues to the necessity of being subject to him ; since that every bishop being his own master , and independent on any other , cannot be judged by another , nor can he judg another , but we ought all to expect the judgment of our lord jesus christ , who only hath the power of establishing us over his church , and of judging of our behaviour in it . (b) the same st. cyprian calleth stephen bishop of rome his colleague : stephanum collegam nostrum , ut & cornelium nostrum co-episcopum . and cornelius our fellow-bishop . he speaks of two bishops of rome . and in another place he shews that he thought he had as great a share in the government of the whole church as the bishop of rome . (c) omnes enim , says he , de●et pro corpore totius ecclesiae , cujus per varias quasque provincias membra digesta sunt , excubare . and in another place , (d) divina & paterna pietas in nobis apostolatus ducatum contulit & vicariam domini sedem coelesti dignatione ornavit . that is to say , the goodness of god hath conferred upon us the conduct of the apostleship ; and hath adorned by his heavenly grace the deputed see of the lord which we hold . and furthermore , (e) christus dicit ad apostolos ac per hos ad omnes praepositos qui apostolis vicaria ordinatione succedunt ; qui vos audit me audit . jesus christ saith to all the apostles , and in the persons of them to all bishops who succeed the apostles , being their substitutes by ordination , whosoever heareth you , heareth me . he shews in these places , that he pretended that his church was an apostolick see , and that he was the vicar of jesus christ as well as the other bishops (f) . in his 55 epistle he says that a man must be a fool or a mad man to believe that the authority of the bishops of africa was less than that of the bishop of rome , to whom abundance of profligate wretches did resort that so they might avoid the giving an account of their actions to the bishops of africa , and the being punisht for their crimes . after his death a council assembled at carthage , did ordain (g) , vt prima sedis episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum aut primus sacerdos sed tantum primae sedis episcopus : that the bishop of the first see ought not to be called prince or chief of the priests , or any thing of this kind , but only the bishop of the first see. and the council of nice marking out the bounds of the extent of each patriarchal see , says thus (h) , there is an ancient custom whereby the bishop of alexandria doth govern all the diocesses of egypt , of lybia , and of pentapolis , as also it is a long time since that the bishop of rome hath presided over those which he now governeth , and so likewise the bishop of antioch . upon which cardinal cusan makes this reflexion : (i) we see , says he , h●w much the bishop ●f rome ha●h gotten against the holy constitutions by the long use of a submission , which hath been given him , and which was not due to him . (a) this decree of the council of nice was since confirmed by the councils of antioch , of calcedon , and of constantinople . theodoret produceth a letter of the council of constantinople , which sufficiently shews the place which the bishops of rome held at that time : it begins thus (b) , to our most reverend and dear brethren and colleagues , damasus , ambrose , brillo , valerian , and all the other holy bishops assembled together in the great city . (c) eusebius also relates to us another letter which the council of antioch assembled against the heresie of paulus of samosatenus writes to the bishop of rome , which begins thus : to dionysius , to maximus , and to all those who are ministers with us : com-ministris nostris , throughout the whole world , bishops , priests , deacons , and all the church under heaven . would a man now in good earnest in this corrupt age write thus to our holy father the pope ? (d) theodoret relates to us in his ecclesiastical history , that the emperour constantius was very urgent with the bishop of rome , liberius , to embrace the communion of the other churches , which shews that he also knew not that rome was the mother of the other churches . the emperors gratian , valentinian , (e) and theodosius , in the year 380 , proposed rome and alexandria , for models of the orthodox faith. ordaining that all the world should follow the faith of damasus bishop of rome , and of peter bishop of alexandria . and after the first council of constantinople , as tho they would have the center of christian communion in the east only , they order without mentioning rome , that all churches should be conferred upon those who joyned in communion with nectarius bishop of laodicea , and diodorus bishop of tarsus , in the diocess of the east , with amphilochus bishop of iconium , &c. if the bishops of asia , of cilicia , and of mesopotamia , had believed that the communion of the bishop of rome had been necessary for their churches , they would never all have been excluded from its communion , during 140 years , as they were , after that victor bishop of rome had excommunicated them for a trifle ; for if they had pleased they might have been reconciled to the church of rome by submitting to the laws of that bishop . (f) st. gregory of nazianzen writing to the clergy of the church of caesarea in cappadocia , speaks to them thus : it is just that care should be taken of the whole church , as of the body of jesus christ , chiefly of yours which hath been from the beginning the mother of almost all the churches , which is so at this time , and is so esteemed , and to which the whole body of the church relates as a circle does to the center , round which it is formed , &c. this holy man thought not the church of rome was the center of all the churches . (a) in the milevitan council where st. augustine was present , it was ordained , that those of africk who should appeal to rome should be excommunicated : these are the words : we have adjudged that all priests , deacons , and other inferior ecclesiasticks who shall complain of their bishops administration , shall apply themselves to the neighbouring bishops , who by the consent of their own bishops shall decide the controversie between them : and if they will appeal from their opinions , let them not do it , but to the councils of africa . and if any man makes his appeal to any place beyond the seas ( here rome must be understood ) let him be looked upon as an excommunicated person by all africa (b) . and since that time the same thing was ordained in the council of africa , and this they give for their reason : that no council hath taken away this authority from the african councils , and that the decrees of the council of nice have committed as well priests , as the bishops to the direction of their metropolitans : most prudently and justly providing , that affairs should be determined upon the place where they had their first beginnings ; and that no province would ever want the assistance of the holy ghost to discern equity ; that any injured person might procure a council of his own province , yea and appeal from that to a general one , and a man must be a fool to think that god would not rather inspire with the love and knowledg of justice , a great number of prelates assembled in council , than a single person be he who he will. what stupidity and dulness is it that hinders christians in these times from carrying it in the same manner towards rome ? (c) and the council of constantinople after having limited the bounds of each patriarchal see , says that the affairs of every diocess ought to be regulated by the synods of the diocess , and that in confirmation of the fourth canon of the council of nice . (d) and in the sixth canon it doth enact . that if any man hath been vexed by the bishop , let him complain of this bishop to all the other bishops of the province ; and if these bishops cannot determine the affair , he ought to apply himself to a greater synod of bishops of that diocess ; whereby we see that the bishop of rome had in those days no authority over other bishops , but that every thing was then regulated by councils and by synods . if an archbishop , or a metropolitan were accused , the affair was determined by an assembly of the synod of the diocess ; and if any man appealed from thence , it was not to the bishop of rome , but to a synod composed of many diocesses , which may be seen in the case of bagadius bishop of bostra metropolitan of arabia , who having been deposed by some bishops of his province , appealed from them , not to rome , but to constantinople , where quickly afterwards was assembled a synod of many of the eastern diocesses , at which nectarius of constantinople , flavian of antioch , and theophilus of alexandria , all three patriarches assisted ; and the case was determined in the year 394 , and bagadius reestablished in his place . * it was the opinion of st. hierom , tho a roman , and very zealous for his own patriarch , that if there be any question concerning authority , that of the whole world is greater than that of one single city . for what end shall a man alledg the customs of one only town ? wheresoever there is a bishop there is always the same dignity . neither riches nor poverty making them superiors or inferiors . they are all successors of the apostles . (a) st. chrysostom was also of this opinion when he spoke thus : if any bishop affecteth supremacy on earth , he shall find confusion in heaven . and whosoever shall be ambitious of raising himself above others , shall not be reckoned among the servants of jesus christ. thus are all the popes inclusively excommunicated by st. chrysostome , since boniface the third ; and not only by him , but by the milevitan council , by the council of sardis , the third council of carthage , and another council held at carthage at the instance of gregory the first , under the emperor maurice ; all these councils do excommunicate and declare him a forerunner of antichrist , who shall call himself universal bishop . (b) st. gr●gory doth himself abominate the pride and impiety of our popes of these last ages , when he says , that whosoever shall make himself be called vniversal bishop , shall be the forerunner of antichrist , because he will by his insolence raise himself above others . (c) and in another place speaking to anastasius bishop of anti●ch , he says , that without m●ntioning the dishon●ur that the pride of such a man would do you , if a bishop should m●ke himself be called vniversal head of the chur●h , the whole church must run to ruin if this vniversal head sh●uld fall . for my p●rt i pr●y god keep me from hearkening to any such fol●ies , and from b●ing capable of so gre●t ●●anity , &c. i should never have done , if i should pretend here to relate all the evidences of antiquity , which are contrary to the pretences of the bishops of rome for some ages past . * st. austin tells us a story which i cannot l●t pass , which shews things pretty clearly : he says that don●●us had accused cecili●n , arch-bishop of carthage , of a great crime , and that the emperor constantine chose the bishop of rome , and several other bishops for judges of the affair . donatus was condemned by them , and made his appeal to the emperor , who referred the judgment of his appeal to arles . at this judgment the bishop of arles presided , and the affair was by him determined in favour of cecilian , and the judgment given at rome confirmed . it would be a fine thing now to see the emperor in an affair pur●ly ecclesiastical , as that was , establish the pope as his commissary , with other bishops , and an appeal made from their sentence before the emperor , and he should send the cause before another bishop , to judge definitively of it . i know not after this what eviden●es i further need to prove the usurpations which the popes have made since those times . christians ought to die in confusion , who want proofs for a thing as clear as the day , considering the enormity and exorbitance of the power which these people take upon them . ‡ in st. hilaries days they endeavoured to bring under the bishops of france , in such sort , that st. hilary opposed their ambition , which made leo have the impudence to write of it to the bishops of the province of vienne . however , that did not hinder him from continually attacking him , and his successors , who found opposition enough from time to time , they always gaining the victory : and we have a letter which the churches of france and germany wrote together in the time of king clouis , to anastasius the second bishop of rome , where we see that they were not satisfy'd with the ambition of that bishop . * it is not , say they , without reason , that the bishops , it being grounded upon many authorities , affirm that the authority of councils is above that of a pope . st. paul the apostle , who tells us , that we should be his followers , resisted peter , the first of the apostles , to his face , because he d●served reproof . for our parts , we understand not this new compassion which the italian physicians have for our m●ladies of france . they would cure our bishops , and are themselves sick of a continued fever : they are thems●lves blind , and yet th●y off●r us light : they forsake their own flock , suffering it to wander , and pretend to lead our pastors in the right way . th●y would make us believe , that the cure for spiritual diseases , that is to say , absolution , is to be found at rome , &c. but if the ark of the covenant should fall in france , it must be our bishops , and not theirs , that must take it up again . but if they be so rash , as to pretend to touch the ark of our church , they only draw evil upon themselves , as well as uzzah the levite . let th●m fairly unde●stand this syl●ogism ; if th●r● be but one ●nly power in all bishops , it is also in one person alone : now there is one and the same power in all bishops ; therefore it resides also in one single person . but let us here observe by the by , how much the germans and french are degenerated from that piety and love for the liberty which jesus christ hath acquired for his church . it is certain , that bishops were always equal in the first ages of the church : it was some time after the death of st. cyprian , before they thought of establishing in every province one bishop above the rest : they thought it would be advantagious for removing the disorder that sprung up sometimes among them for concurrence and presidency . he resided in the capital city , and was called the metropolitan . at first he had no authority over the others , but only the place ; but afterwards they conferred upon them the power of consecrating bishops of the province , because they dwelt in the capital ciiy , where every body came about their affairs . and it is from thence that bishops became subject to their metropolitans , and have been distinguished from them by the ordination which they receive from them . these metropolitans were called in the west arch-bishops ; after this there was given them the power of calling provincial synods , who for that reason were assembled always in the capital city . that was brought in at first only as a custom , and because it looked as though the state of the civil government did require it . but at length this custom was confirmed by the decrees of the council of nice , and became a law. after that , for the maintenance of unity among the churches of divers provinces , it was further thought requisite to establish exarchs , or primates over these arch-bishops , according to the idea of the civil government . these primates were the bishops of the chief city of some great province , or of a diocess that comprehended many provinces . at first they acknowledged no superior , but by little and little , they of constantinople , of antioch , of alexandria , and lastly , he of rome , did first attempt their rights ; and after came the council of calcedon , who established over these metropolitans four patriarchs , of rome , of alexandria , of antioch , and of constantinople , to whom afterwards he of jerusalem was also added , for the honour of that city ; but he lasted not long . the two principal were he of rome , and he of constantinople , because those were two seats of the empire , and at last they took upon them the quality of oecumenical bishops against all reason , divine , or humane , and against the decrees of many councils . since those times every thing hath gone worse and worse . it is no hard matter to prove , that the presidence of the bishop of rome was purely in consideration of the dignity of that city : † the second canon of the council of constantinople shews it sufficiently ; where it is said , that the bishops who are established over a diocess , shall not go beyond the bounds which have been set them ; but that the bishop of constantinople shall have the honour of the primacy , after the bishop of rome , and not before him , because that city is not so ancient as that of rome . after the same manner the 9 th canon of the council of antioch ordains , that the bishops of great cities shall have the pre-eminence , because all men of business repair to the capital city . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. * and the council of calcedon , in its 16 th act , gives no other reason for the city of rome's having the first place . the fathers , says this council , have also given these priviledges to the see of old rome , by reason of the empire of that city , &c. and for this very reason they have given the same priviledges to the most holy see of new rome , judging very rati●nally , that a city honoured by the sena●e and the empire , ought to enjoy the same priviledges as the ancient rome , and have the same pre-eminence in eccl●siastical affairs , and be the second after her . ‡ and the council of turin , in its first chapter , hath these words , that bishop who can prove that his city is the capital of the wh●le province , let him have the honour of the primacy , and the faculty of conferring orders upon others . and we must not judge of this matter by what we now see : for example , that paris and london , which are the capital cities of two great states , have not the primacy over the other bishops of these kingdoms : for besides that they here received the christian faith later than the others did ; the court of rome , and its favourers , have managed this very politickly , not suffering that any great city shoul● have this honour , lest the bishop of it should become their rival , and should cast off their yoke ; as we see , they had all the difficulty in the world , to subdue the great city of milan : ‖ for in the year 1059. nicholas the second , having sent thither peter damien , bishop of ostia , to make them lay aside the ambr●sian service , and take up the roman ; both the clergy and people answered vigorously , that they had never been subject to the roman laws , and that the bishop of rome had nothing to do to meddle with what concerned them : that it would be a thing unworthy of their church , which had been always free , to become subject , by their own cowardize , to another church ; and that if they did it , it would bring an eternal shame upon them . it is true , the cardinal did corrupt the arch-bishop , who received the roman service ; but the clergy and the people soon shook off the yoke , till gregory the seventh's time , who by cunning practices , and by cruelty , oppressed them . * in the same manner , at toledo , the popes were forced to shed a great deal of blood , before they could compel that town to receive the roman service ; and at last , to appease the people , they were forced to allow , that they should retain the gallican service in six parishes of the city of toledo . ravenna also resisted for some time couragiously , because they had tasted somewhat of their spiritual , as well as of their temporal dominion . we see it by the 54 th epistle of adrian , ad carolum magnum de leone episcopo ravennate qui non vult obedire adriano . his predecessor sergius had done the same thing , and so did john , his successor , and many others . see cardinal d' ailly , in his book of the reformation . guicciardin also confirms it : the church of ravenna , says he , disputed with rome for the primacy , because the seat of religion hath been accustomed to follow the power of the empire and its arms ; which , by the way , also proves the usurpations of the bishops of rome . durand also tells us , that charlemayne was intreated by the pope adrian , to abolish the ambrosian service throughout all germany and france , and that he found great resistance , as against an unheard of tyranny . the emperor , says he , did compel all the ecclesiasticks , both by threats and punishments , to burn the books of the ambrosian service . he could not force the men of milan to it , who yet kept it near 300. years . and we see in the 6 th chapter of the capitularies of charlemayne , that this emperour made this ordinance in the year 806 , that the service should be sung in churches , according to the use and custom of the roman church . these villains , who owe so much to this emperour , make but very little acknowledgment , and have shewed but small consideration to his descendants . i do not think it necessary to prove , that the bishops of rome presided in the councils , no more than other bishops ; that it was the emperours who called the councils , that were to approve , and make them to be observed . there is no man but knows that our kings have assembled many , and have presided in them , even when the bishop of rome hath had a deputy , or legate present . we have a remarkable example in the history of the gallican councils , which it were to be wished , that our great king would follow ; * that is , of the council of leptine , assembled in the name of carloman , duke and prince of the francks , under chilperie the third . first of all , you there see that it was carloman who presided , though the bishop of rome had his deputy there present . see how he there speaks : in the name of our lord jesus christ , i carloman , duke and prince of the francks , in the year from the incarnation 742 , the second of the calends of may , have assembled a council , by the advice of the servants of god , and the lords of our court , that is to say , boniface , and burchard , bishops , with their clergy , to advise concerning means whereby the law of god , and the ecclesiastical religion , which is fallen to decay in these latter ages , may be re-established , and how christian people may attain to the salvation of their souls , and not be destroyed by the deceits of false teachers . this is a true idea of the present state of the church ; but with this difference , that the disorder is now much greater ; and would it would please god to touch the heart of some great prince in our days , to do as carloman did . under the same king chilperie , pepin , who was yet only duke of the francks , called also another council at soissons , where he also presided : the preface begins thus , i pepin : and at the end it is said , whosoever shall contradict these decrees , established by 23. bishops , and other servants of god , by and with the consent of prince pepin , and of the lords of france , shall be judged either by the prince , or by the bishops : and the council is signed , pepin . the bishop of rome is no more mentioned in all this , than the mufti , though they were already arrived to a great height , because it was near two hundred years since they had been declared heads of the church by the emperor phocas . the first who took upon him this quality , was one b●niface the third , who for having protected phocas , who had killed the emperor maurice , to settle himself in his place , was by him , in recompence , honoured with the title of universal bishop . many authors do relate the history of it , but one only shall suffice , who is beda , ‖ who reports , phocam imperatorem rogante bonifacio secundo , gregorii m●gni successore statuisse sedem romanae , & apostolicae ecclesiae caput esse omnium ecclesiarum , quia constantinopolitana primam se omnium eccl●si●rum scribebat . and since that time they are become the vicars general of jesus christ upon earth , because they are the worthy successors of simon magus , who as st. epiphanius reports , ‡ pretended to be the vicar of christ. and the divine power , for the government of the church . being thus far advanced , no man need wonder that they govern the church so well : for as tacitus observes ‖ ne●●●nquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit . since this consecration of phocas , they have always had the wind in their stern , and fortune hath by little and little greatly advanced them : they were never at a loss to find people who would assist them to get a share in the plunder . prima principatus initia , ardua ubi sis ingressus , adesse studia & ministros . and i may say that which the same tacitus says in an other place , with respect to the ancient grandeur of rome , that fortune prepared them in many places of the world means and occasions of establishing their empire : ‖ struebat jam fortuna in diversa parte terrarum , initia caususque imperio , ( papatui . ) it is now not very long since that the emperors did elect and depose the popes : they made use of them in their affairs ; in embassies ; they punished them when they had committed any crime , and sometimes even with death . theodorie , king of italy , for example , sent john , bishop of rome , in an embassy to the emperor justinian ; and having afterwards re-called him , he put him to death in prison . * belisarius , lieutenant of the emperor justinian , in the year 538 , drove away silverius , bishop of rome , and put vigil in his place , whom he afterwards drew through the town with a rope about his neck , as platina ‖ relates . in the year 654 , the emperor constantine bound the pope martin in chains , and sent him away in exile to chersona , where he died . in the year 963 , the emperor otbo deposed pope john the 12 th . in the the year 1007 , henry the second deposed three popes , benet the ninth , sylvester the third , and gregory the sixth . we see by the authentick of justinian , that the popes paid to the emperors , as to their soveraigns , twenty pounds of gold for their investiture ‡ and pope adrian himself , and also leo the eighth , do confess , that the emperor charlemayne had the authority of electing popes ‖ . why is it not so now ? it is because the popes have by a thousand cheats ruined the roman emperors , and are become more mighty then they , as well by the desolation of the empire , which they have rent in pieces , as by the conquests which they have made in italy , and by the usurpations which they yet make upon what remains to the emperor , in debauching part of his subjects , who swear fidelity and obedience to them , even against the emperor himself , and by holding in captivity their consciences , by means of the monks , to make them do what they please in favour of the pope ; not to mention how they drain his country , as well as others , trafficking with princes and their subjects , in almost the same manner as is usual with some people of the ind●es , to whom they give pins , and pieces of glass for their pearls and gold. after this manner they draw to them all our substance ; and we are , at least , as simple as these poor people . some body in tacitus complains , that the money went out of rome for diamonds ; and that ●trangers and enemies made advantage by it : ‡ pecuniae nostrae lapidum causa ad exteras & hostiles gentes transeunt . we have now so much more reason to make this complaint , as diamonds are better worth than bulls and dispensations of our most holy father the pope . bonif●ce the third , as i have already said , having been made universal head of the church by phocas , this power increased prodigiously in a little time : † this good pope presently called together some ecclesiasticks of his faction , in a synod , who confirmed to him the title of head of the church . after him , his successors , taking advantage of the weakness of the greek emperors , and of the distractions of italy , they established and augmented their authority more and more ; and the exarchat of ravenna , having been ruined by the lombards , the spiritual power of that city fell as a prey into the hands of the bishops of rome , who , seeing none in italy but the lombards , who could disturb him , plaid a cunning trick to draw to them out of france , pepin , son of charles martel ; it was by sending him letters brought from heaven to the holy father , which promised pepin an assured victory over the lombards . pepin gave credit to this letter , came and defeated the lombards ; pursuant to which , his holiness , pope zachary , the worthy successor of boniface the third , very honestly dispenced with pepin's oath of allegiance , which he owed to king chilperic , and crowned him king of france ; and at the same time dispenced with all the french for their obedience due to their lawful prince . pepin then in acknowledgment of this , gave them the exarchat of ravenna , with many cities and priviledges , reserving to himself only the soveraignty , and the right of electing popes , which , as history testifieth , his successors enjoyed long after him . nor had any of their bishops any need of bulls , or to pay tribute to the popes , being elected by the clergy and the people , invested by the prince , who alone assembled * councils , and made regulations in ecclesiastical things . and when the popes encroached farther than they had to do , we see that the churches of germany , and of france , had yet courage enough to oppose their enterprises . and we find that in the year 991. the counc●● assembled at reimes under hugh capet , deposed one arnoulph , arch-bishop of rheimes , in spite of the pope ; and when he complained of it , they asked him for what ●eason they should prefer his apostleship before others ? ‖ vt sciamus & intelligamus cur inter caeteros apostolatum vestrum praeferre debeamus . and in the 28 th chapter of the same council , what would laws signifie , if all were to be governed by one man's humour ? in the greatest prosperity of rome , when it was the seat of the empire , and bishops were men of merit , the gelasiuses , the gregories , and the leoes , the afr●cans would not give them the priviledge of appeals ; how much less ought we to do it now ? compare our times with theirs . it is true , that notwithstanding the protestations which were every where made against the ambition of the bishops of rome , yet they still gained ground ; and at length , having gotten , either by some trick , or by open violence , not only the exarchat of ravenna , but benevento , and ferrara , and what they call the patrimony of st. peter , having made themselves absolute masters of the town of rome , they were no longer afraid to declare open war against the emperours . and this it was which made guicciardin say in two places , jam ita se gerunt ut authoritatis ponti●iciae videatur leges dare potius quam accipere terrorem armo●um coelestium in res caducas vertunt . tandem non erga deum & homines charitas , sed exercitus , sed bella in christianos horum curae & ludicra ; jam per multos annos beliorum authores , incendiorum faces , &c. now they behave themselves as though it were a part of the popes authority to give laws , not to receive them . they turn the terror of heavenly weapons on worldly affairs ; now not love to god and man , but armies and wars against christians , are their care and sport . for many years they have been authors of wars , &c. ‖ aventin gives us an account of a letter which the emp●ror barberossa wrote in the year 1150. to the princes of germany , which saith expresly , that the popes being increased in wealth and dignity , by means of him and his predecessors , apply themselves with all diligence to dethrone kings and princes , and cannot suffer an equal : that they were busied both night and day , not so much to destroy him , as the sacred empire . after they had oppressed the head of it , they affect not only domination , but divinity it self , and will not be feared and adored less than god : and that the christian religion hath no greater enemies than they . but he who of all the popes gave the most mortal blow to the church , and to the authority of christian princes , was gregory the seventh , and that by three devilish means : first of all by deposing the emperor henry the fourth , which caused the ruin of the western empire ; for since that time it hath been torn into many little states , and weak principalities , which the popes have played with at their pleasure , as well in germ●ny , as in italy . only our country of france hath maintained it self against all their endeavours , without being divided , and hath still kept some small remains of liberty , which they daily attempt to rob us of . the second device was to engage princes , and great men , and those who were very rich , in the croisadoes and expeditions of the holy land , and to make them take the cross ; which besides the vast treasures which the popes got by it , augmented greatly their authority ; for from hence they invented indulgences , from whence the court of rome hath drawn unspeakable advantages as well in riches , as in authority . the third was by introducing neatly under the pretence of ignorance , and the weakness of princes , the use of cardinals of divers nations , in the election of the pope ; for by this these nations are for the spiritual ●art become subject to the see of rome , the clergy and people of r●me , as well as the emperors , have lost the right of electing the bishop . all these states have thought that the bishop of rome was greater than another bishop , and that they had great interest in his election ; and the popes have gotten many creatures in all these states . it is true , that at this time they are almost all italians , because they have of late so well bridled all these countries by the infinite number of their monks , and by many other inventions that they now fear not their casting off the yoke . after that henry the fourth had been deposed , and the right of investing bishops taken from him , the successors of this gregory pretended that the ecclesiasticks were exempt from all jurisdiction and power of ●ecular princes , even in civil affairs . and besides that , that the bishop of rome could d●pose kings , if they did not submit to all his orders ; and to fortifie this , came forth the decretals of many popes , of which these people at last made so good use to compose their bull de caena domini , and the directory of the inquisitors . but , say they , all this does not hinder the bishop of rome from being head of the church , for we see that the laws and rules , and roman discipline , have been followed by the other churches . it is true , that in the west , as there was no other patriarchal see , and as in most places thee christian faith had been received by means of the roman chur●h , the wo●ld had a great respect for it ; and be●ides , it was by reason of the dignity of this city . as in france we always consult the sorbonne at paris concerning matters of religion ; not that for this reason the other universities or churches depend upon it . but it is false , that all christians , or the greatest part of them have received the rules and discipline of rome . the greek churches never owned them , nor any of those who are in asia , or in africa , as the armenian , the ethiopian and others . and what we have already alledged from many of the fathers and councils , from the gallican church ▪ from the churches of ravenna , milan and toledo , who with so much difficulty received the roman office , even in the eleventh century , shews sufficiently that they had no dependance on the bishop of rome . i could bring a thousand other proofs did i not fear being too tedious to the reader . * aventin relates that gregory the second sent one winefred towards the countries lying upon the rhine to reform the churches there , and to set them on the roman bottom ; but that they vigorously opposed him and many bishops , called him the author of lyes , and corrupter of the christian faith. † in the first tome of the councils we have a letter of damasus bishop of rome , to hierome a priest , where we find these words , which do sufficiently confute the pretences of our people : i intreat , brother , thy charity to send us the greek psalter , with the notes by which they sing them . these are the words , peto charitatem tuam ut graecorum psallentiam ad nos dirigere tua fraternitas delectetur . for , adds he , we are so simple that upon festival days we do nothing but read a chapter in the epistles , or in the gospel , and we have no custom of singing psalms , nor is the grace and glory of hymns to be found in our mouths . observe these words , charitas tua , and fraternitas tua , from a bishop of rome to a priest , and how far they were from endeavouring to make other churches subject to their laws , since that on the contrary they did correct their own faults by the good example of others . ‖ we find also at the end of st. gregory's works , that about the year 593 , he sent a monk called austin into england , who passing through france , was surprized to see there another manner of divine service than he had seen in italy , with ceremonies quite different ; that when he wrote to gregory , he asked him how it came to pass that since there was but one faith , the customs of churches were so different , and that the custom and manner of masses was not the same at rome as in france ? to which st. gregory answered , you know , brother , what is the custom of the roman church , wherein you have been educated . but my opinion is , that if you find any thing , be it in the roman church , or the gallican , or in any other which may be more agreeable to god , you should pr●f●r it ; for we ought not to love the things for the places , but the places for the good things we find in them . * there are some people also who would make an advantage of this that the church of rome is by the fathers called the apostolick see. in truth as the pharisees sat in the seat of moses , as our saviour says , so do the bishops of rome also ●it upon the seat of the apostles . but it is certain , that the other bishops who teach the doctrine of the apostles , and imitate their example , are more apostolick than they . you must know that all the churches founded by the apostles were honoured with this title , and particularly famous and metropolitan cities , which were looked upon as the mothers of other churches , tho sometimes they had embraced christianity after others that were less considerable , because there resided the civil , which drew after it the eccl●siastical jurisdiction . and because there were many in the east where christians were far more numerous than on this side , none of those churches ever raised it self above the others ; but in the west there being but one , which was the roman , and no other having been since erected , tho the germans , spaniards , french , and oth●r nations have embraced the christian religion since those times , yet rome alone hath had this glorious title , and the others have had great respect for it , without any manner of d●pendance on it however at the beginning , as hath already been shewed . but that hindereth not but that other orthodox church●s may also have it ; consult tertullian , (a) he says that all churches that follow the faith of the apostles , are apostolick . and pope pelagius confirms the same thing , (b) whensoever , says he , there ariseth any question in peoples minds concerning an vniversal synod , let those who love their own salvation , consult the apostolick sees , that they may learn the reason of what they understand not . (c) and st. austin speaking of cecilian bishop of carthage , condemned by the donaetists , before whom he refused to answer , says that he might reserve the whole cognizance of the thing to the judgment of his other fellow bishops , chiefly those of apostolick sees . we have seen already that the council of rheimes assembled under hugh capet , says that the apostleship of the bishop of rome is not to be pr●ferred before that of other bishops , and so his see is no more apostolick . (d) apol●inaris gives this account of the apostleship to fontelus bishop of vaison ; and says also , that the bishop tricassin lived forty years in an apostolick see. (e) gr●gory of tours calleth the church of bourdeaux an apostolick see. the council of antioch assembled against paulus samosatensis calleth the church of antioch the church catholick . we have , say they , been obliged to give unto the catholick church another bishop in the room of this heretick . (f) nevertheless this catholick church was not subject to the bishop of rome no more than cecilian bishop of carthage , of whom the emperor constantine also said , that he presided over the church catholick (g) . (h) as for the quality of bishop of bishops , which the popes take upon themselves , and which the fathers have sometimes given to the bishops of rome , it is like that of king of kings , in regard of those who had kings under them . the metropolitans who were the first bishops were thus called . chrysostome is called father of the fathers , and teacher of the whole world by the emperors theodosius . (i) and sydonius calls lupus tricassin bishop of trequier , father of fathers , and bishop of bishops . he also calls one graecus massiliensis bishop of marseilles by the same name , and gives also the title of soveraign pontife , even to those sort of bishops , and to aegrotius bishop of sens , and to fontelus bishop of vaison . * he says in another place , that evatrix king of the goths having subdued all aquitain , killed all the soveraign pontifes that were there , and that there were no other bishops establi●hed in their stead . k the same author calls also mamereus bishop of vienne soveraign pontife . (l) and there also speaking of lupus bishop of trequier , he says , he is the fir●t bishop of the habitable earth . this same sydonius having been chosen by the clergy of bourges , to elect , and in the presence of the archbishop of sens to establish a bishop at bourges ; says , you have gi●en me this commission to elect a bishop in the presence of our most holy father the pope , a man m●st worthy of the soveraign priesthood . praesente sacro sancto papa pontificatu summo dignissimo . so he calls aegrotius bishop of sens , and not the pope of rome . (m) we see also that st. ignatius acknowledges no dignity above that of a bishop . honour the bishop as being the chief priest , wh● beareth the image of god. (n) and pope l●o acknowledgeth that above a bishop there is no other degree . the poet fortunatus gives st. germain bishop of paris , the title of high priest (o) . pontifici summo nos commendare precamur , regibus & dominis forte salutis opus . as for the word pope which these people have affected to distinguish themselves by from other bishops ; it is like the word legate or nuncio , which they give to their embassadors and envoys instead of using the ordinary terms ; these are singular marks of vanity and pride , which however have their effect on silly people , who imagin by these words that the pope is a man of a quite different kind from others . you must know that this word in its original signifies no other thing than a priest or bishop ; and that it was common heretofore to all people of this character , and even now at this day they are so called in greece , and also in germany , and the motto of the duke of brunswick , who stiled himself gottes , friend ; and paepsten fiend , signifies no less that he was an enemy to priests than to popes . we see in the life of st. cyprian , written by pontianus a deacon , that he is there called pope . (p) and in the epistle of the roman clergy to st. cyprian , there are these words , cypriano papae , to pope cyprian ; and at length , we desire thee most h●ly and most glorious pope . and in the epistle of calerin , which is the 89 th . in cyprian , the most holy pope cyprian . and ischyras writing to athanasius , says thus , beato papae athanasios : to the blessed pope athanasius , greeting . i need not bring any more proofs , since baronius himself doth acknowledg and attest that this name (q) had been common to all bishops until the year 1070 , that gregory the seventh , that able pope whom we have already mentioned , forbad it to be given to any other bishop than he of rome . as for the cardinals who are in no other see than that of rome , they in my opinion give so little advantage to it above the sees of other bishops , speaking like a christian , that they do abase and make it infinitely less than others . for what are these people ? they are worldly men , epicures , people of pride , vanity and prodigious expence ; there are but few of them who devour less than three hundred thousand livres (r) a year after an infamous manner ; and it was not without reason that the emperor sigismond represented to the council of constance , that they were good for nothing in the church , and their dignity ought to be supprest . and of latter days even in the council of trent there were men bold enough to propose the abolishment of this dignity , or else to reduce them to their first functions of curates . as also the gallican church demanded in its remonstrances to the council of constance , domini cardinales : my lords , the cardinals , say they , are curates of the parish churches of rome , and in this respect are they called cardinals ; that is to say , th● chief of principals (s) . and according to this institution their chief duty is and ought to be to hear conf●ssions , preach and baptise . besides there were many other churches who as well as rome had such like priests as the cardinals . we see it by a brief of the gallican chur●h under charles the fifth (t) , it is not only rome , says this brief , which hath cardinals , but there are many other churches who have them , as that of ravenna , and who call them cardinals who have the chief employments in the church . and so it was in many other churches , kingdoms and provinces . and the cardinals were in those times under the bishops , as may be seen by the (u) chronicle of the abby of st. jean de vignes at soissons , where theobald bishop of soissons is brought in speaking of the curate of st. john de vignes , and says , presbiter vero cardinalis , ipsius ejusdem loci , mihi de more & archidiacono de cura parochianorum reddat rationem . that is to say , that the cardinal-priest of this parish ought according to the custom to give an account of his parishioners to me , and to the arch-deacon . the same author called le gris , a canon regular of st. augustin , says , that there were twelve curates at soissons , who time out of mind had been called cardinals ; and it was the same thing in many other places of france . and we read in pasquier that in a council held at metz under charlemagne , it was ordained , (x) vt titulos cardinales in vrbibus vel suburbiis constitutos honestissime & canonice retractatione ordinent & disponant * . that the bishops should ordain and dispose the title of cardinals honestly , and canonically , in cities and suburbs . if this name and dignity be to be esteemed so highly in the church , it would be very easie to make as many as one would in france without the bishop of rome his consent , since that ev●ry bishop hath the power of making them , and without being reordained there is no priest who doth now officiate , who may not be a cardinal when you please . thus this signifies nothing , no more than the other things which have been already confuted , to prove that the popes authority is divine , since the s●ripture and the whole primitive church are against it . but i must here also answer one humane reason which they make use of to throw dust in our eyes ; they take it from an author whom they esteem as much as st. paul , nay more , for they pretend that without him we should fail in many articles of our faith ; this is aristotle . i scarce believe so much can be said of st. paul , who wrote the clearest of all the apostles . senza aristotele noi mancarono di molti articoli di fide , * says cardinal palavicini . bellarmine also , another cardinal and a jesuit , doth object to us that aristotle demonstrated monarchy to be the most excellent of all governments , and by consequence god would have his church so governed , and that this monarchy belongs to the pope . it is certain that the spiritual government of the church is monarchical . it is jesus christ who governs it , a monarch all-wise , and almighty ; but the external government of the visible and universal church cannot be so ; and their principle it self is contested by the greatest part of politicians . aristotle himself , their apostle , says in some places , that a mixed or compounded government , be it aristocratical , or democratical , is better : ‡ quae ex pluribus constat respublica melior est . and tho a kingdom may be very well governed by one single person ; yet it doth not follow that this one person can as well govern all the states and kingdoms of the world. and he says in another place . ‖ huc enim sunt omnia reducenda ut ii ●ui in imperio sunt , non tyrannum sed patrem familias agere videantur , & rem non quasi dominus sed quasi procurator & praefectus administrare , nec quod nimium est sectari . do the popes govern after this manner ? reason and experience both convince us of the contrary . we see by history , that the empires of the world , when they were of too great an extent , could not subsist , and have been torn in pieces ; and we have the example of some wise emperors who made decrees to hinder the enlargement of their empire , as augustus made one , de coercendo intra limites imperio . it is a proverb , that he who takes too much into his arms , can't hug it close . and this is so much the truer in ecclesiastical government , which cannot inflict corporal punishments upon delinquents ; for st. paul says expresly , that the arms of the evangelick ministry are not according to the flesh. and the fathers as well as the councils do teach us , that the arms of a bishop ought to be prayers and tears . the example which they bring of one single bishop , who by divine institution governs a diocess , or of a curate who governs one church only , can signifie to them nothing at all ; b●cause first of all there is a divine institution for that , but none for this . besides , a man may easily manage a boat upon a little river , who knows not how alone to manage a great vessel upon the ocean , much less a fleet of ships . and the example of a bishop or curate makes against them , for they are not soveraigns , the one presides only among the other priests , and the other in a parish . i foresee that it will be said , that though this authority of the pope was not instituted by jesus christ , that the church for the first five centuries knew it not , that it hath been since opposed from time to time by many people , perhaps of a turbulent or discontented mind ; yet it must be believed that the church which did establish it since , did it for good reasons ; that jesus christ and his apostles have not so precisely regulated every thing that concerns the discipline of the church , but that she may according to her own prudence alter some things according to the times and places ; or as others say , that every time hath its customs ; or as cardinal palavicini , ‡ altri tempi , altri costumi : that the church was at that time in its infancy , and that the mature age to which it is now arrived , is not to be governed as its tender infancy . i acknowledg that the church may sometimes vary in its discipline , and in its policy without any great crime ; but this must be always by a principle of charity ; and according to the fathers , quod propter charitatem fit , non debet contra charitatem militare . that which is done by a principle of charity , ought not to militate against charity . it must tend to edification ; the church ought to do nothing against the commandments of god. now i have shewn that the papacy is against the maxims of the gospel , and is altogether contrary to the genius of christianity , and more contrary than light is to darkness . furthermore , it is not true that the church hath established the papacy , only some few councils held in italy about two or three hundred years since , or thereabouts ; as that at florence , lateran , bolonia and trent . but we speak not of these dark ages ; for those with whom i dispute , believe that the church hath established this power in the sixth or seventh century . ‡ in this respect the cardinal cusan mistakes himself , when he says , p●patus est de jure positivo ; the papacy is of positive right : for the church hath not established it in any council , unless you call that rabble of ecclesiasticks and seculars the church , who assembled themselves together at the desire of boniface the third , to confirm upon him the title of universal bishop , which he got by the parricide phocas , for the assistance he had given him . he himself acknowledgeth , that this authority came to them , * ex usu & consuetudine subjectionalis obedientiae . and he maintains with good reason in another place , si per possibile treverinus archiepiscopus per ecclesiam congregatam pro praeside & capite eligeretur , ille proprie plus successor esset beati petri in principatu quam romanus episcopus : that if it were possible that the arch bishop of treves could be chosen head of the church by a general council , he would be a more lawful successor of st. peter than the bishop of rome ; which shews , that in his time no council had declared the bishop of rome as such . besides , these words , if it were possible , shew , that he belioved not that the church could dispose of such a thing . † gerson was also of this opinion ; for he acknowledgeth very ingeniously , that the papal authority cannot be conferred by the church : papalis authoritas si non a deo esset immediate instituta , a tota ecclesia institui non poterat : if the papal authority were not from god immediately , it could not be instituted by the whole church . and though it were true , that the church had established it , as pope innocent the third pretends , when he says , ecclesia non nupsit vacua , sed dotem mihi tribuit absque pretio preti●sam , spiritualium plenitudinem & latitudinem temporalium ; illius me constituit vicarium qui habet in vestimento suo scriptum , rex regum & dominus dominantium : the church hath not married me without a fortune ; but hath given me the invaluable dowry of god , the fulness of spirituals , and the latitude of temporals ; hath made me the vicar of him who hath written on his garment , king of kings and lord of lords . although that , i say , were true , it would not be less necessary to abolish this power , which is the cause of so many disorders , because the church in those days might have created it for the good of the church , as she then thought : and having found out that it is to her ruine , she ought to destroy it ; for the chair of peter is for the church , and not the church for the chair of peter : petri cathedra propter ecclesiam , non ecclesia propter petri cathedram . quod propter charitatem fit , non debet contra charitatem militare . and since that our faith , according to thomas aquinas , ought to be founded upon the word of god only , and not upon the eshablishments of the church , as he says , * fides nostra innititur revelationibus prophetis & apostolis factis ; ecclesia non statuit nisi de non necessariis ad salutem ; according to this truth , we are not obliged to believe the extravagant of pope boniface , who says , that it is necessary to salvation to submit to the pope . and if the church , according to these people , dared to change the aristocratical government , instituted by jesus christ , under which the kingdom of god spread it self so far , piety flourished , idolatry was confounded ; shall it not be allowable for the church , and for princes , who are its natural protectors , to redeem it out of that slavery into which the enemy of mankind hath reduced it , to its first purity and simplicity ? methinks if men had any sense of religion , they ought to sigh continually , for the deplorable condition of the church , and of the greeks and protestants , whom we have cast headlong into the evil they now labour under . some people will have it , that because the greek patriarchs among themselves hold that place which the council of nice , and the emperor constantine gave to all patriarchs , he of rome , who had the first place , ought still to keep it ; and as in place he was the first bishop , and the only patriarch in the west , he ought still to enjoy these prerogatives . but first of all , none of the greek patriarchs , unless it were that john of constantinople against whom st. gregory wrote so vehemently , ever pretended to bear rule over the other bishops , nor over the church , much less over christian princes , as the popes do ; and the patriarch of rome for above three hundred years after his institution , never attempted it . secondly , the place which the bishop of rome held , was propter principalitatem vrbis , in regard of the dignity of the city , which now hath no weight at all , rome being no longer the seat of the empire , but the sink and common-shore of all filthy iniquity , a den of thieves , and a nest of satan , nido di satanazzo , and the very habitation of sloth , laziness and beggary . paris , or london , do at this time deserve this honour a thousand times better . besides , it was in a time when there were but very few christians in the west ; these great states were not yet converted to the faith : france , germany , poland , part of spain , and all the northern countries , knew not what christianity was ; so that one patriarch might more easily have the inspection of this small number of christians who resorted also to rome for their civil affairs , as to the capital city , where the emperor resided . how are they now able to govern all the churches , they who cannot govern that at rome , and , which is worse , that trouble not their heads about it ? add to this a fourth reason , which is , that in those days they were not temporal princes , as they are become since ; and had not innumerable legions of monks and beneficiaries at their command , as now they have , which renders this power the most formidable of any upon earth among the catholicks . if because rome had heretofore the first place for the spirituality before other cities , she should pretend still to have it , it will thence follow , that she hath it for the temporality over these same cities , since the spiritual authority of this city , as i have already proved , was founded upon the temporal and civil , which she enjoyed as the seat of the empire ; and so in pretending to the regency of religion in france , flanders , and other catholick countries , they pretend also to have a right of treating these states as they please ; and they have effectually made them their subjects and tributaries , even to the disposing 〈◊〉 the crowns of kings , as their fancy leads them . there are others who believe they have hit on the right , when they say , that the pope is primus inter pares , and that so he is the first of all bishops . but i ask by what authority ? it is true , he was so among the patriarchs , whilst that rome , as i have said already , was the seat of the empire ; but now i maintain , that he is vltimus inter pares , and unworthy of the name of either priest or bishop , being the tyrant of the church , and of christian princes , and a temporal prince himself . were he not a temporal prince , all he could lawfully pretend to , would be to be the first bishop of italy . i know it will be said , that i ask too much to obtain any thing ; and i know that it will be neither better nor worse ; but i will discharge my mind , and tell the truth . god almighty may raise up princes when he pleases , who may restore that happy equality among the bishops , under which the church was heretofore so flourishing , and christianity made so great progress ; which would also re-establish peace among all christians , much better than the equality of turkish politicks , of which they say , ittichat khoga kopatmas : equality produceth no wars : they mean , the equality of poverty ; that is to say , that great men are not to be suffered in a nation ; and that being all miserable , they would make no commotions : whereas the equality which i speak of , would produce not only a firm and lasting peace , but also the abundance of all spiritual and temporal goods . there are also some people who pretended , that if we acknowledg a necessity of having arch-bishops and primates , who take their places above bishops instituted by jesus christ , tho the dignity of arch-bishops or primates is not so ; in like manner , for orders sake we may have a pope . that might pass , if the popes did not pretend to be of another order ; if they exercised no authority over their fellow-brethren ; if they were not temporal and mighty princes ; if the clergy did not absolutely depend upon them ; if they had nothing but a pre-eminence of place over the other bishops in assemblies and in councils ; if there were one of them in every christian state , who should solicite the prince for the assembling of provincial synods every year , to whom he should be subject , as the other bishops , and should entertain communion with the other patriarchs , or catholick popes , and with whom he should keep correspondence , that they might altogether , by the consent of their respective princes , cause general councils to be assembled , when they should be necessary , which should be held sometimes in one state , and sometimes in another , and wherein should preside men of the greatest understanding , and the greatest merit , without exception of persons ; or else every patriarch in his turn . thus was the church anciently governed without tyranny ; by this means did religion spread it self abroad with great success in all countries , and not by a pretended bishop , who is a worldly prince , and hath ruined the church . we see , that heretofore , among the pagans , kings have been sacrificers and ministers of religion . amongst the jews also , at the beginning , we find , that the heads of families , who were soveraigns , did take upon them the offering of sacrifices , and performed divine service ; but before these latter times , which is the sink of all ages , it was never seen , that priests plaid the princes , and that people who ought to employ themselves only in prayers , and sacrifices , and whom jesus christ , and all the most pure canons of the church , do forbid to meddle in secular affairs , should compare themselves with , and raise themselves above kings . is it not a comely sight to behold a temporal prince wearing three crowns one above the other , sitting in a throne covered with gold and precious stones , having the arms both of sea and land , many attendants following him , who are equal to other princes : such a prince as this , i say , to be the vicar of jesus christ ! he is then a carnal messias , and such a one as the jews do at this day look for : he is then a king of concupiscence and of iniquity . if it be so , the jews had reason to accuse him for endeavouring to supplant caesar ; the romans would have been in the right to put him to death ; and so he would not have been the redeemer of mankind . this pretension of the popes , as we see , is a horrible blasphemy , and which yields the cause over to the jews against us , and tends to justifie every thing they did against our lord jesus , and utterly to overturn christianity . the pretence also which they have , that ecclesiasticks ought not to be subject to their natural prince , and are freed from obedience to him by jesus christ ; this is to renew against our great saviour the impious accusation which the jews brought against him , that he would have made himself a king , and perswaded others to rebellion . there are others who pretend that the evil is not so great that there is a pope , as that general councils are no more assembled ; and so they say , that we should rather speak of assembling a council , than talk of exterminating the papacy ; because they think that a council would limit the pope , and hold the reins shorter over him : but this papacy subsisting , how shall a general council be called , but that they 'le have a hand in 't ? and if they have , what will this council tend to ? the end of it will be like that of trent , sad and miserable . and put the case there might be found a prince zealous , strong , and prudent enough to cause a general council to be assembled by an agreement of other christian princes , in spight of the pope ; what would this council do against the pope , who would have all the bishops for him , both by the oath which they have taken to him , and by twenty millions of revenue which he hath , and which he would employ to corrupt all the world ? what would you do with the monks , who would be all for him , it being their interest to maintain the authority and infallibility of the pope , because the priviledges which he hath given to many of them , which are as ancient as their first institution , are not confirmed by any lawful council , and so are null ? and how long should the good condition of this prince's affairs last , or his good correspondence with other princes , to make the laws of this council be obeyed ; and that the pope , who will be all , or nothing , shall not hinder the execution of his decrees , and continue his tyranny ? and how will you in the mean time keep the papacy with its hands tied , and what will this signifie ? it is certainly better to cast off the yoke all at once , than to let it continue without being sure that it shall do no more mischief . tutius est perire non posse quam juxta periculum non periisse , says a certain author . we have the sad example of the councils of trent and constance ; from that of trent we could not hope for any great matters ; but even that of constance , which seemed well inclined to a reformation , as well as that of basil , found such horrible resistance in the court of rome , and among the ecclesiasticks , that it never could re-establish the ancient discipline . and that shews us , that we must wholly eradicate this papacy , and that it is not enough to assemble a free oecumenical council , but that it must be some powerful , zealous , and resolute prince , who fears nothing but god , and not the court of rome , who must begin , continue , and vigorously end the thing , without hearkening to pretended moderate councils , which tend only to the churches ruin . the proverb here signifies nothing , that it is better to preserve the commonwealth as it is , than to have none at all : for i maintain that here is no common-wealth , but a perfect anarchy ; and that the church , instead of being governed , is devoured by a faction of villains , who eat the people of god like bread . but say they , you speak of abolishing the primacy in the church ; and nevertheless there is no society , no families , no colledge but hath it : without it these societies cannot subsist . it is not so much the primacy which i condemn , as the tyranny which hath been joined to it . the primacy of place might yet be suffered , although jesus christ hath not instituted it in the church ; but that of pope , is a primacy of jurisdiction , to which the universal church , and the whole world is subject , as they pretend . i condemn the primacy of a bishop who is a worldly prince , who hath more than twenty millions of rev●nue ; this primacy , which is the cause of all the disorders of the church ; whereas the end and ordinary use of lawful primacies , is to maintain good order in all societies . and i wish nothing more , than to see re-established in the church that primacy which jesus christ hath there instituted ; ( viz. ) that of councils , and that they should be often assembled , as they were in the primitive church ; for it is the want of these councils which hath undone the church . we see in the preface of the eleventh council of toledo , that the fathers say , that having wanted the light of councils for the space of ten years , the whole world went astray , and the church fell into disorder and confusion . how much more reason have we now to complain of that , we who for above these hundred years have seen none , and which is more , can never hope to see a lawful one , whilst the papacy shall subsist ? substracta luce conciliorum integro decennie , matrem omnium errorum ignorantiam , otiosas mentes occupasse , adeo ut babylonicae confusionis olla succensa purpuratae meretricis incrementa sacerdotes sequerentur , quia ecclesiastici convenius non aderat disciplina , nec erat qui errantium corrigeret partes , cum sermo divinus haberetur extorris . is not this the cause of so many superstitions , of so many heresies , schisms , and licentiousness , which we see in the clergy ? is it not a ridiculous thing , that no more councils shall be called , whilst we see the monks , both capucins , carthusians and jesuits often assemble their congregations for the augmentation of their societies ? it is no wonder if the church daily runs to ruin , whilst these societies fortifie themselves . is it not clear as the day , that if provincial synods were called every year , national every three or four years , as heretofore they were under our great kings ; and oecumenical councils , at least , once in ten years , that remedies would be found out for the calamities of the church ? might not a patriarch in every state , aided by the secular power , excute the decrees of the church with more facility , less jealousie , and more security for religion and for the state , than a forreign ambitious , and potent prince , who resolves to take no care for religion , but to model every thing to his own interest ? if this patriarch should neglect his duty , or carry it like a master , should not the prince chastise him , nor depose him ? experience shews us , that the church never flourished but when she was aristocratically governed , and when there was no other primacy in the universal church than that of councils , and all primates and patriarchs were subject to them : but since the patriarch of rome hath had the sole disposing of religion in the west , we have seen nothing but confusion , anarchy , schism , heresies , impiety , atheism , cruelty and barbarity . ipsa ecclesia vnus est princeps , & vnitati fidelium , non singulis haec jurisdictio a domino conceditur , &c. quia vnitas ecclesiae multo major est atque perfectior , quam vnitas vnius regis aut imperatoris terreni . thus did the holy council of basil answer the false reasons of pope eugenius his orators , who pretended , that the unity of the church was preserved much better by a pope than by the council . there are others who would have the pope's authority confin'd within the bounds which the councils of constance and of basil had marked out for it ; but they never understood the moral impossibility that there is , not only of making the popes consent to it ; but suppose they were constrained to consent to these rules for a season , to make them observe them always , or for any long time . and experience confirms what i say , with reference even to these councils which have put no stop at all to their career ; for they live in contempt as well of these as of all other lawful councils . have not they called others in italy , who have destroyed whatever these had established , even to treat with the name of heresie this holy doctrine of the superiority of the council ? have not the popes been sufficiently sacrilegious to raze out of the roman edition of general councils , the council of basil from among the oecumenical councils ? it is then impossible , that with the impiety and ambition wherewith the court of rome is wholly made up , and with the enormous power which the popes at this time have , which equals that of the greatest kings , that they should be reduced to submit themselves to the council of constance . and even that would signifie nothing ; for this council gives them too much authority ; it gives them the power which belongs to the emperors , of assembling general councils , of presiding in them , and concluding , and of executing the canons of councils , in regard of particular churches , and even of making decrees , during the intervals of synods , and of being judged only by a general council . they ought then to be deprived of this temporal power , the cardinals to be abolished , and the monks to be enfranchised , and released from the rash vows they have made to the popes ; the disposing of the palls of archbishops ought to be taken from him , and the faculty of investing bishops , and of dispencing with them for holding so many benefices ; with all the other simonical traffick which will still renders him the tyrant of the church , the master of all states , and the devil the possessor of many souls . it is much more easie to restore all at once the ancient discipline . i promote a paradox , but my reason is , that there will never be a good change , but it must happen after some strangely surprizing , or if i may so say , some violent manner , such violence as forces its way into the kingdom of heaven . whilest we stand upon treating , the popes shall maintain themselves always with the times , either by intriegues , or by some devilish inventions , the most zealous shall grow cold upon the business , ministers shall be corrupted either by money , or by cardinals caps , the prince shall have other affairs found him to look after , or shall be killed by the hand of some monk or other : all the jesuits and the monks shall be everlastingly for the papacy , whatever shew they at this time make . gerson somewhere says that there will never be a reformation if some zealous and resolute pope doth not procure it by assembling a general council . for my part , i say , that if god doth not inspire some great prince to do it , i say that a reformation will come as soon by means of the devil as the pope . first of all , the court of rome professeth an abhorrence of calling general councils . concilio semper aborrito da pontefici , says palavicini : besides that , they have established this fundamental maxim , that the pope cannot divest himself of the least tittle of his authority , no not for the salvation of the whole world ; for the pope , say they , is not the master but only the guardian of this authority . nay , they go so far as to maintain that the church would commit simony should she desire to divest the pope of this authority , or of his profits , for the salvation of souls . primato apostolico , di cui non era signiore , ma custode , says cardinal palavicini , that he is not the lord or patron , but only the guardian of the apostolick primacy . and in another place he says these words : non essendo egli arbitro e padrone della sua maggoranza constituta da christo , e pero non potendo farle alcun prejudicio . * he can do no wrong to his authority constituted by jesus christ , because he is not the patron and disposer of it . and again , far una specie di simonia vendendo al papa la recuperatione dell ' anime a prezzo d' entrate e di giuridizzioni ritolte della chieza . it would be a kind of simony to sell the redemption of souls to the pope at the price either of estates , or jurisdictions taken from the church . if a pope would really reform the church , the court of rome would murther him . but as peter of blois says , this is the chair of pestilence , wherein people of the greatest merit are presently corrupted . they no sooner ascend this proud throne , but straightways they forget they are men , and are by a just judgment of god struck with stupidity . we have the example of one aeneas silvius , who in the council of basil was so zealous for the truth , and maintained so well the interest of the church against the popes tyranny ; and nevertheless so soon as he was elected pope , he maintained that the council was inferior to the pope , and excommunicated those who believed the contrary . this angel was no sooner raised to this mighty grandeur , but like lucifer he became a devil . aristotle says in one place , that it sometimes falls out that a man loseth the habit of vertue by one only act of enormous wickedness ; that there are men qui uno actu feritatis humanitatem exuunt , who lay aside all humanity all at once by one act of barbarousness and inhumanity . this befalls the popes so soon as they are elected ; they were sometime honest men before , but the miter being fixed upon their head , they make themselves he adored by this sirname of most holy , collo pronome di sanctissimo , says cardinal palavicini ; they are no more men , but the voice of god and not of men , as was said of herod . sixtus quintus , who had been a keeper of swine , when he became pope , excommunicated king henry the fourth ( of france . ) this it was that made marcellinus the second say , that he believed not that a pope could be saved ; and pius quintus , that when he was a monk he had pretty good hopes of his salvation ; that being a cardinal he began much to fear it ; but when he was pope he absolutely despaired of it . st. hierom speaks of a certain young consul at rome who said , facite me vrbis romanae episcopum & ero protinus christianus , make me bishop of rome , and i will be a christian presently . we may say the contrary of those who for this long time have been made bishops of rome , that as soon as they have been so , they have ceased being christians . the reason of that is not only this tyranny which they exercise in the church , and over the world in contempt of jesus christ , and of his gospel , but also this temporal greatness to which they are raised all at once , which turns their brain . we scarce see a man of a thousand livres a year , whose reason is not blinded by his estate , and he shall be puffed up with pride , even tho he were born to it ; and we see but few rich men who are not insupportable either for their vanity , or for their vices ; but few princes who have any religion , and in whom power hath not corrupted and defaced all the idea's of vertue and of vice. how then shall a poor fellow behave himself , who is raised all at a clap to so high a dignity that emperors kiss his slippers ; and who so soon as he is chosen , is adored like god , even upon the altars ? this it is that brings down the curse of god upon all the popes ; and to speak of a good pope , is like talking of a good devil . observe this present pope , who is a man the best inclined that we have had a long time ; to what excess of pride is he arrived against our [ french ] king , whom he hath threatned to excommunicate ; tho st. augustin , whose disciple they say he is , teacheth , that no prince nor his people are ever to be excommunicated . * multitudo non est excommunicanda , nec princeps populi , says he , vbi parabola zizaniorum evolvitur . but how , say they , will you be a catholick without a pope ? let there be one in gods name , but let him be of the order of simon p●ter , and not of simon magus , a pope who makes no traffick of the graces of the holy ghost , and of holy things , and who is not a prince of this world ; let him be a pope who raiseth not himself above other popes , that is to say , other bishops , to give them laws ; let him be subject to his prince ; let him be subject as well to national as general councils , and not turn all religion to his particular profit ; but to wish always to have such popes as for these seven or eight hundred years have wasted the church , a man must have no true idea of christianity ; nay , he must have even lost the idea of good and evil . i knew a prince in germany , who was one of the most catholick princes in the world , who had abjured heresie , and was really converted , having not done it for any carnal advantage , like many base people , who we see infect instead of edifying the church . this most catholick prince abhorred the papacy , and could not endure the books of our writers , when there was any thing in them favourable to the popes authority . those who were a little acquainted with the late duke of hanouer , know whether i speak truth or no. we know that charles the sixth , by the advice of the divines of the faculty at paris , made no difficulty of withdrawing himself and all his subjects from the communion of the pope , which lasted during the pontificat of john the 23 d. of benedict the 13 th . and gregory the 12 th . and even to give encouragement to all other princes to do as he had done ; and he had much less cause to do it than we have at this time . you see his reasons in the letters of the university of paris in theodore a nyem , which were , that they would not consent that the disorders of the church should be regulated by a free council , and that they would not submit themselves to the decisions of the church . are not we now again just in the same condition since the councils of constance and of basil ? for those which have been assembled since , deserve not the name of councils , because there was no liberty in them , and every thing was there done by the inspiration , not of god , but the popes . france did but half free it self from this yoke , for quickly after we suffered our selves to be drawn in , and have been like to have been undone many a time since by it , nor do i make any great account of the conduct of the venetians , which is so highly commended , who after having known the nature of the papacy , and the genius of this power , have but half freed themselves from this slavery , nay less than half . they have behaved themselves in this according to their ordinary custom , following moderate councils , where excess was not to be feared , and where it could not be committed : consilia media & quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est , nec ausi sunt satis , nec providerunt . for they have still this viper in their bosom , which they stupifie as much as they can ; but he may some time or other revive and devour them . they have every day a thousand difficulties with these cunning romans , who will be always spying out occasions to destroy them , and to reduce them absolutely under their yoke . they should renounce perfectly and for ●ver all dependance upon this see , and thus shall they be better able to regulate their clergy , which is as licentious as that of rome , which they dare not reform , because it would be to be feared that to maintain themselves in this roman libertinism they should give assistance to the pope to oppress the republick , that they might always enjoy the full liberty of the children of the see of rome : vulgo dissoluta gratior est quam temperata vita & vivere ut quisque velit permisit , quoniam sic magna erit tali reipublicoe faventium magnitudo . * et hoc humanitas vocabatur ac ne pars servitutis esset , &c. will any man still say , ought we not to be of the roman church ? people are not contented with being in the catholick and apostolick church , if they are not in the roman ; they seem desirous of having a share in the abominations of this city , and of this court ; but the romans are not at all desirous to be of the gallican church . i would fain know for what reason we should be rather of the roman church than the romans of the gallican church . rome is not as heretofore , it was the seat of the empire , and tho it were , we hold no longer of the empire , and it is a contradiction for a man to be in the catholick church , in the gallican , and in the roman churches both together ; for the first is the general , and the other two are particulars . you may always have communion with all the romans who live in the fear of god , with the pope of rome himself if he be a christian ; but not to depend upon him , nor upon rome . you shall be as the christians of the primitive church were for more than six hundred years . you shall pay no more annates , you shall buy no more bulls , nor dispensations . you shall be much more catholick than before , for then you may hold communion with the greeks and protestants , by drawing them home to the faith of the church , whereas the see of rome is at this time a wall of separation between them and us . chap. iii. that the pretended authority of the papacy hath never done any good to the church . a confutation of whatever is said to the advantage of this power to prove it necessary to the world , by shewing at the same time that it hath been the cause of all the evils of the church . they maintain that the papacy hath heretofore done , and still doth a great deal of good to the church , and to the world ; this i can confute all at once , by a thing which the world knows , which is , that we have in no place so many true christians as in those catholick countries where this power is least known , as in france , flanders , and germany . but let us see particularly what good the papacy doth . it is a common saying that there is nothing so bad but that you may make some use of it , either in its nature , or in conjunction with other things . let us then examine the usefulness of the papacy , omitting nothing that can be said to its advantage : it is , says cardinal perron , the center and the root of chri●tian vnity . these are fine words , i confess , but we shall find but very little sense in them if we a little consider them ; for i ask him , in what this unity doth consist , and how the pope is the center and the root of it ? † if this unity be in the pure service of god , methinks that god should be the center of it , and not the pope , and that it is also god who is the root of it ; that is , the influencing principle over the will and strength of men to serve him and to do well . if this unity be for doing what is evil , it is then but a conspiracy ; and i do confess that in regard of wicked clergy-men , who are the members of the pope , he is the source of all their impiety , ambition , and dissoluteness , and he is the center of the unity of these people , who belong all to him ; and as for themselves , he is the center of their worship , and would be so to all other men . * palavicini says that the union and submission of all catholicks to the pope , makes a band , a life perfectly politick , vna , conjunctione di vita perf●tta mente politica . he says , not a christian , but a politick life , and according to him it is the same thing . ‡ and in another place he says , the church is the most happy body politick in the world : corpo politico il piu felice che sia in terra . this unity , as i said before , consists only in their obedience to the pope , ‖ whom they all honour for th●ir profit ; looking upon him as the source of riches , of honours , and of all the pleasures whi●h they have according to the flesh , secondo la carne . this unity is in the conformity of judgment , which they all make of the riches of the churches patrimony , which is , that they are good . it is certain , that it is not in their opinions ; for what clergy-man is there who cares for the popes judgment , when it is contrary to his own ? what unity is there between the jesuits and the pope now reigning ? what unity is there among many sects of the monks who make war upon one another , and mortally hate each other ? what unity is there of morals among one or other , the jesuits and the good catholicks whom they treat as hereticks , apostates , antichrists , and devils ? what unity was there between the jansenists and pope alexander the seventh ? we see that for twenty years last past the popes are between these two sects as between the anvil and the hammer , not knowing how to govern themselves , because on one side the jesuits dispose of all the powers of europe ; and on the other , their morals destroy christianity and humanity it self ; in this they are opposed by the jansenists , who are followed by all sorts of people that are not lost in ignorance or irreligion . how can they ever agree in their opinions ? because the decisions of one pope do often times overthrow those of another , and sometimes they are themselves hereticks , as some people do accuse the present pope of being a jansenist , which is according to them worse than heretick ? what unity of religion is there between the spanish , the italian , and french nations ? whereof the two first have scarce any knowl●dg of god , but are almost all idolaters ; and the last is very different from them . lastly , to judg of this unity , we need only to read the books of the several doctors , and we shall find them of very different opinions even in regard of the pope himself . the divines of italy make him a god on earth ; those of france and germany believe nothing on 't . the universities of rome and bolonia determine that he is above the councils ; those of france and of louvain prove very well the contrary . * the italian councils of florence , the lateran , and of trent , will have him above a general council ; those of constance and of basil maintain that it is a detestable heresie to believe so . if there be a unity , how comes it to pass that it is said , and that with reason too , that the pope hath a different soul in every state where he governs ? if there were a unity , there would be but one soul ; they must have greater abilities than either st. peter or st. paul , who could not unite mens minds in the churches of corinth , of philippi , and of galatia , where we learn by the gospel that many errors were taught in these apostles times . the cardinal palavicini says also , that il principiato apostolico maintienne in unita , in regola & in decoro tutta la chieza , the apostolick primacy maintains in unity , in order , and in beauty , the whole church . to know the truth of what this cardinal says , we need only to consider what edification the popes have given to the church since boniface the third , patriarch of the popes , and first head of the church . ‡ was not the action whereby he got to be universal bishop , a good example to the church ? and that of pope zachary in regard of chilperic ? is there any thing in the world that favours perfidiousness and injustice more than these examples ? see the histories of platina , of genebrard , of sigebert , and many others ; and you shall find that there are no crimes , excesses , nor abominations which the popes have not committed to bring about their affairs for many ages . is it not a matter of great consolation for honest men to see in this seat , children , magicians , atheists , adulterers , and sodomites , as history affirmeth , and not ten or twelve only in all , but fifty one after another ? baronius himself doth not deny it , if the church had had such heads as these , she would have been long since abolished upon earth . but to make short work on 't , was it not they who ruined the church and religion among the greeks , by giving them over as a prey to the turks , because they would not submit to the popish yoke , but demanded the observation of the holy canons ? were not they the cause of the loss of hungary by their perfidiousness , having advised the king of hungary to violate the treaty made with the turks ? for which the hungarians were by a just judgment of god cut all to pieces in the battel of varnes , as a poet of those times relates , who brings in the king of hungary speaking thus : me , nisi pontifices jussissent rumpere foedus , non ferret scythicum pannonis ora jugum . discite mortales non temerare fidem . can it be denied but that it was they who by their detestable simony , and by their pride , have destroyed religion in all those countries which are called protestants ? see but the complaints which all great men for many ages have made against this see , and those who have been in possession of it , and you may judg of the solidity of what cardinal palavicini saith , that they maintain the church in unity , in order , and in honour . i will relate some examples of it . john of salisbury bishop of chartres , speaks thus , ‡ the scribes and pharisees are sate in the church of rome , imposing weighty burthens upon the people . the soveraign pontife is an insupportable grievance to all honest men . his legates commit so many enormities , that it looks as tho the devil were let loose ; whosoever doth not acquiesce in their doctrine , is by them treated as a heretick . and the council of rheimes assembled under hugh capet , and robert his son , crys out thus , shall it be said that an infinite number of bishops and priests who are illustrious for their merit , and for their knowledg , shall submit themselves to such monsters ? what means this , most , reverend fathers , what think you that this man is , whom we see sitting upon a lofty throne , shining all with gold , and clothed with purple ? we have spoken of the letter of the emperor barbarossa to the princes of the empire , which aventine makes mention of ; the same author also produces the speech of an archbishop who presided in the states of the empire held at ratisbon ; there are these words : the pope teacheth us one thing , which is this , that there is this difference between christian princes and those who are not such , that the first bear rule over their subjects , and on the contrary the subjects ( viz. the popes ) ought to rule over their princes . our lord himself took upon him the form of a servant to serve his disciples , and to kiss their feet ; but these ministers of babylon will reign themselves alone , and cannot suffer an equal ; they will never be at r●st till they have laid all at their feet , till they sit in the temple of god , and even raise themselves above god. he despiseth the h●ly assemblies and c●uncils of his brethren , and of his masters . he is afraid of being compel●ed to give an account of what he hath committed against the laws . he speak● of great things as tho he were god. his mind runs upon new d●signs of establishing an empire for himself . he changeth the laws of god , and makes others of his own head . he defiles all things , he robb●th , he deceives and murthers . ‡ honorius bishop of autun speaks of him after the same manner : turn , says he , toward these citizens of babylon , and behold what th●y are , &c they contrive at all times to do evil , &c. and instruct others to do the same ; they sell holy things , and buy off crimes , that they may not go alone into hell ; they defile the priesthood by their impurity : they seduce the people by their hypocrisie ; they reject all the scriptures whereby we obtain salvation . consider also the monks ; they deceive men by their habits , despising god , and provoking his wrath by their hypocrisie . behold also the convents of nuns ; they learn immodesty from their childhood , &c. * and peter of blois , take away , lord , the idol from thine house , and bruise the h●rns of this man of sin ; they pervert every thing at rome , and give all sorts of liberty to the monks , who give themselves over to all the excesses of sensuality , for which they have absolution for a yearly pension which they pay . thus doth the prince of sodom gov●rn himself as well as his disciples , who are sate in the seat of pestilence , &c. * and st. bernard , who cries out , speaking of popish tyranny , o mis●rable spouse , says he , who art committed to such k●epers ! they are not thine husband's friends , but rivals : we see all h●nours heaped up upon them , and they are loaden with the riches of the lord , and yet they do him no h●nour . from hence come all these ornaments of the whore , these actors h●bits , this royal equipage , &c. the plague of the church is within its bowels , and incurable . ‖ a shameful traffick hath been also made of ecclesiastical offices and dignities ; nor doth any body value th●m but for their profit . it is not the salvation of souls that they look after , but how to enrich themselves : 't is for that they are shaved , frequent the churches , and say masses . and in another place ; it looks , lord jesus , as tho all the christians had conspired against thee ; and they themselves are the first to persecute thee , that seem to have the primacy in the church . and the like in many other places . * he observes in his 91 st epistle , that the popes did already spoil every thing that was done in the councils , which made him say , that he passionately wished to see a council where traditions were not defended with so much obstinacy , nor obs●rved with superstition ; because the popes brought in great abuses under the pretext of tradition . ad illud concilium toto d●sid●rio feror , in quo traditiones non obstinatius defensentur aut superstiti●sius obs●rventur . recedant a m● cui dicunt , nolumus esse meliores quam patres nostri . these were not oecumenical councils , but such as leo the tenth assembled , from which the ‖ sorbon appealed , by reason of the abuses which were there established , and wrote to him , that his council was not assembled in the spirit of god , in the name of the lord. see what our probus says , who was bishop of toul , under honorius the fourth : he cries out , alas ! how long shall these vultures of romulus abuse our patience , or rather , dullness ? ‡ and the great petrarque , who , i pray , is there that ought not to detest this babylon , which is the miserable habitation of all sorts of vice and wickedness , & c ? i know it by experience , that in it there is no piety , nor charity , nor faith , nor fear of god ; nothing holy , nothing just , &c. ‡ it is now above a thousand years since , that isidore pelusiota commended a priest for having refused to be made a bishop , by reason of the great difference between the bishops of his own time , and those of former ages ; because , says he , the dignity of sweetness of humour , and of civility , was changed into tyranny ; for in former times they suffered death for the salvation of all ; now they cause the death of their flocks , not by cutting their throats ( which would be a less heinous crime ) , but by giving scandal to the destruction of souls ; they then gave their goods to the poor , but now they turn to their own profit the very portion of the poor : they then mortified their bodies by fasting , now they soften them by luxury ; then they honoured virtue , now they persecute the lovers of piety : they then spoke greatly in commendation of chastity , but now — i will not say any thing of the odious , &c. he here holds his peace , and gives you the liberty to think what he cannot with modesty express . * alvarez pelagius , a portugal bishop , after having made an honourable mention of the first bishops of rome , complains thus of their successors : it is now a long time since their successors have raised themselves in authority , but they are very different in h●liness , getting themselves in to be bishops of rome ( would to god that this intrusion were made without a devillish agreement before-hand ) , enriching and raising their neighbours , living themselves deliciously , conferring dignities upon their friends , building of towers and palaces in babylon ( that is to say , rome , according to st. hierom ) , kindling of wars , keeping up of parties in italy , tho there be but one church , embezelling the goods of the church , putting unworthy men into offices , vaunting themselves in their chariots , elephants , horses , costly apparel , and their great train of guards and worldly power ; invading many times the power of temporal princes , taking no care for the salvation of souls , and what not ? wholly minding the desires of the flesh. ‖ besides these subjects of complaint , which are of great importance , there is yet another , which cries more loud to god for vengeance , which is , that the papacy is an obstacle unto the piety of those christians who are subject to its yoke . we are not of our own nature virtuous ; but on the contrary , we are born in sin , and without the particular grace of god there is in us always a strong disposition to do evil . if then men are not furnished with means to resist these ill inclinations , it is evident , that they will let themselves be carried away by them : but if instead of furnishing them with these means , they have greater occasion given them to do evil , there is no doubt but we shall be so far from inspiring them with the love of virtue , that we shall engage them in sin . now the papacy , according to the state wherein it now is , and for many ages hath been , hath such ill qualities , that it takes away from christians the occasions of doing good , and offereth them others of doing evil . it is one of the properties of our mind to be led very much by example , especially by those who make a figure in the world , and have authority over others . thus the behaviour of the monks , and of the priests , savouring scarce of any thing but covetousness and ambition , the natural dispositions which we have to these vices are by this means strengthned . i acknowledg , that preachers do instruct the people , that to make themselves acceptable unto god , and to have a share in the kingdom of heaven , they must refrain from these evil passions ; and they build this obligation upon the precepts of the gospel : but men acting exceedingly more by the hope and fear of present good or evil , than of that which is future , the efficacy of all the loveliness of a god , who gave this precept , of the hope of paradice , and fear of hell , becomes extreamly weakened in them , by the ill example of those who by their habit and condition , seem , and ought to make profession of a life more pure and disengaged from the interests of this world. for altho they embrace not formally this opinion , that there is neither god , nor heaven , nor hell ; and that on the contrary , they hold these doctrines to be very true ; yet nevertheless this ill example makes them act as if they did wholly reject them ; this damnable example having so mortal a poison in it , that it makes them believe , that their teachers , being able men , would themselves live conformable to these instructions , if they thought them divine ; and they themselves leading not this life , 't is probable that they do not believe what they preach and teach . the scripture also in many places highly enveigheth against pastors of an ill life , the disorder of their manners being a stumbling-block to those whom they have the care of . but tho the irregularities of pastors did not make so ill an impression upon the minds of the people , whilst persons who desire to be saved , and are humbled when they perceive within themselves a repugnancy to follow those ways which the gospel hath marked out , hear speak of able men , and of almost whole orders , whom , for instance , the gospel enjoyns to be charitable , know that no more is employed that way than what remains to him who spares no cost to appear great , and to keep up his port , according to the custom of the world , and other such like interpretations of all the precepts of jesus christ , do not they find themselves inclined to embrace these explications , thereby satisfying their desires , and thinking to quiet their consciences ? those who favour the papacy shall tell you , that the pope is so far from ordering such pernicious maxims to be taught , that he doth abhor them , and wish with all his heart , that they would teach and promote contrary ones . besides , that many popes have themselves entertained ill opinions , i will grant it for the present ; but the pope , who pretendeth to be the only head of the church , and that it belongs to him alone to judge absolutely of e●clesiastical things and persons , not reproving them ; nay , oftentimes shutting the mouths of those who would oppose them , who sow , and spread abroad such dangerous maxims , doth uphold these pernicious opin●ons ; which we have the greater reason to believe , because he withdraws the monks , and many of the clergy , from the jurisdiction of the bishops . if it be said , that he cannot silence them , by reason of their too great authority ; it is then manifest , that the papacy , such as it is , doth suffer the ill example , and these pernicious opinions , and is not able to hinder them , unless it be in matters of very small importance . and thus far it is an obstacle unto piety , since no body can apply a remedy , whilst the pope shall be acknowledged the head and master of the church . the second argument , which sheweth , that the papacy is an obstacle unto true virtue , is , that it makes use of such practices as promote a false , and only seeming , instead of true piety . some catholicks do teach , that contrition is necessary to make confession valid . but this doctrine is not much followed ; that which hath the vogue , and reigns most in the world , is , that attrition is sufficient , which is only a simple sorrow for having sinned , and that too occasioned but by the fear of hell. the people who are instructed in this opinion , believe readily , that it is an easie matter to be justified before god ; and so think , that after having sinned a great while , they shall at their death receive absolution of their sins , by saying a peccavi : for what man is there who is not afraid of being damned ? the great multitude of plenary indulgences , and others , which are as common as water , doth also marvellously contribute to the casting men into impenitence , and to make them at the same time believe , that their consciences are in safety , under pretence of observing those exercises which pass for pious , tho they are not so . i could produce many other reasons , to demonstrate the truth of what i say ; but let these suffice . the pope , pretending to be the only soveraign judge of religion , not silencing these false and pernicious teachers ; nay , not being able to do it , if he would ; is not then the papacy an obstacle unto true piety , since it introduces a false one in its place ? there are good people among the catholicks , i confess ; but the papacy contributes nothing to that . on the contrary , those who believe , and live well , it is god , and not the pope , who is the author of their piety , as well as of their profession , which is rather destroyed than maintained by the usual pride and impiety of the popes ; from whence it comes , that no man now a days believes but what he will ; so that the whole world is full of deists , socinians , libertines , and impious persons . † but they say , that at least , the papacy doth maintain the external vnity , and that is a great advantage . yet i deny that ; for what does it contribute to this outward unity ? but besides that , it serves only to cheat the world , whilst there is no inward unity . if they mean the unity in ceremonies , first of all , this would be no great matter ; for ceremonies make not the essence of religion , but are only the out-side of it ; and besides , they are very different , according to the several countries ; and the popes are not the authors of them : if they were , it were enough to condemn them . besides all this , there are fewer sects and factions , less divisions , and by consequence , more unity among the greeks , who have many patriarchs , than among us . i acknowledge indeed , that it is rather ignorance that unites them , than reason or piety . ‡ b●t they tell us , that the popes spare nothing for the conversion of the greeks and protestants ; they bestow on them both money and benefices . to that may be added , that they have not spared even the blood of hereticks for their conversion , as history informs us . but if it be their conversion which they do heartily desire , why do not they renounce the authority which they have usurped in the church and in the world ? why do not they re-establish things in a christian manner , in the same state they were in , in the days of the apostles , and of the primitive church ? why do not they condemn the blasphemies which are spoken in favour of their government , and destroy the maxims by which they have managed themselves so long ? they answer , that then their lives would be in danger , and that the court of rome would destroy them , as they did adrian the sixth , who thought to have reformed the church ; of whom ‖ cardinal palavicini gives this account , that he was ottimo ecclesiastico , pontefice mediocre , a good priest , but an indifferent pope . but if the popes cannot find a remedy for the disorders which are so prevalent , because , as they say , their authority is not sufficient , what are they then good for , and why shall we any longer suffer this tyranny in the church ? if they can find a remedy , and will not , they are then not only unprofitable , but detestable creatures . it is certainly one or other , or both together ; for we see , that every thing is overturned in the church . and what ? if they are the vicars of jesus christ , and successors of st. peter , ought they not to think themselves happy , to die for the glory of god , and good of the church ? is it better to be the object of mens worship , to provoke the jealousie of god , and to do so much mischief in the church ? where is the zeal of moses , or of st. paul , who would have died for their brethren , and have been even accursed ; and of the first bishops of rome , who suffered martyrdom so couragiously ? they love rather to give them money , and benefices , because that thus they put out all to great usury ; they sow that they may reap ; they give what is none of their own , or else what signifies nothing to them . if it be true , that they are careful of the salvation of these people , why are they not so of their own ? why do they not labour for the salvation of catholicks ? that would cost them no money : there needs nothing but to allow the reading of the holy scripture every where , and recommend it , as god hath recommended it to us ; to suffer divine service to be read in a language which every body understands ; for it cannot be denied , but that the want of these things doth produce among us great ignorance , with which piety is never to be found : but to give money to convert people , it is the mark of a very prophane spirit , and a very dishonest method , and an example for mahometans and hereticks to make use of , even towards christians . and to give benefices , it is yet worse ; for by this the clergy is filled up more and more with hypocrites , and people of no religion , who spend the goods of the poor upon debauchery and luxury , and most commonly are of no use at all to the church . they say , that they make religion to be respected : but how ? is it by their own piety , or sanctity , or that of their court , or by their humility ? no truly , these vertues are wholly there † unknown , and the contrary vices have ruled the rost long since ; but their fine court , and the greatness and magnificence of the cardinals , are the things we hear of . but are these the things that ought to make men love religion ? is it gold and silver , costly furniture , riches , carnal pleasures , which the prelates glut themselves withal ? is it their cavalcades to montecavallo , their horse and foot-guards , their armies and their fleets , which make religion to be respected ? if it be so , both jesus christ , and his apostles , deserved to be despised , in comparison of their vicars ; and the christian religion also was very contemptible in their days . is it to excommunicate all the world when they please , without authority , without cause , and against the nature of the gospel , which is charity it self ? but wise men are so far from respecting them for this , that they look upon them as fools . is it to hold a chappel , or consistory , where they treat only of prophane things , and of promoting of cardinals ? what doth this signifie , or what relation hath it to the glory of god , or the salvation of men ? and what is there in all this , which the patriarch of venice , or the archbishop of lyons , might not do as well as the pope , if he had a mind to it ? we must not dissemble . all the respect which men have for the papacy , at least , they who hope for no advantage by it , comes only from the respect , or from the fear which they see princes have of it . and this respect of princes , if it be voluntary , proceedeth from great ignorance of religion , in which they have been brought up for that purpose , or from the ill council of some ambitious clergy-man , who compasses his designs at the prince's expence . if this respect be forced , as ordinarily it is , it is then out of the fear which men have of the popes power ; whereby he rules the vast numbers of the ecclesiasticks , and especially the monks , who govern the meaner people ; who , as palavicini says , are the disposers of the religion of countries . it is said , that they have the power of making the laws of god to be observed . if so , they ought themselves to give an example ; they ought to apply to themselves what our saviour said to st. peter , not to draw his sword. it is a thing both ridiculous and horrible , that these people should have armies , and make war. they do it in germany , after the bishop of rome his example ; but where is it that they make the laws of god to be observed ? is there any place where they are violated more than where they have most authority ? is rome at this day better than sodom ? do not they on the contrary , favour , as much as in them lies , the very crime , by the example of their court , by their expences , by their pretending to exempt all clergy-men from the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate ; that so they may commit all sorts of crimes , and go unpunished ? but they say furthermore , that they make kings stand in awe , and hinder them from professing , heresie . on the contrary , it is they who made them become hereticks , as in england , sweden , and denmark , and who by their tyranny , hinder them from returning into the bosom of the church . it is also pretended , that they are very useful for the composing of differences between princes , being looked upon as common fathers to them all . on the contrary , their artifices and ambition , are so well known , that th●re is no prince whom they are more distrustful of . they never carried on their own interest better , than during the wars of italy , germany , france and spain , which either they always began , or kept on foot . they are also constant enemies to great princes . what is alledged might take place , if the popes were not th●mselves become temporal princes , at the expence of the empero●● , and other princes , whom they have robbed . and it is k●own , that they have pretensions over all christian kingdoms ; that there is no court more refined in policy than theirs , or that makes less conscience of taking to themselves what belongs to another . in truth , they think it not taken wrongfully , because they pretend that it is their right ; that the pope is sennor del mondo ; and they call him , nostor sennor● , our lord , as well as jesus christ. there is no state in europe which they have not endeavoured many times to destroy , and which they have not greatly endamaged . ‡ matthew paris relates to us that king john of england , because he would not receive an archbishop of canterbury whom po●e inn●cent the third had elected against the canons , he was first excommucated by innocent , who accordingly gave away his kingdom to philip the august king of france ; and that poor king john was compelled to implore the popes mercy , who received him very bountifully , on condition that from thenceforth his kingdom should depend upon the holy see , should be tributary to it , and pay 20000 marks of gold every year . and that this king having recovered his courage , resolved to abjure christianity as an evil religion , thereby designing to cast off the popish yoke . because he made himself the popes vassal , he was called the apostolick king. i wonder why the kings of france and spain will not add to the titles of most christian and most catholick that of apostolick kings at the same price as this king john of england did . 't is not his holiness's fault , they may have it when they please . they answer , that it is true that they have heretofore caused disorders , but that it will never fall out so again , that it was some hot headed men ; that amongst the apostles themselves there was found a judas . but i maintain that all these disasters proceeded not only from the pettish humour of any one pope , but were the natural effects of the principles of the papacy . and tho we do not see it visibly break forth every day by some bloody example , yet we ought not to believe that the habit or the will is ever the less , but that there is some external extraordinary reason which suspends the action , and which does sometimes make them act directly contrary to their own inclination . do not we see that the inquisition it s●lf at rome , that impious tribunal which hath the power of authorising the greatest crimes , and of canonizing for the popes interest , even parricides , and the assassins of our kings ; as amongst others by a decree of the ninth of november 1609 , it did condemn the decree of the parliament of paris given out against john chatel , who had attempted to murther henry the fourth . this tribunal , i say , hath not long since condemned the jesuits morals , tho they were perfectly conformable to the principles of the inquisition ; and we see that the jesuits of france are at this time in the kings interest against the pope , which is absolutely contrary to their maxims , and to all their former conduct ; which shews , that it is not true , that because an ill person does a good action he is no more to be feared : tho a man be extreamly wicked , it does not follow from thence that every thing he does shall be so . we must not think that the habit is lost , because we do not always see its acts : philosophers tell us that it is often so . it is a sort of a truce and not a peace . † non pax sed induciae , bellum enim manet , pugna cessa● . a cobler , ‖ says horace , is still a cobler , tho his stall be shut . [ et alfenus vafer omni abjecto instrumento artis , clausaque taberna , sutor erat . thus the pope remains still pope , tho he sometimes do a good action . * valerius maximus says in a certain place that there are people , quorum animus peregrinatur in nequitia , non habitat , whose minds light upon iniquity , but like a traveller in an inn they fix not ; so may it be said of the popes , quorundam paparum animus peregrinatur in bonitate , non habitat ; that they sometimes touch upon a good action , but cannot hold to it . the viper is a very dangerous creature , tho she doth not always bite , when it lyes in her power . but it is never good to trust her . nemo juxtae viperam securos somnos capit , quae si non percutit certe sollicitat . ‡ says st. hierom somewhere . the papacy is just the same , it is the chair of pestilence , cathedra pestilentiae , where the best men are corrupted . it is what he very well understood , who said that the greatest harm he could wish a man was , that he were pope . ‖ and the holy carthusian father that praises god that none of his order had ever yet been pope . how can any man maintain that princes need not stand in fear of the pope , when three popes of this present age have condemned the opinion , that the pope cannot depose kings , as wicked and contrary to the faith ? accipe nunc danaum insidias & crimine ab uno disce omnes . * these were paul the fifth , innocent the tenth , and alexander the seventh , of whom it may be said , that they were ottimi pontefici , ecclesiastici mediocri , that they were true popes , but very indifferent clergymen , who will be both judg and party in their own cause , and pretend that their evidence must be taken , even when it tends to their own profit , and to the spoiling of those who believe them . i could yet produce a later example , which is that of the present pope , who with unsufferable rashness lately threatened to excommunicate the greatest king upon earth , because he would reign alone in his own state , and take away from some people who ought to employ themselves only in serving god , the disposal of some benefices which belong properly to the soveraign of a state , who we see makes a more judicious choice of men fit to serve in these employs , because he doth not sell them , nor give them to his relations , as they did , who had but very little regard to the merit of those upon whom they conferred these things . besides , of right , the popes have nothing to do in the dominions of other princes ; and there have been sufficient proofs given by this great prince of his zeal for justice , and for religion . but these men love to make people feel their yoke , and it may be well said of them , what mithridates said of the ancient romans , that it was not their love to justice that made them fight against princes , but the desire of their authority , and of their greatness , † non delicta regum illos , sed vires ac majestatem insequi . it is well known how ill they have treated spain not long since , upon the account of the president of castile , who had reason in what he did , and how at this time they handle the venetians . don't we know how alexander the seventh , and his nephews , behaved themselves at rome towards our king , in the person of his ambassador the duke of crequi ? we may remember how that under henry the fourth they wanted but very little to have utterly ruined france , and to have made the french all subject to the spaniards ; and if the parliament at paris had not been better christians than the pope , what would have become of the posterity of henry the fourth ? for sixtus quintus , whose first employ was to be a keeper of swine , having gotten to be pope , grew so insolent as to excommunicate king henry the fourth , and to declare him uncapable to succeed to the crown ; but the parliament nulled his holiness his bull , which broke the design for that time . † mezeray mentions the bull , which deserves reading . there are these words , that the authority given to saint peter , and to his suce●ssors , by the infinite power of the eternal god is greatly above all powers of earthly kings , that it belongs to them to make laws be observed , and to chastise those who oppose them , to overturn their seats , and to tumble them down to the ground as the ministers of satan . he adds afterwards , that by the indispenceable duty of his office , he is constrained to draw the sword of vengeance against henry the late king of navarre , and against henry prince of conde , the spurious and detestable off-spring of the illustrious house of bourbon . wherefore being in this l●fty see , and in the full power which the king of kings , and the lord of monarchs hath given him , he doth declare them hereticks , &c. thus also did pope julius the second out the grandfather of king henry the fourth of his kingdom of navarre , and made it fall to the spaniards . o miserable and detestable creatures , thus to abuse the simplicity and credulity of men , as to dare by a diabolical pride to attribute to themselves an authority which belongs only to god , and which jesus christ himself never exercised whilest he was upon earth . it is said in the gospel , that michael the archangel disputing with the devil , would not bring any railing accus●tion against him , but was content to say to him only , the lord rebuke thee ; because he looked upon god as him to whom judgment and vengeance belonged . and yet we see that the sons of adam are bold and desperate enough , not only to condemn , but to destroy dignities , which they ought to reverence , and to ruin them , together with whole states , as their fancy leads them ; and that men give themselves over to these impieties , which is unconceivable ; there must be in it an enchantment not to be comprehended . by this you may see what judgment we ought to make of the harangue which cardinal perron made in behalf of the french clergy , in the assembly of the states at paris , anno 1616 , he maintained that the pope could excommunicate and d●pose kings , and make them be assassinated , and that not to believe it , was as much as to say , that the popes who had long enjoyed these rights were antichrist . and that for his part , and for his brethren , they would voluntarily suffer martyrdom in defence of this holy doctrine . he desired to have his name inserted in the martyrology of garnet , and of ra●illiac , and to go to the same paradise . ite truces animae & letho tartara vestro pol●uite , & totas erel●i consumite poenas . this stroke of cardinal perron , confirms absolutely what sancy says of him , that he did not believe in god ; and that judgment ought we to make of him . it . by all these examples then we see that princes , especially kings of france , ought never to trust any pope whatsoever ; and that the popes can never be the mediators of those differences which are between them and other princes . * the advocates for the papacy do alledg also , that 't is a great advantage that the popes draw revenues out of catholick countries , because they make a good use of them , and with this mony they assist the catholick princes against the turk , and employ it to many other good uses . for example , they say , that the present pope hath this year given a great deal of corn to the poor people at rome , and portions to marry off several poor young maids . but what doth this signify , to prove that the popes are universal vicars of jesus christ upon earth , and heads of the catholick church ? i do not say , that to be pope , a man must lay aside all humanity , and become a devil ; that opinion suits only with those who believe the pope to be antichrist . † cicero tells us , that even those who live only by their crimes , cannot live without some exercise of justice . it is a wonderful thing that the greatest part of the world , with the great veneration which they have for the very name of popes , should be so ridiculously favourable to them , as to admire them for very common actions , when they ought always to surpass the most perfect christians in charity , in greatness of mind , and in contempt of the great things of this world , if it be true that they are the vicars of jesus christ , and successors of st. peter ; but to see how these people are extolled for the little good they sometimes do , you would think they had a dispensation from doing any good actions . it is like those who commend the great vertue of a woman that does not prostitute her self to all the world , you would say that she might be dishonest for all that , and that for this there is no such great commendation due to her : just so do people magnify the pope , because they say he will give five hundred thousand livers a year to defend poland against the turks . but first of all , there is his own interest in the case ; for the popes look upon themselves as chief kings of poland , as well as of other catholick kingdoms , and they think they lose so much land and so many subjects as the turks gain from the catholicks ; but what is such a sum as this to a priest whose revenue amounts to twenty millions ; how doth he employ the rest of the churches blood ? i dare be bold to say he doth every year plunder poland of more than this sum. but now in a time that people begin a little to know the papacy , we must not wonder they endeavour by some good aaions to keep it from contempt . as for the corn which they give at rome to the poor , what a great matter that is ? it is but just , that since the papacy hath made them idle and lazy , it should maintain them . was there ever yet a tyrant who did not do some good ? i do not inveigh against the person of the present pope , who , of all the popes that have been in possession of this see since boniface the third , is certainly one of the least wicked . it is the papacy only which i oppose , that extravagant authority which they make men to adore , that never yet did any thing but mischief ; and i make a distinction quite contrary to that which ignorant people make of it , who say , that the popes as men , may be wicked , but not as popes ; for i maintain that as popes , since boniface the third , they have never done any thing but ill ; but as men , they may sometimes do actions that are morally good . if the popes did their duty as true bishops , if they preached the word of god , if they instructed their diocess in the knowledg of god , if they applied themselves to their prayers , without being ambitious , without desiring command and authority , and playing the princes at rome , without abusing the world with their dispensations , induglences , false reliques ▪ agnus dei's , and other fooleries ; without drawing of annates , giving of bulls , and comparing themselves to kings and princes : if , i say , they behaved themselves like the first bishops of rome , i should honour and admire them , as a souldier said heretofore to nero , i loved thee * dum amari meruisti ; sed postquam parricida , histrio , incendiarius extitisti , &c. whilst thou didst deserve it , but since thou wert a parricide , a stage-player , and destroyer of thy country , i have abhorred thee . † they say furthermore , that were it not for the pope , there would be no missions to the indies , and that those people would never be converted . on the contrary , by the ambition , pride , and carnal pleasures which they keep up in the church , zeal and charity are almost wholly extinguished . but what do the popes do for these missions ? if they contribute any thing towards them , it must be , as in all other things , for their own interest . but there were missions to the indies before ever the bishops of rome undertook to govern the church : those who are now sent thither go only for gain and traffick ; and by the relations we have of them , they are the strangest conversions in the world ; they take no care at all to instruct these poor people , nor to teach them any thing , they baptize them only , without explaining to them the virtue of that sacrament , or what it signifies ; nay without turning them from their former idolatry . they are contented instead of instructing them , to tell them that in worshipping their idols , and doing all as they did before , it is sufficient if they direct the intention to jesus christ , or to the saints , and so they are no less idolaters than they were before . these now are their conversions . * but , say they , does not the pope create a great many bishops in partibus infidelium , in the countries of infidels . that may be done without the pope ; metropolitans and primates did heretofore create them , and bishops may do so still . this tends to nothing but to flatter the vanity of the popes , who , not being able to establish themselves effectually in those countries , will however satisfy their fancies , by this imaginary empire which they attribute to themselves in disposing of fantastick bishopricks in those countries . this is all but farce . my lord the new bishop makes wry faces , as if he were going to his pretended diocess , where the people shall be greeks , pagans , or mahometans , he prepares his equipage to be gone , and whilst he is just ready to depart , his holiness hath a tender affection for his dear son , commends his zeal and his piety , to go to hazard himself among the infidels , dispences with him as to his journey , and for a recompence of his devotion , he gives him good pensions and benefices , wherewith the good prelate lives jollily at rome in pleasures and in honours . they have by this principle of vanity created four patriarchs at rome to make themselves amends because they could not make the four greek patriarchs submit to them . † there are some people also who pretend , that the necessity of a visible head of the christian church is proved by this , that the mahometans have one , and the pagans also had one : and they say , that the mahometans , who have a musti , and had heretofore their caliphes , the pagans their pontifex maximus , as the ancient romans had , will have less aversion for christianity when they see in it a head of religion like their own . but there is a great deal of difference ; for these never did usurp the temporal power of princes like the popes ; they never exacted oathes of allegiance from their clergy , nor pretended to a share of the princes authority , as the popes do in catholick countries . the ambition of the popes will ever keep them back more than this conformity will induce them to embrace christianity . but men must not form to themselves such carnal ideas of the religion of jesus christ , who is all spirit , truth , and holiness ; it is a sort of idolatry to believe that jesus christ hath such vicars . it is to be wholly ignorant of god , and to make jesus christ the minister of sin. it may be yet said , that the popes keep princes and great men in the catholick religion by the conveniency of dispensations , which they many times gives them very opportunely , and such as they could not find in other religions ; * as cardinal palavicini maintains , that if the pope did not give these dispensations to those who possess and change many benefices , they who enjoyed them would offend god , and be uneasy in their consciences , and that it is because that god should not be offended that the popes have found out the secret of dispensations . but these dispensations are either against the law of god , or they are not : if they are , then princes are so much the more to be blamed to address themselves to the pope ; for this is manifestly to mock both god and men. i know very well , as i have already observed , that there are some good people who maintain , that the popes can make that a sin which is not a sin , and that not a sin which is a sin ; but i do not think that any prince was ever so simple as to believe so ; thus the action of a prince who hath recourse to the popes for dispensations authorizeth this abominable impiety , and by his example , makes it pass for an article of faith , making himself the shameful instrument to establish the most pernicious and the most infamous of all impostures . if the thing be not contrary to the law of god , there is no need of a dispensation for any whatsoever . and furthermore , be they necessary or unnecessary , the meanest bishop hath as much right to grant them as the pope , nay more , since that , as i have already said , the popes being temporal princes can not be in the christian religion either bishops or priests ; they have forfeited this character , and have no calling under god , since god hath not instituted this monstrous authority . besides , these dispensations are only for the popes advantage ; for by them he raiseth and maintains himself in credit , not only other above bishops his fellow brethren , but even above god himself , abrogating his laws , and fastning princes with his whole families indispensably more and more to their service , it being their interest to maintain this pretended authority of the pope , without which , their actions would appear shameful and scandalous ; and as many times it is for their marriages which they are dispensed with , their children would be illegimate , which would confound the order of the succession . thus does every thing turn to the popes advantage , who are always of his opinion , who said in epictetus † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that where profit is there is piety . * omnia retinendae dominationis causâ honesta . they do not only give dispensations to princes which are many times very unjust , but they also give them to every body for mony , which makes hereticks abhor the catholick religion , who in this have much more respect for the law of god , never practising any thing like this , and if there be amongst them a licentious person , who hath some great affair to compass , he must become a catholick ; then making his addresses with a good grace to the pope , his business is done : this is not simony , because that which he obtains is in premio del denaro donato a dio , a reward for the money which he hath given to god , as † cardinal palavicini says , * he also makes them give mony as a punishment for their sins as the same jesuit says in another place . how could men arrive to such excesses of impiety , as to suffer such things as these ? a pagan heretofore said , that maxima † fortuna minima licentia est , that they ought to give themselves the least liberty who are masters of the greatest fortunes . our popes on the contrary , believe that they may do any thing , because that every thing is subject to them , which boldness the long continuance of their empire hath caused ‖ vetustate imperii coalita audacia , and as they found that the people easily swallowed down their impostures , they by degrees invented more enormous ones . when people have once passed some certain bounds , they have afterwards no shame left them , neque metus ultra , neque pudor est . but it is a strange thing that no body opposes such horrible things , that they are suffered to be done in the church , and in the name of god too , which the whole world ought to acknowledg to be holiness it self : every body hath seen it , doth yet see it , says nothing of it , but by silence approves , nay applaudes it . i believe for my part , that people please themselves with fancying that god is like the popes , and that they may come off easily with him in their affairs . that which is as bad too as all the rest is , that proportionably other ecclesiasticks , at least many of them , do attribute to themselves some part of this authority of the popes , of dispencing against the law of god , and that after the popes example , who have infected all the others . * sicut grex totus in agris , unius scabie cadit . this it is which hath produced those fine morals which reign so much in the world , and have done so much mischief . they will rather dispence with some great crime against the law of god and nature , than with an indifferent thing , against which either they or their predecessors have made some rash decree ; for by either of them , they raise their almighty power above heaven it self . in the first they raise themselves above god , by dispencing with the obedience to his law , and by the other , they make that a sin which is not so in its own nature , which belongs only to god ; and so they put themselves in his place . what reason is there ( for example ) in what pope innocent the third established , * that a priest may be dispenced with for keeping many concubines , but not for being twice married ? upon which the glossary makes this just observation , notandum mirabile quod plus valet hic luxuria quam castitas . what reason is there that at rome the best benefices are disposed of in favour of wicked wretches , atheists , poisoners , and sodomites , fellows that are known to be such , and not to one only , but a great number of them ; and that in france such benefices as those cannot be possessed by a prince and natural son of a great king ? i am not ignorant that there are some canons which are against it ; but why shall people observe so scrupulously a canon of a council upon a thing almost indifferent , whilst that the popes do every day violate many canons of the most sacred councils , in things that are essential , and even in this very point ; for there is no body who knows italy or spain , but must acknowledg that there are a great many , who , not only possess benefices , but priests and bishops who are bastards , born even of double adultery , begotten by priests upon married women . i do affirm , that i have my self known more than four of them ; and even in france , our own country , which is a very religious place , in comparison of italy or spain , who is there but knows that there are people of this sort in possession of benefices ? † the roman divines maintain , that a priest is not irregular for adultery and sodomy , yet it would be irregular to let a prince enjoy benefices , because his father did not beget him by his lawful wife . ‖ see in navarre the great canonist , he shall tell you that sodomy causeth no irregularity in a priest , but that marriage does , because pope innocent the third hath so established . after he hath spoken of those cases which causes irregularity , he asks the question , whether sodomy be one or no. dubitarûnt an voluerimus etiam nefandum sodomiae crimen comprehendere ; sequitur respondendum esse , non comprehendi , primo quia irregularitas nisi ob casus jure expressos non incurritur , secundo quia verba illa sunt innocentii . facit etiam quòd nos intelleximus quod in italiâ ubi , ut fertur , plus hoc malo laboratur , quam oporteret , nullae de eo dispensationes quaeruntur . he concludes that sodomy makes not a priest irregular . * and the cardinal tolet does maintain it to be the common doctrine of the divines at rome , that all orders , even priesthood it self , may be conferred upon children , and those who have not yet the use of reason . omnes ordines , says he , etiam & presbyteratum conferri posse infantibus , & nondum usum rationis habentibus , est communis doctrina theologorum . we see clearly by this , that when in france these people refuse to grant benefices without cure of souls , upon the account of pretended irregularities , that it is more out of pride than religion , and that they take pleasure , as i have already said , to make people feel their yoke , this they call super aspidem & basiliscum ambulare , to tread upon serpents and dragons . those who maintain the popes authority do moreover affirm , that we are obliged to the popes for the holy tribunal of the inquisition , without which the true religion would have supplanted by heresy , in italy , spain , and portugal , * cardinal palavicini does assure us so . il tribunal dell ' inquisitione , dal quale , l' italia riconosce la conservata integrita della sua fide . it is to the holy tribunal of the inquisition that italy owes the preservation of the integrity of the faith. wherein truly they do a great deal of honour to god and to the christian religion , to imagine that god hath no other means to preserve his church , and that he needs such cursed instruments as those to maintain it . † that you may make the better judgment of it , it will not be amiss for me to speak briefly a word or two concerning the manner how this tribunal proceeds against heriticks , upon what they call the directory of the inquisitors , made in the year 1585. you must know that this directory was made for the execution of the bull de coenâ domini which is to be seen ‖ in summâ francisci tolet. de instructione sacerdotum , where there are eighteen sorts of excommunications ; the first against hereticks , favourers of hereticks , those who read or keep their books without the permission of the holy see. and under this pretence these fellows have caused two of our kings to be murthered . it was this rare excommunication that ruined religion in england , and it is a wonder that it does not destroy it every where else . * in his 20 th book you find that all those are excommunicated , who say and confess that the council is above the pope , and who appeal from his decrees to the council , so that a man cannot be a true christian , without being excommunicated by the pope . we must no longer believe the gospel , but become the popes creatures to avoid these terrible excommunications . in the 21 st chapter of cardinal tolet his collection , there is a bull which does excommunicate all princes who lay new taxes upon their people without the pope's permission . this was not much amiss indeed , for by it you see that all soveraign princes are made slaves to the holy see. a man must have lost his senses not to see that it is the spirit of the devil which possesseth this gene●ation of vipers . in his 27 th , 28 th , and 29 th chapters , all chancellours , presidents , councellours , and soveraign courts of justice , are excommunicated if they hinder the clergy in any manner whatsoever to exercise their ecclesiastical jurisdiction against all persons , according to the decrees of the council of trent , whereby they will destroy all political authority , and make the clergy masters of it ; for you must know that the council of trent , whose decrees were all made at rome before ever matters were proposed at trent , established ecclesiastical immunities , according to the decretals of boniface the eight : this it was that made many worthy prelates in france formerly press so hard to have this council received there ; and that wicked wretch miron archbishop of angiers , write so insolently against the parliament , for which he very well deserved to be hanged . at length having thundred out a great many other excommunications , they declare , that whosoever shall remain a whole year in these sorts of excommunications , shall for their contumacy be declared hereticks . chap. cum contumacia de hereticis in 6. and it is a favour too that they do not turn them into hobgoblins . there is nothing in all this but what is sottish , horrible , and diabolical , yet there are people who at this day dare not publickly detest it . nay , there are several in france , who shall maintain it at their utmost peril , and even die for it , as almost all the monks and many others who for the sake of jesus christ himself would not lose this point . hitherto this tribunal of the inquisition hath been abhorred in france , but no thanks to the monks , but the parliaments ; they say , ecclesia mavult suffundere sanguinem quam effundere . and during the minority of lewis the thirteenth all the chairs of the doctors and preachers rung with this impious and abominable doctrine , that the pope was the monarch of the church could excommunicate , depose and put kings to death . and to the end that these holy laws should be put in execution , these infamous creatures have wrote a book , which they call the directory of the inquisitors in the the year 1585. wherein they establish , that they are all impious persons , and enemies to the church , who do not allow of the extravagants of boniface , and all the decretals of the popes who declare , that the church hath the power of both swords to destroy all those who will not submit to it . in the third part of this directory , commentary the thirteenth ; there are three methods of proceeding against hereticks , viz. by accusation , by delation , and by inquisition . in matters of faith , accusation is not allowed of , because they say that it is very dangerous , and full of contention ; the crime of heresy must be proved judicially , and canonically , which cannot be done without some difficulty ; so that the treasurer of the inquisition becomes the accuser , for this reason , quia non est obnoxius poenae talionis , because he is not obnoxious to the punishment of retaliation , neque aliis poenis quas falsi accusatores pati solent , nor to any other punishments which false witnesses are wont to suffer . so that there is no other way but by delation and inquisition ; and let a man but apply himself to the syndic of the inquisition , or to the inquisitor to accuse any body and there 's an end of him . in this third part of the directory , commentary the 28 th , towards the latter end there are these words ; in crimine haereseos propter ejus enormitatem omnia testimonia recipiuntur , omniumque voces & interpretationes audiuntur , etiam & inimicorum hominum , perjurorum , lenonum , meretricum , & infamium : in case of heresy , by reason of the enormity of the crime , all evidences are allowed of , and the word and accusation of all sorts of people are to be heard , even of enemies , those that are perjured , pimps , whores , and those of the worst reputation . and that which is as good as this , is , that two witnesses of this sort are sufficient , even against a king , and without being obliged to let him know who the witnesses are . see commentary the 23 , 48 , 120 , 124. there are these words ; quod si reus instaret postularetque ut sibi concederetur defensio secundum juris ordinem , & per consequens ut testium nomina simul cum dictis eorundem sibi ederentur , audiendus non esset ; & si fortassis ob id gravari se diceret , & appellaret , talis appellatio non esset admittenda ; sed eâ non obstante imo vero eâ rejectâ tanquam frivolâ & injustâ ad ulteriora judicii acta est intrepidè procedendum ; that if any guilty person doth insist upon , and require liberty to make a defenee , according to the ordinary course of law , and by consequence , that the names of the witnesses , together with their depositions , should be delivered him , he is not to be heard ; and if , for th●s reason , he shall say that he is hardly dealt with , and shall appeal , such his appeal is in no wise to be allowed , but that notwithstanding , nay , it being wholly rejected as frivolous and unjust , he is vigorously to be proceeded against , even to the utmost acts of judgment . and the good natur'd inquisitors give this consolation to people that are condemned ; nec quisquam dicat se injustè hâc ratione condemnari , nec conqueratur do judicibus ecclesiasticis , vel de judicio ecclesiae ita statuentis : nor let any man say that he is condemned unjustly upon this account , nor complain of the ecclesiastical judges , or of the church so ordaining : ( these hangmen will make the church accessary to their barbarities . ) sed si injustè condemnatus sit , gaudeat potiùs quòd pro veritate mortem patiatur ; but if he be unjustly condemned , let him rejoyce rather that he suffers death for the truth . what could the devil do worse if he were incarnate ? yet this is the churches head , the vicar of jesus christ , the holy see , the apostolick see , it is his holiness who hath made and decreed these things . they do yet worse than this to kings and princes , for they make use of secret means , for fear they should get notice of them , and by their power prevent their wicked designs . they employ ignorant creatures that are loaden with iniquity , such as ravilliac , who was a murtherer by profession , and a sorcerer too , as was commonly said , they give these people absolution from all their crimes , and promise them paradise if they perish in the execution , or , if they are taken , after it . they have for such purposes as these in italy , those whom they call crocesegnati , and in spain los familiares . * see in the book of francis suarez the spaniard , called defensio fidei catholicae . by the way , we are very much obliged to this loyal loyolist , for calling these maxims the catholick faith. if what he said were true , it would be no great advantage to be a catholick . it would be perfect manicheisme , a man must believe two contrary principles , good and bad , god and the devil , at the same time . there is a certain author , called guliel . nubrigensis , who relates the story of a monk , who dethroned his natural prince and sat himself in his place , he had engraved upon his seal , ferus ut leo , mitis ut agnus . this monk was villain enough , thus to usurp the authority of his prince ; but he was a thousand times better than any of these thieves at rome . for my part , i will all my life-time hold communion with the catholick gallican church ; but for the bull de coenâ domini , the inquisition , the superiority of the pope above the council , and the morals now in fashion , i declare i do detest it as a thing dangerous to salvation , to hold communion with them who believe and maintain these things , and that i believe them as far from being saved as the mahometans . who can believe that jesus christ , who gave himself for the salvation of us all , and who is all charity it self , can approve of it , that people should be put to death for religion ; or , that he does not detest the barbarities which these monsters exercise under the name of vicars of jesus christ ? how contrary are these practices to those of jesus christ and of his apostles ? see after what manner our merciful saviour spoke to his apostles , who would have forsaken him , what , and will you also leave me ? upon which st. chrysostom makes this reflection , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · he asks them , saying , will ye also go away ? which was the voice of one taking away all force and compulsion . and in truth they did all abandon him ; yet after his resurrection he received them as kindly as tho they had followed him to the very cross ; and we see that when he gave his apostles the power of the keys , he ordered them only to teach men , and not to compel them by force ; and on that occasion , when the apostles were discontented with the samaritans , and would have called down fire from heaven upon them , he says to them , ye know not what spirit ye are of : the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them . but the popes , who make a quite contrary use of this power , are come to destroy both souls and bodies too . we see that the apostle st. paul followed these holy rules of charity when he wrote to titus ; teaching him the duty of a bishop , he says to him only , a man that is an heretick , after the first and second admonition , reject . he says not , do him injustice , kill him , ruin him by violence , or by craft , break your word with him , according to the maxims and practices of the court of rome . * according to these principles , st. chrysostom says these words ; apud nos non cogendo sed suadendo id agendum est ut qui malus est melior evadat , neque enim ad coercendos peccatores potestatis jus nobis datum est ; & si datum maximè esset , locus non esset juris istius exercendi , cum deus coronet non eos qui necessitate , sed qui voluntate liberâ à malo abstinent : we must not endeavour to make a bad man better by force , but by perswasion : for we have no authority to compel sinners ; and if we had , we ought not to make use of it , seeing god crowns not those that abstain from evil out of meer necessity , but those that do it out of free choice . and hence it comes that st. hierom , comparing a king to a bishop , says , ille nolentibus praeest , hic volentibus . the one rules over those that are unwilling , the other over those that are willing . and gregory bishop of rome , writing to the bishop of constantinople , says to him , nova est & inaudita ista praedicatio quae verberibus exigit fidem : that is a new and unheard-of sort of preaching that requires faith with blows . the fathers abhorred not only that men should be put to death , but that any injustice should be done to them upon the account of religion ; for to make this use of religion is to betray it , and it is a sure means to make hereticks more obdurate : for it is certain , that they who do thus , have only the name of christians ; and people readily believe that a religion is nothing worth which they are forced to embrace by such ways as these . st athanasius speaking of the religion of the arrians , who persecuted the catholicks , driving them out of all employs , depriving them of the means of getting their living , prohibiting them the exercise of their religion , and doing them many other wrongs by violence and fraud , and by groundless accusations , even to the bringing some of them to death , says very well ; atque seipsum quàm non sit pia , nec dei cultrix manifestat : and shews it self how it is neither pious , nor worshipping god. the same thing may be said of the english at present . * st chrysostome also says , errantis poena est doceri ; the punishment of the erroneous is to be instructed . the emperour antoninus , tho a pagan , was much more a christian than the popes , and their inquisition , when in his 9 th book he says ; si potes meliora doce , si non potes , memento in hoc tibi lenitatem datam . ipsi dii lenes sunt talibus : if thou canst , teach me better ; if not , remember gentleness ▪ was given thee for this very purpose . the gods themselves are gentle to such . if the christian religion did establish the inquisition , if she justified the perfidiousness and inhumanities which the court of rome and hereticks commit every day upon the account of religion , i should make no difficulty to declare it an abominable religion , and that we ought not to be of it one moment longer : and if people went to heaven by such ways as these , i should be soon of the americans mind , who said they would not go to the same paradise whither the spaniards went ; nor would i go to the paradise of the popes and the inquisitors . i do maintain that the popes have ruined the church in those countries where their inquisition hath been set up , more than all the heresies in the world together ever could have done . we need not but consider the good effects which it hath had in those countries , where in truth there is no religion , at least christianity scarce there to be found ; and how should it with that ignorance which the inquisition brings along with it , which hath produced nothing but superstition , impiety , hypocrisy , dissembling of opinions , a thousand cruelties and treacheries , and all sorts of abominable vices , which are scarce known but in countries of the inquisition ? and where we find them in other countries , they have been brought thither from rome by those that were devoted to the papacy , through the too great commerce which princes suffer with rome . the hereticks may well say that they are obliged to the inquisition that holland is no longer catholick . if the inquisi●ion be advantagious to christianity , why do the most christian nations of europe the best regulated both in their religion and their manners , detest it ? compare the french nation , germany , flanders and poland , with the other , slaves to the inquisition , and you will say that the latter are not worthy of the name of christians in comparison of the former . and for the hereticks , i esteem and heretick that is an honest man , and that fears god , a hundred times more than a catholick who lives disorderly , or that knows not what religion is . i know no worse heresy than to be without the knowledg of god ; and how can he be known where the holy scripture is not allowed to be read , where the clergy are wholly lost in most abominable vices , and know nothing at all ? where it is crime enough to be burnt , to discourse about religion ? where mens minds are filled with a thousand fooleries that have no relation at all to piety ? set a spaniard or an italian , who hath gotten a little sense , to discourse on jesus christ , and he shall not fail to tell you , that jesus christ was a great politician ; christo era grande politico , because he sees that his vicar under the pretence of religion hath made so great conquests , and subdued all catholick princes to himself . this is the idea which they have of jesus christ , and which they form to themselves upon what they see in the court of rome , and in the present state of the church ; for , as for the holy scripture they know less of it than of the alcoran . and their divines teach them , that the church is the most happy body politick upon earth , corpo . politico il piu felice che sia in terra , as cardinal palavicini says * . and the same cardinal says in another place , that jesus christ would have his church governed , as great polititians govern their states , and that he came down from heaven upon earth to make her happy as well in this world as in the other , by heaping upon her honours , riches , and pleasures , † secondo la carne , according to the flesh. and of the papacy in particular , he says , that it is the abundant source of temporal felicity . il principiato apostolico fonte d'utilita temporale secondo la carne in quel modo chi e piu conforme etiandio all humana felicita : ‖ the apostolick primacy is the fountain of temporal profit , and in such a manner as is most conducing to human felicity . nor do the portuguees understand things better ; they are more than half jews , and yet know not what either judaism or christianity is . there are a great many of them who look for a sort of a messias , who by his great conquests ought to make them masters of the world ; this is one of their kings named sebastian , whom they have made a saint , he was killed in the battel of alcazar going to assist one moorish king against another , and because his body was not found after the battel , they pretend that he is not dead , but that he roams up and down the world , and that he will return suddenly again to conquer all the habitable earth , and make it subject to the portugal nation . this is the faith of the christians in that country , and they learn it insensibly of the jews . it is not long since a man might have borrowed a considerable sum of mony in portugal payable at the return of st. sebastian . that which doth produce this horrible ignorance among these people is , not only that they read not the holy scriptures , but because the inquisition suffers there no religion but its own ; for by this means , there is no body who can accuse either the inhumanity of the inquisition , or the vices and incapacities of the clergy . if some other sect had liberty among them , the contradiction of this sect would oblige them to study , and to instruct themselves , which would make the study of divinity and other sciences flourish among them ; and seeing every man would have as many censurers of his religion and of his manners , as there were men of contrary opinions , this would make men take care of their behaviour ; that their lives might be more conformable to true christianity . wickedness would be greatly abated , men would be ashamed of those horrible crimes which the italians now make their diversion ; there would be much more knowledg of god , more industry and perfection in the world. i know that this is not at all agreeable to the humour of the popes and their clergy , who make their markets better by ignorance and the inquisition . i know by my own experience , and what i have heard say by many good people in england , that the expulsion of catholicks , would destroy amongst them all devotion and religion , because they would have no adversaries to awaken them , and to oblige them to take care of themselves ; their ministers would become ignorant and debauched , and so proportionably the people . but , say they , the inquisition doth prohibit all ill books ; you must know too that the word of god is of the number of these ill books that are prohibited ; and that there are many other books forbidden , which have not only no ill in them , but which are very excellent , only because they are contrary to the ambition of the court of rome ; and that there is an infinite number of abominable ones allowed of , which are fit for nothing but to be burnt as well as their authors . by this same principle they have razed out of the bookes of the fathers those passages which were not for their purpose . they yet insist for the justifying of the inquisition , that the diversity of religion is the cause of civil wars in a nation . but what mischief doth not the inquisition do ? all princes , in whose countries it is , are slaves to it . it is true , that among them there are no civil wars for religion ; but it is as true , that they must absolutely depend upon the court of rome ; otherwise if they pretend to examine their orders , the popes shall use them like dogs . how many times hath the republick of venice been like to be destroyed by these people , only because they had a mind to keep some liberty to themselves , and not to suffer certain excesses of their tyranny ? and yet do they every day insult and attempt against all the rights which god and nature have given them . it is furthermore said in favour of the papacy , that the world is greatly obliged to it for all the different orders of monks , and of nuns , which are a great ornament and advantage to the church . it is true , that the popes have instituted almost all of them , and that it is no fault of theirs that there are not twenty times as many , especially in the states of other princes ; for by this means they erect imperium in imperio , their own empire in the dominions of another , thereby gaining to themselves so many subjects in all catholick countries , who are at all times ready to do any thing for their service . now since there is nothing in it but this , all these institutions of so many sects of monks ought to be suspected by us . besides , it is not the popes who have inspired these people with the thoughts of retreating , and of severity to themselves , they knew only how to apply it to their own use and service . the inclination which these men have to this sort of humour and life is well enough known ; and that in all times , and in all countries , and in all religions , there have been great numbers of men who have embraced this sort of life , pretending to live more austerely , and to avoid the trouble of worldly business , affecting to be singular in their clothes , their diet , whipping themselves , and other outward mortifications of their flesh. there were a great many of them among the jews , especially towards the latter end , and when religion fell most into decay ; we see by their authors , that besides the pharisees there were the essenes , dositheens , and other sects of religious jews . there were many of them among the ancient romans ; there is in juvenal an admirable description of their manners and customs . it is of them that he says , fronti nulla fides , and qui curios simulant & bacchanalia vivunt ; he represents them with short hair , & supercilio brevior coma , and with all he says , that they lived after a very licentious manner . there are also many of them at this day among the pagans , there are great numbers of them to be found among the mahometans , greeks , nestorians , eutychians , maronites , abyssins , and cophties . the popes then have made cunning use of the humour of these people , whom they have supported as far forth as they could , and even canonized them to augment their own power , by the credit which they gave to these people , who became their creatures , and who for their parts served the pope with all the power and credit they had . people had them in great veneration at rome , this veneration spread it self every-where abroad , so that the world did almost adore them ; every thing that they either said or did , was as highly esteemed , as what ever the apostles themselves had said or done ; and as time served them when they had sufficiently tried the credulity and so●tishness of mankind , they came to that excess of impiety and impudence , as to compare their authors to our lord jesus ; nay , to give them the preheminence . read but the life of st. francis , and a book that was printed at brussels in the year 1630 , with this title , korte beschrijvinge van het aerd●s-broederschap van de koorde saint franciscus ; and so did other orders speak as great things of their respective founders . people thought they could not obtain salvation without the monks , they attribute particular graces to their very habits , which , the better to impose upon the world , were of an extraordinary fashion . nay , there was sometimes as much imputed to them as to the blood of christ it self ; whosoever took this habit they said it was as much worth to him as a second baptism ; when any body was sick they desired to die in this habit. these were people who did more good than god commanded ; and we see that all these impieties are yet vented by the monks of our own time , who pretend that they do more good than is necessary for their own salvation , and that they can impart a share of their merits , and works of supererogation to whomsoever they please ▪ provided that they contribute somewh●t towards the maintenance of the kitchin ; ●nd for that they have fo●nd out the invention of the●r fraternities . the heads of these sects , as i have already said , were very useful to the popes , and the popes for their parts made them be esteemed by the people , and at length , by the ignorance and sloth of princes , they exempted them from the obedience due to their soveraigns , to their bishops , and to the law of god it self , and so they acknowledg none but the pope . by little and little , making a great noise like the blind men at paris , many of these sects got great estates , others loved rather to beg , like those sturdy vagrants , who prefer a begging and a lazy life before any other . they who have any wit among them employ themselves in writing fabulous legends of the life of some or other of their order , and in composing a great many wicked books about religion . they are all listed to the pope , who pays them in pardons , and indulgences , and in reliques , of which they make a good market , in canonizing people of their own order , and in exempting them from the laws of their prince and of their bishops , so that there is impunity for them for all sorts of crimes , they are only forced to go out of the province where they committed the disorder into another . we may look upon every convent of monks , as so many garrisons which the pope hath in all catholick cities to keep them under the yoke of his obedience ; and every different order , so many different regiments clothed in different fashions , and wearing different liveries , who all live at the good mans expence , but cost the pope not a farthing , having found out many secrets to pull off the feathers without making the fowl cry . they are certainly of great use to the popes , but i demand what good they do us ? are there not clergy-men enough to perform the service without them ? are there not people enough to be maintained who are really poor , without the begging monks , who are the most ridiculous and the most vicious wretches upon earth ? if they are necessary to the church , as some say , how comes it to pass , that in the primitive church , where there was so much piety , there were none of them ? or at least very few , and they too quite of a contrary character to those now a days ; but that now in this languishing state of the church , every place swarms with them . how comes it to pass that their numbers are much less in france , flanders , germany and poland , where christianity flourishes a thousand times more than in italy , spain , and portugal , where it is almost extinguished ? for tho there be canonizations and beatifications oftentimes performed for people of these countries , it signifies nothing else , but that the pope hath finger'd their mony , or that these saints were in their life-time greatly devoted to the holy see. this is done upon false-accounts given of the lives of these persons by some monks of their order , and it is very easy to impose upon people in these countries , by reason of the extream ignorance among them , and of the inquisition which would burn those who should dare to contradict it . in france where people are much more understanding , and where there is greater liberty , it is not so easy to impose upon and delude the world. besides , the protestants would not fail to discover the cheat and to lay it open , from whence also it comes to pass that there are but very few miracles wrought in france , and fewer at paris than in any other city in the kingdom , because people are not there so easy to be deceived . i do maintain , and every man that hath observed it must agree with me that there is incomparably more vertue and solid piety in the honest people of the world than among the monks . converse with them , and you shall find nothing but grimace and false appearances of a devotion that signifies nothing , a base devotion that hath nothing of true piety , applying themselves to the outward parts of religion , neglecting , or else not knowing the true form of piety , and upon this they are puffed up with a value of themselves , they are presumptuous , full of contempt one of another , ambitious , worldly and voluptuous , which we see in them where they have a little liberty , as in spain , portugal and italy , there is nothing so unruly as their behaviour , their lives are most licentious , there is no villany nor abomination which they do not commit . in france , our own country , where they are saints in comparison , there is no roguish story of a debauchery and villany , but they are at one end of it . compare them with our fathers of the oratory who are seculars , and who yet trouble themselves with secular affairs less than they , and for knowledg , for humility , purity , and lofty sentiments of religion , there is as great a difference as can be between a worthy and a judicious person , and a superstitious soft-pated fellow , or rather between an honest woman and a whore. i acknowledg that here and there you may find a man of a great worth among the monks , but it is one among ten thousand , and he must have a great deal of strength and courage to keep himself innocent in these places where there is so much corruption . i believe that it is much more difficult to obtain salvation there , than in the world , tho to those , who have not narrowly enquired into their lives , it appears otherwise . they among them who are ingenious do own it , tho they are ordinarily hypocrites and would deceive and make us believe , that they all agree that men must have extraordinary measures of grace , and would perswade the world that they themselves have them . the most unsufferable of them , as i have already said , are the mendicants , those pharisees who act wholly contrary to what st. paul taught and practised , who would have all christians apply themselves to labour , yet they pretend to be of a better sort than the others . st. paul , whom st. augustin calls the first of all saints , says in the 20 th chapter of the acts , ver . 33. that he had coveted no mans silver , gold , or apparel , and that his hands had ministred to his necessities , and to those who were with him , and makes his glory to consist in this , that he had been a charge to no man : he , i say , orders all people to labour , and repeats what our saviour had said , that it is better to give than to receive . yet our lazy monks have at this day maxims that are quite contrary : they had rather have nothing at all of their own , that they may eat the bread out of poor peoples mouths , upon whose sweat and blood they live and grow fat . of all the monks that ever i yet heard of , i have a value for no order of them but those of la trape , by the account the world gives of them . first , they are all kept to work , they trouble not themselves with confessions , no more than the first monks in the primitive times . they study , they haunt neither courts nor cities , they are not covetous of legacies , nor do they pry into peoples wills , they are not beggars , they sell not holy things , they live frugally , upon a wholsom diet to keep themselves in health , which makes their minds more fit for the service of god , they are not desirous of news , nor of the secrets of families to make advantage by it , they read the word of god carefully , making holy things their ordinary entertainment , and have no commerce at all with women . provided that this could continue without vanity , and without discontent , it is a school of holiness . for the others i find , that instead of being advantagious to the church , they dishonour it , and give the protestants just reason to despise us . with people that have any understanding these fellows habits make so strongly against them , that men are apt to believe that there is both extravagancy and weakness of mind in those that wear them ; these are marks of distinction , which shew them not to be french men , but that they belong to another prince ; what good do these ridiculous singularities do ? if this habit be necessary to make a man really better , we ought all to take it ; if not , they are to be laughed at thus that dress up themselves , and so much the more when they think they merit by it . these people ought all to be reduced to one and the same hab●t , and this ridiculous variety of diverse habits , and monstrous fashions ought to be taken away as well as the variety of institutions , that war●ant some to beg and allow others to be rich , and to be continually ●e●ping up o● wealth , and others to eat and drink till they bu●st . it is reasonable that they should be well clothed and fed , but it is 〈◊〉 that they should beg at least if it be voluntary ; and for that 〈◊〉 their number ought to be diminished , and they of them that a●e ●ich should keep them that are poor ; let them all apply themselves to work and to study as heretofore they did . it would be very well done ab●olutely to retrench some of these orders that are so chargeable to the people . pope alexander the seventh did very well in suppressing two orders that were as good as those that are now remaining , the one was called the order of the cross , and the other of ●he holy ghost . and in spain they have done very well never to endure among them the capucins . the council of toledo did heretofore ordain , that no new religious order should be suffered to be established in the church , ne nimia religionum diversitas gravem in ecclesia dei confusionem parturiat . there are no people that hate or destroy one another more than the different orders of the mendicants , because they hinder one anothers trade ; and there are no people in the world that debauch the women more than they ; the secular priests are angels in comparison ; they are in so good credit and esteem , that they are not endured in the court of our kings , and they have no access to it . their principle of blind obedience is both foolish and impious , which may cause , and many times hath been the occasion of horrible disorders in the estates and families of our kings . it is a principle which makes the pope , whom their superiors implicitly obey , master of our lives and of the state ; for these superiors are always as ready to inspire the monks with all sorts of opinions , how horrible soever they be , provided they serve the pope his designs ; for this reason i have often wondered that some law hath not been made in the state against the perfidiousness of the monks and jesuits , from the example of two of our [ french ] kings whom they have murthered ; and that it hath not been declared , that if any such thing shall happen for time to come , all these people should be driven out of the kingdom : there is no other means to hinder the court of rome from doing the same things hereafter . the parliament of england hath lately enacted somewhat like this to secure the life of their king against the monks . no clergy-man ought to be received without subscribing the condemnation of the impious bull de coenâ domini , which is a bottomless gulf of impieties , heresies , and inhumanities . and till the monks and jesuits shall solemnly renounce and condemn this accursed bull , it will be no great injustice done them , to accuse them of attempting against the lives of kings . if any man did suspect me to be an arrian , and i knew it , and could justify my self from such cursed opinions , and did it not , the world would have reason to impute to me all the consequences of th●s pernicious heresy . it is well known that all the monks , and particularly the jesuits have by their fourth vow obliged themselves to the execution of this infernal bull. it was the monks , who , living in idleness , corrupted and falsified many ecclesiastical books , they have counterfeited many other books full of lies , and set them out under the names of good authors . they are every where known for people who , by their artifices under pretext of religion , are the ruine of most families , whose substance they cunningly suck in themselves . it is they who have vilified and discredited the true orthodox priests , drawing the people after themselves by false appearances of mortifications . they are good for nothing but to move seditions , and to bring people to disobedienee , and when ever the interest of their monarch the p●pe , is concerned , they think the blood of their enemies as meritorious as that of the cross. the humility they boast of is a very pleasant thing , when at the same time they take place of their elders , and of people of quality . they pretend to have renounced vanity more strictly than the secular priests , and yet these asses are called father , father , as heretofore the pharisees , rabbi , rabbi , they cause themselves also to be stiled reverend fathers , and pretend to have merit enough besides to obtain their own salvation , and to impart the overplus to others . they call themselves father raphaels , father cherubims , and father seraphims , with such like names , which are marks of vanity and folly , with which there can be neither humility nor piety . their generals also manage the matter fairly , to have the same respect shewed them in the courts of princes as the ambassadours of the greatest kings . these gentlemen are all sworn enemies to the holy scripture as well as to the court , and they do all they can to render the reading of it suspicious , they heretofore did what they could to abolish it , because it made as much against them as the popes . in the year 1192. they made a new gospel upon the dreams of a carmelite named cyrill , this was to suppress the gospel of jesus christ , and their own they called the eternal gospel , wherein they taught that god the father reigned under the law , god the son under grace , and that the holy ghost was now going to reign by the establishment of four orders of mendicants , and that for the future men could not be saved but by this gospel , that that of jesus christ was imperfect , and that the sacraments were of no great use . this gospel was preached almost all europe over by the jacobines and franciscans , and it was very near being received in the university of paris , but there remained yet some worthy men who opposed and made it be condemned , but seeing these new evangelists had the favour of the holy father , the doctors of the university were forced to go to rome , where at length they obtained that this book should be condemned and burned , but privately ▪ for fear of decrying the four orders of mendicants , and also that the book of the university of paris should be burned ; much after the same manner as heretofore at bezancon at the beginning of luther's revolt , which drew many towns after it , the magistra●e of bezancon fearing that this fire should reach thither , forbad all sorts of people to speak of god either good or evil. and there falling out lately a dispute between some divines of the sorbonne at paris , some of whom do hold with the jesuits , that we may be saved without loving god , and others on the contrary , that we ought to love god ; whereupon both the one and the other were forbidden to speak of it so that the matter yet remains undecided , whither we ought to love god or no , or whither the gospel of the monks , or of jesus christ be the true one . the author of the book against this new gospel is called william de st. amour , de periculis novissimorum temporum : see in matthew paris * . at length the monks had credit enough , having procured several bulls to be given out against the book , to obtain one by which the author was forbidden to set foot again in france , and the sorbonne to receive him . scilicet sic petrus sactitabat , sic paulus ludebat . the court of rome , as well as the monks , was mortally grieved that this new gospel could not pass , and had it not been for the university at paris , we should in all likelihood have never known what the gospel of jesus christ was , and the monks would have been our saviours . i have heard say that in all the rich convents there is a father that keeps the evidence-office , whose whole employ it is to find out good titles when they want them , to joyn their neighbours field to their own ▪ and there is no harm in that , because it is for the church . there are some of these orders , the benedictines for example , who have their pensioners in the parliament at paris , like the excise-men in the courts of aydes to help them gain their cause : from whence come all the enterprises which they daily make upon their neighbours goods , stripping them as often as they can of them . people of very good credit , and who know the thing very well , have assured me , that this one o●der gave more than two hundred thousand livers a year in pensions to divers officers of parliament ; judg then what disorders that makes . i know not why the monks have not been kept to read the holy scriptures , and to study divinity and morality , rather than so many ridiculous ways of mortifying themselves ; if they studied or worked hard , they would need no other mortification , but they have invented whipping since they have left off working , which is the most extravagant thing in the world. the reading of a chapter of scripture would be much better than that ; as an excellent man said , it is not the severities of the body , nor the agitations of the mind , but the good motions of the heart that are meritorious , which shall be excited much sooner by meditation of the word of god , than by all their follies . wherefore i have reason to ask what the monks are good for ? the poor orders as they are also lazy , are a burthen to the state , they of them that are rich take no care of the poor , and both the one and the other are unprofitable , nay , prejudicial both to church and state , they ought to do quite otherwise than to plunge themselves into idleness , so dangerous both for their souls and bodies , and to be so chargeable to the kingdom that keeps them and fats them up without receiving any service from them ; they are good for none but themselves and the popes , whose tyranny they support ; thus the popes in maintaining them do good only to themselves , when certainly the monks at present might easily spare the popes . wherefore i yet once more demand what service the popes do to the world ? as for the nuns , tho there be not by much so great disorders amongst them as amongst the monks , because generally they have no share at all in the affairs of a civil life , yet i think i may safely say it , that fathers and mothers who are desirous of their childrens salvation , ought not to send them to such houses , and that there is more real piety , chastity , and purity of heart among secular women than among the nuns , by reason of the little liberty that is given them : all the good they can do there is by force and by constraint , it is a place of slavery and of torment . people imagine that in these houses where they have so much time to employ in reading and instructing themselves , they ought to be very knowing , yet they are more ignorant and superstitious than women that live abroad in the world. their abbesses are ordinarily chosen for their quality , not for their merit , and are either covetous or extravagant , fantastical , without humanity for these poor young women , without conduct , and almost always without piety . i have known many of them in my time , but never saw any that was worthy of this employment but madam de fontevrault , daughter of king henry the fourth . in those houses where the superiours of the nuns are elective or triennial , there are continual factions and intrigues , that the election may fall on her that every particular woman likes . it would be very well that these elections were abolished , provided that persons of real worth were placed in their stead . the number of these nuns is also too great as well as of the monks , and they ought to be reduced , so that those who remain should have 200 livers a year for their subsistance , and that the king should dispose of these places to whom he pleased , for the succour of many families , and the over-plus of so many rich convents revenue might be employed in the building of many hospitals . nor should any young woman be admitted to take the vail till 25 years old , for the tyranny of fathers and mothers , and the want of consideration in young girls throws a great many of them into dispair . they ought also to be allowed sometimes to go home to their fathers and mothers when their health requires it , and to refresh their spirits which are sometimes over-born with grief and vexation either by the tyranny of their superiours , or by their too long confinement in this prison ; without this a convent is a perfect shambles both for the body and soul. it must be acknowledged that this sort of relig●ous life is unproportionable to the weakness both of our bodies and minds , and is much less proper to produce true piety than a secular life . thus the popes are so far from being serviceable to mankind , that they are matter of scandal to us , and stumbling blocks to turn us out of the true way of salvation . of what use then are they to the world ? an italian will tell me that they are serviceable to italy , by their inriching it . but it is at the expence of other countries which do this honour to italy ; which , having now lost its temporal empire , hath by the popes means raised a spiritual one to make amends for it ; but still this is at our expence . it is certain that all the italians in general look upon themselves as having a share in the glory of this empire , and pretend that they have more wit and merit than other nations ▪ which they have in this respect subdued , especially those of rome , who for this reason give themselves the liberty of speaking contemptibly of catholick princes , whom they look upon as their tributaries ; the very coblers come in for their share , and are mightily pleased that the pope rules in all places . and i have observed , that they have more respect and value for those princes that have shaken off the popish yoke , as if it had been the effect of their courage ; nay , for the very strangers of those countries , as english , swedes , and danes . this may seem strange ; for it is well known that otherwise they bitterly hate these nations that no longer yeild them any thing . you would say that they were of the humour of tiberius , who was even vexed at the abject patience of those who were most suhmissive to his tyranny . * illum qui libertatem publicam nollet , says tacitus , jam abjectae servientium patientiae taedebat . but to return to our modern romans ; when they hear the king of france called the eldest son of the church , whereof the pope is the spouse , who calls kings his sons , they esteem themselves so much the more by half , and shew an equal proportion of disrespect for those kings . for my part i was disgusted , i own it , when i heard them say , that all christian kings were the popes children , and that the king of france was his eldest son ; and my respect for royal majesty did as insensibly diminish , as theirs for the popes increased ; nor could i ever digest that abuse to hear that such a cardinal was protector of france , and such a one of spain , &c. what , thought i , must pitiful priests or bishops , who for the most part are good for nothing , by the humour of people of their own stamp become one day the monarchs of monarchs , and their servants protectors and guardian angels of the kings and kingdoms of the earth , and that too against all reason , both divine and human ! yet all the world submits to it , as to an eternal truth . i know not what protection they give , nor in what , nor against whom they do protect . never was there any such folly in the world , and yet they are payed for it too . † but let us examine a little whether the popes are good for italy , or no ; the mischiefs they heretofore did the●e are notorious . it is known that the republick of venice hath been like to be destroyed by them , that they have oppressed the liberty of the city of rome ; that they have usurped and gained , by craft and violence , the greatest part of those states which they possess in italy ; that which they call the patrimony of st. peter , vrbin ferrara , castro , and the kingdom of naples , which they have made tributary : it is known that they exact a tribute all over italy by the same contrivances as from all other catholick states , that by their inquisition they keep it in slavery , whereby these provinces are kept in monstrous ignorance of religion , and in so great corruption of manners , that the vices of other nations are vertues to them , and theirs not fit to be so much as mentioned in any other place . the italians may well say what tacitus said , speaking of another sort of inquisition which reigned in his time at rome ; * scilicet illo igne vocem pop. rom. & libertatem senatus & conscientiam generis humani aboleri arbitrabantur ; expulsis insuper sapientiae professoribus atque omni bonâ arte in exilium actâ , ne quid usquam honestum occurreret . dedimus profectò grande patientiae documentum , & sicut vetus aetas vidit quid ultimum in libertate esset , ita nos quid in servitute adempto per inquisitiones loquendi audiendique commercio . this is the true representation of the inquisition , and of the slavery which the italians now suffer . it is clear that this modern inquisition is taken from the example of the wicked roman emperours , from whom they have also borrowed many other things . 't was from the romans that they took this maxim of keeping the people in ignorance , for among them there were those who said , de actis deorum reverentius visum est credere , quàm scire . it seemed a greater piece of reverence to believe well concerning the actions of the gods , than to know them . the popes do no good even to the city of rome , but have ruined it , tho they pretend that the romans are obliged to them for many contrivances which they have found out , to make the water run to their mills , as amongst others , the jubilee , which is a general fair of pardons and indulgences ; but the popes did this to get by it themselves : for if the people make any profit at this fair by the innumerable multitude of poor christians that come there to obtain the popes indulgences , qui preconan vino y venden vinagro , that cry wine and sell vinegar , all that returns back into the popes purse and their nephews , who drain this city by an infinity of imposts , so that it is one of the poorest towns in all italy . the people at rome , as well as the popes , having been used to live by the folly of other nations , now know not how to apply themselves to work . there remains not in all this town one spark of their ancient generosity and nobleness of mind , that made them be heretofore respected more than all their power . all the greatness of those ancient heroes is now vanished , since the priests became governours . and all those vertues which made rome the admiration of the whole earth , have been succeeded , by sloth , effeminacy , sodomy , the art of poisoning , treason , and all sorts of artifices of monkish tricks , a base and knavish policy , and they now reign by nothing but vice and debauchery . voluptatibus , quibus illi plus adversus subjectos quam armis valent . hitherto we cannot find what the popes are good for . * there are some ignorant people who say , that the church is obliged to the popes for the holding of councils , because that without them there would be none assembled ; and they insist particularly upon that of trent , wherein the true catholicks were so well tryed and established , and heresy opposed , so that since that time it hath made no progress . all they who have read history a little , know that the popes hate councils more than the devil does the cross. we have already seen that cardinal julian complains of the popes that they would not call any councils , ne auferat , says he , temporalitatem nostram , lest they should take away our temporality . † cardinal palavicini says enough to confute these people in his history of the council of trent , that the popes ever abhorred national councils , concilio nationale sempre aborrito da pontefici ; and another jesuit says , that in the mystical firmament of the church , there cannot be a conjunction of a more dangerous influence than that of a general council . ‖ nel cielo mistico della chieza non si puo imaginar conjunzione di piu periculosa influenza che un synodo generale . * now for the council of trent in particular , all they who have read the history of those times , know that it was sorely against the popes will that it was called , and that they never consented to it till the very last extremity , having a great while eluded the instances and remonstrances made by the emperor , the king of france , and other princes for the assembling of a council . they demanded a free council for the reformation of the church , and principally of the court of rome , and to bring into the bosom of the church those who were gone astray from it . the court of rome who had more reason to fear than hope from the good intention that appeared in many prince● so desirous of a reformation , would not consent to the calling a council , till at length having without success employed their utmost skill to hinder it ; they at last managed the matter so that the pope was to convene it , charles the fifth having basely parted with the right he had to assemble it ; that it should be called in an italian town , and that the popes legats should have the management of the whole affair ; from that time there was no good to be expected from this assembly . in truth the popes legates did rule all a●cording to their own fancy , almost all the bishops who assisted at it were italians , and the only mark they all hit at was , more and more to establish the almighty power of the pope , wherein they easily succeeded : except in this one point , god did not suffer heresy to triumph there . but as for the popes who were the soul and only organ of it , sending every week the holy ghost in a cloak-bag , if the heresy of luther would have served their turn they would have chosen it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nay , without all doubt , if the mahometan religion would have conduced to the augmenting of their power and riches , both they and all their court would have embraced it presently . this council hath done the church a thousand times more harm than good , for it hath given the protestants plausible reasons of obduracy , and to us no greater assurance of the goodness of our religion ; for as they carried it , they made it a work perfectly humane , intrigue and policy did all . the pope was there a party , and became himself the judg. the protestants could not be there , seeing the pope was the manager both of the convocation and of the suffrages , which he got for mony distributed about in germany and italy , before the assembly began : and because he would be master , some good bishops who knew not how to manage it so well , inesperti del maneggio , as cardinal palavicini says of them , offering to speak against the popes interest , were treated many times unworthily by the legates , who gave no sort of liberty . christian princes , as the emperour ferdinand , charles the ninth , and albert duke of bavaria , to whom they granted not one of their just demands had no more reason to be satisfied . to convince the world that it was only the advantage of the popes which the court of rome sought after , and not the glory of god , nor the salvation of men : it is not necessary to relate at large all the base intrigues which were unworthy of the legates , but only to consider the decree which was there made against the reading of the holy scripture . by this decree all people were forbidden to read it without leave given them by their ordinary , who was to allow it to none but clergy-men ; that is to say , the people who were in possession of benefices , and whose interest it was to maintain things in the same condition they were in . thus did the legates forbid what god had commanded generally to the whole world. and as tyrants live in continual fear , they thought themselves not yet secure , but fearing that they had granted too much , they made another decree whereby they absolutely forbad all sorts of people to read it . all their fear was , that by the comparing the papacy with the kingdom of jesus christ , people should discover the imposture which they have put upon the church , whose face they have disfigured and changed its very nature , making the government of the church a piece of knavery , and a device to supplant all the kings and princes of the world , confounding heaven with earth , and destroying all order both divine and humane . the hereticks make a more christian use of it ; for tho they have been so inconsiderate as to reject many books of the old testament , which are canonical , as the apocrypha ; yet they do not only allow , but recommend the reading of them , and we find them bound up with their bibles to be there read as well as the rest . i make no doubt but that if the legates had dared to do it , they would have suppressed the holy books , or at least razed out , or changed all those places that were against them , as the inquisition hath done by many of the ancient authors . how are they who are gone away from us scandalized at such conduct as this ? what shame hath it not brought upon our holy religion ? they cannot look upon us without abhorrence , because we suffer such abominations . expediret ut suspenderentur molae asinariae in collis eorum ▪ ut non scandalizarent pusillos istos . it were expedient that mill stones were hanged about their necks , that they might not scandalize these little ones . this example alone proves sufficiently , that it was a profane and worldly spirit that reigned in this counc●l : it was the same spirit that made them give a ball at trent to philip the second , where it may be said , * that the pope also danced in the persons of his venerable legates . it was also the same spirit that made them give up religion wholly to the popes fancy which is evident by this , because that having made many decrees , they say that they shall be of force without prejudice to the authority of the apostolick see , that is to say , that they shall have place no farther than the pope himself pleaseth , whereby they make the council subject to the pope , which is a devilish heresy , condemned by the councils of constance and basil. the popes did in effect get by this council as well as by the others dispencing both with them , and themselves when they pleased ; as palavicini says , that if the pope should be bound to observe laws , the fountain of his beneficence would be half drawn dry . † se'l papo vuol osservare quelle leggi , il fonte della sua beneficenza asciugarsi per meta . he says in another place , that the council would not bind his hands , who was able to do all things . this worldly spirit is yet farther to be discerned by the ambiguity which they have affected in many places , which shews us that they had oftentimes no other design than to throw dust in our eyes ; they have also forbidden that any body should pretend to interpret , reserving the knowledg of them only to themselves . it is then clear by this account , that there is never any good to be expected from any council which the pope shall call together , or where he or his creatures shall preside , or which shall be assembled in italy ; not only because of the multitude of italian bishops , who would spoil all , but because a council of worthy men would not be there in safety ; for the italians would run to all sorts of excess and violence , rather than suffer that the spiritual empire , which they claim over all other nations , should be taken from them , because they come all in for a share of the plunder : just as we see the inhabitants of barbary are concerned for the preservation of the town and pirates of algier , because they taste of their riches , and have all a share in their robberies . the further insist for the popes advantage , that they have built a great many fine churches at rome , whose admirable structure doth greatly edify believers , and is of it self capable to convert the infidel princes , as palavicini says , * tali opere basterebbeno per render ammirabile la nostra religione alli sguardi di tutti i monarchi mahometani e gentili . such works as these are enough to make our religion be admired by all mahometan and gentile monarchs . he makes religion to consist in these buildings . it is the same thing that they say , who pretend that the fine musick of the churches , the fine ceremonies , and the costly ornaments are capable of converting people . i am bold to say , that if any man be converted by these , he is a fool ; and i know that upon people of understanding , who apply themselves to solid things , and grow in spirit and truth , this hath a contrary effect ; for these things do debauch the mind , and set it on wandering . the enquiry is about seeking god , and finding him in those places ; and it is not the sight of the fine gilding , or the excellent painting of an edifice , nor the hearing of a sweet harmony , but rather the lifting up of our minds above sensible objects , and separating them as much as possibly we can from sense and imagination ; it is the fixing the eyes of our understanding with a religious attention upon that invisible spirit , upon that sun of justice ; and when we do it with that love and reverence that is due to it , we shall never f●ll of seeing and hearing the most delightful things ; we there s●e lumen in lumine , we there also hear that sweet voice that says , my son , thy sins are forgiven thee . but for the fine churches of rome , the popes in building them have built their own house , and these material temples have ruined the spiritual temples of the church , * palavicini does acknowledg it . the fathers were of opinion , that antichrist should one day seize upon the most magnificent temples of the christians , this was the opinion of st. hilary , and of st. hierom , † this last mentions the very rock of tarpeius . therefore the popes ought not to glory overmuch in their buildings , since antichrist shall one day place himself in them . i know not whether other men are of the same mind as i am ; i like well enough to see such fine things as these ; but i confess that i have more devotion in a little church without magnificence or rich ornaments , then i have in such places . i find that my devotion does insensibly divide , and that sense does sometimes carry away a part of my mind , and transport it to sensible objects which do not deserve it , and that my affection is thereby weakened whatever care i take to g●ther it up and unite it . this hath a much more dangerous effect upon the common people , who have no knowledg , and whose religion lies only in their eyes and ears ; they do in horrible manner fasten on these things which are only obvious to their sense , and go no higher . there was much more piety heretofore when the churches were not so m●gni●icent , which in my opinion does more harm than good . dicite pontifices in sacris quid facit aurum ? there was infinitely more zeal in the time of pope zephirin , who ordained that the blood should be consecrated in a chalice of glass : and st. hierom does inform us , that in his time exuperus bishop of thoulouse did consecrate the holy sacrament in calice vitreo & vimineo canistro , in a chalice of glass and a wicker basket. then it was as gregory the great says , that the bishops were of gold , but now their chalices are of gold , they themselves are become wood , ( cum aurei ess●nt sacerdotes , calices habuerunt ligneos ; nunc cum lignei sint sacerdotes , calices volunt habere aureos . ) that is to say , within , for witho●t they want no gold , it is only the gold of the true faith which they som●time● w●nt , but they look upon that as a small matter . ‖ having then proved , as i h●ve done , that the popes are good for nothing , that they are the cause of the churches desolation , and of the damnation of so many millions of souls which daily perish , as well by heresy as by ignor●nce and vice , the●●●●main● nothing more for me to prove , but that it is the indispensible duty of christian princes , who are the protectors of the faith , and to whom god hath committed the defence of his church , to deliver this same church from the papacy that destroys it . this is what they owe to god , to the church , to their subjects , to themselves , and also to húman society . in regard of god , we know that princes were commanded under the law to take care that nothing should be received against the pure service of god , and we also see that good kings , as josias and jehosaphat were so careful in this point , as to depose the high-priests themselves , who were instituted by god , which the popes are not . and now under the gospel they are the guardians of the two tables of the law , as the * council of paris says , so that whether the discipline of the church be augmented or delayed , god will call kings to an account for it , to whose care he hath entrusted it ; and according to this the emperours did depose the b●shops of rome as well as others , when they neglected their duty . leo the first , bishop of rome , does not deny it , when he wrote to the emperour in those times . debes incunctanter advertere , regiam potestatem tibi non solum ad mundi regimen , sed maximè ad ecclesiae praesidium esse col●atam . you ought always to r●member , that the regal power is g●ven to you , not only for the government of the world , but chiefly for the safeguard of the church . as for the church , if they are the protectors of it , as they ought to be , and without doubt are ; if the church be trod under foot , if ambition , luxury , and ignorance seize upon the ecclesiastical ministry , if the bishops neglect their duty , are incapable of teaching , and look after nothing but spoiling and turning all to their own particular profit , if they will make the church a den of thieves , if they sell holy things , and keep the price to themselves , shall not princes punish such villanies ? shall they bear the sword without being able , even for the good of the church , to make use of it against the popes , who do all these things ? † it is in this , says st. austin , that princes are well pleasing to god , in doing those things which none but kings can do ; in hoc ergo serviunt domino reges , cum ea faciunt ad serviendum illi quae non possunt facere nisi reges . according to this they did heretofore depose the popes , they made them give an account of their faith , they did assemble councils , authorise their decrees , and made them be observed ; and the popes cannot alledg any treaty made with princes , nor any prescription ; for there is no prescription against the service which we owe to god , nor no agreement which can bind the hands of princes when it is against the good of the church ; for if at any time they have surprised princes , taking advantage of their ignorance or weakness , it is then a greater crime to observe these treaties which are against the glory of god and the good of the church , than it is to violate them . here the saying is true , that interdum scelus est fides . no man whatsoever ought to have his hands tied by any treaty from advancing the glory of god as much as he is able by lawful means . nor are princes less obliged for their subjects sake , to do their utmost endeavour to extirpate the papacy , for they are the preservers both of religious and civil society , being the heads both of the one and the other in their own dominions . it is on this account that they receive their tribute , and for this end were they by god ordained , that we might live in peace and quietness in all godliness and honesty . and there is no subject but may demand it of his prince , that he would enfranchise him from the tyranny of the pope , or else let him renounce the right which god hath given him over him ; for the prince hath no right to give his subjects over to another , and at the same time to reserve his own power over them upon any pretence whatsoever , this is against nature and the law of nations , but he ought to defend them against all oppression , of either foreign or domestick enemies . now the whole world knows that the popes for many ages past have dealt unworthily , as well by the subjects as the persons of princes they have smitten whole kingdoms together with their anathema's , they have drained them by their indulgences , they plunder them by their dispensations and by their annates , they make them stoop to them by their bulls , and oblige many of them to take oath● of obedience and of fidelity to them , and have in many places destroyed a world of people with the torments of their inquisition . they may well apply to themselves this saying of tacitus ; subje●tos nos habuit tanquam suos , viles ut alienos . princes are f●rthermore for their own ●akes obliged to abolish the papacy not only as they are members o● the church which is oppressed by it , but beca●●e that they are god's vi●egerents they ought to acknowledg none 〈◊〉 the great god above 〈◊〉 , who is the only king of kings and mon●●ch of monarchs . th● p●p●● have no more right to call themselves so , th●n those mad men ●h●t say they are som●times god , and sometimes kings of france 〈◊〉 he who und●r th●● p●●●●nce attempted ag●inst the life of h●n●y 〈◊〉 f●●●th . † s. op●●● ●ays very w●ll ; cum super imperatorem n●n 〈◊〉 nisi so●us 〈…〉 imperatorem , dum se donatus super imperatorem extollit , jam quasi hominum ●xcesserat metas , ut se ut deum , non ut hominem aestimaret . there being none above the emperor , but god who made the emperor , seeing donatus lifts himself up above the emperor , he hath passed beyond the bounds of men , that he might look on himself as god and not as man. at this day the bishops of rome have this right as they pretend , to fling down kings from their thrones , as a fowler shoots down a bird from the branch of a tree . they are masters of all the kingdoms of the world and can give them to whomsoever they please ; they not only say so , but do it ; they have done so by england , france , and navarre , they have done so by the east and west indies , which they have shared between the spaniards and the portugals , having outed the lawful princes . they have dealt thus with many other states , and are still ready to do the same thing again . it is then the interest of princes for many respects that this tyranny should be abolished ; since as the fathers say , they have none but god alone above them , they ought not to depend upon these scoundrils . it is a thing unworthy of their majesty , and contrary to their soveraignty to be under the yoke of any man living . it signifies nothing to say that they are so only for the spiritual part , for that is yet less to be allowed of . jesus christ hath reserved that to himself ; and they suffer the church to be undone by their sluggishness and hinder those who are gone astray from it from being converted , nay , they destroy the very popes who damn themselves in the foolish opinion which they have of their power ; they must be cured of their presumption , and have good done them whether they will or no , as we do to children , a communi ed a fanciulli convien fare il loro bene senza lor voglia . it is fit to do good to the common people and to children , tho it be against their will. pope marcellin did not believe it possible , that a pope could be saved , nor did pius the fifth think otherwise . people do not consider that it was for the sake of the temporality that the popes have invented the spirituality , and that without the one , they would not trouble themselves with the other , as is apparent to the world ; for what shall we call temporal if the annates are not ? and the mony for dispensations , the oath which the clergy take to the pope , the oath which kings take to the holy see , that is to say , to the papacy , and so many other acts of the basest submission of princes ( some of which do even border upon idolatry , as the kissing the slipper of these wretched creatures ) and so great a superiority of the popes , that princes are become wholly contemptible ? for my part , i wonder that those , who have heard of jesus christ and his gospel , do not condemn this pride to the severest punishments . no man that had the least fear of god would ever be pope to act so horrible a part , not to mention the disorders of the church , and the destruction of so many souls that shall be imputed to him . * princes then ought not to defer their endeavours of freeing the church from this monster , and at the same time to deliver themselves from tyranny , and not suffer these strangers to rob them of their subjects , and as they owe this to themselves , they owe it also to human society ; for they are also obliged not only to punish those who injure their own persons or their subjects , but likewise those crimes which do not touch themselves in particular , but yet notoriously violate the laws of god , of nature , and of nations , or of the church , or of the authority which god hath set over his people . i demand whether the popes are not guilty of these crimes , they , who , under the title of vicars of jesus christ , which they insolently assume , have cast the church into the most deplorable desolation , and have ravaged all christian kingdoms ; who authorise all sorts of vice and disorder both in the church and in the world , dethrone kings the anointed of god , tread upon the necks of emperours , dispence with the oaths of allegiance in their subjects , dispence with the laws of god and his gospel , hinder christians from reading the holy scripture without which we cannot be christians , and unmercifully murther men for their religion by their inquisition ; ought it to be questioned whether such people as these should be exterminated ? † pope innocent himself and many others are of opinion , that we may destroy those that sin against nature : ‖ and st. augustin says , opinantur scelera facienda decerni , qualia si quis terrena civitas decerneret , genere humano decernente fuerat evertenda . * seneca hath also a fine saying upon this ; si non patriam meam impugnat sed suae gravis est , & sepositus a meâ gente suam exagitat , abscidit nihilominus illum tanta pravitas animi . in fine , no man can doubt whether those who curse their father and mother and tread them under their feet , or those that live upon humane flesh , or pirates upon the sea without commission from any prince , ought to be extirpated , and whether all princes have not a right to destroy them if they can ; i maintain that the popes do all this and worse , i have already shewed it in what i have related . but besides all this , what can a man think of these men , who call themselves their holinesses , which is a title that belongs only to god , and is one of the most excellent of all his attributes ; who call themselves vicars of jesus christ , to dethrone jesus christ from his church and govern it at their own fantasy ; who say that they are infallible and above the councils , that they can open heaven and shut up hell , put out the fire of purgatory when they please , save and damn whom they please , who make themselves be called god and the divine majesty , and cause themselves to be worshipped . i demand whether there be any thing like this in the crimes of others the most vile and miserable creatures , and that which is the most terrible of all , is , that the popes do every day cast down many millions of souls headlong into hell. do not such things as these deserve the vengeance of princes here on earth ? the insensibility and stupidity of christians must be very great , this their lethargy to me appears monstrous , and certainly there must be in it somewhat supernatual ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as hippocrates says of some strange diseases , which are wholly unknown . if the interest of god and his church were here only concerned , it would not be so surprising ; for usually princes seldom trouble themselves with that ; they cry * deorum injuriae diis curae ; but here where they are robbed of their majesty to dress up a pack of rascals with it , where they are made tributary , where their authority is limited , where part of their subjects are withdrawn from them by exemptions and base laws , which make them contemptible as well to those who thus plunder them , as to others who secure themselves under the covert of this tyranny ; it is unconceiveable that princes should have so much patience ; for tho the primacy of st. peter could be proved that he was bishop of rome , and left there his succcessours either as he was an apostle , or a bishop , must , i say , such people as these be his successours , and make all these crimes their common practise , and go still unpunished ? they shall as soon make me worship the devil as believe it . and i really believe , that it would be no hard matter to make them who adhere to the papacy , both receive and serve him . they would soon relish the reasons of the manicheens , who said that there were two principles , the one good and the other bad ; or the argument of those indians , who believed they ought to worship the devil , because he could do them hurt , and that god , being all good of himself , could do them none , and so it is not necessary to adore him . this now looks very amazing , but they who are so much in love with the papacy would soon receive it , if any man of sense would give a little colour to it , and there were good benefices to be hoped for by it , which could not otherwise be obtained ; if they might have fine churches , and re-establish the fine ceremonies of numa pompilius , if their only care might be to divert the eyes and eares of the people with musick and rare shews , as heretofore they did to those miserable jews , who brought their children to moloch , and whilst they burned they played upon all sorts of instruments , and entertained them with the most delightful musick , that they might not hear the cries of their poor children . can we think it strange as things go , that the protestants are not converted ? there would be in my opinion greater reason to wonder if they should embrace the catholick religion whilst the pope should exercise this horrible tyranny ; for i do maintain that there is no man of honour , that hath any modesty or sense of christianity , that can digest this article of the almighty power of the pope , if at least it hath not been riveted in him from his childhood , and he been brought up in this opinion all his life-time without ever making any reflection upon it . but for the protestants , we must never pretend to make them believe that the popes are heads of the universal church established by jesus christ to govern it as it is governed , there is no man of sense will ever be perswaded to believe this . but it may be said that the great truths which the cathol●ck religion teaches , give us so great an advantage over the hereticks , that they ought to make no difficulty of passing over such an error as this to enter into the communion of the church . for my part , i am of opinion , that a man's conversion is a work supernatural , and from the hand of god , who , filling the heart of man with light and courage , makes him overcome darkness and his natural weakness ; and that a true conversion is always accompanied with zeal towards god , and charity towards our neighbour . this being supposed , i maintain that they who are converted by these principles do in effect embrace with their whole heart the catholick truths ; but that their charity and the zeal towards god , which animates them , shall always make them resist and oppose to the utmost of their power all impostures and falsities whatsoever , that they shall chearfully lose their estates and lives , to deliver the church from so miserable a slavery as the papacy is . it is a great unhappiness that the protestants have separated themselves not from the pope , but from the church , and that they have invented novelties to fortify their schism which at the beginning had no other original than the tyranny of the pope ; for without these novelties the church would in all likelihood have joyned with them , because that many people saw clearly the cheat of the papacy , and that it had no foundation , neither in the scripture nor in reason ; but the op●nions which they began then to spread abroad , to which from time to time they added somewhat or other new , ut nemo fit repente turpissimus ▪ put the catholicks out of all hope , and made them continue as they were ; and it were now foolish enough to think our selves in the wrong , to acknowledg that the protestants are right in this article , and that we have not courage enough to get off this abuse and to detest it as well as they , wherein we do great prejudice to our selves , to religion , and likewise to the protestants whom we destroy by it ; for they , seeing that they have reason on their side in this point , cannot believe that we have it in others , and so remain obstinante . for my part , as i am assured that their religion is contrary to the gospel , so i cannot but confess ( and i think my self indispencibly bound in conscience to do it ) that concerning the article of the papacy , they have more reason on their side than can be imagined . but if we find that we have too little courage or strength to undertake to abolish and utterly destroy this monster , we ought at least to endeavour to send him home to rome , and secure our selves from all the mischief he is able to do us , and not to endure any more his approaches . i say this only to prevent the objection which people make , that it is extream difficult to bring about such an enterprise ; that this great machine is so well joyned together , this babel hath so many props and arches , that they who should undertake to pull it down would be in danger of being swallowed up in its ruins . mille annorum fortunâ disciplinâque compages haec coaluit , quae convelli sine convellentium exitio non potest . it would ever be a glorious thing , both before god and men , to undertake so great a thing , tho it were without success . but i do not think the danger so great as people imagine ; for i am perswaded that this work doth not exceed the strength of any great , vigorous and zealous prince who would manage the thing with prudence . i own that no prince can undertake such a work , who is not assured that his neighbours shall not oppose him , and that his clergy and people shall not be against him : as for his neighbours , he may easily know their disposition both as to their will , and the means they have either to assist or hurt him . and for the clergy , the contrivance should be to let them peaceably enjoy their benefices , and to make them understand their rights ; that according to the gospel all bishops are equal , and that they owe to the pope no more than to any other of their fellow brethren , that the popes have usurped over them the authority which they assume to themselves of giving bulls , and the oath of fidelity which they exact from them , and that these things overturn the gospel ; and that for the oath , if they have taken it to the pope , it is null in it self , being against the law of god , as st. austin says , si ad peccatum admittendum fides adhibeatur , mirum est si fides appelletur . and for the people , they must be gently used and made to understand , if they are capable of reason , that all the popes of rome , as well as other bishops , have authority only in their diocess , according to the gospel and ancient canons ; that the authority which they exercise , serves for nothing else but to make them masters of the whole earth , and turns to nothing but their particular profit : they must also be shewed the disorders which this power hath caused both in the church and in the world , as i have represented it in some places of this work. if once the people were made to comprehend this , the monks could never do any mischief ; for they are dangerous only among the people whom they govern , provided they do not come nigh princes . this being done , a potent and prudent prince would easily perswade other princes all that i have said of the papacy , of its uselesness , of the mischiefs it hath caused in the church and in the world , of the shame which it draweth upon them by keeping them always under the yoak , of the damage which it causeth to their estates , of the danger they are continually in depending upon the popes humour , who can excommunicat● them when he pleaseth , of the account they will have to give to god for so many souls that perish , as well catholicks as hereticks , the one by ignorance , and the others by the obstinacy which the papacy causeth ; and that religion hath no connection with the papacy , that we should be more catholicks than we are if there were no pope , and that the church would be aristocratically governed , as in the first centuries by the way of councils . there is no prince who hath common sense , but would joyn with another truly catholik prince that would propose this ; and by this means we should soon see the prophecy of the revelation fulfilled , * which says , that the kingdoms of the world are become the kingdoms of our lord , and of his christ , and he shall reign for ever and ever . but , say they , the king and the bishops have ‖ sworn fidelity to the holy see. i answer with st. ambrose , † that it is ever unjust to observe an oath made against god or our neighbour : and st. augustin said above , that if an oath tends to a crime , it is contrary to faith to keep it . i have proved that the papacy is a mystery of iniquity ; and that so princes as well as others would make themselves the instruments of the popes crimes , of their sin against god , and of the ruine which they draw upon the church . seneca says very well , si in omnibus obediendum est patri , in eo non est obediendum , in quo efficitur ne pater sit ; tho we ought in all things to obey our father , yet he is not to be obeyed in those things wherein he ceaseth to be a father . the reason then is much stronger , that we ought not to obey a common high-way-man , who hath deceived and seduced us to make us complices of his crimes . when a vow or an oath is lawfully made , yet where the thing vowed , or the oath taken doth hinder a greater moral good , orthodox divines are of opinion that the oath is null , because that we owe to god a progr●● in well doing so that we cannot deprive our selves of the liberty of making this progress : besides , every oath of a christian hath this understood , provided that this be to the greater glory of god , edification of our neighbour , and our own salvation : so that quod propt●r charitatem fit , non debet contra charitatem militare . that which is made for charity 's sake , ought not to militate against charity . the lawyers say , that sacra alienari non possunt ; holy things cannot be alienated . and what is there more sacred than the zeal with we ought to have for the glory of god , for the propagation of the faith , and the spiritual good of the church ? so that there is no oath , treaty , nor agreement , but ought to give place to the good and safety of the church , and the salvation of our souls . this is l●ke the oath which pirates or robbers on the high-way force them to swear whom they take prisoners , who , to save their lives , promise to be faithful to them , and to t●em what service they can ; the lawyers do maintain that these oaths are not binding . * a piratis aut latronibus capti , liberi permanent . qui a latronibus captus est , servus latronum non est , nec postliminium illi necessarium est . it is an undisputable maxim non posse deum obligare creaturam ad non obediendum sibi . the lawyers also say , that a man cannot renounce the right he hath to defend himself which is natural , much less a prince . thus there is no reason divine nor humane , but doth indispencibly ingage princes to renounce the papacy , and to re-establish the church in that liberty which jesus christ hath left to it . but as for the papacy , it is like the ancient idols of paganism , which , when the christians did renounce , they kn●w well their vanity , when they examined into the thing , but they still reserved a certain tr●mor fatuus & lepori●us , fear and impli●i●e respect , as gers●● says , for them ; because that from their infancy they had their minds greatly a●●ected with the power of these idols . it is just the same thing with us and the pope ●er still idolum nihil ●st in m●●do . and i am perswaded that we should have a great deal of difficulty before we could turn him briskly away . it were to ●e wished that he would do himself justice , and give glory to god ; but what li●●lihood is there of that ? they will always ke●p the titles of h●ad and spouse of t●e church ; if they would be contented with the latter , there might be found out a way to be rid of them , which would be for the french church to give them once for all the same portion , as p●ilip the second gave to his eldest d●u●ht●r , wh●n he married h●r to the duke of 〈◊〉 he gave her a cru●i●●x an● an i●age of our la●y , but upon cond●tion , that he sh●uld never h●ar her speak ●f a●y t●ing ●ore , and that sh● sho●l● renounce for ever all other pret●nsi●ns , ●oth f●r her s●lf ●nd all ●●r 〈◊〉 as this princess did ; but if th●y will not ●e the spouse at thi● p●i●c● ; the sure●t way is absolutely to ●reak with th●m , and to ●●nd them to the who●e of babyl●n ▪ l●st a● length g●d c●nsume us als● in thi● 〈◊〉 . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64936-e200 the design of this undertaking . the necessity of a reformation acknowledged by many of the church of rome . testified in writing by some of their most eminent authors . see the preface to the discourse of the holy eucharist , in the two great points of the real presence , and adoration of the host. the present ! treatise an instance of it . that the author of this book was indeed of the roman religion . the occasion of his first searching into the truth of his religion . that he continued in many things to the last in opposition to the protestants . instances of it . that the ch. of r. is the visible ch. of christ. moyons surs , &c. part 2. pag. 92 , 93. edit . de cologne 1681. 2. corporal presence . ibid. pag. 103. ibid. p. 105 , 107. p. 109. 3. communion in one kind . ibid. p. 99 , 100 , 109 , 110. 4. invocation of saints . ibid. p. 112. pag. 113. pag. 114. his book reprinted by the a. b. of tholouse . see , le jansonist convainca de vaine sophistiquerie , pag. 91. he is therefore to be excus'd if he sometimes speak against us . the design of his undertaking the conversion of all hereticks . the method he has taken the most likely to do this . 2 cor. iv . 4· luke i. 79. the sum of his project . no likelihood that the papists will ever consent to it . what use we are to make of it . ephes. iv . 14. jude 3. 2 pet. iii. 18. notes for div a64936-e4050 * aeneas silv. in gest. conc. basil. * ●otus orbis se arianum esse miratus est . hieron . * origen in mar. chap. 16. tract . 1. ‡ cypri . de simplicitate praelat . * ambr. in epist. ad eph. cap. 2. † ambr. in psal. 32. ‖ hieron . in psal. 40. * idem in mat. 8. * august . in johan . tract . 124. * august . de verbo dom. serm. 60. ‖ chrysost. in matth. 16. * chrysost. in sermone de pentecost . * gregor . nyss. lib. de vita mosi● . † sal. 13. tom. 1. lib. com . in epist. pauli . * cypr. de unitate ecclesiae . † origen . in math. tract . 1. * st hilary lib. 6. de trinitate , in the council of ephesus — there is an epistle of the council of alexandria , where are these words , petrus & johannes & aequales sunt ad alterutrum dignitatis . † hieron contra jovian . lib. 1. cap. 14. * hieron . in mat. 16. ‡ august . in joh. trac . 118. id. in epist. joh. tract . 10. * august . in joan. tra. 124. † idem in joan. tract . the 10. theoph. in mat. chap. 16. † leo in anniver . die assumptionis suae ad pontif. sermone 3. † palavicini lib 4. c. 6. * marsilius patav. p. 2 , c. 15. ‡ hierom in math. cap. 16. * idem in esaiam cap. 14. * st. amb. cap. 4. lib. 2. de cain & abel . † august . in johan . tract . 124. † aug. in johan . tract . 123. cap. 210. st. cyril . in joh. lib. 12. cap. 64. * cypr. de unitate ecclesiae . * st. aug. de pastor . idem in sermone de petro & paulo . * chysost . lib. 2. de sacerdote . st. peter the 1. c. 5. v. 1.2.3 . * conc. basil apud aene. s● . in gestis concil . † acts cap. 8. v. 14. * acts 11. v. 1. * 1 corin. chap. 11. v. 5. † math. 28. v. 20. * john 20. v. 22.23 . ‖ gal. 2. v. 9 , gal. 2. v. 7. * origen in numeros , hom. 3. notes for div a64936-e8260 * dorot. tyrensis in synopsi . ‡ hierom in matth. cap. 23. lib. 4. lyran in 1 petri. (a) caus. 84. q. 5. can. rogamus . (a) clem epis. 1. fratri domini episcopo episcoporum , &c. * lib. 1. recognitionum ubi petrus . (b) iren. apud eusebium , lib. 5. cap. 26 , & 27. (a) cusan lib. 1. cap. 14. * amb. de incarnatione c. 14. (b) cyprian in conc. carth. sive de sent. episcoporum . (b) cyprian lib. 3. epist. 21. (c) id. ep. 30. (d) idem de aleatoribus . (e) idem ad puppienum . ep. 66. (f) idem in epist. 55. (g) in conc. africano , art. 6. (h) concil . ●icen . can. 6. (i) cusan de co●cord . catho●icâ , lib. 2. c. 12. (a) concil . antioch . c. 13. concil . calcedon , act. 16. concil . constant . c. 1. (b) theodor. lib. 5. c. 9. (c) euseb. hist. eccles. lib. 7. cap 30. (d) theod l. 2. cap. 16. (e) cod. theod . l. 16. tit . 1. cap. 2. (f) greg nazianz ep. 22. (a) concil . milevitan , cap. 22. (b) concil . africanum . cap. 105. (c) concil . constant. c. 2. can. 6. (d) concil . nicen , can . 4. * hierom in epist. ad evagrius . (a) st. chrys. hom. 43. in matth. (b) greg lib. 6. ep. ad maurit . imperat. (c) idem lib. 6. ep. 24. ad anastasium antiochen . * st. aug. in li cont . donat. post collat. c. 33. ‡ leo in epist . 89. ad episc . viennensis provinciae● contra hilarium . * epistola episcoporum germaniae & galliae , contra anastas . secundum , sub clodoveo magno , apud aventinum in collectaneis . † concil constant . can. 2. † conc. antio . can. 9. * concil . calcedon , act 16. ‡ conc. turin , c. ● . ‖ sigon . lib. 9. de regno italiae . petrus damianus , in epist . ad hildebrandum . * vasaeus in chronico hisp anno christi 717 , rodericus arch. tolet. lib. 6. cap. 25 , & 26. * historia concil . gallic . concil . leptinense ad annum 748 , in praefat. ‖ beda in tractatu de sex aetatibus mundi . ‡ epiphanius haeres 20. ‖ tacitus . ‖ tacitus . * platina , sigebert . ‖ platina . ‡ authent . justinian , 123. cap. 3. ‖ distinct. 63. can. in sinodo . ‡ tacitus . † sigebert in chronico . * capitula caroli magni ludovi . lotharii , &c. ‖ concil . rhem. anno 991. c. 26. & cap. 28. ‖ aventin . in boi . hist. * avent . anno 723. † 1 tom. conciliorum . ‖ at the end of st. gregories works . * see apostolick . (a) tertul. de praescripti ; cap. 20. (b) pelag. ad valer. in collect . rom. part 1. p. 227. (c) st. aug. epist. 162. (d) apollin . lib. 7. epist. 4. sidon . apollin . lib. 6. (e) greg. hist. l 4. cap. 26. (f) euseb. hist. lib. 7. cap. 30. (g) euseb. hist. lib. 10. cap. 7. (h) bishop of bishops . (i) niceph. lib. 4. cap. 43. sydon . apollin . lib. 6. epist. 2. soveraign pontife . * sydon . apol. lib. 7. epist. 2 , & 4. k idem lib. 5. epist. 6. (l) lib. 4. ep. 11. & lib. 6. epist. 4. (m) ignatius ad smirnens . (n) leo epist. 87. ad afric . (o) fortun. lib. 11. ep. 13. (p) epist. cler. rom. ad cypr. de lapsu . 15. (q) baron . martyr . januarii . (r) these are french livres that are worth 20 english pence a pie●e , 25000 l. (s) cardinals in other places besides rome . (t) apostoli dati . cardinalibus per nationem gallicanam , sub carolo quinto . (u) the chro. of the abby of st. jean de vignes at soissons . (x) pasquiet , lib. 4. cap. 3. * art. 54. a humane reason for the papacy . * palavic . lib. 8. cap. 19. ‡ aristot. lib. 2. pol. cap. 4. ‖ idem lib. 5. pol. cap. 11 ▪ tacitus . ‡ palav . lib. 23. cap. 10. the church hath not establisht the papacy . the papacy never did any good in the world . ‡ cusan de concor . cathol . lib. 2. cap. 14. * cusan lib. 2. c. 13. & 34. † gerson de potestate ecclesiastic . * tho. aquin. summa , part . 1. quaest . 1. art. 8 , & 10. * palav . lib. 3. cap. 12. * aug. apud gloss. ordin . * arist. lib. 6. cap. 4. notes for div a64936-e18680 † the popes make no unity , there is no unity among them . the popes are wicked men . * palavici . in his history of the council of trent . ‡ palav . lib. 3. cap. 20. ‖ ibidem . * gerson . lib. 8. c. 17. ‡ complaint● against the pope . ‡ joannes sarisbur ▪ in polycratico . aventinus in oratione archymistae ad proceres imperii . ‡ honor. augustodun . in dial●●o de p●aede●● & libero a●bi●●io . * petrus blesensis in epist. ad quendam officialem . * bernard de cons. ad eugen . l. 3. c. 5. ‖ bernard super psalm 9. v. 6. ser. 6 , * b●rnard epist . 91. ‖ apellatio universitat . patisiens . contra leonem . ‡ petrarque in lib. epist. sine titulo . ‡ isid. pel. lib. 1. epist. 323. * alv. pelag. de planctu ecclesiae lib. 2. cap. 15. ‖ that the papacy is an obstacle unto piety . † of the popes maintaining the exterior vnity . ‡ expence for the conversion of the greeks . ‖ palav . l. 2. cap. 3. & 7. † of the popes making religion to be respected , and accommodating the differences of princes . ‡ m. paris in hist. angliae . the popes have on at this time a disguise , waiting for an advantage . we ought to be always 〈…〉 . † gellius . ‖ horace . * valeri ● max. ‡ st. hier. ‖ petreius chartr . * attempts of the popes of this present age upon kings . † tit. liv. † mezeray in the life of king henry the third , pag. 367. * the use th● popes make of their tributes . † cicero l. 2. de officiis . * tacitus . † missions . * bishops in partibus infidelium . † pagans and mahometans also have a head of religion . * palavicin ▪ lib. 19. c. 6. lib. 2● . c. 8. † epictetus , cap. 38. * tacitus . † palavicini , lib. 1. cap. 2. * idem . † salust . ‖ tacitus . tacitus . * horace . * innocent extra . de bigamis tit . 22. c. quia circa . † horrible maxims of italian divines concerning ▪ sodomy in a priest. ‖ navar. quest . 2. de defensione proximi . * tolet. cap. 61. lib 1. de institutione presbyt . * palav . lib. 14. cap. 19. † the inquisition . ‖ lib. 1. * idem . idem . * suarez . in def . fid . cath. c. 4. l. 6. n. 17. * chrysost. l. 1. de sacerdote . * st. chrysost. to the ephesians , 4.17 . * pal. l. 3. c. 18. of his hist. of the council of trent . † lib. 7. cap. 9. ‖ lib. 23. c. 3. lib. 1. c. 23. * mat. par. in hist. angl. in hen. 3. & in lib. de antichrist . of the nuns . * tacitus . † that the popes are hurtful to italy . * tacit. in vità ag●ic . tacit. * of the popes calling of councils . † palav . lib. 14. cap. 12. ‖ p. diego laines , lib. 16. cap. 10. * council of trent . chrysost. gal. 5. * palav . lib. 11. cap. 13. † introduct . cap. 11. * palav . lib. 8. cap. 17. * malus vos pari●tum amor accepit , malè ec●lesias in t●ctis aedificiis● ; veneramini , &c. † hil. contra au●e●tium . hieron . ad m●rceilam viduam . ‖ 〈◊〉 a●t oblig●d for ma●● reas●●s , to abolish t●● pa●a●● , * concil . paris . † aug. contra crescon . gram. lib. 3. † o●●●t . lib. 3. * that the papacy is against humane society . † innocent . c. 3. quod s●per his devoto arch. flor. 3. part tit . 22. sect. 5. sylvanus in verbo papa sect. 7. ‖ aug. lib. 5. de civitate dei. * seneca 7. de benef . * tacitus , * rev. 11.15 . ‖ the oath taken to the pope . † amb. offic. 1. cap. ult . * paulus jurisiconsultus l. si quis ingenuam § 1. cod . tit. idem ulpian l. hostes. d. de captivis .