of the digital library@villanova university (http://digital.library.villanova.edu/)) contents a little fleet the "monte" the "moby dick" the "theodore" the "pasear" the "new corinthian" advertisements one of jack b. yeats's books for children. [illustration] a little fleet _price one shilling net._ or, coloured by the author, with an original sketch in colours, price 5s. net. published by elkin mathews, vigo street, nigh the albany, london. a little fleet by jack b. yeats published by elkin mathews, vigo street, nigh the albany, london. [illustration] a little fleet the following account of the fleet, and of the various histories of the voyages of the vessels which compose it, has been written out by me at the request of the owners. i have also made for them the drawings and the chart which illustrate the account. the owners of this small merchant fleet had nowhere else handy to float their vessels in than the small and winding gara river and a very small pond; the vessels when upon the river drove along with the stream, their sails, when they had any, only being of use to get them out of bad places, except occasionally when the current ran slowly; then, with a fair wind, the "pasear" and the "monte," at any rate, would walk along at a fine pace. long, light sticks were carried to steer the ships round dangerous corners, and through narrow and difficult channels like the two snags; and when i say she steered this way, or her skipper took such a course, you will understand it is just put that way because it sounds better. the two longest voyages were those of the "theodore" and the "pasear," both of which vessels travelled about a mile along the river. the owners think that any other little boys who live near a stream sufficiently deep to float ships drawing so little water might like to follow their example and build a fleet, therefore i am to tell you how each vessel was built, as well as the story of its voyage. the chart shows the winding river down which the clippers voyaged, and on it are marked the various snags, rapids, and other dangers. jack b. yeats, _gara river_. the owners and myself are indebted to the fleet poet for the verses through the book. the fleet. _the monte_ fore and aft schooner _the moby dick_ paddle steamboat _the theodore_ fireship _the pasear_ top-sail schooner _the new corinthian_ brig [illustration] the "monte" the "monte" was the first of our vessels, and was made out of a flat piece of wood about five inches long, shaped at one end for the bow. she had two masts of very thin wood, and was rigged as a fore and aft schooner with paper sails, which had holes in them so as to fasten them to the masts. she had a stone underneath her to keep her upright, and a piece of string tied round her, amidships, to keep on the stone. in the picture the stone is shown through the water, so that you can see how it was fastened on, but it did not really show like that. the "monte's" voyage she started from no name strait with wind and tide; it was blowing a gale at the time--of course you will understand that it was not blowing a gale _to us_, but in proportion to the size of her, it must have been a gale to _her_. she kept her course toward the land, going by the round channel, as we had not then discovered the passage through the two snags she then put her helm to port and bore away for mid-stream to avoid the nifty snags that lie at the foot of the bluff called pirate's leap, called that because a poet who had been a pirate, i expect, was thinking about a poem when he ought to have been shoving the vessel off the rocks, and so he fell in. the "monte" then put her head south-west by south, half south, a little southerly, sir, and tried to make the current called the bully bowline, but she kept too far to the west'ard, and so she got caught by the other current, the wrong one, called the blackwall hitch. the "monte's" skipper got excited then, and tried to cross the middle of the river, but she dashed round in the current under the cliffs, and was only saved by very good steering from running straight into the very dangerous snags called the bad snags. however, she weathered them and dashed on over the marbley shallows; we called them that because the stones under the water used to roll along like a lot of little marbles. she kept a fine course from that on, and went at a great pace, about fifteen knots; once she stuck her nose in the bank, but the sails swung her round, so on she went and ran beautifully into safety cove. but, like a silly, her skipper came out of it again before we could tell him not to, and hit against, oh! such a nasty rock; it heaved her on her beamends, and then she turned very slowly round until her masts and sails were underneath, and her stone keel on top. and that was the end of her. this was what the pirate poet made about her: and now by gara rushes, when stars are blinking white; and sleep has stilled the thrushes, and sunset brings the night; there, where the stones are gleamin', a passer-by can hark to the old drowned "monte" seamen a-singing through the dark. there, where the gnats are pesky, they sing like anything; they sing like jean de reszke, this is the song they sing: down in the pebbled ridges our old bones sing and shout; we see the dancing midges, we feel the skipping trout. our bones are green and weeded, our bones are old and wet; but the noble deeds that we did we never can forget. [illustration] [illustration] the "moby dick" she sailed down gara valley, she startled all the cows; with touchwood in her galley, and green paint round her bows. * * * * * the "moby dick" was supposed to be a mississippi river steamboat; she was built out of a flat piece of board almost fourteen inches long and six inches broad; on top of that she had a cardboard box with cabin windows drawn on it, and she had cardboard paddle-boxes with her name painted on them with ink; she also had an eagle painted on her deck-house. inside her deck-house there was a cocoa tin with a cardboard funnel coming out of the top of it. the tin was there so that we could make a fire in it of paper and touchwood. at first, when we made our fire, it would not burn because there was no draught, so we made a large hole in front of the deck-house and another one abaft, also holes in the side of the cocoa tin; that made a draught, and then you should have seen the smoke coming out of her funnel! the first voyage of the "moby dick" she started from no name straits, but she had to put back again because her fire was not burning, so we stirred it up a bit and put in some more dry touchwood, then it smoked fine, and we let her go. she was going the round channel when her mate sung out to the captain: "she'll go through the two snags!" "she'll never do it!" shouted the captain. "let's try her!" yelled the mate. "go ahead!" roared the captain, and the mate shoved the helm hard up, and she slid through without touching anywhere. [illustration] _and so the "moby dick" was the first to use the two snags passage._ since then all our vessels have used it. after she had passed through she bore away towards the easterly shore, and went easily along with the bully bowline current; but as she was not smoking properly, her captain gave orders to beach her on treasure beach (we called it that name because it looked just the sort of beach pirates would choose to bury treasure in). when she came ashore we stirred up her furnace until it burnt magnificently, then we shoved her off again, and she looked really great as her smoke and herself were both reflected in the water as clear as anything. she then continued her voyage over the marbley shallows on to safety cove. the "moby dick" did so well that run that we thought we would send her down the river again at once, and we _did_ send her down, and no mistake, because we put an anchor on her stern, with lots of cable, and just when she was going through no name straits she let go her anchor, because we wanted to see how she would look when it brought her up all standing. well, she dragged her anchor for a few yards until it caught in a weed, and what did she do but get pulled right down to the bottom of the river, the stream was too strong for her. she came to flying anchor at the twilight time of day, but the strain on the cable sank her, and her crew, oh, where were they? [illustration] the "theodore" there was nothing very grand about the appearance of the "theodore"; we were in a great hurry to go out, so could only build her very badly, but in spite of that she was a jolly good clipper. she was built out of a long cardboard box, and had the lines of her ports painted on with ink, and the portholes were cut out. she did not have any masts, we did not have time to make any for her. the very long voyage of the "theodore." the "theodore" was launched to the north of the two snags, but she caught fire suddenly--really, we set fire to a lot of touchwood and stuff inside her because we wanted to see what a ship on fire would look like on the river. and she looked splendid with the crimson flames coming out of her ports, and the reflection on the still piece of water just under the cliffs was beautiful. the fire burnt away like mad, and did not go out till she got as far as safety cove. but the fire had not done the old "theodore" a bit of harm; the water kept the fire from burning through her, except for one big hole the fire had burnt through just above the water line. the skipper set all hands to work to rig up a tarpaulin to keep the water out; we really stuffed a big dock leaf in, and the "theodore" continued her voyage right through a terribly dangerous passage at the western end of the twisty straits, opposite the desolate dead man's teeth, and she passed the narrows, the most dangerous place on the whole river, where there is only just room for one vessel to pass through at a time. she continued round the next bend in great style, passing under the buccaneers' gallows, another most desperate place, and came out in the beautiful clear water, where she went along finely. [illustration] then we had to go home, and the last we saw of her she was going round a big bend as fast as anything, and the man on the look-out was singing out, "all clear ahead!" and the skipper was singing out, "keep her as she goes!" and the man at the wheel was singing out, "aye, aye, sir! as she goes it is." we went down the next day, but saw nothing of her, though we went ever so far along the river. she may now be on the high seas, with a skipper shouting all the time, "keep her as she goes, and for the spanish main." and let no landsman doubt it, she was a gallant ship; and her cap. (brave man) throughout it kept a stiff upper lip. the "pasear" the "pasear" was a top-sail schooner, and could not she just travel when the wind was in the proper quarter! she was built out of a bright green cardboard tie box, with a lid, and stones inside to ballast her. on her fine, long voyage she passed all the dangers of the narrow reaches of the river, and sailed out into the deep, clear channel before the wind; and she went so far and so fast that it took us all our time to keep up with her, so we could not think of names for all the headlands she passed--she went nearly a mile. then "it was time for us to leave her," so we left her all snug and comfortable in a little cove called huckleberry cove, after finn. we could not get down to the river again for two days, and when we did we could not find her for a long time, but at last we did find her--under water--she had gone down in twenty fathoms, we could see her quite clearly resting on the sandy bottom; she must have sprung a leak, and her captain had not the sense to beach her, as he should have done. [illustration] the "new corinthian" she was the finest vessel we had in the fleet. she was built out of a toy lifeboat, with a lead keel fastened on, and she had paper sails and a rudder. [illustration] the "new corinthian" sailed in the nicest way, but we were too proud of her, after we had rigged her, to let her go down the big river, so we sailed her on a small pond called mystery bay; we called it that name because it looked so terribly deep, but was really only about three feet deep. the "new corinthian" did not have any adventurous voyages, but she had as good a time as she could have, sailing round and round mystery bay. but it must have been pretty exciting on her when the tadpoles tried to board her. but what we liked best was seeing the vessels of our fleet tearing and gliding and shooting down the flood and through the currents of the gara river. [illustration] notice to mariners. since the above was written, the owners have put a buoy in mid-stream, between the blackwall hitch and bully bowline currents, and mariners will keep a south-easterly course, leaving the buoy nine fathoms and a-half on the starboard. * * * * * jack yeats's chap books, _printed for, and sold by_ elkin mathews, _in_ vigo street, _nigh the_ albany, london. _sold also by the_ booksellers _in_ town _and_ country. * * * * * a broadsheet: for the years 1902-3. with pictures by p. colman smith and jack b. yeats. hand-coloured, twenty-four numbers, with portfolio, £1 7s. 6d. free. the contributors include w. b. yeats, lady gregory, professor f. york powell, "a.e.," wilfred gibson, john masefield, dr. douglas hyde, and others. * specimen copies may be had, post free, 1s. 2d. net. "mr. yeats has not yet come by his own; when he does the world will recognise more exactly than it has done hitherto what a facile and original artist he is."--_speaker._ "miss p. colman smith undoubtedly has a great eye for colour, and a most curious conception of its application; indeed the colouring of 'a broadsheet' is its most striking feature."--_the reader._ "these twenty-four broadsheets may be wisely collected by the curious."--_the sphere._ [illustration] _one of jack b. yeats's books for children._ the bosun and the bob-tailed comet. foolscap 8vo, 1s. net; or coloured by the author, 5s. net. [illustration] "'you'll see how the little dears will sing out when they ketches hold of me and my bob-tail'--here the bosun paused to turn his quid and hitch his trousers up. then he dexterously tied another knot on his comet's tail lest it should sweep the pens off the table, or upset the ink-pot."--_the daily news._ "the title is sufficient to indicate the nature of the little book in which mr. yeats displays all the humour which has so characterised the series of picture books, and his facile pen has lost none of its old-time cunning."--_dublin express._ _one of jack b. yeats's plays for the miniature stage_ james flaunty: or, the terror of the western seas. 1s. net; or, coloured by the author, 5s. net. "a 'memory' of r. l. stevenson comes seldom amiss, and now especially, when the romancer's name and fame are as a shuttlecock between wholly adoring and still discriminating friends, may be considered apt and seasonable. so it won't hurt to read this: "there stands, i fancy, to this day (but now how fallen!) a certain stationer's shop at a corner of the wide thoroughfare that joins the city of my childhood with the sea. when upon any saturday we made a party to behold the ships, we passed that corner; and since in those days i loved a ship as a man loves burgundy or daybreak, this of itself had been enough to hallow it. but there was more than that. in that window, all the year round, there stood displayed a theatre in working order, with a 'forest set,' 'a combat,' and a few 'robbers carousing' in the slides; and below and about--dearer tenfold to me!--the plays themselves, those budgets of romance, lay tumbled, one upon another."--_a penny plain and twopence coloured._ "here, palpably, was a hint for somebody, who has turned out to be mr. jack b. yeats. the first of his 'plays in the old manner'--'_james flaunty; or, the terror of the western seas_'--lies before me, and it is a study in grotesque. the most notable point in this production is the fact that the interest thereof attaches not only to the dialogue--you will, however, relish that--but to the setting, the close reproduction of old-world lettering and art, which is a vast deal more than an ordinary publisher's advertisement, and cunning enough to deceive the very elect. the ferocious woodcuts, the jaunty humour of the speeches, the fore-and-aft and down-the-hatchway plot, the bizarre characters, harmonize perfectly, and well they may; for mr. yeats, all by himself, has invented those same characters, contrived the plot, fashioned the speeches, and designed the illustrations. "debauched by sixpenny and even threepenny editions, some may rail at this as a dear shilling's worth. (for superior copies the charge is a crown.) for all such niggards this lean but precious pamphlet--it is no more--will be caviare. but drat economy, say i, when a paltry subscription will land you straight into the arms of a real toy pirate. never again will you have so good a chance of seeing one, of hanging on his talk, of sympathising with his peril. never, i mean, apart from the present showmen, who, however, promise yet better things. stevenson, you mark, had two sources of enjoyment--play and puppet-show--and mr. mathews announces his intention of producing the plays, with scenes and characters, on sheets, to be cut out and played on miniature stages. what _will_ the next generation be like? certes, 'tis a bold experiment, and, to say the worst, a queer revival."--_speaker, 1/2/02._ f. j. s. "at a time when the palmy days of the drama are a melancholy remembrance, we welcome the publication of _james flaunty; or, the terror of the western seas_, by jack b. yeats (elkin mathews), which, in its awakening of romance, may be dimly associated with the celtic revival. the spirit of the publication may be indicated by a quotation on the cover from stevenson's 'a penny plain and twopence coloured.' it is announced that copies of the play coloured by the author may be had for five shillings, but it is difficult to believe that colour can add materially to the excellence of these designs. still, a judicious use of crimson lake ('hark to the sound of it, reader,' as stevenson says) might add something to the glories of captain gig and the rest. we may particularly commend the reticence of effect in the pictures, which aim at no vulgarity of facetiousness, and there is an exquisite moderation in the dialogue. 'it is intended later to produce the plays with scenes and characters on sheets, to be cut out and placed on miniature stages.' we should like to be there to see."--_manchester guardian, 10/12/01._ _one of jack b. yeats's plays for the miniature stage_ 1s. net; or, coloured by the author, 5s. net. [illustration: the scourge of the gulph] "mr. jack b. yeats's latest play for the miniature stage, _the scourge of the gulph_ (elkin mathews, pp. 18, 1s. net), has the same exalted qualities that endeared 'james flaunty' and 'the treasure of the garden' to the judicious. blood runs gaily through the lee scuppers, in accordance with the best precedents; but plenty more of it is left to keep up the native hue of resolution in the cheeks of the survivors. if mr. andrew lang ever finds the 'odyssey' losing its power to affect the mind like ocean thundering on a western beach, he should try 'the scourge of the gulph.' there is a delicious drawing by mr. jack yeats on the back of the cover."--_manchester guardian, 12/1/04._ _one of jack b. yeats's plays for the miniature stage_ the treasure of the garden: a play in the old manner. with illustrations, hand coloured by the author, 4to, 5s. net; uncoloured copies, 2s. 6d. net. * stages, with prosceniums designed by the author, footlights, slides, and scenes can be had, price 5s. net, each. the play set up ready for acting by the author, with stage and all necessaries, price three guineas. "the sensations of wonder and respect produced by mr. jack b. yeats's play (for a miniature theatre), 'james flaunty; or, the terror of the western seas,' are deepened by the appearance of _the treasure of the garden_ (elkin mathews, 5s. net). here we have no mere jejune text, but also the characters and the scenery painted unstintingly by the author, and all ready to be gummed on cardboard and strut and fret their five minutes on the toy stage. as stevenson, were he now living, would probably cut his work in order to produce this drama if it reached him in working hours, the rest of us need take no shame to ourselves for the same inclination. for about ten shillings--a stage costs five shillings--the least among us may now explore the sensations of theatrical management--a happiness for which far higher prices have been paid by many famous lessees of covent garden and drury lane."--_manchester guardian, 2/3/03._ "so many in these days are for reviving the romantic drama, for bringing to life- the mellow glory of the attic stage, and for restoring the arts of acting and of speaking verse, that we have come to regard the exposition of a new theory without emotion; the advent of a new play without excitement. our romantic dramatists take themselves too seriously, and aim at expressing rather the sorrows than the joys of life. since the world has heard the beauty of the muted string it has forgotten that life ever went merrily to a pipe, or to the arcadian, but penny, whistle. it has forgotten the song, and the old tune, and the old story. it has forgotten that the drama ever shook men's hearts, and has come to prefer that it should help to digest men's dinners. we want- the old laughter that had april in it. now perhaps the chief reason for the dulness of modern plays is the somewhat exclusive attitude of the playwright. his appeal is no longer to the world. his appeal is to an audience. no breadth of range, no scope, is allowed to him. he has lost touch with the external forces of daily life. an introspective study, an allegory of the state of his own mind, is the most we can look for from him. but in mr. jack b. yeats we recognise the makings of a dramatist of an older order; a writer of plays that are written in the intimate speech of the folk-ballad. while his contemporaries argue, wrangle and disagree as to what is music, and what is the best music, and what music saves a man's soul, he, like the hero finn, is content with the best of all music- the music of the thing that happens. his play of '_the treasure of the garden_' carries on a tradition that shook the stage before playwrights became self-conscious and before poets aimed to please the high foreheads in the stalls. there is no mental dyspepsia in his characters. they present no problem. their aim is to be real. to be glad and sorry for a little while on a miniature stage measuring a foot across."--_academy, 14/3/03._ published and sold by elkin mathews, vigo street, london. * * * * * [illustration: _elkin mathews_] * * * * * transcriber's notes: added table of contents. underscores are used to represent _italics_. converted asterisms to asterisks for text edition. added missing open quote before "debauched by sixpenny and even threepenny editions" in james flaunty advertisement. also reformatted manchester guardian attribution to include em-dash for consistency with other quotation attributions. changed some double quotes to single quotes in the final quotation of the james flaunty advertisement for more appropriate quote nesting. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the more than 150 original illustrations. see 13510-h.htm or 13510-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/3/5/1/13510/13510-h/13510-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/3/5/1/13510/13510-h.zip) transcriber's notes: corrected spellings 'casualities' to 'casualties' 'midshipmen's hitch' to 'midshipman's hitch' illustration for timber hitch is fig. 38, not fig. 32 there is no fig. 134. knots, splices and rope work a practical treatise giving complete and simple directions for making all the most useful and ornamental knots in common use, with chapters on splicing, pointing, seizing, serving, etc. adapted for the use of travellers, campers, yachtsmen, boy scouts, and all others having to use or handle ropes for any purpose. by a. hyatt verrill editor popular science dept., "american boy magazine." second revised edition illustrated with 156 original cuts showing how each knot, tie or splice is formed and its appearance when complete. contents introduction chapter i cordage kinds of rope. construction of rope. strength of ropes. weight of ropes. material used in making ropes. chapter ii simple knots and bends parts of rope. whipping and seizing rope. loops. cuckolds' necks. clinches. overhand and figure-eight knots. square and reef knots. granny knots. open-hand and fishermen's knots. ordinary knots and weavers' knots. garrick bends and hawser hitches. half-hitches. chapter iii ties and hitches larks' heads. slippery and half-hitches. clove hitches. gunners' knots and timber hitches. twists, catspaws, and blackwall hitches. chain hitch. rolling and magnus hitches. studding-sail and gaff-topsail halyard bends. roband and fisherman's hitches. chapter iv nooses, loops, and mooring knots waterman's knot. larks' heads with nooses. cleat and wharf ties. bow-line knots. loops and loop knots. chapter v shortenings, grommets, and selvagees two-, three-, and fivefold shortenings. single plaits and monkey chain. twist braids and braiding leather. open chains. seized and bow shortenings. sheepshanks and dogshanks. grommets. selvagee straps and selvagee boards. flemish and artificial eyes. throat seizings. lashed splices. chapter vi lashings, seizings, splices, etc. wedding knots and rose lashings. deadeye and loop lashings. belaying-pin splice. necklace ties. close bands and end pointing. ending ropes. short splices. long splices. eye and cut splices. chapter vii fancy knots and rope work single crown knots. tucked crowns. single wall knots. common and french shroud knots. double crown and double wall knots. crowning wall knots. double wall and crown. manrope knots. topsail-halyard toggles. matthew walker and stopper knots. turks' heads and turks' caps. worming, parcelling, and serving. serving mallet. half-hitch work. four-strand and crown braids. rope buckles and swivels. slinging casks and barrels. rope belting. index introduction the history of ropes and knots is so dim and ancient that really little is known of their origin. that earliest man used cordage of some kind and by his ingenuity succeeded in tying the material together, is indisputable, for the most ancient carvings and decorations of prehistoric man show knots in several forms. doubtless the trailing vines and plants first suggested ropes to human beings; and it is quite probable that these same vines, in their various twistings and twinings, gave man his first idea of knots. since the earliest times knots have been everywhere interwoven with human affairs; jugglers have used them in their tricks; they have become almost a part of many occupations and trades, while in song and story they have become the symbol of steadfastness and strength. few realize the importance that knots and cordage have played in the world's history, but if it had not been for these simple and every-day things, which as a rule are given far too little consideration, the human race could never have developed beyond savages. indeed, i am not sure but it would be safe to state that the real difference between civilized and savage man consists largely in the knowledge of knots and rope work. no cloth could be woven, no net or seine knitted, no bow strung and no craft sailed on lake or sea without numerous knots and proper lines or ropes; and columbus himself would have been far more handicapped without knots than without a compass. history abounds with mention of knots, and in the eighth book of "odyssey" ulysses is represented as securing various articles of raiment by a rope fastened in a "knot closed with circean art"; and as further proof of the prominence the ancients gave to knots the famous gordian knot may be mentioned. probably no one will ever learn just how this fabulous knot was tied, and like many modern knots it was doubtless far easier for alexander to cut it than to untie it. the old sorcerers used knots in various ways, and the witches of lapland sold sailors so-called "wind knots," which were untied by the sailors when they desired a particular wind. even modern conjurors and wizards use knots extensively in their exhibitions and upon the accuracy and manner in which their knots are tied depends the success of their tricks. in heraldry many knots have been used as symbols and badges and many old coats of arms bear intricate and handsome knots, or entwined ropes, emblazoned upon them. as to the utility of knots and rope work there can be no question. a little knowledge of knots has saved many a life in storm and wreck, and if every one knew how to quickly and securely tie a knot there would be far fewer casualties in hotel and similar fires. in a thousand ways and times a knowledge of rope and knots is useful and many times necessary. many an accident has occurred through a knot or splice being improperly formed, and even in tying an ordinary bundle or "roping" a trunk or box few people tie a knot that is secure and yet readily undone and quickly made. in a life of travel and adventure in out-of-the-way places, in yachting or boating, in hunting or fishing, and even in motoring, to command a number of good knots and splices is to make life safer, easier, and more enjoyable, aside from the real pleasure one may find in learning the interesting art of knot-tying. through countless ages the various forms of knots and fastenings for rope, cable, or cord have been developed; the best kinds being steadily improved and handed down from generation to generation, while the poor or inferior fastenings have been discarded by those whose callings required the use of cordage. gradually, too, each profession or trade has adopted the knots best suited to its requirements, and thus we find the sailor's knot; the weaver's knot; fishermen's knots; builders' knots; butchers' knots; and many others which have taken their names from the use to which they are especially adapted. in addition to these useful knots, there are many kinds of ornamental or fancy knots used in ornamenting the ends of ropes, decorating shrouds of vessels, railings, and similar objects; while certain braids or plaits, formed by a series of knots, are widely used aboard ship and on land. in many cases ropes or cable must be joined in such a way that they present a smooth and even surface and for such purposes splices are used, while knots used merely as temporary fastenings and which must be readily and quickly tied and untied are commonly known as "bends" or "hitches." oddly enough, it is far easier to tie a poor knot than a good one, and in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred the tyro, when attempting to join two ropes together, will tie either a "slippery" or a "jamming" knot and will seldom succeed in making a recognized and "ship-shape" knot of any sort. the number of knots, ties, bends, hitches, splices, and shortenings in use is almost unlimited and they are most confusing and bewildering to the uninitiated. the most useful and ornamental, as well as the most reliable, are comparatively few in number, and in reality each knot learned leads readily to another; in the following pages i have endeavored to describe them in such a manner that their construction may be readily understood and mastered. the author. january, 1917. chapter i cordage before taking up the matter of knots and splices in detail it may be well to give attention to cordage in general. cordage, in its broadest sense, includes all forms and kinds of rope, string, twine, cable, etc., formed of braided or twisted strands. in making a rope or line the fibres (_a_, fig. 1) of hemp, jute, cotton, or other material are loosely twisted together to form what is technically known as a "yarn" (_b_, fig. 1). when two or more yarns are twisted together they form a "strand" (_c_, fig. 1). three or more strands form a rope (_d_, fig. 1), and three ropes form a cable (_e_, fig. 1). to form a strand the yarns are twisted together in the opposite direction from that in which the original fibres were twisted; to form a rope the strands are twisted in the opposite direction from the yarns of the strands, and to form a cable each rope is twisted opposite from the twist of the strands. in this way the natural tendency for each yarn, strand, or rope to untwist serves to bind or hold the whole firmly together (fig. 1). [illustration: fig. 1.--construction of rope.] rope is usually three-stranded and the strands turn from left to right or "with the sun," while cable is left-handed or twisted "against the sun" (_e_, fig. 1). certain ropes, such as "bolt-rope" and most cables, are laid around a "core" (_f_, fig. 2) or central strand and in many cases are four-stranded (fig. 2). [illustration: fig. 2.--bolt-rope.] the strength of a rope depends largely upon the strength and length of the fibres from which it is made, but the amount each yarn and strand is twisted, as well as the method used in bleaching or preparing the fibres, has much to do with the strength of the finished line. roughly, the strength of ropes may be calculated by multiplying the circumference of the rope in inches by itself and the fifth part of the product will be the number of tons the rope will sustain. for example, if the rope is 5 inches in circumference, 5 x 5 = 25, one-fifth of which is 5, the number of tons that can safely be carried on a 5-inch rope. to ascertain the weight of ordinary "right hand" rope, multiply the circumference in inches by itself and multiply, the result by the length of rope in fathoms and divide the product by 3.75. for example, to find the weight of a 5-inch rope, 50 fathoms in length: 5 x 5 = 25; 25 x 50 = 1,250; 1,250 / 3.75 = 333-1/3 lbs. these figures apply to manila or hemp rope, which is the kind commonly used, but jute, sisal-flax, grass, and silk are also used considerably. cotton rope is seldom used save for small hand-lines, clothes-lines, twine, etc., while wire rope is largely used nowadays for rigging vessels, derricks, winches, etc., but as splicing wire rope is different from the method employed in fibre rope, and as knots have no place in wire rigging, we will not consider it. chapter ii simple knots and bends for convenience in handling rope and learning the various knots, ties, and bends, we use the terms "standing part," "bight," and "end" (fig. 3). the _standing part_ is the principal portion or longest part of the rope; the _bight_ is the part curved or bent while working or handling; while the _end_ is that part used in forming the knot or hitch. before commencing work the loose ends or strands of a rope should be "whipped" or "seized" to prevent the rope from unravelling; and although an expert can readily tie almost any knot, make a splice, or in fact do pretty nearly anything with a loose-ended rope, yet it is a wise plan to invariably whip the end of every rope, cable, or hawser to be handled, while a marline-spike, fid, or pointed stick will also prove of great help in working rope. [illustration: fig. 3.--parts of rope.] to whip or seize a rope-end, take a piece of twine or string and lay it on the rope an inch or two from the end, pass the twine several times around the rope, keeping the ends of the twine under the first few turns to hold it in place; then make a large loop with the free end of twine; bring it back to the rope and continue winding for three or four turns around both rope and end of twine; and then finish by drawing the loop tight by pulling on the free end (fig. 4). [illustration: fig. 4.--whipping.] all knots are begun by "loops" or rings commonly known to mariners as "cuckolds' necks" (fig. 5). these may be either overhand or underhand, and when a seizing or fastening of twine is placed around the two parts where they cross a useful rope ring known as a "clinch" is formed (fig. 6). if the loose end of the rope is passed over the standing part and through the "cuckold's-neck," the simplest of all knots, known as the "overhand knot," is made (fig. 7). this drawn tight appears as in fig. 8, and while so simple this knot is important, as it is frequently used in fastening the ends of yarns and strands in splicing, whipping, and seizing. the "figure-eight knot" is almost as simple as the overhand and is plainly shown in figs. 9 and 10. only a step beyond the figure-eight and the overhand knots are the "square" and "reefing" knots (figs. 11 and 12). the square knot is probably the most useful and widely used of any common knot and is the best all-around knot known. it is very strong, never slips or becomes jammed, and is readily untied. to make a square knot, take the ends of the rope and pass the left end over and under the right end, then the right over and under the left. if you once learn the simple formula of "left over," "right over," you will never make a mistake and form the despised "granny," a most useless, bothersome, and deceptive makeshift for any purpose (fig. 13). the true "reef knot" is merely the square knot with the bight of the left or right end used instead of the end itself. this enables the knot to be "cast off" more readily than the regular square knot (_a_, fig. 12). neither square nor reef knots, however, are reliable when tying two ropes of unequal size together, for under such conditions they will frequently slip and appear as in fig. 14, and sooner or later will pull apart. to prevent this the ends may be tied or seized as shown in fig. 15. a better way to join two ropes of unequal diameter is to use the "open-hand knot." this knot is shown in fig. 16, and is very quickly and easily made; it never slips or gives, but is rather large and clumsy, and if too great a strain is put on the rope it is more likely to break at the knot than at any other spot. the "fisherman's knot," shown in fig. 17, is a good knot and is formed by two simple overhand knots slipped over each rope, and when drawn taut appears as in fig. 18. this is an important and valuable knot for anglers, as the two lines may be drawn apart by taking hold of the ends, _a_, _b_, and a third line for a sinker, or extra hook, may be inserted between them. in joining gut lines the knot should be left slightly open and the space between wrapped with silk. this is probably the strongest known method of fastening fine lines. [illustration: fig. 5.--cuckolds' necks.] [illustration: fig. 6.--clinch.] [illustration: figs. 7 and 8.--overhand knots.] [illustration: figs. 9 and 10.--figure-eight knots.] [illustration: figs. 11 and 12.--square knots.] [illustration: fig. 13.--granny knot.] [illustration: fig. 14.--slipped square knot.] [illustration: fig. 15.--square knot with ends seized.] [illustration: fig. 16.--open-hand knots.] [illustration: fig. 17.--fisherman's knot (making).] [illustration: fig. 18.--fisherman's knot (finished).] the "ordinary knot," for fastening heavy ropes, is shown in fig. 19. it is made by forming a simple knot and then interlacing the other rope or "following around," as shown in fig. 20. this knot is very strong, will not slip, is easy to make, and does not strain the fibres of the rope. moreover, ropes joined with this knot will pay out, or hang, in a straight line. by whipping the ends to the standing parts it becomes a neat and handsome knot (fig. 21). the "weaver's knot" (fig. 22) is more useful in joining small lines, or twine, than for rope, and for thread it is without doubt the best knot known. the ends are crossed as in fig. 23. the end _a_ is then looped back over the end _b_, and the end _b_ is slipped through loop _c_ and drawn tight. [illustration: fig. 19.--ordinary knot (finished).] [illustration: fig. 20.--ordinary knot (tying).] [illustration: fig. 21.--ordinary knot (seized).] [illustration: fig. 22.--weaver's knot (complete).] [illustration: fig. 23.--weaver's knot (tying).] another useful and handsome knot is illustrated in fig. 24. this is a variation of the figure-eight knot, already described, and is used where there is too much rope, or where a simple knot is desired to prevent the rope running through an eye, ring, or tackle-block. it is made by forming a regular figure eight and then "following round" with the other rope as in fig. 25. it is then drawn taut and the ends seized to the standing part if desired. [illustration: fig. 24.--double figure-eight knot (complete).] [illustration: fig. 25.--double figure-eight knot (tying).] sometimes we have occasion to join two heavy or stiff ropes or hawsers, and for this purpose the "garrick bend" (fig. 26) is preeminently the best of all knots. to make this knot, form a bight by laying the end of a rope on top of and across the standing part. next take the end of the other rope and pass it through this bight, first down, then up, over the cross and down through the bight again, so that it comes out on the opposite side from the other end, thus bringing one end on top and the other below, as illustrated in fig. 27. if the lines are very stiff or heavy the knot may be secured by seizing the ends to the standing parts. a much simpler and a far poorer knot is sometimes used in fastening two heavy ropes together. this is a simple hitch within a loop, as illustrated in fig. 28, but while it has the advantage of being quickly and easily tied it is so inferior to the garrick bend that i advise all to adopt the latter in its place. [illustration: fig. 26.--garrick bend (finished).] [illustration: fig. 27.--garrick bend (tying).] [illustration: fig. 28.--simple hitch (hawser).] when two heavy lines are to be fastened for any considerable time, a good method is to use the "half-hitch and seizing," shown in fig. 29. this is a secure and easy method of fastening ropes together and it allows the rope to be handled more easily, and to pass around a winch or to be coiled much more readily, than when other knots are used. [illustration: fig. 29.--half-hitch and seizing.] chapter iii ties and hitches all the knots i have so far described are used mainly for fastening the two ends of a rope, or of two ropes, together. of quite a different class are the knots used in making a rope fast to a stationary or solid object, and are known as "hitches" or "ties." one of the easiest of this class to make and one which is very useful in fastening a boat or other object where it may be necessary to release it quickly is the "lark's head" (fig. 30). to make this tie, pass a bight of your rope through the ring, or other object, to which you are making fast and then pass a marline-spike, a billet of wood, or any similar object through the sides of the bight and under or behind the standing part, as shown in _a_, fig. 30. the end of the rope may then be laid over and under the standing part and back over itself. this knot may be instantly released by merely pulling out the toggle. almost as quickly made and unfastened is the "slippery hitch" (fig. 32). to make this, run the end of the rope through the ring or eye to which it is being fastened, then back over the standing part and pull a loop, or bight, back through the "cuckold's neck" thus formed (fig. 33). to untie, merely pull on the free end. two half-hitches, either around a post or timber or around the standing part of the rope, make an ideal and quickly tied fastening (figs. 34 and 35). to make these, pass the end around the post, ring, or other object, then over and around the standing part between the post and itself, then under and around the standing part and between its own loop and the first one formed. after a little practice you can tie this knot almost instantly and by merely throwing a couple of turns around a post, two half-hitches may be formed instantly. this knot will hold forever without loosening, and even on a smooth, round stick or spar it will stand an enormous strain without slipping. a more secure knot for this same purpose is the "clove hitch" (fig. 36), sometimes known as the "builders' hitch." to make this, pass the end of rope around the spar or timber, then over itself; over and around the spar, and pass the end under itself and between rope and spar, as shown in the illustration. the clove hitch with ends knotted becomes the "gunners' knot" (fig. 37). these are among the most valuable and important of knots and are useful in a thousand and one places. the clove hitch will hold fast on a smooth timber and is used extensively by builders for fastening the stageing to the upright posts. it is also useful in making a tow-line fast to a wet spar, or timber, and even on a slimy and slippery spile it will seldom slip. for this purpose the "timber hitch" (fig. 38) is even better than the clove hitch. it is easily made by passing the end of a rope around the spar or log, round the standing part of the rope and then twist it three or more times around, under and over itself. if you wish this still more secure, a single half-hitch may be taken with the line a couple of feet further along the spar (fig. 39). [illustration: fig. 30.--lark's head with toggle (_a_).] [illustration: fig. 31.--lark's head with toggle (_a_) withdrawn.] [illustration: fig. 32.--slippery hitch (complete).] [illustration: fig. 33--slippery hitch (tying).] [illustration: figs. 34 and 35.--half-hitches.] [illustration: fig. 36 _a_.--clove hitch or builder's hitch (tying).] [illustration: fig. 36 _b_.--clove hitch (complete).] [illustration: fig. 37.--gunner's knot.] [illustration: fig. 38.--timber hitch.] [illustration: fig. 39.--timber hitch and half-hitch.] it is remarkable what power to grip a twisted rope has, and the "twist knots" shown in figs. 40 and 41 illustrate two ways of making fast which are really not knots at all but merely twists. these may be finished by a simple knot, or a bow-knot, as shown in fig. 42, but they are likely to jam under great pressure and are mainly useful in tying packages, or bundles, with small cord, where the line must be held taut until the knot is completed. this principle of fastening by twisted rope is also utilized in the "catspaw" (fig. 43), a most useful knot or "hitch" for hoisting with a hook. to make this, pass the bight of your rope over the end and standing part, then, with a bight in each hand, take three twists from you, then bring the two bights side by side and throw over the hook (fig. 44). [illustration: figs. 40 and 41.--"twists."] [illustration: fig. 42.--twist with bow.] [illustration: fig. 43.--catspaw.] [illustration: fig. 44.--catspaw (tying).] the "blackwall hitch" (fig. 45) is still simpler and easier to make and merely consists of a loop, or cuckold's neck, with the end of rope passed underneath the standing part and across the hook so that as soon as pressure is exerted the standing part bears on the end and jams it against the hook. [illustration: fig. 45.--blackwall hitch.] the "chain hitch" (fig. 46) is a very strong method of fastening a line to a timber, or large rope, where one has a rope of sufficient length, and is used frequently to help haul in a large rope or for similar purposes. it consists simply of a number of half-hitches taken at intervals around the object and is sometimes used with a lever or handspike, as shown in fig. 47. the "rolling hitch" is a modified clove hitch and is shown in fig. 48. the "magnus hitch" (fig. 49) is a method frequently used on shipboard for holding spars; and the "studding-sail bend" (fig. 50) is also used for this purpose. occasions sometimes arise where a tackle, hook, ring, or another rope must be fastened to a beam by the same rope being used, and in such cases the "roband hitch" (fig. 51) comes in very handy. these are all so simple and easily understood from the figures that no explanation is necessary. almost as simple are the "midshipman's hitch" (fig. 52), the "fisherman's hitch" (fig. 53), and the "gaff topsail halyard bend" (fig. 54). the midshipman's hitch is made by taking a half-hitch around the standing part and a round turn twice around above it. the fisherman's hitch is particularly useful in making fast large hawsers; with the end of a rope take two turns around a spar, or through a ring; take a half-hitch around the standing part and under all the turns; then a half-hitch round the standing part only and if desired seize the end to standing part. the gaff-topsail bend is formed by passing two turns around the yard and coming up on a third turn over both the first two turns; over its own part and one turn; then stick the end under the first turn. [illustration: fig. 46.--chain hitch.] [illustration: fig. 47.--chain hitch with bar.] [illustration: fig. 48.--rolling hitch.] [illustration: fig. 49.--magnus hitch.] [illustration: fig. 50.--studding-sail bend.] [illustration: fig. 51 _a_.--roband hitch (front).] [illustration: fig. 51 _b_.--roband hitch (back).] [illustration: fig. 52.--midshipman's hitch.] [illustration: fig. 53.--fisherman's hitch.] [illustration: fig. 54.--gaff-topsail halyard bend.] chapter iv nooses, loops and mooring knots nothing is more interesting to a landsman than the manner in which a sailor handles huge, dripping hawsers or cables and with a few deft turns makes then fast to a pier-head or spile, in such a way that the ship's winches, warping the huge structure to or from the dock, do not cause the slightest give or slip to the rope and yet, a moment later, with a few quick motions, the line is cast off, tightened up anew, or paid out as required. clove hitches, used as illustrated in fig. 55, and known as the "waterman's knot," are often used, with a man holding the free end, for in this way a slight pull holds the knot fast, while a little slack gives the knot a chance to slip without giving way entirely and without exerting any appreciable pull on the man holding the end. [illustration: fig. 55.--waterman's knot.] "larks' heads" are also used in conjunction with a running noose, as shown in fig. 56, while a few turns under and over and around a cleat, or about two spiles, is a method easily understood and universally used by sailors (fig. 57). the sailor's knot par excellence, however, is the "bow-line" (fig. 58), and wherever we find sailors, or seamen, we will find this knot in one or another of its various forms. when you can readily and surely tie this knot every time, you may feel yourself on the road to "marline-spike seamanship," for it is a true sailor's knot and never slips, jams, or fails; is easily and quickly untied, and is useful in a hundred places around boats or in fact in any walk of life. the knot in its various stages is well shown in fig. 59 and by following these illustrations you will understand it much better than by a description alone. in _a_ the rope is shown with a bight or cuckold's neck formed with the end over the standing part. pass _a_ back through the bight, under, then over, then under, as shown in _b_, then over and down through the bight, as shown in _c_ and _d_, and draw taut, as in _e_. the "bow-line on a bight" (fig 60) is just as easily made and is very useful in slinging casks or barrels and in forming a seat for men to be lowered over cliffs, or buildings, or to be hoisted aloft aboard ship for painting, cleaning, or rigging. a "running bow-line" (fig. 61) is merely a bow-line with the end passed through the loop, thus forming a slip knot. other "loops" are made as shown in figs. 62-65, but none of these are as safe, sure, and useful as the bow-line. one of these knots, known as the "tomfool knot" (fig. 66), is used as handcuffs and has become quite famous, owing to its having baffled a number of "handcuff kings" and other performers who readily escaped from common knots and manacles. it is made like the running knot (fig. 62), and the firm end is then passed through the open, simple knot so as to form a double loop or bow. if the hands or wrists are placed within these loops and the latter drawn taut, and the loose ends tied firmly around the central part, a pair of wonderfully secure handcuffs results. [illustration: fig. 56.--larks' heads and running noose.] [illustration: fig. 57.--cleat and wharf ties.] [illustration: fig. 58.--bow-line.] [illustration: fig. 59.--tying bow-line.] [illustration: fig. 60.--bow-line on bight.] [illustration: fig. 61.--running bow-line.] [illustration: fig. 62.--loop knot.] [illustration: fig. 63.--loop knot.] [illustration: fig. 64.--loop knot.] [illustration: fig. 65.--loop knot.] [illustration: fig. 66.--tomfool knot.] chapter v shortenings, grommets, and selvagees in many cases a rope may prove too long for our use or the free ends may be awkward, or in the way. at such times a knowledge of "shortenings" is valuable. there are quite a variety of these useful knots, nearly all of which are rather handsome and ornamental, in fact a number of them are in constant use aboard ship merely for ornament. the simplest form of shortening, shown in fig. 67, is a variation of the common and simple overhand knot already described and illustrated. these knots are formed by passing the end of a rope twice or more times through the loop of the simple knot and then drawing it tight (fig. 68). they are known as "double," "treble," "fourfold," or "sixfold" knots and are used to prevent a rope from passing through a ring or block as well as for shortening. all gradations from the double to the sixfold are shown in fig. 69, both in process of making and as they appear when drawn taut. another very simple form of shortening is shown in fig. 70 and is known as the "single plait," or "chain knot." to make this shortening, make a running loop (_a,_ fig. 70), then draw a bight of the rope through this loop, as shown at _b_, draw another bight through this, as at _c_ to _d_, and continue in this way until the rope is shortened to the desired length; the free end should then be fastened by passing a bit of stick through the last loop, _f_, or by running the free end through the last loop, as at _e_. to undo this shortening, it is only necessary to slip out the free end, or the bit of wood, and pull on the end, when the entire knot will quickly unravel. the "twist," or "double chain," is made in a similar manner but is commenced in a different way (_a_, fig. 71). it may also be made with three separate pieces of line, as shown in _b_, fig. 71. hold the double loop in the left hand; the part _a_ is then brought over _b_; with a half turn _b_ is crossed over to _a_, and then proceed as in the ordinary three-strand plait until the end of loop is reached, when the loose end is fastened by passing through the bight and the completed shortening appears as in fig. 72. this same process is often used by mexicans and westerners in making bridles, headstalls, etc., of leather. the leather to be used is slit lengthwise from near one end to near the other, as shown in fig. 73, and the braid is formed as described. the result appears as in fig. 74, and in this way the ends of the leather strap remain uncut, and thus much stronger and neater than they would be were three separate strips used. [illustration: fig. 67.--twofold shortening (making).] [illustration: fig. 68.--twofold shortening (taut).] [illustration: fig. 69.--threeand fivefold shortening.] [illustration: fig. 70.--single plait or monkey chain (making).] [illustration: fig. 70 _f_.--monkey chain or single plait (complete).] [illustration: fig. 71.--twist braid (making).] [illustration: fig. 72.--twist braid (complete).] [illustration: fig. 73.--leather cut to braid.] [illustration: fig. 74.--leather braid (complete).] another handsome knot for shortening is the more highly ornamental "open chain" (fig. 75). make the first loop of the rope secure by a twist of the rope and then pass the loose end through the preceding loop, to right and left alternately, until the knot is complete. [illustration: fig. 75.--open chain.] the simplest of all shortenings consists of a loop taken in the rope with the bights seized to the standing part (fig. 76). this is particularly well adapted to heavy rope or where a shortening must be made quickly. fig. 77 shows another very simple shortening, which requires no description. this will not withstand a very great strain but is secure from untying by accident and is very useful for taking up spare rope of lashings on bundles or baggage. "sheepshanks," or "dogshanks," are widely used for shortening rope, especially where both ends are fast, as they can be readily made in the centre of a tied rope. there are several forms of these useful knots. the best and most secure form is shown in fig. 78. a simple running knot is first made; a bend is pushed through the loop, which is then drawn taut; the other end of the bend is fastened in a similar manner and the shortening is complete. a much simpler form is shown in fig. 79, but this can hardly be depended upon unless the ends are seized, as shown in fig. 80. figs. 81-82 illustrate two other forms of shortenings, but these can only be used where the end of the rope is free, and are intended for more permanent fastenings than the ordinary sheepshank; while fig. 83 is particularly adapted to be cast loose at a moment's notice by jerking out the toggles, _a_, _b_. [illustration: fig. 76.--seized shortening.] [illustration: fig. 77.--bow shortening.] [illustration: fig. 78.--sheepshank.] [illustration: fig. 79.--another sheepshank.] [illustration: fig. 80.--sheepshank with ends seized.] [illustration: fig. 81.--sheepshank for free-ended rope.] [illustration: fig. 82.--sheepshank for free-ended rope.] [illustration: fig. 83.--sheepshank with toggle.] grommets are round, endless rings of rope useful in a myriad ways aboard ship as well as ashore. they are often used as handles for chests, for rings with which to play quoits, to lengthen rope, and in many similar ways. the grommet is formed of a single strand of rope _five times as long as the circumference of the grommet when complete_. take the strand and lay one end across the other at the size of loop required and with the long end follow the grooves or "lay" of the strand until back to where you started (fig. 84), thus forming a two-stranded ring. then continue twisting the free end between the turns already made until the three-strand ring is complete (fig. 85). now finish and secure the ends by making overhand knots, pass the ends underneath the nearest strands and trim ends off close (fig. 86). if care is taken and you remember to keep a strong twist on the strand while "laying up" the grommet, the finished ring will be as firm and smooth and endless as the original rope. [illustration: figs. 84, 85, and 86.--grommet complete and making.] a "sevagee" or "selvagee" strap is another kind of ring (fig. 87). this is made by passing a number of strands or yarns around pins or nails set in a board (fig. 88), and binding the whole together with a seizing of yarn or marline (fig. 89). these are strong, durable straps much used for blocks aboard ship, for handles to boxes and chests, and in many similar ways. a "flemish eye" (fig. 90) is an eye made in a manner much like that employed in forming the selvagee strap. take a spar or piece of wood the size of the intended eye _a_. around this wood lay a number of pieces of yarn or marline, _b_, _b_, _b_, and fasten them by tying with twine as at _c_. whip the piece of rope in which eye is to be formed and unravel and open out the strands as at _d_. lap the yarns over the wood and the stops _b_, and fasten together by overhand knots _e_, worm the free ends under and over and then bring up the ends of the stops _b_ and tie around the strands of eye as shown. the eye may be finished neatly by whipping all around with yarn or marline, and will then appear as in fig. 90 _b_. an "artificial eye" (fig. 91) is still another form of eye which will be found useful and in some ways easier and quicker to make than a spliced eye, besides being stronger. [illustration: fig. 87.--selvagee strap.] [illustration: fig. 88.--selvagee board.] [illustration: fig. 89.--seizing a selvagee strap.] [illustration: fig. 90 _a_.--making flemish eye.] [illustration: fig. 90 _b_.--flemish eye (complete).] [illustration: fig. 91.--artificial eye.] take the end of a rope and unlay one strand; place the two remaining strands back alongside of the standing part (fig. 92). pass the loose strand which has been unlaid over the end, and follow around the spaces between the two strands and then around eye,--as in making a grommet,--until it returns down the standing part and lies under the eye with the strands (fig. 93). then divide the strands, taper them down, and whip the whole with yarn or marline (fig. 94). [illustration: figs. 92 and 93.--making artificial eye.] [illustration: fig. 94.--artificial eye (whipped).] still another eye which at times will be useful is the "throat seizing," shown in fig. 95. this is made by opening the end slightly and lashing it to the standing part as shown. another ring sometimes used is illustrated in fig. 96, and is easily and quickly made by lashing the two ends of a short rope to the standing part of another. cuckolds' necks with lashings or "clinches" are also used for the same purpose. [illustration: fig. 95.--throat seizing.] [illustration: fig. 96.--lashed cut-splice.] chapter vi lashings, seizings, splices, etc. almost any one can lash a rope more or less satisfactorily, but a knowledge of how to do this properly and in the manner best suited to each case is of great importance to seamen and others having occasion to handle ropes, rigging, or in fact any cordage. the varieties of lashings, seizings, whippings, and servings are almost innumerable, but a few of the best and most frequently used are the "wedding knot" or "rose lashing," the "deadeye lashing," the "belaying-pin splice," the "necklace tie," the "close band," and "end pointings." the rose lashing (fig. 97) is used to join two eyes or ropes finished with loops. the deadeye lashing (fig. 98) is frequently used on ships' standing rigging and is a familiar sight to every one who has seen a sailing-vessel. it consists of a small line reeved back and forth through the holes in the "deadeyes," _a_; the ends are then seized to the standing rigging to prevent slipping. this lashing admits of easy and rapid lengthening or shortening of the rigging and is particularly useful in connection with wire cable. a similar method may be used with loops instead of deadeyes (fig. 99). the belaying-pin splice, shown in fig. 100, is a quick and handy way of fastening two ropes together and is of great value when rigging is carried away and some quick method of joining the severed ends is required. pass a belaying-pin or similar toggle through an eye or loop in one end of a rope and pass this through a loop or eye in the broken rope end. form a loop in the other broken end, slip the free end of the lanyard through this and around another toggle or pin and haul taut; then fasten by half-hitches around standing part (_a_, fig. 100), or by seizing (_b_, fig. 100). this is a strong, reliable fastening and can be tightened up or instantly thrown off at will. [illustration: fig. 97.--rose lashing.] [illustration: fig. 98.--deadeye lashing.] [illustration: fig. 99.--loop lashing.] [illustration: fig. 100.--belaying-pin splice.] the necklace tie is useful in holding two ropes, hawsers, or timbers side by side (fig. 101). the lashing is passed around and around the two objects to be joined and the ends secured by a square knot passed around the band lengthwise. the close band is used for the same purposes as the last and is made in the same manner, but the ends are fastened by drawing through beneath the turns (fig. 102). [illustration: fig. 101.--necklace tie.] [illustration: fig. 102.--close band.] end pointings are very useful as well as ornamental, for while an ordinary seizing or whipping will prevent the strands from unravelling, the ends are broad and clumsy and oftentimes are too large to pass through a block or eye large enough for the rest of the rope. the ordinary way of pointing a rope is to first whip as described (fig. 4), and then unlay the end as for the flemish eye. take out about two-thirds of the yarns and twist each in two. take two parts of different yarns and twist together with finger and thumb, keeping the lay on the yarn and thus forming left-handed stuff known as "nettles." comb out the rest of the yarn with a knife, leaving a few to lay back upon the rope. now pass three turns of twine like a timber-hitch tightly around the part where the nettles separate and fasten the twine, and while passing this "warp" lay the nettles backward and forward with each turn. the ends are now whipped with twine or yarn and finally "snaked," which is done by taking the end under and over the outer turns of the seizing alternately. if the rope is small a stick is often put in the upper part to strengthen it or the tip maybe finished with a small eye. if properly done a pointed rope is very handsome and appears as in _b_, fig. 103. another simple way of finishing a rope end is to seize the end, as at _a_, fig. 104, and open out the strands, bring the strands back alongside the rope, and whip the whole (fig. 105). [illustration: fig. 103.--pointing a rope.] [illustration: fig. 104.--ending rope.] [illustration: fig. 105.--ending rope.] splicing is, in many cases, more useful and better than tying or bending ropes together and a good splice always looks neater and more ship-shape than a knot, no matter how well-made it may be. a person familiar with splicing will turn in a splice almost as quickly as the ordinary man can tie a secure knot, and in many cases, where the rope must pass through sheaves or blocks, a splice is absolutely necessary to fasten two ropes or two parts of a parted rope together. the simplest of all splices is known as the "short splice" (fig. 106). this is made as follows: untwist the ends of the rope for a few inches and seize with twine to prevent further unwinding, as shown at _a_, _a_; also seize the end of each strand to prevent unravelling and grease or wax the strands until smooth and even. now place the two ends of the ropes together as shown at _b_, _b_. then with a marline-spike, or a pointed stick, work open the strand 1 _c_, and through this pass the strand _a_ of the other rope; then open strand 2 and pass the next strand of the other rope through it and then the same way with the third strand. next open up the strands of the other rope, below the seizing, and pass the strands of the first rope through as before, 3 _a_, _b_. the ropes will now appear as in fig. 106, _d_. now untwist the six strands and cut away about half the yarns from each and seize the ends as before; pass these reduced strands through under the whole strands of the rope--the strands of the left under the strands of the right rope and _vice versa_--for two or three lays and then cut off projecting ends, after drawing all as tight as you can. if an extra-neat splice is desired the strands should be gradually tapered as you proceed, and in this way a splice but little larger than the original diameter of the rope will result. the only difficulty you will find in making this splice is in getting the strands to come together in such a way that two strands will not run under the same strand of the opposite rope. to avoid this, bear in mind that the _first strand must be passed over the strand which is first next to it and through under the second and out between the second and third_. in the following operations the strands are passed _over_ the third and _under_ the fourth; but the figures will make this perfectly clear. a far better and stronger splice is the "long splice," which will run through any block or tackle which will admit the rope itself; indeed, a well-made long splice cannot be distinguished from the rope itself after a few days' use (fig. 107). to make this useful splice, unlay the ends of the rope about four times as much as for the short splice, or from four to five feet, unlay one strand in each rope for half as much again; place the middle strands together as at _a_, then the additional strands will appear as at _b_ and _c_, and the spiral groove, left where they were unlaid, will appear as at _d_ and _e_. take off the two central strands, _f_ and _g_, and lay them into the grooves, _d_, _e_, until they meet _b_ and _c_, and be sure and keep them tightly twisted while so doing. then take strands _h_ and _j_, cut out half the yarns in each, make an overhand knot in them and tuck the ends under the next lays as in a short splice. do the same with strands _b_, _c_ and _f_, _g_; dividing, knotting, and sticking the divided strands in the same way. finally stretch the rope tight, pull and pound and roll the splice until smooth and round, and trim off all loose ends close to the rope. [illustration: fig. 106.--short splice.] [illustration: fig, 106 _d_.--short splice (continued).] [illustration: fig. 107.--long splice.] an "eye splice" (fig. 108) is very easy to make and is useful and handy in a great variety of ways. it is made in the same manner as the short splice, but instead of splicing the two ends together, the end of the rope is unlaid and then bent around and spliced into its own strands of the standing part, as shown in the illustration. a "cut splice" (fig. 109) is made just as an eye splice or short splice, but instead of splicing two ropes together end to end, or splicing an end into a standing part, the ends are lapped and each is spliced into the standing part of the other, thus forming a loop or eye in the centre of a rope. once the short and long splices are mastered, all other splices, as well as many useful variations, will come easy. oftentimes, for example, one strand of a rope may become worn, frayed, or broken, while the remaining strands are perfectly sound. in such cases the weak strand may be unlaid and cut off and then a new strand of the same length is laid up in the groove left by the old strand exactly as in a long splice; the ends are then tapered, stuck under the lay, as in a short splice, and the repair is complete; and if well done will never show and will be as strong as the original rope. [illustration: fig. 108.--eye splice.] [illustration: fig. 109.--cut splice.] chapter vii fancy knots and rope work the knots and splices described above are all more for practical use than ornament, although such shortenings as the single and double plaits, the chain knots, the twofold, fourfold, and sixfold knots, and others are often used for ornamental purposes only. a certain class of knots are, however, really ornamental and seldom serve to fasten two ropes together, or to make any object fast to another. they are, however, very useful in many ways, especially aboard ship, and they are so handsome and interesting that every one interested in rope work should learn to make them. the simplest of the fancy knots is known as the "single crown" (fig. 110). to form this knot unlay the strands of a new, flexible rope for six to eight inches and whip the ends of each strand, as well as the standing part, to prevent further untwisting. hold the rope in your left hand and fold one strand over and away from you, as shown in _a_, fig. 111. then fold the next strand over _a_ (see _b_, fig. 111), and then, while holding these in place with thumb and finger, pass the strand _c_ over strand _b_, and through the bight of _a_ as shown in the illustration. now pull all ends tight and work the bights up smooth and snug; cut off ends and the knot is complete. this single crown is a very poor knot to stand by itself, however, and is mainly valuable as a basis for other more complicated knots and for ending up rope. to end up a rope with a crown it is merely necessary to leave the projecting ends long and then by bringing them down tuck under the strands of the standing part, as shown in fig. 112. then halve the strands and tuck again, as in making a short splice, until the result appears as in fig. 113. this makes a neat, handy, and ship-shape finish to a rope's end and is very useful for painters, halyards, etc. it will never work loose like a seizing and is quickly put on at any time, whereas to make a seizing one must be provided with small stuff of some sort, and this is frequently not at hand. the "wall knot" (fig. 114) is almost as simple as the crown, and in fact is practically a crown reversed. in making this knot bring _c_ downward and across the standing part; then bring _a_ over _c_ and around standing part and finally bring _b_ over _a_ and up through bight of _c_, fig. 115. when drawn snug the ends may be trimmed off close or they may be tucked and tapered as in the crown and will then appear as in fig. 116. as in the case of the crown knot, the wall is mainly of value as an ending when ends are tucked, or as a basis for more ornamental knots such as the "wall and crown," or "double wall," or "double crown." it is also very largely used in making "shroud knots" (fig. 117). the common shroud knot is made by opening up the strands of a rope's end as for a short splice and placing the two ends together in the same way. then single "wall" the strands of one rope around the standing part of another against the lay, taper the ends, and tuck and serve all with yarn or marline (fig. 118). the "french shroud knot" is far neater and better, but is a little harder to make. open up the strands and place closely together as for the short splice; make a loop of strand _a_, pass the end of _b_ through the bight of _a_, as at _c_, make a loop of strand _d_, and pass the end of strand _a_ through it as at _d_; then pass the end of strand _d_ through the bight of strand _b_ and one side is complete. repeat the operation on the other side, draw all ends taut, and taper and tuck the ends. the whole should then be served carefully and the finished knot will appear as in fig. 120. [illustration: fig. 110.--single crown.] [illustration: fig. 111.--single crown (making).] [illustration: fig. 112.--single crown tucked (making).] [illustration: fig. 113.--single crown tucked (complete).] [illustration: fig. 114.--wall knot.] [illustration: fig. 115.--wall knot (making).] [illustration: fig. 116.--wall knot (tucked).] [illustration: fig. 117.--shroud knot (complete).] [illustration: fig. 118.--shroud knot (making).] [illustration: fig. 119.--french shroud knot (making).] [illustration: fig. 120.--french shroud knot (complete).] double wall and double crown as well as the beautiful double wall-and-crown knots are made exactly like the single crown or wall but instead of trimming off or tucking the ends they are carried around a second time following the lay of the first, as shown in fig. 121, which shows the construction of a double crown at _a_, and a double wall at _b_. when finished, the ends may be tucked or trimmed and the two knots will look like figs. 122 and 123. a far better effect is obtained by "crowning" a wall knot. this is done by first making a single wall knot and then by bringing strand _a_ up over the top and laying _b_ across _a_ and bringing _c_ over _b_ and through the bight of _a_; a crown knot is formed above the wall, as shown in figs. 124 and 125. this is the foundation of the most beautiful of rope-end knots, known as the "double wall and crown," or "manrope knot," illustrated in fig. 126. make your single wall and crown it, but leave the strands all slack; then pass the ends up and through the bights of the slack single-wall knot and then push them alongside the strands in the single crown; pushing them through the same bight in the crown and downward through the walling. this may seem quite difficult, but if you have learned the wall and crown you will find it simple enough, for it is really merely "following" the strands of the single wall and crown. the result, if properly done, and ends drawn tight and cut off closely, is surprising, and to the uninitiated most perplexing, for if the ends are tapered and tucked through the standing part of the ropes, as shown in fig. 127, there will be no sign of a beginning or ending to this knot. this is probably the most useful of decorative knots and is largely used aboard ship for finishing the ends of rope railings, the ends of man-ropes, for the ends of yoke-lines and to form "stoppers" or "toggles" to bucket handles, slings, etc. its use in this way is illustrated in figs. 128-130, which show how to make a handy topsail-halyard toggle from an eye splice turned in a short piece of rope and finished with a double wall and crown at the end. these toggles are very useful about small boats, as they may be used as stops for furling sails, for slings around gaffs or spars, for hoisting, and in a variety of other ways which will at once suggest themselves to the boating man. [illustration: fig. 121 _a_.--making double crown.] [illustration: fig. 121 _b_.--making double wall.] [illustration: fig. 122.--double crown (complete).] [illustration: fig. 123.--double wall (complete).] [illustration: fig. 124.--wall crowned (making).] [illustration: fig. 125.--wall crowned (complete).] [illustration: fig. 126.--double wall and crown.] [illustration: fig. 127.--double wall and crown (complete).] [illustration: fig. 128 fig. 129 fig. 130 figs. 128, 129, and 130.--topsail-halyard toggle.] the most difficult of ending knots and one which you should certainly learn is the "matthew walker" (fig. 131), also known as the "stopper knot." to form this splendid knot, pass one strand around the standing part of the rope and through its own bight, then pass _b_ underneath and through bight of _a_ and through its own bight also; next pass _c_ underneath and around and through the bights of _a_, _b_, and its own bight. the knot will now appear as in fig. 132, but by carefully hauling the ends around and working the bight taut a little at a time the knot will assume the appearance shown in fig. 133. this is a handsome and useful knot and is widely used on ends of ropes where they pass through holes, as for bucket handles, ropes for trap-door handles, chest handles, etc. the knot is well adapted for such purposes, as it is hard, close, and presents an almost flat shoulder on its lower side. [illustration: fig. 131.--matthew walker (making).] [illustration: fig. 132.--matthew walker (complete but slack).] [illustration: fig. 133.--matthew walker (complete).] the "turk's head," figs. 135 and 136, is a knot much used aboard yachts and warships and is so handsome and ornamental that it is a great favorite. it is used in ornamenting rigging, in forming shoulders or rings on stays or ropes to hold other gear in place, to ornament yoke lines, and for forming slip-collars on knife lanyards. it is also used to form collars around stanchions or spars, and, placed around a rope close beneath a man-rope knot, it gives a beautiful finish. when made of small line sailors often use the turk's head as a neckerchief fastener. although so elaborate in effect, it is really an easy knot to make, and while you may have difficulty in getting it right at first a little patience and practice will enable you to become proficient and capable of tying it rapidly and easily in any place or position. to make a turk's head, have a smooth, round stick, or other object, and some closely twisted or braided small line. pass two turns of the line around the rod, _a_, fig. 135, from left to right, and pass the upper bight down through the lower and reeve the upper end down through it, as at _b_. then pass the bight up again and run the end over the lower bight and up between it and the upper bight. turn the upper bight again through the lower one and pass the end over what is now the upper bight and between it and the lower, _c_, fig. 135. now work from left to right, following the lay of the knot (or, in other words, passing your long end alongside the first end), _d_, fig. 135, until a braid of two or more lays is completed, as shown in fig. 136. the turk's head may be drawn as tight as desired around the rope, or rod, by working up the slack and drawing all bights taut. a variation of the knot may be formed by making the first part as described and then by slipping the knot to the end of the rod; work one side tighter than the other until the "head" forms a complete cap, as shown in fig. 137. this makes a splendid finish for the ends of flagpoles, stanchions, etc. [illustration: fig. 135.--making turk's head.] [illustration: fig. 136.--turks' heads.] [illustration: fig. 137.--turk's cap.] ropes that are to be used as hand-lines, stanchions, man-ropes, railings, or in fact wherever a neat appearance counts, are usually wormed, served, and parcelled. worming consists in twisting a small line into the grooves between the strands of rope, _a_, fig. 138. this fills up the grooves and makes the rope smooth and ready for serving or parcelling. parcelling consists in covering the rope already wormed with a strip of canvas wound spirally around it with the edges overlapping, _b_, fig. 138. serving is merely wrapping the rope with spun yarn, marline, or other small stuff, _c_, fig. 138. although this may all be done by hand, yet it can be accomplished far better by using a "serving mallet," shown in _d_, fig. 138. this instrument enables you to work tighter and more evenly than by hand, but in either case you must have the rope to be served stretched tightly between two uprights. often a rope is served without parcelling and for ordinary purposes parcelling is not required. a variation of serving is made by "half-hitch" work, as shown in figs. 139-140. this is very pretty when well done and is very easy to accomplish. take a half-hitch around the rope to be served, then another below it; draw snug; take another half-hitch and so on until the object is covered and the series of half-hitch knots forms a spiral twist, as shown in the illustrations. bottles, jugs, ropes, stanchions, fenders, and numerous other articles may be covered with half-hitch work; and as you become more expert you will be able to use several lines of half-hitches at the same time. four-strand braiding is also highly ornamental and is easy and simple. the process is illustrated in fig. 141, and consists in crossing the opposite strands across and past one another, as shown in _a_, _b_, _c_, fig 141. still more ornamental is the "crown-braid" which appears, when finished, as in fig. 143. the process of forming this braid is exactly like ordinary crowning and does not require any description; it may be done with any number of strands, but four or six are usually as many as the beginner cares to handle at one time. [illustration: fig. 138.--worming, parcelling, and serving.] [illustration: fig. 139.--half-hitch work.] [illustration: fig. 140.--half-hitch work.] [illustration: fig. 141.--four-strand braid (making).] [illustration: fig. 142.--four-strand braid (complete).] [illustration: fig. 143.--crown-braid.] when the rope-worker has mastered all the knots, ties, bends, hitches, and splices i have described, he will find a new field open to the use of rope in innumerable ways. barrels, casks, bales, or other objects may be roped, or slung, with ease and security; ropes will be pressed into service for straps and belts; and buckles may be readily formed by the simple expedient shown in fig. 144. if a swivel is required it can be arranged as shown in fig. 145, while several simple slings are illustrated in figs. 146-148. in a factory, or machine shop, rope belting will often prove far better than leather, and if well spliced together will run very smoothly and evenly even on long stretches. as a recreation for killing time aboard ship, or on rainy vacation days, few occupations will prove more enjoyable than tying fancy knots and making new splices and bends or inventing new variations of the numerous hitches, ties, and knots you already know. [illustration: fig. 144.--rope buckle.] [illustration: fig. 145.--swivels.] [illustration: fig. 146] [illustration: fig. 147] [illustration: fig. 148] [illustration caption: figs. 146, 147, and 148.--slings.] halters for animals every now and then a temporary halter is needed for a horse, and in fig. 149 such a halter is shown. this halter is made by putting the end of a long rope around the neck of the horse and then tying a common bow-line knot. (see fig. 150.) fig. 151 shows the second step to be followed, that of passing the rope around the animal's head twice, while fig. 152 shows how the second loop is passed under the first. in fig. 153 the rope is shown sufficiently long enough to enable it to be passed over the ears of the animal and leave the halter completed, as shown in fig. 154. [illustration: fig. 149--put a loop over the horse's nose.] [illustration: fig. 150--the "bowline" knot.] [illustration: fig. 151--follow this with a second loop.] [illustration: fig. 152--pass the second loop under the first.] [illustration: fig. 153--the second loop should be long.] [illustration: fig. 154--it goes over the forelock and ears.] index artificial eye baggage barrels beams belaying-pin belaying-pin splice belting bends bight billet blackwall hitch blocks bolt-rope bow-knots bow-line bow-line on bight bow shortening boxes bridles builders' hitch builders' knot bundles butchers' knots cable casks catspaws chain hitch chain knots chests cleat tie clinches close band clove hitch cordage core cotton cotton rope crown braid crowning crown knots cuckolds' necks cut splice deadeye lashing deadeyes dogshanks double chain double crown double figure-eight double knots double plait double wall double wall and crown end ending ending rope end pointing eyes eye splice fancy knots fibres fid figure-eight knot fisherman's hitch fisherman's knot fivefold knot flemish eye fourfold knot four-strand braid four-stranded rope french shroud knot gaff-topsail halyard bend garrick bend gordian knot granny knot grass grommets gunners' knot gut lines half-hitch half-hitch and seizing half-hitch work handcuff kings handcuffs handles handspike hawser hitch hawsers hemp hemp rope history of rope hitches hooks introduction jute lanyards larks' heads lashed cut splice lashings laying up leather braid left-handed rope long splice loop lashings loop knots loops magnus hitch manacles manila rope manrope knot marline marline spike marline-spike seamanship matthew walker knot midshipman's hitch monkey chain mooring knots necklace tie nettles nooses open chain open-hand knot ordinary knot overhand knot packages parcelling parts of rope pier bend pointed rope pointing quoits reef knot reefing knots repairing rope rigging right-hand rope rings roband hitch rolling hitch rope rope buckles rose lashing round turn running bow-line running knot running noose sailors' knots seized shortening seizing selvagee selvagee board selvagee strap serving serving mallet sevagee sheaves sheepshanks shortenings short splice shroud knots silk simple hitch simple knots single plait sinkers sisal flax sixfold knot slings slip knots slippery hitch snaking spars spiles splices splicing square knots standing part stopper knot stoppers stops strands straps strength of rope string studding-sail bend swivels tackle threefold knot throat seizing ties timber timber hitch toggles tomfool knot topsail-halyard toggle treble knot turks' caps turks' heads twine twist braid twist knot twist shortening twists wall and crown wall crowned wall knots warp waterman's knot weaver's knot wedding knot weight of rope wharf tie whipping wind knots wire rope worming yarn [illustration: cover] knots, bends, splices, with tables of strengths of ropes, etc., and wire rigging. by captain jutsum, cardiff. _revised and enlarged._ [copyright. glasgow: the nautical press, james brown & son, nautical and engineering publishers. 1914 introduction. the object of this little work is to present in a compact form and systematic order a complete list of all the most useful and important workings connected with cordage, and a lucid explanation of their various formations. the explanations of some of the elementary knots have been gone into with what a practical seaman of even short experience may consider almost unnecessary minuteness, but the aim throughout has been to render the work of value to those who approach the subject for the first time. to attain this end, diagrams are introduced at every stage, and if followed closely step by step, in conjunction with the text referring to them, the learner should have no difficulty in following their construction. at the same time he must remember that proficiency in what is really skilled workmanship, amounting almost to an art, can only be gained by much practice and perseverance, and should gladly avail himself of any advice or help he may be able to obtain from his more experienced ship-mates. j. netherclift jutsum. {v} contents. page the construction of ropes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 common whipping, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 knots, etc., formed by a single rope's-end- overhand knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 figure of 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 simple clinch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 running or inside clinch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 outside clinch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 buntline hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 bowline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 running bowline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 half hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 round turn and two half hitches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 clove hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 rolling hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 timber hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 fisherman's bend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 topsail halliard bend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 stun'sail bend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 blackwall hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 midshipman's hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 double blackwall hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 knots, etc., made on the bight of a rope- a bowline on the bight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 marlinespike hitch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 sheepshank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 catspaw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 knots, bends, etc., for uniting ropes- reef knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 common or sheet bend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 single carrick bend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 double carrick bend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 diamond knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 knots formed on ropes by their own strands- wall knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30-33 double wall knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 crown knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 manrope knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 stopper knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 single matthew walker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 double matthew walker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 another form of diamond knot (single) . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 double diamond knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 shroud knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 spritsail sheet knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 splices- eye splice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 short splice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 cut splice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 long splice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 grommet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 wire splicing- eye splice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 long splice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 purchases- single whip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 double whip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 runner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 gun tackle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 handy billy or jigger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 watch or luff tackle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 double luff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 three-fold purchase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 four-fold purchase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 single spanish burton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 double spanish burton (two forms) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 spanish windlass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 miscellaneous odds and ends- palm and needle whipping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 west country whipping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 american whipping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 to point a rope end . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 turk's head . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58-60 mousing a hook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 securing lead line to lead . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 fitting a flag . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 cringles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61-64 lengthening the rope of a sail . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 jury knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65-66 sling for a barrel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67-68 chain knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68-69 double chain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69-70 twist or plain knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 wire rope splicing, etc.- how to handle wire rope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 set of wire rope splicing tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 directions for splicing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76-78 splicing thimbles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78-82 tables showing the respective weights and strengths of various cordage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83-86 {1} the construction of ropes. rope, the term being used in its widest construction, is made from almost every pliable material, but is generally composed of hemp, manila, coir, cotton, steel, iron, or copper wire. for the present we will confine ourselves to those having their origin in the vegetable kingdom, and more especially to those made from hemp and manila. these are divided into three classes:-(1). +a hawser-laid rope+, which is composed of three strands laid up generally right-handed (that is, the direction taken by the strands in forming the rope runs always from left to right) (fig. 1.) (2). +a shroud-laid rope+, also laid up right-handed, but consisting of four strands (fig. 2) with a heart in the centre. (3). +a cable-laid rope+, which is composed of three right-handed hawser-laid ropes laid up together left-handed, so that it may be said to consist of nine strands (fig. 3), or it may be formed by three left-handed ropes laid up right-handed (fig. 4). {2} [illustration: fig. 1. fig. 2. fig. 3.] in fig. 4 we show a more complete analysis of its construction (in this case a right-handed cable-laid rope). [illustration: fig. 4.] {3} first we see the cable _e_ formed by the three ropes _d_, _f_, and _g_; whilst the rope _g_ is dissected to show the strands forming it, _c_, _h_, _j_; and in the strand _h_ we see _b_, the yarn composing the strand, and _a_ a yarn teased out to show the original fibre. the end of a rope must always be secured in some way, or it is evident from its construction that it will on the slightest usage become frayed out. the commonest method is by placing on an ordinary whipping, which is done as follows:--first lay the end of a length of twine along the end of the rope, and then commencing at the part furthest from the rope's end take a half dozen or more turns around both the rope and twine end (fig. 5). then lay the twine in the form of a loop along the rope and over the turns already taken, as in fig. 6. to finish off take that portion of the loop designated _a_, and continue taking turns tightly round the rope and part _b_ of the twine until the loop is nearly all used up; pull through the remainder snugly by part _c_, and cut off short when, no end of twine will be visible as in fig. 7. [illustration: fig. 5. fig. 6. fig. 7.] {4} considering that we now have at our disposal a small sized rope with the end whipped, we will at once proceed to the formation of the most elementary knots and hitches, namely, those formed by a single rope's end. fig. 8 shows a common loop, by which most of the following knots, etc., are commenced. note exactly how the loop lies, and let us letter its parts clearly for future reference. the part of rope extending from 1 to 2 is known as the standing part which we will call _a_, the portion included between 2 and 3 following round the loop by _y_ and _z_ is termed the bight which we will call _b_, and from 3 to 4 is known as the end _e_. [illustration: fig. 8.] then starting in each case from the position shown in fig. 8 we make the following knots, etc:-{5} (1). +an overhand knot+.--place _e_ up through bight _b_, and draw taut (fig. 9). [illustration: fig. 9.] (2). +a figure of eight knot+.--back _e_ round behind _a_, bring over part _z_ and dip down through bight _b_ and haul taut (fig. 10). [illustration: fig. 10.] (3). +a simple clinch+ is formed by closing up the initial loop to form a small ring and securing by a seizing--a small lashing at _d_ (fig. 11). {6} [illustration: fig. 11] one of the preceding knots is generally put in the end of running gear to prevent it from coming unrove from the fair-leads or blocks. (4). +a running or inside clinch+ is the foregoing, formed by the end of a rope on its own standing part, and is often used for securing buntlines to the foot of a sail (fig. 12). [illustration: fig. 12.] {7} (5.) +an outside clinch+, as may be inferred from its name, is formed in a similar manner, but the end _c_ is brought round on top, that is, away from the bight (fig. 13). it is used in cases where it is essential that the end should not be in a position to jam, but always ready for slipping at a moment's notice, as in securing cable ends, etc. [illustration: fig. 13.] (6). +a buntline hitch+ (an alternative method of securing buntlines to a sail) is commenced as in making an outside clinch, but instead of putting on a seizing, take a longer end _c_, pass it over _y_, bring up through bight _b_, and tuck the end again over part _y_ and through the last loop formed, so that the end _c_ lies close to the commencement of part _z_ (fig. 14). {8} [illustration: fig. 14.] (7). +a bowline+.--reverting to our original loop (fig. 8), first taking part _z_ in the right hand with _y_ in the left, throw a loop over _c_, the end, as in fig. 15. [illustration: fig. 15.] {9} secondly, lead _c_ round behind part _a_ and pass it down through the last made loop, as indicated by the dotted line, and haul taut as in fig. 16. [illustration: fig. 16.] (8). +a running bowline+.--form a loop with a long end _c_ lying underneath the standing part _a_ (fig. 17). [illustration: fig. 17.] {10} now bring end _c_ over part _y_ and with it form the bowline knot on part _z_ just as in the previous case we formed it on its own part, when it will appear as in fig. 18. it is used whenever a running noose is required. [illustration: fig. 18.] (9). the formation of a half hitch (fig. 19), and two half hitches (fig. 20) is sufficiently indicated by those diagrams. [illustration: fig. 19.] {11} [illustration: fig. 20.] the commonest method of making a rope's end fast to a bollard, etc., is by taking a round turn and two half hitches, and stopping the end back for further security (fig. 21). [illustration: fig. 21.] {12} (10). +a clove hitch+ is really a jamming form of two half hitches, and is principally used when a small rope has to be secured to a larger one and the end still kept free to pass along for further purposes, as in securing ratlines to the shrouds. its formation is shown in three successive stages (figs. 22, 23, 24). [illustration: fig. 22. fig. 23. fig. 24.] {13} (11). +a rolling hitch+ is commenced and finished like a clove hitch, but as will be seen from the three diagrams (figs. 25, 26, 27) illustrating its construction, there is an intermediate round turn between the first and last hitches. it is principally used for securing the tail of a handy billy or snatch block to a larger rope, or when hanging off a rope with a stopper. [illustration: fig. 25. fig. 26. fig. 27.] {14} note that the round turn in (fig. 26) is taken round both the standing part _a_ and the larger rope. the great value of this hitch is its non-liability to slip in the direction _b_ (fig. 27). if, however, owing to an extremely severe strain or other causes the hitch is inclined to slip, the end _e_ should be backed round part _d_ of the first rope, that is, twisted around it in long lays in the opposite direction to that in which the hitch was formed, and the end secured by a stop (fig. 28). [illustration: fig. 28.] (12). a timber hitch is a useful way of securing a rope quickly to a plank, but when there is to be a long and continuous strain, or when it is required to keep the end of a piece of timber pointed steadily in one direction, it should be supplemented with a half hitch (figs. 29, 30). {15} [illustration: fig. 29. fig. 30.] the timber hitch itself consists simply of a half hitch taken with a rather long end, which is used up by twisting it back around its own part of the hitch. in fig. 29 the hitch is purposely left very loose so that its formation may be the more easily seen. (13) +a fisherman's bend+ is formed by taking two round turns around the object to which the rope is to be secured, and then backing the end round in the form of a half hitch under both the standing part and second round turn. the end may be further secured by taking a half hitch {16} around its own part or by stopping it to it (figs. 31, 32), the dotted line showing the next direction the end _c_ must take. [illustration: fig. 31. fig. 32.] it is used when securing a hauling line to the ring of the kedge, or for bending a rope to a bucket, etc., and is often called a bucket hitch. (14). +a topsail halyard bend+.--this bend is never seen in deep water ships, but is sometimes used on board yachts. it is commenced in a similar manner to a fisherman's bend, but three round turns are first taken around the spar, the end being backed around the standing part _a_ and then led under all three turns as in fig. 33, and then again backed over the last two round turns and under the first, as shown in fig. 34. {17} [illustration: fig. 33. fig. 34.] (14). +a stun'sail halyard bend+ is simply a fisherman's bend with the end backed again over the last round turn and under the first (fig. 35). [illustration: fig. 35.] (15). +a blackwall hitch+ is a quick way of temporarily securing a rope to a hook. as will be seen from the illustration (fig. 36) it consists of a half hitch, the standing part _a_ as soon as it receives the strain jamming {18} the end part _c_. it holds much more firmly than would be imagined at first sight. by taking another round turn at _b_ before passing the end _c_ under _a_, it will hold more securely. [illustration: fig. 36.] (17). +a midshipman's hitch+ is sometimes used instead of a blackwall hitch, and will hold better if the rope is at all greasy. it is made by first forming a blackwall hitch and then taking the underneath part and placing it over the bill of the hook (fig. 37). [illustration: fig. 37.] {19} (18). +a double blackwall hitch+ is made by taking the bight of the rope and placing it across the neck of the strop of the block, crossing it behind, then placing the under part over the hook and crossing the upper part on top of it (fig. 38). it holds better than either of the two preceding hitches. [illustration: fig. 38.] {20} knots, etc., made on the bight of a rope, that is, without utilising the ends. (1). +a bowline on the bight+--using both parts of the rope together, commence as in making an ordinary bowline (fig. 39). to finish off, open out bight _c_, and taking it in the direction indicated by the dotted line, pass the whole knot through it and haul taut, when it will appear as in fig. 40. [illustration: fig. 39. fig. 40.] {21} (2). +a marline-spike hitch+ is used for getting a purchase with a marline-spike, capstan bar, etc., when putting on a seizing or lashing. by fig. 41 it will be seen to consist of the standing part picked through a loop laid over it, so that the spike lies under the standing part and over the sides of the loop. [illustration: fig. 41.] (3). +a sheep shank+ is used for shortening a rope. gather up the amount desired in the form of fig. 42. [illustration: fig. 42.] then with parts _a_ and _b_ form a half hitch round the two parts of the bight as in fig. 43. [illustration: fig. 43.] {22} to render it still more dependable, the bight _a_ and _b_ may be seized or toggled to the standing parts as in figs. 44 and 45. [illustration: fig. 44. fig. 45.] (4). +a catspaw+ is formed in a rope to make a temporary loop for hooking on the block of a tackle. first throw back a bight as in fig. 46. [illustration: fig. 46.] {23} then taking hold of _a_ and _b_ in either hand twist them up as in fig. 47; bring together the two eyes _a_ and _b_ and hook in the tackle. [illustration: fig. 47.] {24} knots, bends, and hitches for uniting ropes. (1). +a reef knot+.--the simplest of all knots, and is always used when a common tie is required. its formation may be easily traced in figs. 48, 49, 50. having constructed the knot as far as fig. 48, be sure part _a_ is kept in front of part _b_ as here shown, and the end _c_ led in according to the direction of the dotted line. [illustration: fig. 48. fig. 49. fig. 50.] (2). +a common bend or sheet bend+.--in making a bend the ends of the two ropes are not used simultaneously as in forming a reef knot, but an eye or loop is first formed in the end of one of the ropes as in fig. 51, and the other rope's end is then rove through it in various ways according to the bend desired. {25} [illustration: fig. 51.] to form a sheet bend, pass the second rope's end underneath the eye at point _a_ and bring up through the loop, then form with it a half hitch round _c_ and _b_ (fig. 52). [illustration: fig. 52.] it will hold still better and is less likely to jamb if the end _c_ is passed round again as in fig. 53. [illustration: fig. 53.] {26} (3). for bending two hauling lines together use a +carrick bend+. first form with hawser no. 1 a loop as in fig. 54. [illustration: fig. 54.] pass the second hawser under the first at _a_, bring up through the eye _b_, back it over the cross at _c_, and bring up again towards you through the eye _b_, and then stop the ends of each hawser to their own respective parts (fig. 55). [illustration: fig. 55.] {27} (4). _a double carrick bend_ is formed in precisely a similar manner, but a complete round turn is taken around the cross of the first hawser at _c_, and then led up again through the eye _b_ and finished off as before (fig. 56). [illustration: fig. 56.] (5). +a diamond knot+ formed by the two ends of a rope is really a fancy knot. it is often made with hambro' line in forming lanyards for marline-spikes, knives, etc. it is a pretty knot and very easily made. first lay one of the cords in a loop shaped as in fig. 57. {28} notice carefully how this loop is lettered, and then, taking up the second cord, lay it under the loop at _a_, straight along also under the loop at _b_, now bring it over the first cord at _c_ and under it at _d_ and over it at _e_, then dip it under its own part now lying between _a_ and _b_, and lead it over the first cord at _f_. [illustration: fig. 57.] the knot, still in an unfinished state, will now appear as in fig. 58. [illustration: fig. 58.] {29} now lead the ends in the direction indicated by the dotted lines (taking care beforehand that you have them sufficiently long for the purpose), and bring them both up through the opening _a_. bring the two standing parts _b_ and _c_ together, and gradually render all parts in turn to work up the knot as tight as possible, when it will appear as in fig. 59. [illustration: fig. 59.] {30} knots formed on ropes by their own strands. although our next series of knots are generally known as "fancy knots" they are by no means merely ornamental, many of them playing important parts in the standing rigging of a ship. (1). +to form a wall knot+.--first unlay the rope so that the strands appear as in fig. 60. [illustration: fig. 60.] {31} holding the rope with the left hand, with the right lead strand _a_ in the direction indicated by the dotted line, viz., under strand _b_ and up between strands _b_ and _c_ (fig. 61). [illustration: fig. 61.] then with strand _b_ form a similar loop, enclosing strands _a_ and _c_, and bringing the end of strand _b_ up between _a_ and _d_ (fig. 62). [illustration: fig. 62.] {32} now with strand _c_ form a similar loop, enclosing strands _b_ and _a_ by leading the end of strand _c_ up through the loop _e_ in strand _a_ (fig. 63). [illustration: fig. 63.] finally, work all parts well taut, whip the ends of the strands together and cut off short (fig. 64). [illustration: fig. 64.] {33} (2). +a double wall knot+ is formed by allowing each strand to again follow its lead as given in a single wall knot, opening out the first loops again with a pricker sufficiently for the purpose. the three strands are as before brought up in the centre and cut off short after whipping them together. this knot is also known as a stopper knot. (3). +a crown knot+ is formed by interlacing the strands in a similar manner to a wall knot, but the strands are successively led _over_ each other instead of under. its construction will be easily followed in fig. 65. [illustration: fig. 65.] double crowning is done by following round each strand again alongside its first lead. our next two knots are but combinations of the wall and crown. {34} (4). +a manrope knot+ is made by first forming a wall and then crowning it (fig. 66.) [illustration: fig. 66.] then follow round the wall again, and lastly, follow round the crown, when the finished knot will appear as in fig. 67. [illustration: fig. 67.] a knot formed by making a crown first and then a wall, and afterwards following round the crown and wall again is another form of the stopper knot. it is very similar in appearance when finished to a manrope knot. {35} (5). +a single matthew walker+.--to make this knot commence similarly to a wall, but pass the first strand _a_ under both _b_ and _c_, as in fig. 68. [illustration: fig. 68.] then pass _b_ under both strands _c_ and _a_, and bring up through the loop first formed by _a_ (fig. 69). [illustration: fig. 69.] {36} similarly pass _c_ under _a_ and _b_, and bring up through the loop first formed by _b_ (fig. 70). [illustration: fig. 70.] (6). +a double matthew walker+ will be easily learnt if you notice the difference between a single matthew walker and a wall knot. in the wall knot you will have noticed that each strand is simply interlaced with the strand immediately on its right coming up through the loop formed by this second strand. in the single matthew walker each strand interlaces the two strands to its right, coming up through the loop of the third strand. {37} another evolution in the same order brings us to the double matthew walker. it is formed, as will be seen by carefully following diagram 71, by making each strand contain in its own loop, the other two strands, and _its own_ end, that is, each strand leads up through its own bight after interlacing the other two. [illustration: fig. 71. fig. 72.] when worked taut and finished off, it will appear as in fig. 72. {38} (7). +a single diamond knot+.--this is another method of forming the knot shown in fig. 59, which in that case was formed by the two ends of the same rope. to form it on a rope by its own strands, unlay the rope to the place where it is desired to form the knot, and as after the knot is made the strands will have to be laid up again, try to preserve the original lay in the strands as much as possible. now bring each of the three strands down alongside the standing part of the rope, thus forming three bights, and hold them thus with the left hand. take the first strand _a_ (fig. 73) and, putting it over the next, _b_, bring it up through the bight of the third strand _c_. [illustration: fig. 73.] {39} take the end of the second strand over the third and up the bight of the first. the last strand is brought through over the first and up through the bight of the second. haul taut, and lay the rope up again. fig. 74 shows the loops in their places with the ends through them before they are hauled taut. fig. 75 gives the knot finished. [illustration: fig. 74. fig. 75.] for a double diamond we first make a single diamond, the ends are then made to follow the lead of the single knot through two single bights, the ends coming out on top of the knot. the last strand passes through two double bights. the ends are then hauled taut and laid up as before (fig. 76). {40} [illustration: fig. 76.] (8). +a shroud knot+ is a method of joining two ropes. each is unlaid the necessary length, and they are then brought close together. a wall knot is formed on each rope with the strands of the other (fig. 77). the completed knot is shown in fig. 78, but to make a neat job the ends should be marled and served as in fig. 79. [illustration: fig. 77. fig. 78. fig. 79.] {41} (9). +a spritsail sheet knot+.--unlay both ends of the rope and bring the two standing parts of the rope together as in fig. 80. [illustration: fig. 80.] grasping both parts of the rope at _a_, with the six strands form a wall knot, that is, by passing 1 under 2, 2 under 3, 3 under 4, 4 under 5, 5 under 6, and 6 under the loop formed by 1. this would appear too confusing if shown in a diagram, but the knot is very easily made in practice. now lay any opposite two of the strands across the top {42} in an _opposite direction_, and crown by passing the other four, each in turn, alternately over and under these two. each of the six strands will then come out leading in a downward direction alongside the strands forming the first walling. now follow round the walling again, when the strands will come through in an upward direction, each alongside a strand of the first crowning. follow through the crowning once more, and cut off the ends short, when a handsome and useful stopper knot will result, as shown in fig. 81. [illustration: fig. 81.] {43} splices. (1). +an eye splice+ is formed by unlaying the end of a rope for a short distance, and then, after closing up the end, to form an eye of the desired size. lay the three strands upon the standing part, now tuck the middle strand through the strand of the standing part of the rope next to it (against the lay of the rope), then pass the strand on the left over the strand under which no. 1 strand is tucked, and tuck it under the next, and lastly, put the remaining strand through the third strand on the other side of the rope (fig. 82.) [illustration: fig. 82.] {44} now tuck each strand again alternately over a strand and under a strand of the rope, and then taper off by halving the strands before tucking the third time, and again halve them before the fourth tuck. if the strands are tucked with the lay of the rope it is termed a sailmaker's splice. (2). +a short splice+ is used to join two ropes when it is not required to pass through a block. unlay the two ropes the required distance, and clutch them together as in fig. 83, that is, so that the strands of one rope go alternately between the strands of the other. [illustration: fig. 83.] then tuck the strands of rope a into the rope _b_ in a similar manner to that described in an eye splice, and similarly tuck the strands of _b_ into _a_ (figs. 84 and 85). [illustration: fig. 84. fig. 85.] {45} (3). +a cut splice+ is made by laying two ropes in the position indicated in fig. 86. [illustration: fig. 86.] leaving the ropes between _a a_ to form an oblong loop, tuck the strands of one rope into the other as done in the eye splice. splices are often wormed, parcelled, and served. fig. 87 shows the cut splice after this treatment. a log-line splice is a cut splice, but instead of allowing the loop to appear, the two lines are twisted together. [illustration: fig. 87.] (4). +a long splice+ is one of the most useful of splices, as it permits the rope to run through a block just the same as an unspliced rope. unlay the ends of two ropes to a distance about four times the length used in a short splice, and then clutch them together as if about to commence a short splice. now unlay one strand for a considerable distance and fill {46} up the gap thus caused by twisting in the strand opposite to it of the other rope. then do the same with two more strands. let the remaining two strands stay as they were first placed. the ropes will now appear as in fig. 88. [illustration: fig. 88.] to finish off, tuck the ends as in a short splice, but _with_ the lay of the rope, that is, so that the tuck will continually take place around the same strand, and taper off gradually by reducing the yarns in the strand. (5). +to make a grommet+, cut a strand about three and a half times the length of the grommet required. unlay the rope carefully and keep the turns of the strand in. close up the strand in the form of a ring (fig. 89), and then pass the ends round and round in their original lay until all the intervals are filled up (fig. 90), and then finish off the two ends as in a long splice (fig. 91). [illustration: fig. 89. fig. 90. fig. 91.] {47} wire splicing. in splicing wire, great care should be taken to prevent kinks getting in the rope or strands. with steel wire, always before working it, put a stop on at the place to which you intend to unlay, and also put a good whipping of twine at the end of each strand. steel wire is six-stranded right-handed, and has a heart of hemp. flexible wire has a heart of hemp in each strand. crucible wire is made in the same manner, except that the strands are wire throughout. crucible wire is used for standing rigging and flexible wire for purchases, etc. in splicing wire all tucks are made with the lay of the rope. in making an eye splice the rope is handled better if hung up in a convenient position so that when standing up the eye will be at about the level of the chest of the person working. a long tapering steel marline-spike is required, and after placing it under a strand do not withdraw it until the tuck is made and all the slack of the strand drawn through. {48} there are several methods in vogue for tucking the strand, but the following is as good as any:--tuck the first strand under two strands and all the rest under one strand respectively. tuck whole again, and this time each strand under one strand, then halve the strands and tuck again. to make a neat splice do not haul the part of the rope that has not been unlaid too close to the neck of the splice, and in tucking the strands never take a short nip but take long lays. in unlaying for a long splice, always unlay two strands simultaneously, to keep the rope in its original lay. for a fair-sized rope unlay about 9 ft. of each end. proceed as in rope splicing, and after the three pairs of strands are in their places, single them, and continue to unlay and lay-in until the six meeting places of the strands are equi-distant. to finish off the ends properly can only be learnt by observation and actual practice. by using two marline-spikes, the hempen heart is removed and the ends of the wire strands forced into the place it occupied, making a very neat job when finished. wire splices should be parcelled with oily canvas and served with hambro' line. {49} purchases. (1) +single whip+.--a rope rove through a single block fixed in any position. no power is gained (fig. 92). [illustration: fig. 92.] (2). +double whip+.--a rope rove through two single blocks--upper block a tail block, lower one a movable hook block. power gained--double (fig. 93). [illustration: fig. 93.] {50} (3). +a runner+ adds an additional power to the purchase it is used with (fig. 94). [illustration: fig. 94.] (4). +gun tackle+.--single blocks. power gained--twice or thrice, according to which is the movable block (fig. 95). [illustration: fig. 95.] {51} (5). +handy billy or jigger+.--a small tackle for general use; a double block with a tail and single block with hook (fig. 96). [illustration: fig. 96.] (6). +watch tackle or luff tackle+.--double hook block and single hook block (fig. 97). [illustration: fig. 97.] {52} (7). +double luff+.--two double blocks (fig. 98). [illustration: fig. 98.] (8). +three-fold purchase+.--two three-fold blocks. power gained--six or seven times (fig. 99). [illustration: fig. 99.] {53} (9). +four-fold purchase+.--two four-fold blocks. power gained--eight or nine times (fig. 100). [illustration: fig. 100.] (10). +a single spanish burton+.--two single blocks and a hook. power gained--three times (fig. 101). [illustration: fig. 101.] {54} [illustration: fig. 102.] (11). +a double spanish burton+.--there are two forms of this purchase--fig. 102, by using three single blocks; fig. 103, by using one double block and two single blocks. power gained--five times. [illustration: fig. 103.] {55} (12). +a spanish windlass+.--to rig a spanish windlass take a good strand well greased in the centre. place the strand over the two parts of the rope that are to be hove together, and bringing the ends of the strand up again, place a bolt close to the strand. take the ends of the strand and lay them up with their own parts so as to form two eyes. take a round turn with this round the bolt, put a marline-spike through each eye and heave around (fig. 104). [illustration: fig. 104.] {56} miscellaneous odds and ends. (1). +a palm and needle whipping+ is a more permanent way of securing a rope's end from fraying than the common whipping put on by hand. first, place the needle under one of the strands and draw nearly the whole length of twine through. take a considerable number of turns round the rope with the twine, drawing each well taut in turn, and finish up by following round with the needle between each strand, forming a series of frappings, and cut off the end of the twine short (fig. 105). [illustration: fig. 105.] (2). +a west country whipping+ is formed by middling the twine around the part of the rope to be marked and half knotting it at every half turn, so that each half knot will be on opposite sides. when a sufficient number of turns are passed, finish it off with a reef knot. {57} (3). +an american whipping+ is sometimes used for the ends of hawsers. it is commenced in the same way as a common whipping, but finished off by having both ends out in the middle of the whipping and forming a reef knot. this is done by leaving the first end out when you commence to pass the turns on the bight over the last end. (4). +to point a rope end+.--first put a stop on at twice and a half the circumference of the rope from the end, which will leave about the length for pointing, unlay the rope to the stop and then unlay the strands. split a number of the outside yarns and make a nettle out of each yarn. (a nettle is made by laying up the yarns with the finger and thumb left-handed.) when the nettles are made stop them back on the standing part of the rope; then form the point with the rest of the yarns by scraping them down to a proper size with a knife, and marl them down together with twine; divide the nettles, taking every other one up and every other one down. pass three turns with a piece of twine--which is called the warp--very taut round the part where the nettles separate, taking a hitch with the last turn. continue to repeat this process by placing every alternate nettle up and down, passing the warp or "filling," taking a hitch each time, until the {58} point is to its required length. it is generally finished off by working a small flemish eye in the end (figs. 106 and 107). [illustration: fig. 106. fig. 107.] (5). +turk's head+.--the turk's head is one of the most common of the ornamental knots used at sea, and is formed from an ordinary clove hitch (fig. 108) made sufficiently slack to allow for the working of the other parts. [illustration: fig. 108.] having formed the clove hitch, pass _b_ over _c_ and tuck _a_ under and up through the bight formed by _c_ as in fig. 109. it will then be found that there is another twist in {60} the parts _b_ and _c_, tuck _a_ under _e_ and over _b_. then go on as in fig. 109, and put _b_ over _c_ again and tuck _a_ as before. the number of crossings required depends principally on the size of the material on which the turk's head is formed. to finish off as in fig. 110, the part _a_ is made to follow _d_ (fig 108) round for three times. [illustration: fig. 109.] [illustration: fig. 110.] (6). +mousing a hook+.--all hooks in running gear should be moused as in fig. 111. [illustration: fig. 111.] {61} (7). +securing lead line to lead+.--the lead is fitted with a good wire grommet parcelled over. the lead line should have a long eye spliced in it, and is secured by passing the eye through the grommet and over the lead (fig. 112). [illustration: fig. 112.] (8). +fitting a flag+.--a toggle should be secured at the head of the hoist by an eye splice; a length of rope equal to the width of the flag left below the hoist, as this is the distance the flags should be apart, and then a running eye splice made so as to be rapidly attached to the next flag. (9). +to stick a cringle+.--first unlay a single strand from {62} the size of rope your cringle is required to be, whip both ends, reeve the strand through the left hand eyelet hole in the sail, having one end longer than the other--nearly a third--keeping the roping of the sail towards you. if a thimble is to be put in the cringle, lay up the parts of the strand together, counting three lays; commence with the short end of the strand towards you, then reeve the long strand from you through the right hand eyelet hole, taking it through the cringle, and it will be in the right position to lay up in the vacant space left in the cringle; when done, the one end will hang down inside the right hand eyelet hole and the other end outside the left hand one; the ends are then hitched by being rove through their respective eyelet holes and passed over the leech rope and under their own part, one hitch being towards you and the other from you; then take the ends down under one strand on the right and two on the left of cringle nearest to it; then tuck the ends under the first two strands nearest the hitch, heaving them well in place; the cringle is then fidded out, and the thimble is put in on the fore part of the sail. the ends of the strand are then tucked back, left-handed, under one strand, again under two, right-handed, as in the first place, heaving them taut in place {63} at each tuck, the ends are then whipped with two of their own yarns and cut off. if a large cringle is needed, count an extra number of lays--5, 7, etc., always an odd number. (10). +to finish a cringle off on the crown+.--commence as before, but after laying up the strand, instead of forming a hitch with each end, the ends are rove through their respective eyelet holes and tucked back under two strands of the cringles and again laid up as far as the crown, forming a four-stranded cringle, and finished off by tucking the ends under two strands and crossing them under the crown of the cringle and cut close off. [illustration: fig. 113. fig. 114.] {64} in working a cringle in a piece of rope the only difference is there are no eyelet holes, therefore the strand is tucked under two strands of the rope it is to be worked in. (11). +to lengthen a rope of a sail with a single strand+.--say it is necessary to give a sail one cloth more spread, it would then be necessary to lengthen the head and foot rope. supposing the width of cloth to be 2 feet and the size of the rope 3 in. after ripping the rope off four cloths, first of all cut the strand at the distance 2 ft. 6 in. from each other as in fig. 115. [illustration: fig. 115.] cut one of the strands at _a_ and unlay it to _c_, then cut one of the strands remaining at _c_ and unlay it to _b_, laying the strand _a_ up again as far as _b_; then cut the only remaining strand at _b_, which will be the centre, when your rope will be in two parts. by following the plan the wrong strand cannot possibly be cut. the rope will now appear as in fig. 116. [illustration: fig. 116.] {65} now marry the long end _a_ to the end _b_, then lay up the long strand _c_ in the lays of the strand _a_, and marry it to the other strand _b_ as in fig. 117. [illustration: fig. 117.] take a strand about 10 ft. in length of the same size rope and marry one end to the short strand _a_ as shown above, then fill up the space left from _a_ to _c_ by laying in the new strand, and marry the other end to the short strand _c_. you will then have four splices to finish off as ordinary long splices (fig. 118). [illustration: fig. 118.] (11). +jury knot+. the jury knot is useful when a jury mast has to be rigged, as the loops form a means of attaching the necessary supports to the mast. the centre _k_ (fig. 120) is slipped over the masthead, and the weight brought on the stays tightens it and holds it in its position on the mast. {66} it is formed by three ordinary half-hitches, each placed behind the other and with the loop of the last laid over the first, as in fig. 119. [illustration: fig. 119.] having done this, keep the hitches together with the right hand, and with the left take _a_ and dip it under _b_ and pull _c_ through _a_ and _b_. then, holding the knot with the left hand, place _f_ over _e_, and pull _d_ between _e_ and _f_. take _g_ in the teeth and pull on the parts _g_, _f_, and _a_. the ends _h_ and _z_ may be either knotted or spliced. {67} [illustration: fig. 120.] (13). +sling for a barrel+.--the following method of slinging a barrel is adopted when it is desired to hoist it up end on. [illustration: fig. 121.] pass the bight _a_ of the rope under the lower end of the barrel and bring the two parts up, and with them {68} form an overhand knot _b_, which is opened out so as to fit over the end of the barrel. the bight _a_ is placed under the cask, and the overhand knot _b_ is slipped over the head, and the two ends are brought up and knotted as in fig. 122. [illustration: fig. 122.] (14). +chain knot+.--an easy and ornamental way of shortening a rope is that known as the chain knot. to form it proceed as though you are going to make an ordinary overhand knot, but instead of working with both ends use the end and a bight as in fig. 123. {69} this will form the loop _a_, fig. 123, through which pass a bight of _b_ and continue in this way until all the slack rope is used up, and it can be finished off by running the end through the last loop (fig. 124). [illustration: fig. 123. fig. 124.] (15). +double chain+.--the double chain is a little more intricate than the chain knot, and is formed by taking a turn round the standing part and thus forming a loop {70} _c_, through which the end _a_ is passed, thus forming the loop _b_ (fig. 125). [illustration: fig. 125.] the end _a_ is brought back and dipped down through _b_ and this is continued as long as required, finishing off by running the end through the last bight and hauling it taut (fig. 126). [illustration: fig. 126.] {71} (16). +twist or plait knot+.--another method of shortening a small handy rope is known as the twist or plait knot. arrange the rope in such a manner that the amount to be taken up forms a bight as in fig. 127. [illustration: fig. 127. fig. 128.] then by taking _a_ over _b_ and _c_ over _b_, and so on, taking the outside one on each side alternately over the middle one, the plait is formed. to keep the plait clear, the end has to be continually dipped through the first bight made (fig. 128). {72} how to handle wire rope, etc. +the following article by a wire specialist will be read with interest+:-when uncoiling wire rope it is important that no kinks are allowed to form, as once a kink is made no amount of strain can take it out, and the rope is unsafe to work. if possible a turn-table should be employed (an old cart wheel mounted on a spindle makes an excellent one); the rope will then lead off perfectly straight without kinks. (see fig. 129.) [illustration: fig. 129. fig. 130.] if a turn-table is not available the rope may be rolled along the ground as shown in fig. 130. {73} in no case must the rope be laid on the ground and the end taken over (as in fig. 131), or kinks will result, and the rope will be completely spoiled. [illustration: fig. 131.] the life of wire rope depends principally upon the diameter of drums, sheaves, and pulleys; and too much importance cannot be given to the size of the latter. wherever possible the size of the pulleys should be not less than 700 times the diameter of the largest wire in the rope, and never less than 300 times. the diameters of drums, sheaves, and pulleys should increase with the working load when the factor of safety is less than 5 to 1. the load should not be lifted with a jerk, as the strain may equal three or four times the proper load, and a sound rope may easily be broken. examine ropes frequently. a new rope is cheaper than the risk of killing or maiming employees. {74} one-fifth of the ultimate strength of the rope should be considered a fair working load. in shafts and elevators where human life is constantly raised and lowered, the working load should not be more than one-tenth of the ultimate breaking strength of the rope. to increase the amount of work done, it is better to increase the working load than the speed of the rope. experience has shown that the wear of the rope increases with the speed. wire rope should be greased when running or idle. rust destroys as effectively as hard work. galvanized wire rope should never be used for running rope. one day's use will wear off the coating of zinc, and the rope will soon begin to rust. great care should be taken that the grooves of drums and sheaves are perfectly smooth, ample in diameter, and conformed to the surface of the rope. they should also be in perfect line with the rope, so that the latter may not chafe on the sides of the grooves. +set of wire rope splicing tools+. to produce the best work, the splicer should have at his disposal a set of tools similar to those in the accompanying illustration. the tool set consists of--1 tucker for small strands splicing; 1 marlin spike, round; 1 marlin spike, flatted; 1 pair special steel wire cutters; 1 serving mallet. all of best cast steel, hand forged. {75} [illustration: fig 132.] these sets may be had at prices varying from 15/6 to 46/-. {76} +directions for splicing+. to make an endless splice.--clamps are applied to the rope sufficiently far back from the ends to allow plenty of room for the splice, and the men to operate in. the two ends are then drawn together by means of blocks and tackle, until they overlap each other for a space of twenty to thirty feet, according to the size of the rope. at a point from each end midway of the lap, the rope must be bound with a good serving of no. 18 or no. 20 annealed wire. the serving at the extreme ends is then cut off, the strands untwisted to the new serving, and the hemp cores also cut off so as to abut when the open bunches of strands are brought together, and the opposite strands interlaced regularly with each other, presenting the appearance as near as can be shown (fig. 133). [illustration: fig. 133.] after these are all correctly interlaced, pull the ropes tightly together, so that the cores abut against one another. next take {77} strand no. 1, and as it is being unlaid, follow it up with strand a, which must be laid into its place tightly until within five feet from the end. strand no. 1 is then cut off, leaving it five feet long, same length as a strand. the remaining strands are treated the same way, three alternate strands being laid towards the right hand and three to the left. the strands being now all laid in their places, the ends are cut off, as with the first strands, to five feet. the appearance of splice will now be the same as in fig. 134. [illustration: fig. 134.] the next thing is to tuck in the ends, and this is where the skill comes in. before doing this, _care should be observed to see that the spliced portion of the rope is perfectly limp, or free of tension, otherwise this operation cannot be well performed_. the core is then cut and pulled out on the side corresponding with the end to be tucked in for a distance equal to the length of the end which is to replace it. it is desirable, especially if the rope is composed of small wires, to tie the ends of the strands with soft twine or threads of jute yarn in order to keep the wires well bunched. a marlin spike is then passed over +1+ and under two of the strands, when the core is cut off at the proper point, and by moving the spike along the rope spirally with the strands, the loose end +1+ is passed into the core space and the spike withdrawn. {78} then pull out the core on the other side, pass the marlin spike over a and under two strands as before, cut off the core, and tuck in the end a in precisely the same manner, after which the rope is twisted back again as tightly as possible, and the clamps or other appliances that may be used are removed to the next pair of projecting ends. any slight inequality in the symmetrical shape of the rope may be taken out by pounding with a wooden mallet. some prefer to tuck in first all the ends projecting in one direction, and then the ends projecting the other way; it is immaterial in what order they are tucked in. if these directions are implicitly followed, the spliced portion of the rope will be of uniform diameter with other portions, and will present a smooth and even appearance throughout. after running a day or two, the locality of the splice cannot be readily detected, and the rope will be quite as strong in this portion as any other. +splicing thimbles+. under and over style--ordinary type of wire rope. serve the rope with wire or tarred yarn to suit the circumference of the thimble, bend round thimble and tie securely in place with temporary lashing till splice is finished (as in fig. 135). open out the strands (as in fig. 136), taking care to keep the loose end of the rope to the left hand (see fig. 136). now insert marlin spike, lifting two strands (as shown in fig. 137), and tuck away towards the right hand (that is inserting the strand at the point, and over the spike) strand no. 1, pulling the strand well home. next {80} insert marlin spike through next strand to the left, only lifting one strand, the point of the spike coming out at the same place as before. tuck away strand no. 2 as before. [illustration: fig. 135. fig. 136. fig. 137. fig. 138.] the next tuck is the locking tuck. insert marlin spike in next strand, and, missing no. 3, tuck away strand no. 4 from the point of the spike towards the right hand. now, without taking out the spike, tuck away strand no. 3 behind the spike towards the left hand (as shown in fig. 138). now insert spike in next strand, and tuck away strand no. 5 behind and over the spike. no. 6 likewise. pull all the loose strands well down. [illustration: fig. 139. fig. 140.] this completes the first series of tucks, and the splice will, if made properly, be as fig. 139. now, starting with strand no. 1 and taking each strand in rotation, tuck away under one strand and over the next strand till all the strands have been tucked four times. if {81} it is intended to taper the splice, the strands may at this point be split, and half of the wires being tucked away as before, the other half cut close to the splice. fig. 127 [transcriber's note: 140?] shows the finished splice ready for serving over. [illustration: fig. 141.] {82} it will be noticed that this style of splice possesses a plaited appearance, and the more strain applied to the rope, the tighter the splice will grip, and there is no fear of the splice drawing owing to rotation of the rope. liverpool or spiral style (see fig. 141).--hawsers, or any ropes not hanging free and liable to spin, may be spliced in this style, in which the strands, instead of being interlocked together, are merely tucked round and round one particular strand in the rope. each loose strand is of course tucked round a different strand in the rope. this is sometimes called the "liverpool" style (see fig. 141). [illustration: fig. 141.] {83} tables +showing weights, etc., of various cordage+. kinds. length. weight. reefing twine, 24 skeins 8 to 9 lbs. sewing twine, 24 " 8 to 9 lbs. marline, 12 " 4 lbs. log lines, 25 fathoms 1 to 3 lbs. samson lines, 30 " 3/4 lb. samson lines, 30 " 1 lb. samson lines, 30 " 1 1/4 lbs. samson lines, 30 " 1 1/2 lbs. fishing lines, 25 " 1/4 lb. fishing lines, 25 " 1/2 lb. fishing lines, 25 " 3/4 lb. fishing lines, 25 " 1 lb. hambro'-lines (6 threads), 23 " 1 1/2 lbs. hambro'-lines (9 threads), 23 " 2 1/4 lbs. hambro'-lines (12 threads), 23 " 3 lbs. hand lead lines, 20 " 4 lbs. deep sea lines, 120 " 28 lbs. deep sea lines, 120 " 32 lbs. deep sea lines, 120 " 34 lbs. deep sea lines, 120 " 36 lbs. {84} strength of ropes. working breaking ordinary hemp. iron. steel. load. strain. chain. cwts. tons. 2 3/4 1 6 2 5/16 1 1/2 1 9 3 3 3/4 1 5/8 12 4 1 3/4 1 1/2 15 5 4 1/2 1 7/8 18 6 2 1 5/8 21 7 5 1/2 2 1/8 1 3/4 24 8 9/16 2 1/4 27 9 6 2 3/8 1 7/8 30 10 6 1/2 2 5/8 2 36 12 2 3/4 2 1/8 37 13 7 2 7/8 2 1/4 42 14 11/16 7 1/2 3 1/8 2 3/8 48 16 8 3 3/8 2 1/2 54 18 3 1/2 2 5/8 60 20 8 1/2 3 5/8 2 3/4 66 22 9 1/2 3 7/8 3 1/4 78 26 15/16 10 4 84 28 1 4 1/4 3 3/8 90 30 11 4 3/8 96 32 4 1/2 3 1/2 108 36 12 4 5/8 3 3/4 120 40 {85} [transcriber's note: in the source book, the following two tables were a single table. it has been split into two due to space limitations.] +table of weights and breaking strains+. circum ference white tarred of rope. manila rope. hemp rope. coir rope. weight weight weight for 120 breaking for 120 breaking for 120 breaking fathoms. strain. fathoms. strain. fathoms. strain. ins. ct. qr. lb. tns. cwts. ct. qr. lb. tns. cwts. ct. qr. lb. tns. cwts. 1 - - - - - - 1 1/4 - - - - - - 1 1/2 - - - - - - 1 3/4 - - - - - - 2 0 3 4 1 6 1 0 0 0 19 0 2 4 0 6 2 1/4 0 3 26 1 13 1 0 27 1 2 0 2 19 0 8 2 1/2 1 0 20 2 0 1 2 4 1 7 0 3 9 0 10 2 3/4 1 1 25 2 9 1 3 11 1 13 1 0 0 0 12 3 1 3 2 2 18 2 0 22 2 2 1 0 22 0 14 3 1/4 2 0 7 3 8 2 2 10 2 7 1 1 17 0 16 3 1/2 2 1 12 3 19 3 0 2 2 17 1 2 15 0 19 3 3/4 2 2 21 4 11 3 1 21 3 7 1 3 14 1 2 4 3 0 6 5 3 4 0 0 3 17 2 0 16 1 5 4 1/4 3 2 0 5 17 4 2 0 4 4 2 1 18 1 8 4 1/2 3 3 20 6 11 4 3 24 4 10 2 2 20 1 12 5 4 2 24 8 2 6 0 15 5 10 3 1 8 2 0 5 1/2 5 3 16 9 16 7 1 15 6 10 4 0 0 2 8 6 7 0 8 11 13 8 3 4 8 9 4 3 4 2 18 6 1/2 8 1 0 13 14 10 1 12 9 9 5 2 12 3 6 7 9 1 20 15 18 12 0 8 11 9 6 2 4 3 18 8 12 0 24 20 14 16 0 0 15 9 8 2 8 5 0 galvanised galvanised circum galvanised patent steel patent steel ference rigging flexible extra flexible of rope. wire rope. wire rope. wire rope. weight weight weight per breaking per breaking per breaking fathom. strain fathom. strain fathom. strain lbs. tons. lbs. tons. lbs. tons. 1 1.2 1 3/4 .76 1 3/4 .88 2 1/2 1 1/4 1.6 3 1.12 2 7/8 1.36 4 1 1/2 2.2 4 1.44 4 2.00 7 1 3/4 3.0 5 1/2 2.00 5 1/2 2.72 9 2 3.8 7 2.40 7 3.48 11 2 1/4 4.6 9 3.12 9 1/2 4.44 13 1/2 2 1/2 5.8 11 4.00 12 1/2 5.44 17 1/2 2 3/4 6.8 13 4.64 15 1/2 6.72 22 1/2 3 8.0 16 5.48 18 8.00 25 1/2 3 1/4 9.2 19 6.80 22 9.48 30 3 1/2 11.2 22 7.80 26 11.00 36 3 3/4 12.4 26 9.00 29 12.44 40 4 14.4 30 10.00 33 14.24 44 4 1/4 17.0 34 11.20 35 16.00 49 4 1/2 18.4 38 12.80 39 18.00 50 5 - - - - - - 5 1/2 - - - - - - 6 - - - - - - 6 1/2 - - - - - - 7 - - - - - - 8 - - - - - -{86} +strength of short round-linked chain+. inches. mean breaking strain. test. tons. 1 1/4 44 18.8 1 29 12.0 7/8 23 9.1 3/4 17 6.8 5/8 12 4.6 1/2 7 1/2 3.0 +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | | | transcriber's notes | | | | * some minor typographical errors corrected. | | * inconsistencies in spelling and lay-out have not been corrected. | | * italics are represented between underscores as in _italics_. | | * bold faced type is represented as in =bold face=. | | * sidenotes from the original work have been deleted from this | | e-text, since their sheer number made reading the text difficult.| | the section titles given in the table of contents are the same | | as the original sidenotes. | | | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ wrinkles in electric lighting. wrinkles in electric lighting. by vincent stephen. [illustration] e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand, london. new york: 12, cortlandt street. 1888. introduction. in the following pages it is my intention to give engineers on board ship, who may be put in charge of electric lighting machinery without having any electrical knowledge, some idea of the manner in which electricity is produced by mechanical means; how it is converted into light; what precautions must be used to keep the plant in order, and what to do in the event of difficulties arising. i do not therefore aim at producing a literary work, but shall try and explain everything in the plainest language possible. contents. the electric current, and its production by chemical means. page production of electric current in chemical battery--current very weak--current compared to circulation of the blood--strength and volume of current--pressure not sufficient without volume--action of current is instantaneous--resistance to the passage of the current--copper the usual metal for conductors--heat produced by current when wire is too small 1 production of electric currents by mechanical means. _magneto-electric machines._ current produced by mechanical means--alternating current- magneto-electric machines--shock produced by interruption of current--the current must be commutated--description of commutator--current, though alternating in the dynamo, is continuous in the circuit--continuous current used for electro-plating 5 _dynamo-electric machines._ current will magnetise an iron or steel bar--permanent magnet- electro-magnet--where the magneto and dynamo machines differ- armature of so-called continuous-current dynamo--type of commutator--commutator brushes--current continuous in the circuit--alternating-current dynamos--current not commutated- intense magnetic field produced--simplicity of ferranti armature- large number of alternations of the current--alternating current cannot be used to excite an electro-magnet--exciter coupled on to same spindle as dynamo--power of exciter if used alone 9 electric lamps. production of electric light--arc lights--mechanism to regulate carbons--some lamps suitable for alternating current--when carbons are consumed, light goes out--arc lamps very complicated- jablochkoff candles--arc formed between the carbons--candles require alternating current--incandescent lamps--vacuum formed in lamps prevents combustion--vacuum not perfect--advantages of incandescent lamps for house and ship lighting--unaffected by wind, and suitable for either continuous or alternating currents 19 leads. leads made usually of copper wire--short circuit--high e.m.f. for arc lights, but low for incandescent--arc lights in series- incandescent lamps in parallel circuit--e.m.f. same for one lamp as for a number--if lamps suitable, each one turns on and off separately--safety fuses 24 ship lighting. position for dynamo--dynamo to be kept clean and cool--quick-speed engines--slow-speed engines with belts--means of keeping belt on the pulley--engine must work steadily--a good sensitive governor wanted--the belt must be kept tight--a handy belt-stretcher- friction gearing--switch board near dynamo--leads of different colours--main leads and branch leads--lamps held in frosted globes--switches for each lamp--lamps of various candle-powers- plan for lighting quarter-deck at times--arrangement of temporary leads--leads and lamps always ready, and easily fixed up--lighting of ships' holds--danger of fire with oil lamps--arc lamps not suitable--arrangement of leads for incandescent lamps- work carried on better, and pilfering of cargo prevented--hold leads disconnected while at sea--installation complete--lights wanted as night approaches--precautions before starting dynamo- lubrication must be perfect--commutators and collectors require very little oil--position of brushes--start the engine--switches not turned on; no current except from exciter--testing work of exciter--dynamos very powerful magnets--look out for your watches--switch on the lamps--current is produced in large dynamo- difference of a few lamps compensated by governor--turn all lamps on, and light up gradually--inequality of light in different lamps--weeding out of bad lamps--lamps not to be run too bright- no trouble with dynamo if oiling is attended to--seizing--oil must be thin--the dynamo must be kept clean--little troubles with the lamps--no safety fuse--effects of vibration of ship on lamps- what to look to if a lamp is out.--recapitulation--a current of 50 volts is hardly felt--incandescent lights for side lights- mast-head light--arc light should never be used--present mast-head light quite powerful enough--on passenger steamers, side one blaze of light, and side lights barely visible--speed of dynamo constant, but steam power used in proportion to number of lamps in use--no danger to life from electric current on board ship- binnacle lamps. electric light not suitable--dynamo if near a compass will affect it--notes 27 wrinkles in electric lighting. the electric current, and its production by chemical means. [illustration: fig. 1.] it will first be necessary to explain how electric currents are produced by means of chemicals. in a jar a, fig. 1, are placed two plates b and c, one zinc, and the other copper, each having connected to it at the top a copper wire of any convenient length. the plates are kept in position by means of pieces of wood, and the jar is about half filled with a solution of salt and water, or sulphuric acid and water; if then the two wires are joined, a current of electricity at once flows through them, however long they may be. the current produced in this manner is very weak, and does not even keep what strength it has for any length of time, but rapidly gets weaker until quite imperceptible. the current is, however, continuous; that is, it flows steadily in the one direction through the wire, and may be used for ringing bells, or for other purposes where a feeble current only is required to do intermittent work. the wire e in connection with the copper plate is called the positive lead, and the other the negative, and the current is said to flow from the copper plate, through the wire e through the circuit to d, and thence to the zinc plate, and through the liquid to the copper plate. the current has often been compared to water flowing through a pipe, but i think it can be better compared to the blood in the human body, which through the action of the heart is continually forced through the arteries and veins in one steady stream. there is, however, this difference, that there is no actual progression of matter in the electric current, it being like a ripple on water, which moves from end to end of a lake without the water itself being moved across. now that i have given you an idea of how the current acts, i must try and explain how different degrees of strength and volume are obtained. in the first place, let us consider what constitute strength and volume in an electric current, or at least try and get a general notion about them. for this purpose i shall compare the electric current to water being forced through a pipe; and the strength of the electric current, or electromotive force, written for short e.m.f., will be like the pressure of water at any part of the pipe. two pipes may carry different quantities of water, and yet the pressure may be the same in each; in one a gallon of water may pass a given point in the same time that a pint passes the same point in the other, and yet in each case the different quantities may pass that point at the same speed. thus in electricity, two currents may be of different volume or quantity, measured in ampères, and yet be of the same e.m.f. measured in volts; or they may be of different e.m.f., or pressure, or intensity, and yet be of the same volume. if any work is to be done by the water forced through a pipe, such as turning a turbine, it is evident that pressure of itself is not sufficient, seeing that a stream an inch in diameter may be at the same pressure as another a foot in diameter. so with the electric current, if work is to be done, such as driving a motor or lighting a lamp, it is not sufficient to have a certain e.m.f.; there must be quantity or volume in proportion to the amount of work, so that if it takes a given quantity to work one lamp, it will take twice that quantity to work two lamps of the same kind. it must not be inferred from this, that if one lamp requires a certain e.m.f., that two lamps will require it to be doubled, as such is not the case, except under certain conditions which i will explain later on. the action of electricity is practically instantaneous in any length of wire, so that if the current is used to ring two bells a mile apart, but connected by wires, they will commence to ring simultaneously. i have so far not said anything about resistance to the passage of the current through the wires. i shall therefore refer again to our comparison of the current to water forced through a pipe, and you will agree that a certain sized pipe will only convey a certain amount of water in a given time. if a larger quantity is to be conveyed in the same time, a greater pressure must be applied, or a larger pipe must be used. it is evident that increasing the size of the pipe will get over the difficulty more readily than increasing the pressure of the water. the pipes themselves offer a certain resistance to the passage of the water through them, in the shape of friction; so that if an effect is to be produced at a distance, rather more pressure is required than if it is done close at hand, so as to make up for the loss sustained by friction. much the same may be said of the electric current; a certain sized wire will only carry a certain current, and if more current is required, a thicker wire must be used to convey it, or it must be of a greater e.m.f. it is usually more convenient to increase the thickness of the wire than to increase the e.m.f. of the current. the wire offers a certain resistance to the passage of the current through it, which may be compared to friction, and this resistance varies according to the metal of which it is composed. copper is the metal in ordinary use for wires for electric lighting purposes, and the purer it is the better will it convey the current. iron is used for telegraph wires on account of cheapness, the current used being so small that this metal conveys it readily enough; if copper were used, the wires will only require to be about one-third the diameter of the iron ones. the following are the respective values for electrical conductivity of various metals when pure, taking silver as a standard:--silver 100, copper 99·9, gold 80, zinc 29, brass 22, iron 16·8, tin 13·1, lead 8·3, mercury 1·6. if a wire is made to convey a current which is too large for its electrical capacity, it will get heated, which decreases its conductivity, with the result that the heat increases until finally the wire fuses. i shall have more to say about this when speaking of electric lighting. production of electric currents by mechanical means. _magneto-electric machines._ i have shown how the electric current is produced by the action of chemical or primary batteries, and how this current will flow through suitable conductors. i shall now explain how mechanical power may be converted into electricity. it has been found that if a wire, preferably of copper, of which the ends are joined together, is moved past a magnet a current is induced in the wire, flowing in one direction while the wire is approaching the magnet, and in the opposite direction while it is receding from it. this is then not a continuous current like we obtained from the chemical battery, but an alternating one, and you will see later on how it can be made to produce similar effects. the oftener the wire passes the magnet the more electricity is generated, so that if we make a coil of the wire and move a large number of parts of wire past at one time, the effects on each part are accumulated; and if instead of having one magnet to pass before, we have several, the effects will be doubled or trebled, &c., in proportion to the number. if, again, the coil is moved at an increased speed past the magnets, the effects will be still further increased. [illustration: fig. 2.] [illustration: fig. 3.] the knowledge of these facts led to the construction of the various magneto-electric machines, of which a familiar type is seen in those small ones used for medical purposes. they contain a large horse-shoe magnet, close to the end of which two bobbins of copper wire are made to revolve at a high speed, and all who have used these machines know that the more quickly they turn the handle the greater shock the person receives who is being operated upon. the current generated is really very feeble, the shock being produced by interrupting it at every half revolution by means of a small spring or other suitable mechanism. if the current is not so interrupted, it cannot be felt at all, which may be proved by lifting up the spring on the spindle of the ordinary kind. the current is an alternating one, and changes its direction throughout the circuit, however extended it may be, at every half revolution. if it is required to have a continuous current, use must be made of what is termed a commutator, and i shall endeavour to explain the manner in which it acts as simply as possible. without going into any further details as to the construction of the bobbins, and their action at any particular moment, i shall content myself with saying that if the wire on the two bobbins is continuous, and the ends are connected, the current will flow one way during half a revolution, and the other way during the other half. now, in fig. 2, on the spindle a on which the bobbins are fixed, is fitted a split collar formed of two halves b and c, to which are joined respectively the ends of the wires + and -. this collar is insulated from the spindle by a suitable insulating material, that is to say, a material which does not conduct electricity, such as wood, ivory, &c., and is represented in fig. 2 by the dark parts d. so far the circuit is not complete, so that however quickly you turn the machine no current is produced. if, however, some means is employed for joining b and c by a conductor, the alternating current is produced as before. in fig. 3, i show a section through b a c. on a base e made of wood, are fixed two metal springs f and g, which are made to press against b and c respectively; wires are connected at h and k, which, joined together, complete the circuit. a continuous current is said to be + or positive where it leaves a battery, and or negative where it returns; it will be convenient to use these signs and terms in the following explanation. at one portion of the revolution the spindle will be in the position shown in fig. 3, and the + current is flowing into b, through f, to the terminal h, thence through the circuit to the terminal k, through g to c, and so back through the wire to the bobbins of the machine. in fig. 4 the spindle has made a half revolution, bringing b in contact with g, and c with f. but by this half turn the current is reversed in the bobbins, and the + current flows into c, through f, to terminal h as before, and through the circuit to k, through g and b, back to the bobbins. thus you see that in the circuit the current will be always in the same direction, or continuous, although in the bobbins it is alternating, and may be used for any purpose for which a continuous current is required, such as electro-plating, &c. [illustration: fig. 4.] there are various forms of the magneto-electric machines, as well as of commutators, but the foregoing shows the general principle of them all. _dynamo-electric machines._ it will now be necessary to explain the nature of a dynamo-electric machine, called, for shortness, a dynamo, and to show in what it differs from a magneto-electric machine. i have explained how an electric current is produced by a wire passing in front of a magnet; now, this magnet may either be of the ordinary kind, or it may be what is termed an electro-magnet. one of the effects which electricity can be made to produce is the magnetising of steel bars to form the ordinary and well-known permanent magnets which are used in ships' compasses, &c. to produce this effect, part of the wire in a circuit is made into a spiral as in fig. 5. [illustration: fig. 5.] the steel rod to be magnetised is placed within the spiral, and a continuous current of electricity is then sent through the wire, which causes the rod to become magnetised with a north pole at one end, and a south pole at the other. the more current is passed through the circuit, and the more turns are in the spiral, the more quickly and strongly is the rod magnetised; and it will retain its magnetism for an indefinite time if made of suitable steel. there is a point at which the metal is said to be saturated with magnetism, and the strength it has then acquired will be that which it will retain afterwards, although while under the influence of the current that strength may be considerably exceeded. if instead of a steel rod one of iron is placed in the spiral, and the current is passed through as before, it will be magnetised in the same manner; but as soon as the current is stopped, the rod loses almost all its magnetism, and if the current is then passed in the opposite direction the rod will be magnetised in the opposite way. the softer and more homogeneous is the iron, the more instantaneously will it acquire and lose its magnetism, and the greater strength of magnetism it is able to acquire. an iron bar, round which are wound a large number of turns of insulated or covered wire, constitutes an electro-magnet. the difference then between a magneto-electric and a dynamo-electric machine is, that in the former permanent magnets are used, and in the latter electro-magnets take their place. i do not intend to go into particulars as to the construction of the various dynamos in present use, as there are many books to be had in which these machines are fully described. i need merely say that in the so-called continuous-current dynamos, the whole or part of the current produced is made to pass through the coils of the electro-magnets, thus inducing in them the required magnetism. i showed how, in the magneto-electric machine, the currents are collected by means of a commutator, and it is evident that in figs. 2, 3, and 4 there might be separate wires coming from each bobbin to b and c; and if there were more than two bobbins, there might still be two wires from each to b and c. on the other hand the collecting collar might be split into more sections; in fact there might be as many sections as bobbins. to show how the current is collected in continuous-current dynamos, i must give a short explanation of the revolving part or armature of a standard type of machine. in fig. 6 is shown a horse-shoe magnet, with its north and south poles, n and s. between these poles is made to revolve the armature, composed of a number of coils of wire made to form a ring like a life-buoy. the ends of the wires are made to lie along a collar on the spindle, made of some insulating material, each wire being parallel to its neighbour, and kept separate from it, as shown in fig. 7. [illustration: fig. 6.] [illustration: fig. 7.] these wires are so arranged that if one end of a sectional coil is on top of the spindle at a given moment, the other will be on the under side. if then, as shown in fig. 7, a rubber of copper, made in the form of a brush of copper wire for convenience, is placed in contact with the upper part of the commutator collar, and another similar one with the lower, it is evident the circuit will be completed in the same manner as before explained. [illustration: fig. 8. edison dynamo.] a wire which is + when above the spindle, will be when below it, and as the spindle revolves the current changes in the various wires from to + as they reach the top, so that it will always therefore be + in the upper brush and in the lower one, and will accordingly be continuous through the circuit. it will be seen in the illustrations of various continuous-current dynamos, that though their shape and arrangement differ, the mode of collecting the current is much about the same as i have described above. figs. 8 and 9 show some of the continuous-current dynamos at present in use. [illustration: fig. 9. brush dynamo.] i will now explain the nature of an alternating-current dynamo. the principal difference between the continuous-and alternating-current dynamo, is in the number of magnets used. most of the former have only four magnets, while the latter have frequently as many as thirty-two. in reality, as i have shown, these are all alternating-current dynamos, only that in the so-called continuous-current ones, the current is commutated, whereas in the others it is not, but is used as it is produced. in the principal alternating-current dynamos, a number of small magnets, usually sixteen, are attached to a framework directly opposite a similar number of others of the same size, the space between the ends being only about an inch or two. these are all electro-magnets, and are wound in such manner that when excited by a current, every alternate one shall have the same magnetism, as in fig. 10, and every opposite one a contrary magnetism. this produces an intense magnetic field between the ends of the magnets, and in this space revolves the armature. this armature, in the siemens dynamo, is composed of a disc having as many bobbins on the periphery as there are magnets on each side of the dynamo. as each bobbin approaches each magnet a current is induced in one direction, which is reversed when the bobbin recedes; thus an alternating current is produced, which is collected by connecting the ends to insulated rings or collars on the spindle, and having small copper brushes or rubbers in contact with them. in the ferranti dynamo, the armature is quite different, and much more simple, as comparison of figs. 11 and 12 will show. [illustration: fig. 10.] [illustration: fig. 11. siemens armature.] [illustration: fig. 12. ferranti armature.] it consists of a copper tape bent in and out so as to form a sort of star with eight arms, the number of layers of insulated copper tape being from ten to thirty, according to requirements. the centre is made in a similar shape with bolts or rivets holding each convolution in place. the two ends of the tape are attached respectively to two collector-rings on the spindle, against which press two solid metal rubbers which carry off the current for use in the circuit. it can be shown that as each arm approaches a magnet a current will be induced in one direction, which will be reversed as each arm recedes; and therefore an alternating current will be produced. as there are sixteen magnets for the armature to pass at each revolution, there must be sixteen alternations of the current during the same time, so that if the speed of the armature is 500 revolutions per minute, there will be 500 × 16 = 8000 alternations in one minute. these alternations being so extremely rapid, when this current is used for electric lighting, the steadiness of the light will be in no way affected, but will remain as constant as with a continuous current. [illustration: fig. 13. siemens alternating dynamo.] the alternating current produced by these dynamos cannot be used for exciting an electro-magnet, as the magnetism would be reversed at every alternation; a separate small dynamo of the continuous type is therefore used as an exciter to magnetise all the electro-magnets in the field, and it is usually coupled on to the same spindle, and therefore goes at the same speed as the alternating-current dynamo. the exciter is usually of a size to be able to do alone about one-tenth to one-twentieth of the work that the larger machines does in the way of lighting; so that if from any cause the latter is disabled while the ship lighted by it is at sea, the exciter may be used alone to do a portion of the lighting, in the first-class saloon for instance. this can only be done if the exciter is so constructed as to give the proper e.m.f. that the lamps require. [illustration: fig. 14. ferranti alternating dynamo.] figs. 13 and 14 are illustrations of two of the alternating current dynamos in use on board ship and elsewhere. electric lamps. i have explained how power can be converted into electric currents, either continuous or alternating, and i must now show how these currents can be applied to the production of light. [illustration: fig. 15.] the current may be used to produce an _arc light_ in the following manner:--two carbon rods, a and b, are held by suitable means in the position shown in fig. 15, and the two wires from a dynamo are joined respectively to a and b, the upper one always being the positive lead when a continuous current is used. when the current is sent through the circuit, it passes through the carbons a and b, which are conductors. immediately this occurs, suitable mechanism in the lamp, being acted on by the current, or by hand in the case of search-lights, or by clock-work, moves the two carbons a small distance apart, with the consequence that a dazzling arc of light is formed between them. if the carbons get too far apart, the mechanism brings them nearer together again, and on the delicacy with which it acts, depends the steadiness of the light. it would be useless to explain how this mechanism acts, as it is in a different form in each maker's lamp. some lamps have been constructed for use with an alternating current, but with the majority a continuous current is used. while an arc light is burning the carbons waste away, the upper one more rapidly than the lower, and the mechanism has to approach them constantly to make up for this waste. when the carbons are consumed as far as convenient, an automatic arrangement cuts off the current, and the light goes out; or it diverts the current to another set of carbons, which at once light up. the carbons are made in suitable lengths to last a certain number of hours, four, six, eight, &c. in fig. 16 is shown an arc lamp complete. [illustration: fig. 16. arc lamp complete.] an arc lamp is of necessity a complicated affair, which it is not advisable to have on board ship, except where an electrician is engaged permanently. another way of producing light is to use the current in what is called an _electric candle_, of which a familiar type is the jablochkoff candle. fig. 17 shows the form of this candle, a and b being two carbon rods parallel to one another, and joined, but at the same time insulated from one another by kaolin, a sort of chalky substance, which is a non-conductor. [illustration: fig. 17.] the wires c and d from the dynamo are joined respectively to a and b through metallic supports, as in an arc lamp, and when the current is turned on it flows through c a and across by a small strip of carbon e to b and d back to the dynamo. the strip e is only large enough to carry the current across for a moment, and is immediately consumed, but an arc of light is then formed between the carbons as in the arc lamp. as the carbons consume, the kaolin in between burns away, just in the same manner as, in an ordinary candle, the wick is consumed and the wax melts and burns away, except that in the latter case the wax feeds the light, whereas the kaolin is only used to keep the carbons the required distance apart and the arc of light from running down them. it is evident that the carbons must be consumed equally, for which reason use must be made of the alternating current. any unsteadiness that occurs in the light produced is consequent on unsteadiness of the current, or impurities in the carbons, &c., there being no mechanism of any kind required. these candles do not give such a great light as arc lights, but it is of the same nature in every way. fig. 18 shows one of these candles in its holder, from which can be seen how electrical contact is made with the two carbons. [illustration: fig. 18.] if the current is interrupted in any way, and the light goes out, it will not be produced again automatically, but requires a small piece of carbon between the two carbons as a path for the current to pass across as in the beginning. a third form of electric light is produced by using the current in an _incandescent lamp_. to explain the action of an incandescent lamp, i must refer back to what i said about wires getting heated by a current being passed through them which was too large for their capacity. if two large wires are joined by a small one, and a strong current is passed through the circuit, the small wire rapidly gets red hot, and finally fuses. if this small wire is contained in a globe from which the air is exhausted, when the current is passed through it, it gets red, then white hot, and when very brilliant gets fused. if, instead of wire, we have in the small globe a thin filament of carbon, when the current is passed through, we get a brilliant light which remains constant because the carbon does not fuse, and it cannot burn away for want of air. fig. 19 shows a swan lamp, and fig. 20 an edison lamp, both made on this principle. [illustration: fig. 19.] [illustration: fig. 20.] if in these lamps the vacuum were perfect, the carbon filament would never get consumed; it is, however, impossible to get a perfect vacuum, but the better it is, the longer will the filament last. incandescent lamps are the only ones that are suitable for house or ship lighting. [advantages of incandescent lamps for house and ship lighting.] they give a yellowish light like a good gas-flame, they do not consume the air of a room, they cause no smell, and only give out a very slight heat. they are perfectly safe, because if the globe gets broken and allows air to get in, the filament is instantly consumed, and the light goes out. they can be put in all sorts of places where it would be impossible to have any other lamps, such as near the ceiling, close to curtains, in a room full of explosives or combustibles, and even under water. they are not affected by wind; they can therefore be used under punkahs, or near open windows, sky-lights, or ports, or in the open air. these lamps can be used with either continuous or alternating currents, but will probably last longer with the latter, because, when a continuous current is used, particles of the carbon of the filament appear to be conveyed from one end of the filament to the other, reducing the thickness at the one end, until finally it breaks. this evidently cannot occur with an alternating current, as the impulse in one direction is counteracted by the following one in the opposite direction. if the current used is of too high a tension for the lamps, they will show an intensely brilliant light for a short time, but the filament will soon be destroyed, and the lamp rendered useless. leads. we have now to consider the means used for conveying the current, continuous or alternating, to the lamps we intend to use. the leads for the electric current, which correspond in some measure with the pipes which convey gas, are made of copper wire, as pure as can be obtained, covered with some insulating material to prevent the escape of the current through contact with other conductors. the size of the wire is regulated according to the amount of current which is to be conveyed; it will do no harm to have it of twice the required section, but if it is of less than the required section, it will offer so much resistance to the passage of the current, that it will probably get fused in a very short time. if the lead attached to one terminal of the dynamo comes back to the other terminal without there being any lamps in the circuit, or other means of making use of the current, it is said to be short circuited, and if the dynamo is kept going something must give out very soon. the two leads must therefore never be connected with one another, except by a lamp or other resistance, and the manner in which the lamps are placed, and the size of the leads, depend upon the relative tension and quantity of current and the kind of lamps to be used. if the current is to be used in arc lamps it is usual to have a high e.m.f., which allows of the leads being of small section; but if it is to be used in incandescent lamps it is found more convenient to have a low e.m.f., and as this implies a large quantity of current, the leads have to be of large section. arc lamps usually require to be placed in series, that is to say, in such a manner that the current, after leaving the dynamo, passes through each lamp in succession. the e.m.f. required in this case is the sum of the e.m.f. for each lamp, the quantity required being the same as for one lamp. this accounts for the high e.m.f. used in arc lighting and the small size of the wire for conducting the current. incandescent lamps can be either in series or parallel, and frequently the two systems are combined. to explain the meaning of having lamps parallel, we will suppose the two leads from a dynamo to be taken along a wall, parallel to one another, and about six inches apart, ending at the end of the wall, but not connected in any way. if we then place lamps at intervals between the two leads, connecting one loop of each to the upper lead, and the other to the lower lead, by means of small copper wire, these lamps are said to be all parallel. in this arrangement the current required is the sum of the quantity necessary for each lamp, but the e.m.f. is the same as that required for one lamp of the same kind. as we therefore require to send a large quantity of current through the leads at a small pressure or e.m.f., these leads must be of large section. in the above arrangement each lamp may be turned on or off separately without affecting the others. sometimes two or more lamps are placed in groups between the parallel leads; these are then in series with regard to one another, and can only be turned on or off two or more at a time, in other words, one group at a time. if our dynamo is producing a current of 100 volts e.m.f. when working at its proper speed, and our lamps are 100-volt lamps, we shall be able to turn each lamp on or off separately; but if we want to put in 50-volt lamps, we must place two together, and we shall then have to turn them on or off two at a time. i am supposing that in both cases the lamps require the same quantity of current, though of different e.m.f. to prevent the lamps being spoilt by the current being too strong through a sudden increase in the speed of the dynamo, as also to prevent the leads getting fused, and perhaps setting fire to the casing, it is usual to have safety fuses in various parts of the circuit. these are of different kinds, but a typical one consists of a small lead wire, large enough to carry the normal current, but which fuses when the current is too strong, and at once interrupts its passage. the lamps in the same portion of the circuit are then extinguished and so saved from destruction, and cannot then be lighted again until the fuse is renewed, which, however, can be done with ease. ship lighting. we will consider now the case of a steamship to be lighted by means of incandescent lamps. it is sometimes a matter of some difficulty to fix on a suitable position for the dynamo and engine, especially in ships which have already been running for some time. in selecting a position, it must be borne in mind that a dynamo will work best in a cool clean place, cleanliness being most important. if a lot of coal dust is flying about where the dynamo is working, it will be drawn into it, and tend to impair its electrical, as well as mechanical efficiency. if the dynamo is kept properly lubricated, it will work well enough in a hot place, but we must remember that the heating of the wire which makes up a large portion of the dynamo, reduces its conductivity, so that the cooler it is kept the better. the dynamo should be so placed that the engineer can get to every side of it easily. if a quick-speed engine is to be used for driving it direct, it will make a very compact installation, but there seems to be some difficulty as yet in getting suitable reliable engines, besides which many marine engineers object to quick-speed engines altogether. if a slow-speed engine is to be used, a belt is of course required to get the necessary speed on the dynamo, and various precautions are needful to prevent the belt slipping off the pulley when the ship is rolling about in a sea-way. in all cases, the engine and dynamo should be placed with their spindles fore-and-aft, or in a line with the ship's keel, the rolling being felt more than the pitching. there are various ways of keeping the belt from slipping off the pulley. some have flanges on the pulley, others have guides or rollers on each side of the belt, each plan having its advantages and disadvantages; but some plan must be used, otherwise the belt slips off, usually in the middle of the first-saloon dinner, and out go all the lights, besides which the belt may be considerably damaged before the engine can be stopped. the engine must be one that will work very steadily, otherwise the lights will pulsate at each revolution of the engine, which is most unpleasant. if the engine is a single one, it must have a large fly-wheel, or a driving-wheel large and heavy enough to answer the same purpose. the engine requires a good sensitive governor, so as to keep the speed regular when some of the lamps are turned on or off. when the engine and dynamo are in the main engine-room, the throttle-valve, or a stop-valve, should be in a convenient place for the engineer on watch to get at so as to instantly shut off the steam if the belt slips off or breaks. in ships where an electrician is carried there will not be the same necessity for this precaution. it is necessary to have some means of tightening up the belt, so as to keep it from slipping round the pulley. where the engine and dynamo are on the same level there may be a screw arrangement in the base-plate of the latter by which the distance between centres can be increased. where the engine and dynamo are on different levels, and the latter is a fixture, recourse must be had to a roller, bearing against the upper part of the belt and capable of screw adjustment. if link leather belting is used, it will be found necessary to take out several rows of links each day until it has finished stretching. a very handy thing to use for this purpose, and which can be made on board by an engineer, is a double clamp with a screw in between, just like the ones which are being sold for stretching trousers which have got baggy at the knees. whatever belt is used, it is very important that there should be no joint or inequality which can cause a jump or slip when going over the pulley, as this will cause the lights to pulsate each time. in america friction gearing has been tried, but i do not know with what success. from my experience of friction gearing, i am inclined to think it might do very well. there is certainly no doubt that direct-acting quick-speed engines are the ones to use, and it is only a question of getting a suitable one. the dynamo being firmly fixed in position, the main leads are connected to it, and carried along to the switch-board, which should be in a convenient position near at hand. on this switch-board are usually placed the large safety fuses. the board should have a cover to it, to prevent any one meddling with it, and to keep it clean. the main leads are of a large size, and from these other smaller ones branch off, being spliced and soldered to them. it is a very good practice to use leads of two different colours, as we can then work by the following rule: never connect together two leads of different colours except by means of a lamp or other resistance. the size of the various leads depends on the current to be conveyed, and is a matter for the electricians. on the main-deck of a large passenger steamer, the main leads may be carried along side by side under the upper deck, and from these, smaller ones branch off into the various sets of rooms, smaller ones still going into each room. in each room there will be one lamp with its switch to turn it on or off as desired, and a safety fuse. the lamps are held in small brackets, and are contained when desired in frosted globes, which diffuse the light and make it very pleasant. when these globes are held rigidly in the brackets, the least knock breaks them. a very good bracket i have seen in use is one which allows the globe to move about on its support when touched, being at the same time sufficiently a fixture to resist the motion of the ship; and in the particular ship in which i saw these used in the first saloon, there was not a single breakage during a four months' voyage. the switches for turning each light on or off can be under the control of the passengers, or, on the other hand, they can be fitted to work with keys kept by the stewards, as thought most desirable. the lamps used can be of various candle-powers, within certain limits, and of whatever make is considered best. they can also be of various makes, as long as they are constructed to stand the same e.m.f. the lamps in the passenger berths give quite sufficient light if of 10-candle power; the ones for lighting the saloons, passages, and other large spaces, may with advantage be of 20-candle power. in these days of luxurious travelling, when the various lines are trying to attract passengers to their particular ships, what follows may be thought worth consideration. in steamers going through the tropics to india, china, australia, &c., it is usual to get up dances, concerts, and other entertainments on the quarter-deck, at times when it would be impossible to do anything below on account of the heat. the quarter-deck then has to be lighted up. this is effected by means of globe oil-lamps hung about here and there, two being hung in front of the piano, in unpleasant proximity to the head of the obliging lady pianist. now in a ship lighted by electricity, there is no reason why a couple of leads should not be brought up from below through a skylight or other opening, on to the quarter-deck. indeed the leads might be arranged to screw into a place in the deck, or on the side of a skylight, just in the same manner as a hose is connected for washing decks. these leads would have holders for lamps fitted permanently at intervals, and when required for use would be stopped up along the awning-spar or ridge-chains, and the lamps screwed or hooked into the holders. with a few handy men, five or ten minutes would suffice to arrange the whole thing after the leads had once been fitted. the leads once fitted for this purpose would be always ready for use, and could be kept coiled away in a box which might also have a compartment to contain the dozen or so of lamps required. if the dynamo is already running as many lamps as it is capable of, some of the bedroom lights may be turned off while the quarter-deck is being lighted. another thing which i think has not yet been done is the following. when working cargo at night, and indeed during the day to some extent, lights are of necessity used in the holds. the _theory_ is, that no naked lights shall be allowed, but the _practice_ is this: lamps are taken below, get knocked about, the wicks fall down and want pricking up, the lamps are opened for this purpose, and as they are found to give more light without a dusty glass round them than with it, they are left open. candles are often taken below lighted, and even matches struck to see the mark on a bale. i am aware that arc lamps are used in the royal albert docks, london, in connection with the dock lighting, lamps being carried below when required, with flexible leads attached, and that, in some few steamers, arc lamps have been used in the same manner in connection with their own plant. these arc lamps are, i think, not nearly as suitable as incandescent lamps for the purpose of lighting up a ship's hold; the light is too glaring, and casts deep shadows amongst the bales and cases, besides which, the lamps are large and clumsy. i would suggest that leads should be carried behind the stringer-battens in the ship's side, or along under the next upper-deck, having simple sockets or holders for incandescent lamps at certain intervals. whoever might be in charge of the hold would screw or hook on the lamps as required, and so light up every part of the hold thoroughly while work was going on. there would be no risk of fire, and i am convinced that the extra leads and lamps would pay for themselves in a very short time, because work would get on more quickly, and pilfering of the cargo would be in a great measure put a stop to. the leads for the holds could be so arranged as to be quite unconnected with the dynamo while at sea, so that there could not be the remotest possibility of the current finding its way below when not wanted. in fine, there is no reason whatever why a ship's hold should not be lighted up when required, as well as a warehouse or store on shore. now, we will suppose that our installation is complete, ready for working, everything having been pronounced in order by the electrician who has looked after the work. evening is approaching, and the lights will soon be required; we must therefore see that our engine and dynamo are ready for a start. if the engine and dynamo are separate, the belt must be felt, to see that it is tight enough, otherwise it must be tightened by whatever means are provided for the purpose. we must also see that the engine and dynamo are properly oiled, and that the worsteds are down the tubes of the oil-cups, and working properly, not dry, as i have known them to be, with fatal results to the dynamo. if the lubrication is performed by means of tubes leading to each bearing from an elevated oil-box, we must see that the oil really gets to the bearings, and regulate its flow as required. the commutators and collector-rings and rubbers require only a wipe of oil, just sufficient to prevent undue wearing of the surfaces; if too much is put on them, they will spark a great deal, and sparking will wear them away more quickly than friction. the brushes of copper wire which collect the current of the exciter dynamo, and others of similar pattern, must be placed so that the ends press on the commutator as shown in fig. 21. the ends should project just a little way beyond the point or line of contact, and when the dynamo is running, there should be very little sparking. i am supposing that our plant consists of an alternating-current dynamo with a small exciter. the wires leading from the exciter to the other dynamo remain always connected, as there is no need for meddling with them. [illustration: fig. 21.] [illustration: fig. 22.] we will now start the engine, and thereby set the dynamo going round, slowly at first, and gradually up to the speed required. the main switches are not yet turned on, so there is no current going through the leads as yet; what then is being done? a current is being produced by the exciter only, and is magnetising the electro-magnets of the larger dynamo, and if we want to know if it is really doing its work as intended, we just hold a small pocket-compass over the ends of two opposite magnets of the dynamo, and observe how the needle points. it should at once take up the position shown in fig. 22, and if then held over the next couple in like manner, the needle should simply turn round, and point in exactly the opposite direction. if it points in any other direction, there is something wrong with the connections. if, however, the connections are right at starting, they will of course remain right, and there should be no need for this test. it is well to remember that when dynamos are working, they are, or contain for the time being, very powerful magnets, therefore if we bend over them to examine them, our watches will get magnetised, which does not improve their qualities as time-keepers. say that our dynamo is now going round at the required speed, which may be 500 or 600 revolutions per minute; the engine is not using much steam as yet, because very little work is being done. we now switch on a set of lamps; this closes the circuit, and the large dynamo begins to produce its alternating current, which goes through the lamps and lights them up. this, however, gives the engine more work to do, and more steam must be turned on, otherwise the necessary speed will not be kept up. we switch on all the other lamps as required, and must see that the speed of the dynamo is kept constant. a difference of a few lamps, affecting the engine to a small extent only, should be compensated automatically by the governor. if the brightest lamps are not bright enough, the speed should be increased a little, but care must be taken not to overdo it, because if the current is too strong, some of the safety fuses will melt, and the corresponding lamps will go out. it must not be inferred from what i have said, that it is necessary to run the dynamo at first without switching on any lamps. on the contrary, a better effect will be produced if all the lamps are switched on before starting, as they will then gradually work up to their full brilliancy; whereas, if one set of lamps is started first, and run bright, and we then switch on another set, the current at first will be too small for the two sets, and the first set will get quite dull, remaining so until the dynamo is going at its proper speed again. when lighted up for the first time, it will be found that some of the lamps are much brighter than others; this is because the lamps at present made are not of perfectly equal resistances. we must go round, then, and note where the dull ones are, and we can either at once, or during next day, shift them into the bathrooms and places where such a perfect light is not required. all the lamps in one room, the first saloon, or music room, for instance, should be equalised as much as possible, and in such places the brightest should be used. nothing looks worse than to see a couple of dull lights in the same room as a lot of bright ones. by seeing to these matters we can make the lighting much more satisfactory than it otherwise would be. during the first few evenings we shall probably have some of the lamps go out through the filaments breaking. this i consider a weeding out of defective lamps, because if it were that the current was too strong, the fuses would have given way. some of the fuses give way when the current is _not_ too strong; this is owing to imperfections in the fuses, and they must be replaced by spare ones. for the sake of economy, it is well not to run the lamps too bright. without giving the lamps the maximum current a very good light can be obtained, and they will last all the longer. i need hardly say that there is a medium in this as in everything else, and it does not look well when a candle is placed alongside of an electric lamp to enable a person to read or write in comfort. all this time the dynamo is running, and we must feel the bearings occasionally to see if they are keeping cool. there will be no trouble if the lubrication is all right. if the oil does not get into the bearings as it should do, they will heat, jam the spindle, or seize, and bring up the engine or break the belt. the lights will then all go out, and everybody will say hard things of the electric light, while the fault really rests with us. sometimes seizing occurs through the spindle not being slack enough in the bearings, but this generally occurs while testing the dynamo at the works. it must be borne in mind that in dynamos the spindle must be a good fit, and there may be room in the bearings for ordinary engine-oil while there may not be for a thicker oil, such as castor oil. therefore, if the bearings show a tendency to heat, it may improve matters to thin the oil used with petroleum. while giving the dynamo its proper supply of oil, we must only apply it in the proper places. if we let the bobbins get smothered in oil, the insulating material on the wire will get rotted, and a short circuiting will probably take place. the dynamo cannot be kept too clean, and there should be a canvas cover to put over it while not in use, especially while coaling. we will suppose that all is going on right; a steward comes along and says: "mr. so-and-so, i cannot get the lamp in number 6 berth to light although i have turned the switch the right way." "all right, i will go and look at it," you answer. now, let us see what is the matter. we unhook or unscrew the lamp, and look at the filament; it is not broken. we replace the lamp again, and are careful that it makes good contact; but still no light. let us look at the safety fuse; why, there is none! it has been missed out. we get one of the spare ones out of our electric store, and put it in its place, and the lamp lights properly at once. we find another lamp out, and look at it. we see at once that the filament is broken, so there is no question about this one; it must be changed. hallo! what is up with this one? it goes in and out all the time like a flash light. the current must be getting to it all right, otherwise it would not light at all. i see what it is; it is a swan lamp, and the spring is not pressing quite fairly on it, so that one hook is making good contact, while the other tightens and slacks with the vibration of the ship. this is soon set right by turning the spring round a little, or hooking the lamp the other way. or it is an edison lamp, which has got slightly unscrewed, and no longer makes good contact at the back end of the holder. in some lamp-fittings the ends of the leads are held in a spring grip in the base of the bracket, and it may happen that they have slipped out, and so broken the circuit, and extinguished the light. in the swan lamps, and others of a similar pattern, one of the little platinum loops in the base of the lamps sometimes gets broken off; the lamp is then of no further use. to recapitulate, if a lamp goes out, the first thing is to see if the filament is broken, next if it makes good contact. if it does not then light up, see if there is any current getting to it; this may be found out by touching the two hooks in a swan holder, or the back and side of an edison screw holder, with a moistened finger. with a current of 50 volts a slight tickling sensation will be felt if the current is passing through. if this cannot be felt, there must be some part or other disconnected, perhaps the safety fuse has given out, or the ends of the leads got adrift from the bracket. if in any doubt about the lamp, try another in the same place. in some steamers incandescent lamps are used in the side lamps; they can easily be fitted for this purpose, especially when the ship is provided with lighthouses built in, as in the anchor line steamers. two or more incandescent lamps can be arranged on a small stand, which will slide into the lantern, taking the place of the regulation oil lamp, and connected by flexible leads to the other leads. it would be easy to put six 20-candle power lamps in a group in each lantern, as it does not matter in what position they are placed; two might be used on ordinary occasions, while on a foggy night, the whole six could be switched on. if one lamp went out through the filament giving way, it would not affect the others, so that there would still be a light in the lantern. if, through some breakdown of the engine or dynamo, the electric current were no longer to be had, then it would only be necessary to withdraw the stand of lamps, and put in the ordinary regulation oil-lamp. the mast-head lamp could also be fitted with the electric light, as indeed has already been done. on no account, however, should an arc light be used, as besides being too dazzling, it is much too uncertain; in fact many other reasons could be given for rejecting it. it is even a question whether it is an advantage to have incandescent lamps for a mast-head light. there is certainly the great advantage of not having to pull the lamp up and down to trim it, a rather risky performance in heavy weather, and also of the light not being affected by any wind that may get into the lamp; though as regards the first, english officers would never be satisfied to see a lamp dangling on the stay all day long, as appears to be the custom in some foreign steamers, besides which it would have to be lowered to be cleaned outside. the present mast-head lights are quite powerful enough already, too much so when compared with the side lights. i am not aware of any collisions having occurred through a mast-head light not being seen in time, but how many from the side lights not being seen! it was no doubt contemplated, as indeed the regulations show, that no lights should be visible about a vessel, except the regulation lights; but many who have seen a large passenger steamer go past will have noticed how her side was--one, two, or three rows of dazzling bright lights, and will have looked almost in vain for the green or red light dimly visible in the midst of all the bright ones. if bright electric lights, therefore, are shining through the ports, we must have our side lights at least as bright, so as to give them a chance of being seen. if electric lamps are used as side lights, the dynamo must be kept running all night. if it is thought desirable to put out all unnecessary lights at 11 p.m., the leads can be so arranged that these lights can be all on one or more circuits, and the necessary ones on another. although the dynamo will have to go at nearly the same speed throughout the night, it will not have the same amount of work to do, and the engine will therefore use much less steam, the consumption being in proportion to the number of lights used. an economical engineer will therefore see that bedroom lamps are not kept lighted all the evening without any necessity. on shore we should never think of keeping gas-lights blazing away for no purpose, and why should we use electricity with more lavishness, especially when it is so easy to turn a light on or off. the switches might with advantage be painted with balmain's luminous paint, and there would then be no trouble in finding them in the dark. it is well to know that on board ship, probably in all cases of electric lighting, there is no danger to life to be apprehended from touching any of the leads where bare, or indeed any part of the dynamos, as the e.m.f. is usually not more than 50 volts. it is best, however, not to try any experiments, and it is a good general rule, not to touch a bare part of a dynamo or lead with both hands at the same time. the fear of getting hurt has the good effect of keeping passengers and others from meddling with their lamps. i have said nothing about the use of electric lights in binnacles, though it would be a great advantage to be able to supply them with a good steady light quite unaffected by wind. there is an obstacle to their use for this purpose, in that the electric current being used near the compass, the latter is affected by it. in theory, an alternating current should have no effect; but it would require very exhaustive experiments to be made before enough confidence could be inspired concerning its innocence, and i fancy it would usually be looked upon with great suspicion by captains and officers of ships. the dynamo being made up of powerful magnets, must of course be always at a good distance from the compasses. in some installations on iron steamers, the return leads have been dispensed with, the iron of the ship carrying the current back, in the same way that the earth or sea does it in a telegraph circuit. it is to be observed that a dynamo with _brushes_ on the commutator is not necessarily a _brush_ dynamo as a good many people seem to think, the latter being named after its inventor, mr. brush. a dynamo is not a _battery_ as some people call it, and there is no need for multiplying names. a pocket speed-indicator should be supplied for testing the speed of the dynamo, to see that it is kept up to proper speed, and that the belt (if used) does not slip to an unreasonable extent. i think i have now said enough to redeem my introductory promise, and if i have, so to speak, let more electric light on to a subject previously dark to a good many people, i shall be well satisfied with my labour, and i hope that those who peruse this book will be induced to go more deeply into the subject by means of the many good books which have been written by cleverer men than i, and which enter more thoroughly into all its details. [illustration] london printed by william clowes and sons, limited, stamford street and charing cross. books relating to applied science, published by e. & f. n. spon, london: 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. _a pocket-book for chemists, chemical manufacturers, metallurgists, dyers, distillers, brewers, sugar refiners, photographers, students, etc., etc._ by thomas bayley, assoc. r.c. sc. ireland, analytical and consulting chemist and assayer. fourth edition, with additions, 437 pp., royal 32mo, roan, gilt edges, 5_s._ synopsis of contents: atomic weights and factors--useful data--chemical calculations- rules for indirect analysis--weights and measures--thermometers and barometers--chemical physics--boiling points, etc.--solubility of substances--methods of obtaining specific gravity--conversion of hydrometers--strength of solutions by specific gravity--analysis- gas analysis--water analysis--qualitative analysis and reactions- volumetric analysis--manipulation--mineralogy--assaying--alcohol- beer--sugar--miscellaneous technological matter relating to potash, soda, sulphuric acid, chlorine, tar products, petroleum, milk, tallow, photography, prices, wages, appendix, etc., etc. _the mechanician_: a treatise on the construction and manipulation of tools, for the use and instruction of young engineers and scientific amateurs, comprising the arts of blacksmithing and forging; 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domestic fire escapes; fireproofing clothes, etc. =the larder.=--keeping food fresh for a limited time; storing food without change, such as fruits, vegetables, eggs, honey, etc. =curing foods for lengthened preservation=, as smoking, salting, canning, potting, pickling, bottling fruits, etc.; jams, jellies, marmalade, etc. =the dairy.=--the building and fitting of dairies in the most approved modern style; butter-making; cheesemaking and curing. =the cellar.=--building and fitting; cleaning casks and bottles; corks and corking; aërated drinks; syrups for drinks; beers; bitters; cordials and liqueurs; wines; miscellaneous drinks. =the pantry.=--bread-making; ovens and pyrometers; yeast; german yeast; biscuits; cakes; fancy breads; buns. =the kitchen.=--on fitting kitchens; a description of the best cooking ranges, close and open; the management and care of hot plates, baking ovens, dampers, flues, and chimneys; cooking by gas; cooking by oil; the arts of roasting, grilling, boiling, stewing, braising, frying. =receipts for dishes.=--soups, fish, meat, game, poultry, vegetables, salads, puddings, pastry, confectionery, ices, etc., etc.; 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for the use of engineers, architects, &c. by thomas box. _with 14 plates._ third edition, crown 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _a descriptive treatise on mathematical drawing instruments_: their construction, uses, qualities, selection, preservation, and suggestions for improvements, with hints upon drawing and colouring. by w. f. stanley, m.r.i. fifth edition, _with numerous illustrations_, crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ _quantity surveying_, by j. leaning. with 42 illustrations. second edition, revised, crown 8vo, cloth, 9_s._ contents: a complete explanation of the london practice. general instructions. order of taking off. modes of measurement of the various trades. use and waste. ventilation and warming. credits, with various examples of treatment. abbreviations. squaring the dimensions. abstracting, with examples in illustration of each trade. billing. examples of preambles to each trade. form for a bill of quantities. do. bill of credits. do. bill for alternative estimate. restorations and repairs, and form of bill. variations before acceptance of tender. errors in a builder's estimate. schedule of prices. form of schedule of prices. analysis of schedule of prices. adjustment of accounts. form of a bill of variations. remarks on specifications. prices and valuation of work, with examples and remarks upon each trade. the law as it affects quantity surveyors, with law reports. taking off after the old method. northern practice. the general statement of the methods recommended by the manchester society of architects for taking quantities. examples of collections. examples of "taking off" in each trade. remarks on the past and present methods of estimating. _spons' architects' and builders' pocket-book of prices and memoranda._ edited by w. young, architect. crown 8vo, cloth, _published annually_. fifteenth edition. _now ready._ _long-span railway bridges_, comprising investigations of the comparative theoretical and practical advantages of the various adopted or proposed type systems of construction, with numerous formulæ and tables giving the weight of iron or steel required in bridges from 300 feet to the limiting spans; to which are added similar investigations and tables relating to short-span railway bridges. second and revised edition. by b. baker, assoc. inst. c.e. _plates_, crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ _elementary theory and calculation of iron bridges and roofs._ by august ritter, ph.d., professor at the polytechnic school at aix-la-chapelle. translated from the third german edition, by h. r. sankey, capt. r.e. with 500 _illustrations_, 8vo, cloth, 15_s._ _the elementary principles of carpentry._ by thomas tredgold. revised from the original edition, and partly re-written, by john thomas hurst. contained in 517 pages of letter-press, and _illustrated with 48 plates and 150 wood engravings_. sixth edition, reprinted from the third, crown 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ section i. on the equality and distribution of forces--section ii. resistance of timber--section iii. construction of floors--section iv. construction of roofs--section v. construction of domes and cupolas--section vi. construction of partitions--section vii. scaffolds, staging, and gantries--section viii. construction of centres for bridges--section ix. coffer-dams, shoring, and strutting--section x. wooden bridges and viaducts--section xi. joints, straps, and other fastenings--section xii. timber. _the builder's clerk_: a guide to the management of a builder's business. by thomas bales. fcap. 8vo, cloth, 1_s._ 6_d._ _our factories, workshops, and warehouses_: their sanitary and fire-resisting arrangements. by _b. h. thwaite_, assoc. mem. inst. c.e. _with 183 wood engravings_, crown 8vo, cloth, 9_s._ _gold_: its occurrence and extraction, embracing the geographical and geological distribution and the mineralogical characters of gold-bearing rocks; the peculiar features and modes of working shallow placers, rivers, and deep leads; hydraulicing; the reduction and separation of auriferous quartz; the treatment of complex auriferous ores containing other metals; a bibliography of the subject and a glossary of technical and foreign terms. by _alfred g. lock_, f.r.g.s. _with numerous illustrations and maps_, 1250 pp., super-royal 8vo, cloth, 2_l._ 12_s._ 6_d._ _iron roofs_: examples of design, description. _illustrated with 64 working drawings of executed roofs._ by arthur t. walmisley, assoc. mem. inst. c.e. second edition, revised, imp. 4to, half-morocco, 3_l._ 3_s._ _a history of electric telegraphy_, to the year 1837. chiefly compiled from original sources, and hitherto unpublished documents, by j. j. fahie, mem. soc. of tel. engineers, and of the international society of electricians, paris. crown 8vo, cloth, 9_s._ _spons' information for colonial engineers._ edited by j. t. hurst. demy 8vo, sewed. no. 1, ceylon. by abraham deane, c.e. 2_s._ 6_d._ contents: introductory remarks--natural productions--architecture and engineering--topography, trade, and natural history--principal stations--weights and measures, etc., etc. no. 2. southern africa, including the cape colony, natal, and the dutch republics. by henry hall, f.r.g.s., f.r.c.i. with map. 3_s._ 6_d._ contents: general description of south africa--physical geography with reference to engineering operations--notes on labour and material in cape colony--geological notes on rock formation in south africa--engineering instruments for use in south africa--principal public works in cape colony: railways, mountain roads and passes, harbour works, bridges, gas works, irrigation and water supply, lighthouses, drainage and sanitary engineering, public buildings, mines--table of woods in south africa--animals used for draught purposes--statistical notes--table of distances--rates of carriage, etc. no. 3. india. by f. c. danvers, assoc. inst. c.e. with map. 4_s._ 6_d._ contents: physical geography of india--building materials--roads--railways- bridges--irrigation--river works--harbours--lighthouse buildings- native labour--the principal trees of india--money--weights and measures--glossary of indian terms, etc. _a practical treatise on coal mining._ by george g. andré, f.g.s., assoc. inst. c.e., member of the society of engineers. _with 82 lithographic plates._ 2 vols., royal 4to, cloth, 3_l._ 12_s._ _a practical treatise on casting and founding_, including descriptions of the modern machinery employed in the art. by n. e. spretson, engineer. third edition, with 82 _plates_ drawn to scale, 412 pp., demy 8vo, cloth, 18_s._ _the depreciation of factories and their valuation._ by ewing matheson, m. inst. c.e. 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ _a handbook of electrical testing._ by h. r. kempe, m.s.t.e. fourth edition, revised and enlarged, crown 8vo, cloth, 16_s._ _gas works_: their arrangement, construction, plant, and machinery. by f. colyer, m. inst. c.e. _with 31 folding plates_, 8vo, cloth, 24_s._ _the clerk of works_: a vade-mecum for all engaged in the superintendence of building operations. by g. g. hoskins, f.r.i.b.a. third edition, fcap. 8vo, cloth, 1_s._ 6_d._ _american foundry practice_: treating of loam, dry sand, and green sand moulding, and containing a practical treatise upon the management of cupolas, and the melting of iron. by t. d. west, practical iron moulder and foundry foreman. second edition, _with numerous illustrations_, crown 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ _the maintenance of macadamised roads._ by t. codrington, m.i.c.e, f.g.s., general superintendent of county roads for south wales. 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ _hydraulic steam and hand power lifting and pressing machinery._ by frederick colyer, m. inst. c.e., m. inst. m.e. _with 73 plates_, 8vo, cloth, 18_s._ _pumps and pumping machinery._ by f. colyer, m.i.c.e., m.i.m.e. _with 23 folding plates_, 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _pumps and pumping machinery._ by f. colyer. second part. _with 11 large plates_, 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _a treatise on the origin, progress, prevention, and cure of dry rot in timber_; with remarks on the means of preserving wood from destruction by sea-worms, beetles, ants, etc. by thomas allen britton, late surveyor to the metropolitan board of works, etc., etc. _with 10 plates_, crown 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ _the municipal and sanitary engineer's handbook._ by h. percy boulnois, mem. inst. c.e., borough engineer, portsmouth. _with numerous illustrations_, demy 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ contents: the appointment and duties of the town surveyor--traffic- macadamised roadways--steam rolling--road metal and breaking- pitched pavements--asphalte--wood pavements--footpaths--kerbs and gutters--street naming and numbering--street lighting--sewerage- ventilation of sewers--disposal of sewage--house drainage- disinfection--gas and water companies, etc., breaking up streets- improvement of private streets--borrowing powers--artizans' and labourers' dwellings--public conveniences--scavenging, including street cleansing--watering and the removing of snow--planting street trees--deposit of plans--dangerous buildings--hoardings- obstructions--improving street lines--cellar openings--public pleasure grounds--cemeteries--mortuaries--cattle and ordinary markets--public slaughter-houses, etc.--giving numerous forms of notices, specifications, and general information upon these and other subjects of great importance to municipal engineers and others engaged in sanitary work. _metrical tables._ by g. l. molesworth, m.i.c.e. 32mo, cloth, 1_s._ 6_d._ contents: general--linear measures--square measures--cubic measures--measures of capacity--weights--combinations--thermometers. _elements of construction for electro-magnets._ by count th. du moncel, mem. de i'lnstitut de france. translated from the french by c. j. wharton. crown 8vo, cloth, 4_s._ 6_d._ _practical electrical units popularly explained_, with _numerous illustrations_ and remarks. by james swinburne, late of j. w. swan and co., paris, late of brush-swan electric light company, u.s.a. 18mo, cloth, 1_s._ 6_d._ _a treatise on the use of belting for the transmission of power._ by j. h. cooper. second edition, _illustrated_, 8vo, cloth, 15_s._ _a pocket-book of useful formulæ and memoranda for civil and mechanical engineers._ by guilford l. molesworth, mem. inst. c.e., consulting engineer to the government of india for state railways. _with numerous illustrations_, 744 pp. twenty-first edition, revised and enlarged, 32mo, roan, 6_s._ synopsis of contents: surveying, levelling, etc.--strength and weight of materials- earthwork, brickwork, masonry, arches, etc.--struts, columns, beams, and trusses--flooring, roofing, and roof trusses--girders, bridges, etc.--railways and roads--hydraulic formulæ--canals, sewers, waterworks, docks--irrigation and breakwaters--gas, ventilation, and warming--heat, light, colour, and sound--gravity: centres, forces, and powers--millwork, teeth of wheels, shafting, etc.--workshop recipes--sundry machinery--animal power--steam and the steam engine--water-power, water-wheels, turbines, etc.--wind and windmills--steam navigation, ship building, tonnage, etc.- gunnery, projectiles, etc.--weights, measures, and money- trigonometry, conic sections, and curves--telegraphy--mensuration- tables of areas and circumference, and arcs of circles--logarithms, square and cube roots, powers--reciprocals, etc.--useful numbers- differential and integral calculus--algebraic signs--telegraphic construction and formulæ. _hints on architectural draughtsmanship._ by g. w. tuxford hallatt. fcap. 8vo, cloth, 1_s._ 6_d._ _spons' tables and memoranda for engineers_; selected and arranged by j. t. hurst, c.e., author of 'architectural surveyors' handbook,' 'hurst's tredgold's carpentry,' etc. ninth edition, 64mo, roan, gilt edges, 1_s._; or in cloth case, 1_s._ 6_d._ this work is printed in a pearl type, and is so small, measuring only 2-1/2 in. by 1-1/4 in. by 1/4 in. thick, that it may be easily carried in the waistcoat pocket. "it is certainly an extremely rare thing for a reviewer to be called upon to notice a volume measuring but 2-1/2 in. by 1-1/4 in., yet these dimensions faithfully represent the size of the handy little book before us. the volume--which contains 118 printed pages, besides a few blank pages for memoranda--is, in fact, a true pocket-book, adapted for being carried in the waistcoat pocket, and containing a far greater amount and variety of information than most people would imagine could be compressed into so small a space.... the little volume has been compiled with considerable care and judgment, and we can cordially recommend it to our readers as a useful little pocket companion."--_engineering._ _a practical treatise on natural and artificial concrete, its varieties and constructive adaptations._ by henry reid, author of the 'science and art of the manufacture of portland cement.' new edition, _with 59 woodcuts and 5 plates_, 8vo, cloth, 15_s._ _notes on concrete and works in concrete_; especially written to assist those engaged upon public works. by john newman, assoc. mem. inst. c.e., crown 8vo, cloth, 4_s._ 6_d._ _electricity as a motive power._ by count th. du moncel, membre de l'institut de france, and frank geraldy, ingénieur des ponts et chaussées. translated and edited, with additions, by c. j. wharton, assoc. soc. tel. eng. and elec. _with 113 engravings and diagrams_, crown 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ _treatise on valve-gears_, with special consideration of the link-motions of locomotive engines. by dr. gustav zeuner, professor of applied mechanics at the confederated polytechnikum of zurich. translated from the fourth german edition, by professor j. f. klein, lehigh university, bethlehem, pa. _illustrated_, 8vo, cloth, 1_2s._ 6_d._ _the french-polisher's manual._ by a french-polisher; containing timber staining, washing, matching, improving, painting, imitations, directions for staining, sizing, embodying, smoothing, spirit varnishing, french-polishing, directions for re-polishing. third edition, royal 32mo, sewed, 6_d._ _hops, their cultivation, commerce, and uses in various countries._ by p. l. simmonds. crown 8vo, cloth, 4_s._ 6_d._ _the principles of graphic statics._ by george sydenham clarke, capt. royal engineers. _with 112 illustrations._ 4to, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _dynamo-electric machinery_: a manual for students of electro-technics. by silvanus p. thompson, b.a., d.sc., professor of experimental physics in university college, bristol, etc., etc. second edition, _illustrated_, 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _practical geometry, perspective, and engineering drawing_; a course of descriptive geometry adapted to the requirements of the engineering draughtsman, including the determination of cast shadows and isometric projection, each chapter being followed by numerous examples; to which are added rules for shading, shade-lining, etc., together with practical instructions as to the lining, colouring, printing, and general treatment of engineering drawings, with a chapter on drawing instruments. by george s. clarke, capt. r.e. second edition, _with 21 plates_. 2 vols., cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ _the elements of graphic statics._ by professor karl von ott, translated from the german by g. s. clarke, capt. r.e., instructor in mechanical drawing, royal indian engineering college. _with 93 illustrations_, crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ _a practical treatise on the manufacture and distribution of coal gas._ by william richards. demy 4to, with _numerous wood engravings and 29 plates_, cloth, 28_s._ synopsis of contents: introduction--history of gas lighting--chemistry of gas manufacture, by lewis thompson, esq., m.r.c.s.--coal, with analyses, by j. paterson, lewis thompson, and g. r. hislop, esqrs.--retorts, iron and clay--retort setting--hydraulic main- condensers--exhausters--washers and scrubbers--purifiers- purification--history of gas holder--tanks, brick and stone, composite, concrete, cast-iron, compound annular wrought-iron- specifications--gas holders--station meter--governor- distribution--mains--gas mathematics, or formulæ for the distribution of gas, by lewis thompson, esq.--services--consumers' meters--regulators--burners--fittings--photometer--carburization of gas--air gas and water gas--composition of coal gas, by lewis thompson, esq.--analyses of gas--influence of atmospheric pressure and temperature on gas--residual products--appendix--description of retort settings, buildings, etc., etc. _the new formula for mean velocity of discharge of rivers and canals._ by w. r. kutter. translated from articles in the 'cultur-ingénieur,' by lowis d'a. jackson, assoc. inst. c.e. 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _the practical millwright and engineer's ready reckoner_; or tables for finding the diameter and power of cog-wheels, diameter, weight, and power of shafts, diameter and strength of bolts, etc. by thomas dixon. fourth edition, 12mo, cloth, 3_s._ _tin_: describing the chief methods of mining, dressing and smelting it abroad; with notes upon arsenic, bismuth and wolfram. by arthur g. charleton, mem. american inst. of mining engineers. _with plates_, 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _perspective, explained and illustrated._ by g. s. clarke, capt. r.e. _with illustrations_, 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ _practical hydraulics_; a series of rules and tables for the use of engineers, etc., etc. by thomas box. fifth edition, _numerous plates_, post 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ _the essential elements of practical mechanics; based on the principle of work_, designed for engineering students. by oliver byrne, formerly professor of mathematics, college for civil engineers. third edition, _with 148 wood engravings_, post 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ contents: chap. 1. how work is measured by a unit, both with and without reference to a unit of time--chap. 2. the work of living agents, the influence of friction, and introduces one of the most beautiful laws of motion--chap. 3. the principles expounded in the first and second chapters are applied to the motion of bodies--chap. 4. the transmission of work by simple machines--chap. 5. useful propositions and rules. _breweries and maltings_: their arrangement, construction, machinery, and plant. by g. scamell, f.r.i.b.a. second edition, revised, enlarged, and partly rewritten. by f. colyer, m.i.c.e., m.i.m.e. _with 20 plates_, 8vo, cloth, 18_s._ _a practical treatise on the construction of horizontal and vertical waterwheels_, specially designed for the use of operative mechanics. by william cullen, millwright and engineer. _with 11 plates._ second edition, revised and enlarged, small 4to, cloth, _12s._ 6_d._ _a practical treatise on mill-gearing, wheels, shafts, riggers, etc._; for the use of engineers. by thomas box. third edition, _with 11 plates_. crown 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ _mining machinery_: a descriptive treatise on the machinery, tools, and other appliances used in mining. by g. g. andré, f.g.s., assoc. inst. c.e., mem. of the society of engineers. royal 4to, uniform with the author's treatise on coal mining, containing _182 plates_, accurately drawn to scale, with descriptive text, in 2 vols., cloth, 3_l._ 12_s._ contents: machinery for prospecting, excavating, hauling, and hoisting- ventilation--pumping--treatment of mineral products, including gold and silver, copper, tin, and lead, iron, coal, sulphur, china clay, brick earth, etc. _tables for setting out curves for railways, canals, roads, etc._, varying from a radius of five chains to three miles. by a. kennedy and r. w. hackwood. _illustrated_, 32mo, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ _the science and art of the manufacture of portland cement_, with observations on some of its constructive applications. _with 66 illustrations_. by henry reid, c.e., author of 'a practical treatise on concrete,' etc., etc. 8vo, cloth, 18_s._ _the draughtsman's handbook of plan and map drawing_; including instructions for the preparation of engineering, architectural, and mechanical drawings. _with numerous illustrations in the text, and 33 plates_ (_15 printed in colours_). by g. g. andré, f.g.s., assoc. inst. c.e. 4to, cloth, 9_s._ contents: the drawing office and its furnishings--geometrical problems- lines, dots, and their combinations--colours, shading, lettering, bordering, and north points--scales--plotting--civil engineers' and surveyors' plans--map drawing--mechanical and architectural drawing--copying and reducing trigonometrical formulæ, etc., etc. _the boiler-maker's and iron ship-builder's companion_, comprising a series of original and carefully calculated tables, of the utmost utility to persons interested in the iron trades. by james foden, author of 'mechanical tables,' etc. second edition revised, _with illustrations_, crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ _rock blasting_: a practical treatise on the means employed in blasting rocks for industrial purposes. by g. g. andré, f.g.s., assoc. inst. c.e. _with 56 illustrations and 12 plates_, 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ _painting and painters' manual_: a book of facts for painters and those who use or deal in paint materials. by c. l. condit and j. scheller. _illustrated_, 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ _a treatise on ropemaking as practised in public and private rope-yards_, with a description of the manufacture, rules, tables of weights, etc., adapted to the trade, shipping, mining, railways, builders, etc. by r. chapman, formerly foreman to messrs. huddart and co., limehouse, and late master ropemaker to h.m. dockyard, deptford. second edition, 12mo, cloth, 3_s._ _laxton's builders' and contractors' tables_; for the use of engineers, architects, surveyors, builders, land agents, and others. bricklayer, containing 22 tables, with nearly 30,000 calculations. 4to, cloth, 5_s._ _laxton's builders' and contractors' tables._ excavator, earth, land, water, and gas, containing 53 tables, with nearly 24,000 calculations. 4to, cloth, 5_s._ _sanitary engineering_: a guide to the construction of works of sewerage and house drainage, with tables for facilitating the calculations of the engineer. by baldwin latham, c.e., m. inst. c.e., f.g.s., f.m.s., past-president of the society of engineers. second edition, _with numerous plates and woodcuts_, 8vo, cloth, 1_l._ 10_s._ _screw cutting tables for engineers and machinists_, giving the values of the different trains of wheels required to produce screws of any pitch, calculated by lord lindsay, m.p., f.r.s., f.r.a.s., etc. cloth, oblong, 2_s._ _screw cutting tables_, for the use of mechanical engineers, showing the proper arrangement of wheels for cutting the threads of screws of any required pitch, with a table for making the universal gas-pipe threads and taps. by w. a. martin, engineer. second edition, oblong, cloth, 1_s._, or sewed, 6_d._ _a treatise on a practical method of designing slide-valve gears by simple geometrical construction_, based upon the principles enunciated in euclid's elements, and comprising the various forms of plain slide-valve and expansion gearing; together with stephenson's, gooch's, and allan's link-motions, as applied either to reversing or to variable expansion combinations. by edward j. cowling welch, memb. inst. mechanical engineers. crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ _cleaning and scouring_: a manual for dyers, laundresses, and for domestic use. by s. christopher. 18mo, sewed, 6_d._ _a glossary of terms used in coal mining._ by william stukeley gresley, assoc. mem. inst. c.e., f.g.s., member of the north of england institute of mining engineers. _illustrated with numerous woodcuts and diagrams_, crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ _a pocket-book for boiler makers and steam users_, comprising a variety of useful information for employer and workman, government inspectors, board of trade surveyors, engineers in charge of works and slips, foremen of manufactories, and the general steam-using public. by maurice john sexton. second edition, royal 32mo, roan, gilt edges, 5_s._ _electrolysis_: a practical treatise on nickeling, coppering, gilding, silvering, the refining of metals, and the treatment of ores by means of electricity. by hippolyte fontaine, translated from the french by j. a. berly, c.e., assoc. s.t.e. _with engravings._ 8vo, cloth, 9_s._ _barlow's tables of squares, cubes, square roots, cube roots, reciprocals of all integer numbers up to 10,000._ post 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ _a practical treatise on the steam engine_, containing plans and arrangements of details for fixed steam engines, with essays on the principles involved in design and construction. by arthur rigg, engineer, member of the society of engineers and of the royal institution of great britain. demy 4to, _copiously illustrated with woodcuts and 96 plates_, in one volume, half-bound morocco, 2_l._ 2_s._; or cheaper edition, cloth, 25_s._ this work is not, in any sense, an elementary treatise, or history of the steam engine, but is intended to describe examples of fixed steam engines without entering into the wide domain of locomotive or marine practice. to this end illustrations will be given of the most recent arrangements of horizontal, vertical, beam, pumping, winding, portable, semi-portable, corliss, allen, compound, and other similar engines, by the most eminent firms in great britain and america. the laws relating to the action and precautions to be observed in the construction of the various details, such as cylinders, pistons, piston-rods, connecting-rods, cross-heads, motion-blocks, eccentrics, simple, expansion, balanced, and equilibrium slide-valves, and valve-gearing will be minutely dealt with. in this connection will be found articles upon the velocity of reciprocating parts and the mode of applying the indicator, heat and expansion of steam governors, and the like. it is the writer's desire to draw illustrations from every possible source, and give only those rules that present practice deems correct. _a practical treatise on the science of land and engineering surveying, levelling, estimating quantities, etc._, with a general description of the several instruments required for surveying, levelling, plotting, etc. by h. s. merrett. fourth edition, revised by g. w. usill, assoc. mem. inst. c.e. _41 plates, with illustrations and tables_, royal 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ principal contents: part 1. introduction and the principles of geometry. part 2. land surveying; comprising general observations--the chain--offsets surveying by the chain only--surveying hilly ground--to survey an estate or parish by the chain only--surveying with the theodolite- mining and town surveying--railroad surveying--mapping--division and laying out of land--observations on enclosures--plane trigonometry. part 3. levelling--simple and compound levelling- the level book--parliamentary plan and section--levelling with a theodolite--gradients--wooden curves--to lay out a railway curve- setting out widths. part 4. calculating quantities generally for estimates--cuttings and embankments--tunnels--brickwork--ironwork- timber measuring. part 5. description and use of instruments in surveying and plotting--the improved dumpy level--troughton's level--the prismatic compass--proportional compass--box sextant- vernier--pantagraph--merrett's improved quadrant--improved computation scale--the diagonal scale--straight edge and sector. part 6. logarithms of numbers--logarithmic sines and co-sines, tangents and co-tangents--natural sines and co-sines--tables for earthwork, for setting out curves, and for various calculations, etc., etc., etc. _health and comfort in house building, or ventilation with warm air by self-acting suction power_, with review of the mode of calculating the draught in hot-air flues, and with some actual experiments. by j. drysdale, m.d., and j. w. hayward, m.d. second edition, with supplement, _with plates_, demy 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ _the assayer's manual_: an abridged treatise on the docimastic examination of ores and furnace and other artificial products. by bruno kerl. translated by w. t. brannt. _with 65 illustrations_, 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _electricity_: its theory, sources, and applications. by j. t. sprague, m.s.t.e. second edition, revised and enlarged, _with numerous illustrations_, crown 8vo, cloth, 15_s._ _the practice of hand turning in wood, ivory, shell, etc._, with instructions for turning such work in metal as may be required in the practice of turning in wood, ivory, etc.; also an appendix on ornamental turning. (a book for beginners.) by francis campin. third edition, _with wood engravings_, crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ contents: on lathes--turning tools--turning wood--drilling--screw cutting- miscellaneous apparatus and processes--turning particular forms- staining--polishing--spinning metals--materials--ornamental turning, etc. _treatise on watchwork, past and present._ by the rev. h. l. nelthropp, m.a., f.s.a. _with 32 illustrations_, crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ 6_d._ contents: definitions of words and terms used in watchwork--tools--time- historical summary--on calculations of the numbers for wheels and pinions; their proportional sizes, trains, etc.--of dial wheels, or motion work--length of time of going without winding up--the verge--the horizontal--the duplex--the lever--the chronometer--repeating watches--keyless watches--the pendulum, or spiral spring--compensation--jewelling of pivot holes- clerkenwell--fallacies of the trade--incapacity of workmen- how to choose and use a watch, etc. _algebra self-taught._ by w. p. higgs, m.a., d.sc., ll.d., assoc. inst c.e., author of 'a handbook of the differential calculus,' etc. second edition, crown 8vo, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ contents: symbols and the signs of operation--the equation and the unknown quantity--positive and negative quantities--multiplication- involution--exponents--negative exponents--roots, and the use of exponents as logarithms--logarithms--tables of logarithms and proportionate parts--transformation of system of logarithms- common uses of common logarithms--compound multiplication and the binomial theorem--division, fractions, and ratio--continued proportion--the series and the summation of the series--limit of series--square and cube roots--equations--list of formulæ, etc. _spons' dictionary of engineering, civil, mechanical, military, and naval_; with technical terms in french, german, italian, and spanish, 3100 pp., and _nearly 8000 engravings_, in super-royal 8vo, in 8 divisions, 5_l._ 8_s._ complete in 3 vols., cloth, 5_l._ 5_s._ bound in a superior manner, half-morocco, top edge gilt, 3 vols., 6_l._ 12_s._ _notes in mechanical engineering._ compiled principally for the use of the students attending the classes on this subject at the city of london college. by henry adams, mem. inst. m.e., mem. inst. c.e., mem. soc. of engineers. crown 8vo, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ _canoe and boat building_: a complete manual for amateurs, containing plain and comprehensive directions for the construction of canoes, rowing and sailing boats, and hunting craft. by w. p. stephens. _with numerous illustrations and 24 plates of working drawings._ crown 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ _proceedings of the national conference of electricians, philadelphia_, october 8th to 13th, 1884. 18mo, cloth, 3_s._ _dynamo-electricity_, its generation, application, transmission, storage, and measurement. by g. b. prescott. _with 545 illustrations._ 8vo, cloth, 1_l._ 1_s._ _domestic electricity for amateurs._ translated from the french of e. hospitalier, editor of "l'electricien," by c. j. wharton, assoc. soc. tel. eng. _numerous illustrations._ demy 8vo, cloth, 9_s._ contents: 1. production of the electric current--2. electric bells- 3. automatic alarms--4. domestic telephones--5. electric clocks- 6. electric lighters--7. domestic electric lighting--8. domestic application of the electric light--9. electric motors- 10. electrical locomotion--11. electrotyping, plating, and gilding--12. electric recreations--13. various applications- workshop of the electrician. _wrinkles in electric lighting._ by vincent stephen. _with illustrations._ 18mo, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ contents: 1. the electric current and its production by chemical means- 2. production of electric currents by mechanical means- 3. dynamo-electric machines--4. electric lamps--5. lead- 6. ship lighting. _the practical flax spinner_; being a description of the growth, manipulation, and spinning of flax and tow. by leslie c. marshall, of belfast. _with illustrations._ 8vo, cloth, 15_s._ _foundations and foundation walls for all classes of buildings_, pile driving, building stones and bricks, pier and wall construction, mortars, limes, cements, concretes, stuccos, &c. _64 illustrations_. by g. t. powell and f. bauman. 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ _manual for gas engineering students._ by d. lee. 18mo, cloth 1_s._ _hydraulic machinery, past and present._ a lecture delivered to the london and suburban railway officials' association. by h. adams, mem. inst. c.e. _folding plate._ 8vo, sewed, 1_s._ _twenty years with the indicator._ by thomas pray, jun., c.e., m.e., member of the american society of civil engineers. 2 vols., royal 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ _annual statistical report of the secretary to the members of the iron and steel association on the home and foreign iron and steel industries in 1884._ issued march 1885. 8vo, sewed, 5_s._ _bad drains, and how to test them_; with notes on the ventilation of sewers, drains, and sanitary fittings, and the origin and transmission of zymotic disease. by r. harris reeves. crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ _standard practical plumbing_; being a complete encyclopædia for practical plumbers and guide for architects, builders, gas fitters, hot-water fitters, ironmongers, lead burners, sanitary engineers, zinc workers, &c. _illustrated by over 2000 engravings._ by p. j. davies. vol. i, royal 8vo, cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._ _pneumatic transmission of messages and parcels between paris and london, via calais and dover._ by j. b. berlier, c.e. small folio, sewed, 6_d._ _list of tests_ (_reagents_), arranged in alphabetical order, according to the names of the originators. designed especially for the convenient reference of chemists, pharmacists, and scientists. by hans m. wilder. crown 8vo, cloth, 4_s._ 6_d._ _ten years experience in works of intermittent downward filtration._ by j. bailey denton, mem. inst. c.e. second edition, with additions. royal 8vo, sewed, 4_s._ _a treatise on the manufacture of soap and candles, lubricants and glycerin._ by w. lant carpenter, b.a., b.sc. (late of messrs. c. thomas and brothers, bristol). _with illustrations._ crown 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ _the stability of ships explained simply, and calculated by a new graphic method._ by j. c. spence, m.i.n.a. 4to, sewed, 3_s._ 6_d._ _steam making, or boiler practice._ by charles a. smith, c.e. 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._ contents: 1. the nature of heat and the properties of steam--2. combustion.- 3. externally fired stationary boilers--4. internally fired stationary boilers--5. internally fired portable locomotive and marine boilers--6. design, construction, and strength of boilers- 7. proportions of heating surface, economic evaporation, explosions--8. miscellaneous boilers, choice of boiler fittings and appurtenances. _the fireman's guide_; a handbook on the care of boilers. by teknolog. föreningen t. i. stockholm. translated from the third edition, and revised by karl p. dahlstrom, m.e. second edition. fcap. 8vo, cloth, 2_s._ _a treatise on modern steam engines and boilers_, including land locomotive, and marine engines and boilers, for the use of students. by frederick colyer, m. inst. c.e., mem. inst m.e. _with 36 plates._ 4to, cloth, 25_s._ contents: 1. introduction--2. original engines--3. boilers--4. high-pressure beam engines--5. cornish beam engines--6. horizontal engines--7. oscillating engines--8. vertical high-pressure engines--9. special engines--10. portable engines--11. locomotive engines--12. marine engines. _steam engine management_; a treatise on the working and management of steam boilers. by f. colyer, m. inst. c.e., mem. inst. m.e. 18mo, cloth, 2_s._ _land surveying on the meridian and perpendicular system._ by william penman, c.e. 8vo, cloth, 8_s._ 6_d._ _the topographer, his instruments and methods_, designed for the use of students, amateur photographers, surveyors, engineers, and all persons interested in the location and construction of works based upon topography. _illustrated with numerous plates, maps, and engravings._ by lewis 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and magneto-electric machines. dynamometers. electrical engineering, telegraphy, electric lighting and its practical details, telephones. engines, varieties of. explosives. fans. founding, moulding and the practical work of the foundry. gas, manufacture of. hammers, steam and other power. heat. horse power. hydraulics. hydro-geology. indicators. iron. lifts, hoists, and elevators. lighthouses, buoys, and beacons. machine tools. materials of construction. meters. ores, machinery and processes employed to dress. piers. pile driving. pneumatic transmission. pumps. pyrometers. road locomotives. rock drills. rolling stock. sanitary engineering. shafting. steel. steam navvy. stone machinery. tramways. well sinking. london: e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. now complete. _with nearly 1500 illustrations_, in super-royal 8vo, in 5 divisions, cloth. divisions 1 to 4, 13_s._ 6_d._ each; division 5, 17_s._ 6_d._; or 2 vols., cloth, £3 10_s._ spons' encyclopædia of the 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london: e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. crown 8vo, cloth, with illustrations, 5_s._ workshop receipts, first series. by ernest spon. synopsis of contents. bookbinding. bronzes and bronzing. candles. cement. cleaning. colourwashing. concretes. dipping acids. drawing office details. drying oils. dynamite. electro-metallurgy--(cleaning, dipping, scratch-brushing, batteries, baths, and deposits of every description). enamels. engraving on wood, copper, gold, silver, steel, and stone. etching and aqua tint. firework making--(rockets, stars, rains, gerbes, jets, tourbillons, candles, fires, lances, lights, wheels, fire-balloons, and minor fireworks). fluxes. foundry mixtures. freezing. fulminates. furniture creams, oils, polishes, lacquers, and pastes. gilding. glass cutting, cleaning, frosting, drilling, darkening, bending, staining, and painting. glass making. glues. gold. graining. gums. gun cotton. gunpowder. horn working. indiarubber. japans, japanning, and 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receipts, second series. by robert haldane. synopsis of contents. acidimetry and alkalimetry. albumen. alcohol. alkaloids. baking-powders. bitters. bleaching. boiler incrustations. cements and lutes. cleansing. confectionery. copying. disinfectants. dyeing, staining, and colouring. essences. extracts. fireproofing. gelatine, glue, and size. glycerine. gut. hydrogen peroxide. ink. iodine. iodoform. isinglass. ivory substitutes. leather. luminous bodies. magnesia. matches. paper. parchment. perchloric acid. potassium oxalate. preserving. =pigments, paint, and painting=: embracing the preparation of _pigments_, including alumina lakes, blacks (animal, bone, frankfort, ivory, lamp, sight, soot), blues (antimony, antwerp, cobalt, cæruleum, egyptian, manganate, paris, péligot, prussian, smalt, ultramarine), browns (bistre, hinau, sepia, sienna, umber, vandyke), greens (baryta, brighton, brunswick, chrome, cobalt, douglas, emerald, manganese, mitis, mountain, prussian, sap, scheele's, 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putty, finishing colour, cause of cracking, mixing the paints, oils, driers, and colours, varnishing, importance of washing vehicles, re-varnishing, how to dry paint; woodwork painting). london: e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. just published. crown 8vo, cloth, 480 pages, with 183 illustrations, 5_s._ workshop receipts, third series. by c. g. warnford lock. uniform with the first and second series. synopsis of contents. alloys. aluminium. antimony. barium. beryllium. bismuth. cadmium. cæesium. calcium. cerium. chromium. cobalt. copper. didymium. electrics. enamels and glazes. erbium. gallium. glass. gold. indium. iridium. iron and steel. lacquers and lacquering. lanthanum. lead. lithium. lubricants. magnesium. manganese. mercury. mica. molybdenum. nickel. niobium. osmium. palladium. platinum. potassium. rhodium. rubidium. ruthenium. selenium. silver. slag. sodium. strontium. tantalum. terbium. thallium. thorium. tin. titanium. tungsten. uranium. vanadium. yttrium. zinc. zirconium. london: e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. workshop receipts, fourth series, devoted mainly to handicrafts & mechanical subjects. by c. g. warnford lock. 250 illustrations, with complete index, and a general index to the four series, 5_s._ waterproofing--rubber goods, cuprammonium processes, miscellaneous preparations. packing and storing articles of delicate odour or colour, of a deliquescent character, liable to ignition, apt to suffer from insects or damp, or easily broken. embalming and preserving anatomical specimens. leather polishes. cooling air and water, producing low temperatures, making ice, cooling syrups and solutions, and separating salts from liquors by refrigeration. pumps and siphons, embracing every useful contrivance for raising and supplying water on a moderate scale, and moving corrosive, tenacious, and other liquids. desiccating--air-and water-ovens, and other appliances for drying natural and artificial products. distilling--water, tinctures, extracts, pharmaceutical preparations, essences, perfumes, and alcoholic liquids. emulsifying as required by pharmacists and photographers. evaporating--saline and other solutions, and liquids demanding special precautions. filtering--water, and solutions of various kinds. percolating and macerating. electrotyping. stereotyping by both plaster and paper processes. bookbinding in all its details. straw plaiting and the fabrication of baskets, matting, etc. musical instruments--the preservation, tuning, and repair of pianos, harmoniums, musical boxes, etc. clock and watch mending--adapted for intelligent amateurs. photography--recent development in rapid processes, handy apparatus, numerous recipes for sensitizing and developing solutions, and applications to modern illustrative purposes. london: e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. just published. in demy 8vo, cloth, 600 pages, and 1420 illustrations, 6_s._ spons' mechanics' own book; a manual for handicraftsmen and amateurs. contents. mechanical drawing--casting and founding in iron, brass, bronze, and other alloys--forging and finishing iron--sheetmetal working--soldering, brazing, and burning--carpentry and joinery, embracing descriptions of some 400 woods, over 200 illustrations of tools and their uses, explanations (with diagrams) of 116 joints and hinges, and details of construction of workshop appliances, rough furniture, garden and yard erections, and house building- cabinet-making and veneering--carving and fretcutting--upholstery- painting, graining, and marbling--staining furniture, woods, floors, and fittings--gilding, dead and bright, on various grounds--polishing marble, metals, and wood--varnishing--mechanical movements, illustrating contrivances for transmitting motion- turning in wood and metals--masonry, embracing stonework, brickwork, terracotta, and concrete--roofing with thatch, tiles, slates, felt, zinc, &c.--glazing with and without putty, and lead glazing--plastering and whitewashing--paper-hanging--gas-fitting- bell-hanging, ordinary and electric systems--lighting--warming- ventilating--roads, pavements, and bridges--hedges, ditches, and drains--water supply and sanitation--hints on house construction suited to new countries. london: e. & f. n. spon, 125, strand. new york: 35, murray street. [transcriber's note: underscores are used as delimiters for _italics_] an unsinkable titanic [illustration: photo by brown bros., new york stoke-hole of a transatlantic liner] an unsinkable titanic every ship its own lifeboat by j. bernard walker editor of the scientific american [illustration] new york dodd, mead and company 1912 copyright, 1912, by dodd, mead and company published, july, 1912 the quinn & boden co. press rahway, n. j. to the memory of the chief engineer of the _titanic_, john bell, and his staff of thirty-three assistants, who stood at their posts in the engine and boiler-rooms to the very last, and went down with the ship, this work is dedicated preface it is the object of this work to show that, in our eagerness to make the ocean liner fast and luxurious, we have forgotten to make her safe. the safest ocean liner was the _great eastern_; and she was built over fifty years ago. her designer aimed to make the ship practically unsinkable--and he succeeded; for she passed through a more severe ordeal than the _titanic_, survived it, and came into port under her own steam. since her day, the shipbuilder has eliminated all but one of the safety devices which made the _great eastern_ a ship so difficult to sink. nobody, not even the shipbuilders themselves, seemed to realise what was being done, until, suddenly, the world's finest vessel, in all the pride of her maiden voyage, struck an iceberg and went to the bottom in something over two and a half hours' time! if we learn the lesson of this tragedy, we shall lose no time in getting back to first principles. we shall reintroduce in all future passenger ships those simple and effective elements of safety--the double skin, the longitudinal bulkhead, and the watertight deck--which were conspicuous in the _great eastern_, and which alone can render such a ship as the _titanic_ unsinkable. * * * * * the author's acknowledgments are due to the "scientific american" for many of the photographs and line drawings reproduced in this volume; to an article by professor j. h. biles, published in "engineering," for material relating to the board of trade stipulations as to bulkheads; to sir george c. v. holmes and the victoria and albert museum for data regarding the _great eastern_, published in "ancient and modern ships"; to naval constructor r. h. m. robinson, u.s.n., for permission to reproduce certain drawings from his work, "naval construction," and to naval constructor henry williams, u.s.n., who courteously read the proofs of this work and offered many valuable suggestions. the original wash and line drawings are by mr. c. mcknight smith. j. b. w. new york, _june_, 1912. contents chapter page i. introductory 1 ii. the ever-present dangers of the sea 19 iii. every ship its own lifeboat 35 iv. safety lies in subdivision 51 v. the unsinkable _great eastern_ of 1858 69 vi. the sinkable _titanic_ 91 vii. how the great ship went down 116 viii. warship protection against ram, mine, and torpedo 136 ix. warship protection as applied to some ocean liners 161 x. conclusions 179 illustrations stoke-hole of a transatlantic liner _frontispiece_ page riveting the outer skin on the frames of a 65,000-ton ocean liner 3 growth of the transatlantic steamer from 1840 to 1912 7 receiving submarine signals on the bridge 13 taking the temperature of the water 17 fire-drill on a german liner: stewards are closing door in fire-protection bulkhead 21 fire-drill on a german liner: hose from bellows supplies fresh air to man with smoke helmet 25 fire-drill on a german liner: test of fire-mains is made every time the ship is in port 29 the 44,000-ton, 25½-knot _lusitania_ 37 provisioning the boats during a boat drill 43 loading and lowering boats, stowed athwartships 43 the elaborate installation of telegraphs, telephones, voice-tubes, etc., on the bridge of an ocean liner 47 hydraulically-operated, watertight door in an engine-room bulkhead 53 diagram showing protective value of transverse and longitudinal bulkheads, watertight decks, and inner skin 57 closing, from the bridge, all watertight doors throughout the ship by pulling a lever 63 _great eastern_, 1858; most completely protected passenger ship ever built 71 longitudinal section and plan of the _great eastern_, 1858 77 two extremes in protection, and a compromise 83 _great eastern_, lying at foot of canal street, north river, new york 87 fifty years' decline in safety construction 93 _olympic_, sister to _titanic_, reaching new york on maiden voyage 97 the framing and some of the deck beams of the _imperator_, as seen from inside the bow, before the outside plating is riveted on 103 how the plating of the inner bottom of such a ship as the _titanic_ may be carried up the side frames to form an inner skin 107 twenty of the twenty-nine boilers of the _titanic_ assembled ready for placing in the ship 111 the last photograph of the _titanic_, taken as she was leaving southampton on her maiden voyage 117 swimming pool on the _titanic_ 121 the _titanic_ struck a glancing blow against an under-water shelf of the iceberg, opening up five compartments 125 comparison of subdivision in two famous ships 129 the vast dining-room of the _titanic_ 133 the united states battleship _kansas_ 137 plan and longitudinal section of the battleship _connecticut_ 143 midship section of a battleship 149 safety lies in subdivision 155 the 65,000-ton, 23-knot _imperator_, largest ship afloat 159 longitudinal section and plan of the _imperator_ 163 the rotor, or rotating element, of one of the low-pressure turbines of the _imperator_ 167 the 26,000-ton, 23½-knot _kronprinzessin cecilie_, a thoroughly protected ship 171 chapter i introductory among the many questions which have arisen out of the loss of the _titanic_ there is one, which, in its importance as affecting the safety of ocean travel, stands out preëminent: "why did this ship, the latest, the largest, and supposedly the safest of ocean liners, go to the bottom so soon after collision with an iceberg?" the question is one to which, as yet, no answer that is perfectly clear to the lay mind has been made. we know that the collision was the result of daring navigation; that the wholesale loss of life was due to the lack of lifeboats and the failure to fill completely the few that were available; and that, had it not been for the amazing indifference or stupidity of the captain of a nearby steamer, who failed to answer the distress signals of the sinking vessel, the whole of the ship's complement might have been saved. but the ship itself--why did she so quickly go to the bottom after meeting with an accident, which, in spite of its stupendous results, must be reckoned as merely one among the many risks of transatlantic travel? so far as the loss of the ship itself was concerned, it is certain that the stupefaction with which the news of her sinking was received was due to the belief that her vast size was a guarantee against disaster--that the ever-increasing dimensions of length, breadth, and tonnage had conferred upon the modern ocean liner a certain immunity against the dangers of travel by sea. the fetish of mere size seems, indeed, to have affected even the officers in command of these modern leviathans. surely it must have thrown its spell over the captain of the ill-fated _titanic_, who, in spite of an oft-repeated warning that there was a large field of ice ahead, followed the usual practice, if the night is clear, and ran his ship at full speed into the zone of danger, as though, forsooth, he expected the _titanic_ to brush the ice floes aside, and split asunder any iceberg that might stand in her way. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ rivetting the outer skin on the frames of a 65,000-ton ocean liner] confidence in the indestructibility of the _titanic_, moreover, was stimulated by the fact that she was supposed to be the "last word" in first-class steamship construction, the culmination of three-quarters of a century of experience in building safe and stanch vessels. in the official descriptions of the ship, widely distributed at the time of her launching, the safety elements of her construction were freely dwelt upon. this literature rang the changes on stout bulkheads, watertight compartments, automatic, self-closing bulkhead doors, etc.,--and honestly so. there is every reason to believe that the celebrated firm who built the ship, renowned the world over for the high character of their work; the powerful company whose flag she carried; aye, and even her talented designer, who was the first to pronounce the _titanic_ a doomed vessel and went down with the ship, were united in the belief that the size of the _titanic_ and her construction were such that she was unsinkable by any of the ordinary accidents to which the transatlantic liner is liable. how comes it, then, that this noble vessel lies to-day at the bottom of the atlantic in two thousand fathoms of water? a review of the progress of those constructive arts which affect the safety of human life seems to show that it needs the spur of great disasters, such as this, to concentrate the attention of the engineer and the architect upon the all-important question of safety. more important than considerations of convenience, economy, speed of construction, or even revenue-earning capacity, are those of the value and sanctity of human life. too frequently these considerations are the last to receive attention. this is due less to indifference than to inadvertence--a failure to remember that an accident which may be insignificant in its effect on steel and stone, may be fatal to frail flesh and blood. furthermore, the monumental disasters, and particularly those occurring in this age of great constructive works, are frequently traceable to hidden or unsuspected causes, the existence and potentialities of which are revealed only when the mischief has been done. a faulty method of construction, containing in itself huge possibilities of disaster, may be persisted in for years without revealing its lurking menace. here and there, now and then, some minor mischance will direct the attention of the few to the peril; but the excitement will be local and passing. it takes a "horror"--a "holocaust" of human life, with all its attendant exploitation in the press and the monthly magazine, to awaken a busy and preoccupied world to the danger and beget those stringent laws and improved constructions which are the earmarks of progress towards an ideal civilisation. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_. note how far the _great eastern_ was ahead of her time. she was not exceeded until the advent of the _oceanic_ in 1899. growth of the transatlantic steamer from 1840 to 1912] not many years ago, there was being erected across the st. lawrence river a huge bridge, with the largest single span in the world, which it was believed would be not only the largest but the strongest and most enduring structure of its kind in existence. it was being built under the supervision of one of the leading bridge engineers of the world; its design was of an approved type, which had long been standard in the western hemisphere; and the steelwork was being fabricated in one of the best equipped bridge works in the country. nevertheless, when one great cantilever was about completed, and before any live load had been placed on it, the structure collapsed under its own weight. one of the principal members--a massive steel column, five feet square and sixty feet long--crumpled up as though it had been a boy's tin whistle, and allowed the whole bridge to fall into the st. lawrence, carrying eighty men to their death! the disaster was traced to a very insignificant cause--the failure of some small angle-bars, 3½ inches in width, by which the parts of the massive member were held in place. no engineer had suspected that danger lurked in these little angle-bars. had the accident happened to a bridge of moderate size, the lessons of the failure would have been noted by the engineers and contractors; it would have formed the subject, possibly, of a paper before some engineering society, and the warning would have had results merely local and temporary. but the failure of this monumental structure, with a loss of life so appalling, gave to the disaster a world-wide notoriety. it became the subject of a searching enquiry by a highly expert board; the unsuspected danger which lurked in the existing and generally approved methods of building up massive steel columns was acknowledged; and safer rules of construction were adopted. it took the baltimore conflagration to teach us the strong and weak points of our much-vaunted systems of fireproof construction. only when san francisco, after repeated warnings, had seen the whole of its business section shaken down and ravaged by fire, did she set about the construction of a city that would be proof against fire and earthquake. it was the spectacle of maimed and dying passengers being slowly burned to death in the wreckage of colliding wooden cars, that led to the abolition of the heating stove and the oil lamp; and it was the risk of fire, coupled with the shocking injuries due to splintering of wooden cars, that brought in the era of the electrically lighted, strong, and incombustible steel car. the conditions attending the loss of the _titanic_ were so heartrending, and its appeal has been so world-wide, as to lead us to expect that the tragedy will be preëminently fruitful in those reforms which, as we have shown, usually follow a disaster of this magnitude. had the ship been less notable and the toll of human life less terrible, the disaster might have failed to awaken that sense of distrust in present methods which is at the root of all thorough-going reform. the measure of the one compensation which can be recovered from this awful loss of life and treasure, will depend upon the care with which its lessons are learned and the fidelity with which they are carried out. unquestionably, public faith in the security of ocean travel has been rudely shaken. the defects, however, which are directly answerable for the sinking of this ship are fortunately of such a character that they can be easily corrected; and if certain necessary and really very simple changes in construction are made (and they can be made without any burdensome increase in the cost) we do not hesitate to say that future passenger travel on a first-class ocean-going steamship will be rendered absolutely safe. [illustration: small dial indicates whether signals come from port or starboard. receiving submarine signals on the bridge] the duty of a passenger steamer, such as the _titanic_, may be regarded as threefold: she must stay afloat; she must provide a comfortable home for a small townful of people; and she must carry them to their destination with as much speed as is compatible with safety and comfort. evidently the first condition, as to safety, should be paramount. when it has been determined to build a ship of a certain size and weight (in the case of the _titanic_ the weight was 60,000 tons, loaded) the designer should be permitted to appropriate to the safety elements of her construction every pound of steel that he may wish to employ. in a vessel like the _titanic_, which is to be entrusted with the care of three or four thousand souls, he should be permitted to double-skin the ship, and divide and subdivide the hull with bulkheads, until he is satisfied that the vessel is unsinkable by any of the ordinary accidents of the sea. when these demands have been met, he may pile deck upon deck and crowd as big a boilerand engine-plant into this unsinkable hull as the balance of the weights at his disposal will allow. unfortunately the board of trade requirements under which the _titanic_ was built--and very conscientiously built--proceed along no such common-sense lines. instead, the board many years ago framed a set of rules in which the safety requirements were cut down to such a low limit, that the question of a ship's surviving a serious collision was reduced to a mere gamble with fate. the board of trade ship may fill _two_ adjoining compartments, and then _with the top of her bulkheads practically level with the sea_, in the opinion of the board, she will have a fighting chance to live _in smooth water_! the _titanic_ filled at least five adjoining compartments, and hence,--thanks to these altogether inadequate and obsolete requirements, she is now at the bottom of the atlantic; and, thanks again to the requirements of the board as to lifeboat accommodations, over fifteen hundred of her passengers and crew went down with the ship! [illustration: water is hauled up in the canvas bucket and its temperature taken by thermometer. taking the temperature of the water] chapter ii the ever-present dangers of the sea boswell, that faithful, if over-appreciative chronicler, tells us that dr. johnson once described an ocean voyage as "going to jail with a chance of being drowned." had some one quoted the grim witticism of the doctor in the spacious dining-room of the _titanic_ on the night of april the fourteenth, it would have provoked a smile of derisive incredulity. going to sea in the cramped quarters of the frail sailing packet of johnson's day was one thing; crossing the atlantic at railroad speed in the spacious luxury of a 60,000-ton liner was quite another. yet, five hours later, when the vast bulk of that noble ship was slanting to its final plunge, the pitiless truth was brought home to that awe-stricken crowd that, even to-day, travel by sea involves the "chance of being drowned." the remarkable immunity of the high-speed atlantic liners from such accidents as befell the _titanic_ has been due in part to careful seamanship and in part to an amazing run of good luck. of this there can be no doubt whatever. on a recent occasion the subject was brought up for discussion in the officers' quarters of one of the fastest liners. in answer to the writer's question as to whether the dangers of running at high speed through fog or ice-infested regions were not enormous, one of the officers frankly admitted that, not only were the risks most serious, but the immunity from such disasters as that which befell the _titanic_ was to be explained on the ground of sheer good fortune. "i well remember," said he, "that the first time i found myself in charge of the bridge on a ship that was running through fog at a speed of over 20 knots, i fairly shivered with a sense of the possibilities of disaster that were involved. to-day--well--familiarity, you know----" [illustration: stewards are closing door in fire-protection bulkhead. fire-drill on a german liner] let it not be supposed, from the heading of this chapter, that it is the writer's purpose to draw any lurid picture of the dangers of ocean travel. these are no greater to-day than they were before the _titanic_ went down. icebergs have swept down from the arctic seas from time immemorial, and year by year they will continue to throw the shadow of their awful menace across the lines of steamship travel. fog, with its ever-present dangers of collision, will continue to infest the ocean highways; and always, the half-submerged derelict, a peril scarcely less than that of the iceberg, will continue to sail its uncharted course over the high seas. the strength of the impulse to build unsinkable ships will be exactly in proportion to our realisation of the dangers which beset ocean travel. the toll of human life exacted in the recent disaster will lose its one possible compensation, if it fails to impress deeply the very serious lesson that since the sea is not man's natural element, he can hold his way safely across its surface only at the cost of most careful preparation and eternal vigilance. protracted and amazing immunity from disasters of portentous magnitude has bred in us something of that very contempt for the dangers of the sea above referred to. we have piled deck upon deck until the "floating palace" of the sea towers twice as far above the water-line as it extends below it. so rapidly have we added weight to weight and horsepower to horsepower, that both the mass and the power have been quadrupled. the giant steamship of to-day, as she rushes through the black night and the all-obscuring fog, represents a potential engine of destruction, for which no parallel can be found in the whole field of human activity. do you doubt it? then learn that on that fatal night when the _titanic_ bore headlong into the icefield, she embodied in her onrushing mass an energy equal to that of the combined broadsides of our two most powerful battleships, the _florida_ and the _utah_. which is to say that, if the two dreadnoughts had discharged their twenty twelve-inch guns, at point-blank range, against the iceberg which sank this ship, they would have struck a combined blow of less energy than that delivered by the _titanic_. and every one of these guns, be it remembered, delivers its shell with an energy of 50,000 foot-tons--sufficient to lift either of these battleships nearly two and a half feet into the air. [illustration: hose from bellows supplies fresh air to man with smoke helmet. fire-drill on a german liner] of the serious risk to a ship of collision with an iceberg, it is superfluous to say anything here. the swift sinking of the world's greatest steamship has driven that lesson home, surely, for all time to come. but there are two other forms of accident on the high seas--collision with another ship and the running down of a derelict--whose possibilities of disaster are scarcely less. for if the huge steamships of our day, moving at high speed, are such potential engines of destruction, it follows that the damaging effects of collisions are proportionately increased. if a 60,000-ton ship, such as the _titanic_, while running at high speed, were struck on the beam by a vessel of large size, it is quite conceivable that the outside plating of three of her compartments (not merely the "two adjoining" of standard shipbuilding practice) might be broken in, or the seams and butts started, before the energy of the colliding ship was absorbed and the two vessels swung clear of each other. the average length of the compartments of the _titanic_ was about 53 feet. at 21 knots she would move forward about 35 feet in one second. hence, in a few seconds' time (even allowing for her slowing down due to the drag of the other ship), her enormous energy of over 1,000,000 foot-tons would cause her to grind along past the broken bow, surely more than the 100 feet or so which would suffice to involve three compartments. if three compartments amidships were opened to the sea, it would mean the admission of some 12,000 to 15,000 tons of water. even more insidious is the menace of the abandoned and water-logged ship--the justly dreaded derelict--which, floating low in the water, and without a light to reveal its position, may lie directly in the path of the high-speed ocean liner. so slightly does the derelict project above the surface, that it is almost impossible of detection by night from the lofty position of the lookout on a modern steamship. [illustration: test of fire mains is made every time the ship is in port. fire-drill on a german liner] another risk of the sea, which, because of long immunity from disaster, is in danger of being overlooked or underrated, is that of fire. the structural portions of a ship and its engineand boiler-plant, being of metal, are proof against fire; but the stateroom partitions, the wooden floors and ceilings, the wainscoting, and the hundreds of tons of material used in decoration and general embellishment, to say nothing of the highly inflammable paint-work and varnish, constitute a mass of material, which, in the event of a serious fire, might turn the whole interior of a large passenger ship into one vast cauldron of flame. fortunately, the bulkhead is as effective in confining a fire as it is in localising an inflow of water in the event of collision. therefore, some of the bulkheads of the under-water portion of all passenger ships should be continued (of lighter construction) right through the decks reserved for passenger accommodations, to the topmost deck of the ship. but, perhaps, after all said and done, the greatest perils of high-speed ocean travel are to be found in that spirit of nautical _sangfroid_, or indifference to danger, which, as this disaster has proved, may in time begin to characterise the attitude even of so experienced a navigator as the late captain of the _titanic_. protection against the dangers of the sea may be sought in two directions: first, the enforcement of rules for more careful navigation; second, the embodiment of non-sinkable construction in the ship. the protection afforded by the one is limited by the fallibility of human nature. the protection afforded by the other is exact, absolutely sure, and will last as long as the ship itself. if we would make ocean travel safe we must make the ship, as far as possible, unsinkable. in other words, the naval architect must adopt that principle of construction, common in other lines of mechanical work, which has been aptly designated as "fool-proof." in the building of folly-proof ships, then (the term is here used in a modified sense and with not the least reflection upon that fine body of professional men whose duties lie on the bridge of our ocean liners), is to be found the one sure protection against the perils of the sea. we are well aware that the merchant ship, like the warship, is a compromise, and that the ingenuity of the naval architect is sorely taxed to meet the many demands for speed, coal capacity, freight capacity, and luxurious accommodations for passengers. all this is admitted. but the object of these chapters is to show that in designing the ship, the architect has given too little attention to the elements of safety--that, in the compromise, luxurious accommodations, let us say, have been favoured at the expense of certain protective structural arrangements, which might readily be introduced without any great addition to the cost of the ship, or any serious sacrifice of comfort or speed. under the sobering effect of this calamity, caution and moderation are the watchwords of the hour. steamships are leaving port crowded with lifeboats of every size and shape. steamship routes have been moved far to the south of the accustomed lines of travel. the time occupied in passage is longer, distances are greater, and the coal bill runs into larger figures. but competition is keen, dividends must be earned, and amid all the fret and fever of our modern life, memories, even of stupendous happenings, have but a brief life. steamship routes, under the strong pressure of competition, will tend to edge northward on to the older and shorter sailing lines. immunity from disaster will beget the old _sangfroid_; and with the near approach of the age of motor-driven ships, we may look for an increase in speed such as the old atlantic has never witnessed, even in the years of fiercest contest for the blue ribbon of the seas. let it be so--provided, always provided that, made wise by the lessons of the hour, we write it in our laws and grave it deep in the hearts of our shipbuilders, that the one sure safeguard against the eternal hazards of the sea is the fireproof and unsinkable ship! chapter iii every ship its own lifeboat say what we will, it cannot be denied that the lifeboat is a makeshift. the long white line of boats, conspicuous on each side of the upper deck of a large passenger ship, is, in a certain sense, a confession of failure--an admission on the part of the shipbuilder that, in spite of all that he has done in making travel by sea fast and comfortable, he has not yet succeeded in making it safe. progress in shipbuilding and especially in the construction of fast and luxuriously appointed ships has been simply phenomenal, particularly during the past two decades. there is no art in the whole field of engineering that has made such rapid and astonishing strides; and it is not stretching the point too far to assert that man's mastery of the ocean is the greatest engineering triumph of all time. the fury of the elements, as shown in a heavy storm at sea, has always been regarded as one of the most majestic and terrifying exhibitions of the forces of nature. when the sailing packet was struck by the full fury of a gale, the skipper lay to, thankful if he could survive the racket, without carrying away boats, bulwarks, and deck gear. frequently, with canvas blown out of the bolt ropes, he was obliged to run under bare poles, at the imminent risk of being swamped under the weight of some following sea. for many a decade, even in the era of the steamship, it was necessary, when heading into a heavy sea, to slow down the engines, maintaining only sufficient speed to give steerage way. to-day, so great are the weight and engine power that the giant steamship, if the captain is willing to risk some minor mishaps to her upper works, may be driven resistlessly along the appointed lines of travel regardless of wind and sea. so far as the loss of the ship from heavy weather is concerned, man has obtained complete mastery of the ocean. [illustration: this ship, with 34 compartments below a water-tight steel deck, would serve as its own lifeboat in the event of collision. the 44,000-ton, 25½-knot lusitania] the writer well remembers a trip to the westward on one of the subsidised mail steamers, built to naval requirements, which was made at a time when the ship was striving to accomplish the average speed of 24½ knots for the round trip from england to america, which was necessary before she could claim the government subsidy. in the run to the eastward, the ship had averaged for the whole passage 25 knots; therefore to win the coveted prize, it was necessary, on the return passage to new york, to maintain an average of 24 knots. as it happened, two hours out from queenstown it began to blow hard from the southwest, and for the next four days the wind, veering from southwest to northwest, never fell below the strength of half a gale. on the fourth day out the wind rose to full cyclonic force, and against the most tempestuous weather that the north atlantic can show, the ship was driven for twenty-four hours into what the captain's log-book designated as "enormous head seas." she averaged a speed of 23 knots for the whole four days of heavy weather, and came through the ordeal without starting a single rivet, or showing any signs of undue strain in her roughly-handled hull. the large and powerful passenger steamer of to-day is proof against fatal damage due to wind and sea. true it is that these ships occasionally reach new york after a stormy passage, with porthole glasses broken, windows smashed, and rails and other light fittings carried away; but these are minor damages which in no way affect the integrity of the ship as a whole. if, then, the shipbuilder has made such wonderful strides in the strength of his construction and in the development of engine power, is it not a strange anomaly that he should have so far failed in his attempt to provide against sinking through collision, as to be under the necessity of advertising the fact, by crowding the topmost deck with appliances for saving the lives of the passengers when the ship goes down? but it will be objected that, even if the ship were made so far unsinkable that she might act as her own lifeboat, there would yet remain the risk of her destruction by fire, and that, if a fierce conflagration occurred, the passengers would have to abandon ship and take to the boats. the objection is well made, and if it be possible to introduce structural features which will render ships both fireproof and unsinkable, the thing should be done. it is sincerely to be hoped that one outcome of the present world-wide interest in the subject of safety at sea, will be a searching investigation of the whole question of fire protection. in some of the first-class passenger ships, notably those of the leading german companies, the subject has been given the attention which it merits; but there is no doubt that a large majority of the vessels engaged in the passenger-carrying trade contain no fire protection of a structural nature; that is to say, the spaces reserved for passenger accommodations are not laid out with any view to limiting the ravages of fire. on most of these ships a fire which once obtained strong headway might sweep through the decks devoted to passenger accommodations, without meeting with any fireproof wall to stay its progress. now the most effective protection against a conflagration on board ship is to apply the same method of localisation which is used to such good effect in limiting the inflow of water resulting from collision. the steel bulkhead and the steel deck, acting as fire screens, may be made as effective in limiting the area of a fire as they are in limiting the area of flooding. the passenger decks should be intersected at frequent intervals by steel bulkheads, extending from side to side of the ship and carried up to include the topmost tier of staterooms. where the alleyways intersect the bulkheads, fireproof doors would afford all the necessary means of communication. the provision of many such bulkheads, coupled with the installation of an ample fire-main service and the faithful practice of fire-drills, would render the loss of a ship by fire practically impossible. the pathetic reluctance of her passengers to leave the _titanic_ for the lifeboats was justified, surely, by the seeming security of the one and frailty of the other. perfectly natural was their belief that the mighty ship would survive, at least until the rescuing steamers should reach her vicinity and render the transfer of passengers a safe operation. did not the _republic_ remain afloat for many hours after a collision scarcely less terrible than this, and was not the _titanic_ twice her size and, therefore, good as a lifeboat for many an hour to come? [illustration: provisioning the boats during a boat drill] [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ loading and lowering boats, stowed athwartships] in considering the excellent service rendered by the lifeboats of the _republic_ and the _titanic_, it should be borne in mind that the weather conditions happened to be very favourable. the launching of lifeboats in rough weather is a difficult and perilous operation. frequently the sinking ship will have a heavy list; if she lists to starboard, the boats on that side can be launched well clear of the ship, but the boats on the port or higher side cannot be so launched. as they are lowered, they will come in contact with the side of the ship and be damaged or capsized. furthermore, should the ship be rolling, the boats are liable to be swung violently against the vessel and their sides may be crushed in or heavily strained, rendering them unseaworthy. had a heavy sea, nay, even a moderate sea, been running at the time of the _titanic_ disaster, how long would her heavily loaded boats have survived in water that was infested with ice floes? their helplessness will be more evident when we remember that they weighed between one and two tons, and that when they were loaded down with sixty-five people, the total weight must have been about six tons. now a craft of six tons' displacement requires considerable handling, and the two or three sailors allotted to each boat, jammed in, as they were, among crowded passengers, would have been powerless in heavy weather to keep the boat from broaching broadside to the sea and capsizing. the demand, then, for unsinkable ships is justified by the fact that the lifeboat is at best but a poor makeshift--that to put several thousand people adrift in mid-ocean is to expose them to the risk of ultimate death by starvation or drowning. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ boat deck of titanic, showing, in black, plan for stowing extra boats, to bring total accommodations up to 3,100 persons] however, in view of the fact that ninety-five passenger ships out of every hundred are built with the single skin, low bulkheads, and non-watertight decks, which characterised the _titanic_, it is certain that the cry: "a lifeboat seat for every passenger" is fully justified. the problem of housing the large number that would be required presents no insuperable difficulties, and there are several alternative plans on which the boats might be disposed. on page 45 will be found a proposed arrangement, reproduced by the courtesy of the "scientific american," which shows in white the twenty boats actually carried by the _titanic_, and in black the additional boats which would be necessary to increase the total accommodation to about 3,100 people. this plan would necessitate the sacrifice of some of the deck-house structures. between each pair of smoke-stacks two lines of four boats each are stowed athwartships. the boat chocks are provided with gunmetal wheels, which run in transverse tracks sunk in the deck. along each side of the boat-deck there is a continuous line of boats. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ the elaborate installation of telegraphs, telephones, voice-tubes, etc., on the bridge of an ocean liner] another plan would be to take advantage of the full capacity of the welin davit with which the _titanic_ was equipped, which is capable of handling two or even three boats stowed abreast. three lines of boats carried on each side of the long boat-deck of a modern liner would provide ample accommodation for every person on board. but we repeat--and the point cannot be too strongly urged--that however complete the lifeboat accommodation may be, it is at the best a makeshift. the demand that every ship that is launched in the future shall be so far unsinkable as to serve as its own lifeboat in case of serious disaster is perfectly reasonable; for there are certain first-class transatlantic liners in service to-day--notably in certain leading english and german lines--which fulfil this condition. considerations both of humanity and self-interest should lead to the adoption of similar principles of construction by every passenger steamship company. it is possible that the time will come, and it may indeed be very close at hand, when the most attractive page in the illustrated steamship pamphlet will be one containing plans of the ships, in which the safeguards against sinking--such as side bunkers, high bulkheads, and watertight decks--are clearly delineated. chapter iv safety lies in subdivision other things being equal, the protection of a ship against sinking is exactly proportionate to the number of separate watertight compartments into which the interior of her hull is subdivided. if she contains no watertight partitions whatsoever, her sinking, due to damage below the water-line, is a mere matter of time. if the inflow exceeds the capacity of the pumps, water will flow into the ship until all buoyancy is lost. protection against sinking is obtained by dividing the interior of the hull into a number of compartments by means of strong, watertight partitions, or bulkheads. usually, these are placed transversely to the ship, extending from side to side and from the bottom to a height of one or two decks above the water-line. they are built of steel plates, stiffened by vertical i-beams, angle-bars, or other suitable members. the bulkheads are strongly riveted to the bottom, sides, and decks of the ship, and the joints are carefully caulked, so as to secure a perfectly tight connection. in the standard construction for merchant ships, as used in the _titanic_, the bulkheads are placed transversely to the length of the ship, and the number of separate compartments is just one more than the number of bulkheads, ten such bulkheads giving eleven compartments, fifteen, as in the _titanic_, giving sixteen compartments, and so on. in the case of a few high-class merchant steamers, built to meet special requirements as to safety, bulkheads are run lengthwise through the ship. these longitudinal bulkheads, intersecting the transverse bulkheads, greatly increase the factor of safety due to subdivision; for it is evident that one such, running the full length of the ship, would double, two would treble, and three would quadruple the number of separate compartments. [illustration: hydraulically-operated, watertight door in an engine-room bulkhead] the bulkhead subdivision above described is all done in vertical planes. its object is to restrict the water to such compartments as (through collision or grounding) may have been opened to the sea. as the water enters, the ship, because of the loss of buoyancy, will sink until the buoyancy of the undamaged compartments restores equilibrium and the ship assumes a new position, with the water in the damaged compartments at the same level as the sea outside. this position is shown in fig. 2, page 57. it must be carefully noted, however, that this condition can exist only if the bulkheads are carried high enough to prevent the water in the damaged compartments from rising above them and flowing over the tops of the bulkheads into adjoining compartments. in addition to lateral and longitudinal subdivision by means of vertical bulkheads, the hull may be further subdivided by means of horizontal partitions in the form of watertight decks--a system which is universally adopted in the navies of the world. for it is evident that if the ship shown in fig. 2, page 57, were provided with a watertight deck, say at the level of the water-line, as shown in fig. 1, page 57, the water could rise only to the height of that deck, where it would be arrested. the amount of water entering the vessel would be, say, only one-half to two-thirds of that received in the case of the vessel shown in fig. 2. if ships that are damaged below the water-line always settled in the water on an even keel, that is to say without any change of trim, the loss through collisions would be greatly reduced. but for obvious reasons, the damage usually occurs in the forward part of the ship, and the flooding of compartments leads to a change of trim, setting the ship down by the head, as shown in figs. 3 and 4. if the transverse bulkheads are of limited height, and extend only to about 10 feet above the normal water-line, the settling of the bow may soon bring the bulkhead deck (the deck against which the bulkheads terminate) below the water. if, as is too often the case, this deck is not watertight--that is to say, if it is pierced by hatch openings, stair or ladder-ways, ventilator shafts, etc., which are not provided with watertight casings or hatch covers, the water will flow aft along the deck, and find its way through these openings into successive compartments, gradually destroying the reserve buoyancy of the ship until she goes down. the vessels shown in figs. 3 and 4 are similar as to their subdivision, each containing thirteen compartments; but in fig. 3 the bulkheads are shown carried only to the upper deck, say 10 feet above the water, whereas in fig. 4 they extend to the saloon deck, one deck higher, or, say, 19 feet above the same point. now, if both ships received the same injury, involving, say, the three forward compartments, a loss of buoyancy which would bring the tops of bulkheads in fig. 3 below the surface, would leave the bulkheads in fig. 4, which end at a watertight deck, with a safe margin, and any further settling of the ship would be arrested. [illustration: fig. 1 watertight deck at waterline limits inflow of water fig. 2 high bulkheads, without watertight deck would save the ship but permit deep submersion fig. 3 sinking by the head; water flowing along low bulkhead deck and entering compartments through doors or hatchways fig. 4 down by the head, but saved by higher bulkheads and watertight bulkhead deck fig. 5 relative area of flooding from same damage in ships, "a" with double skin; "b" with side bunkers; "c" with a single skin. transverse bulkheads on each ship diagrams showing protective value of transverse and longitudinal bulkheads, watertight decks, and inner skin] ordinarily, it would suffice to carry the first two bulkheads at the bow and the last two at the stern to the shelter deck, terminating the intermediate bulkheads one deck lower. but whatever the deck to which the bulkheads are carried, care should be taken to make it absolutely watertight. otherwise, as already made clear, the so-called watertight subdivision of the ship may, in time of stress, prove to be a delusion and a snare. although the longitudinal bulkhead, which is employed below the water-line, and chiefly in the holds and machinery spaces, is the least used, it is one of the most effective means of subdivision that can be employed. a certain amount of prejudice exists against it, on the ground that it confines the inflowing water to one side of the ship, causing it to list, if not ultimately to capsize. but this objection merely points the moral that all things must be used with discretion. a single longitudinal bulkhead, built through the exact centre of a ship, would invite a speedy capsize in the event of extensive injury below the water-line. the loss of the british battleship _victoria_ emphasised that truth many years ago. but longitudinal bulkheads, carried through the engine and boiler spaces, at the sides of the ship, are a most effective protection. not only is each of the large compartments in the wider central body of the ship divided into three, but along each side is provided a row of comparatively small compartments, several of which could be flooded without causing a serious loss of buoyancy. these bulkheads, built some 15 to 18 feet in from the side of the ship, not only form an inner skin for the ship, but they serve as the inner wall of the coal bunkers. they extend from the inner bottom to the under side of the lower deck, to both of which they are securely riveted, the joints being carefully caulked, to render them watertight. the space between the ship's side and the bulkhead is subdivided by transverse watertight partitions (see plan of _mauretania_, fig. 3, page 129), placed centrally between the main transverse bulkheads of the ship. a further and most effective means for protecting the buoyancy is to construct the ship with a double skin up to and preferably a few feet above the water-line. the inner skin should extend from the first bulkhead abaft the engine-room to the first or collision bulkhead, forward. this construction merely involves carrying the inner floor plating of the double bottom up the sides of the ship to the under side of the lower deck. as all merchant ships are built with a double bottom (see page 107), the cost of thus providing a double skin below the water-line is small in proportion to the security against flooding which it affords. the description of the _titanic_, published at the time of her launch, stated that any two of her adjoining compartments could be flooded without endangering the safety of the ship, and the question must frequently have occurred to the lay mind as to why the ability of the ship to sustain flooding of her interior was confined to two, and not extended to include three or even more compartments. the ability to stand the flooding of two compartments only is not peculiar to the _titanic_. it represents the standard practice which is followed in all passenger ships, the spacing and height of whose bulkheads is determined in accordance with certain stipulations of the british board of trade. these stipulations, as given by prof. j. h. biles of glasgow university, in his book "design and construction of ships," are as follows: "a vessel is considered to be safe, even in the event of serious damage, if she is able to keep afloat with two adjoining compartments in free communication with the sea. the vessel must therefore have efficient transverse watertight bulkheads so spaced that when any two adjoining compartments are open to the sea, the uppermost deck to which all the bulkheads extend is not brought nearer to the surface of the water than a certain prescribed margin. "the watertight deck referred to is called the bulkhead deck. the line past which the vessel may not sink is called the margin of safety line. "the margin of safety line, as defined in the above report, is a line drawn round the side at a distance amidships of three-one-hundredths of the depth at side at that place below the bulkhead deck, and gradually approaching it toward the aft end, where it may be three-two-hundredths of the same depth below it." by referring to the diagrams on page 66 showing the disposition of bulkheads on certain notable ships, it will be seen that, in the case of the _titanic_, the application of the board of trade rule called for the extension of the bulkheads amidships only to the upper deck, which, at the loaded draft of 34 feet, was only 10 feet above the water-line! compare this with the safe construction adopted by brunel and scott russell over fifty-four years ago, who, in constructing the _great eastern_, extended all the bulkheads (see page 83) to the topmost deck, fully 30 feet above the water-line. [illustration: closing, from the bridge, all watertight doors throughout the ship by pulling a lever] before leaving the question of bulkheads, the writer would enter a strong protest against the present practice of placing watertight doors in the main bulkheads below the water-line. they are put there generally for the convenience of the engineand boiler-room forces, whose duties render it necessary for them to pass from compartment to compartment. as at present constructed, these doors are of the sliding type, and they can be closed simultaneously from the bridge, or separately, by hand. the safer plan is to permit no bulkhead doors below the water-line, and provide in their place elevators or ladders, enclosed in watertight trunks. access from compartment to compartment must then be had by way of the bulkhead deck. the advantage of lofty bulkheads was admirably illustrated in the case of the _city of paris_ and the _city of new york_, designed by mr. biles in 1888. although these were small ships compared with the _titanic_, their fourteen bulkheads were carried one deck higher. biles laid down the rule that no doors were to be cut through the bulkheads, and in spite of strenuous objections on the grounds of passenger accommodation and general convenience in the operation of the ship, he carried his point. [illustration: courtesy of engineering olympic and titanic 1912 lusitania 1906 great eastern 1858 campania 1893 paris 1868 a comparison of bulkhead protection in some notable ships] the wisdom of this construction was demonstrated years later, when, as a result of an accident to her engines, the two largest adjoining compartments of the _city of paris_ were flooded, at a time when the ship was 150 miles off the coast of ireland. there was no wireless in those days to send out its call for help, and for three days the ship drifted in a helpless condition. thanks to her lofty bulkheads, the good ship stood the ordeal and was finally brought into port without the loss of a single passenger. bulkhead spacing on notable ships ====================================================================== |date of |registered| no. of | average | per name |building| length, |main w. t.| length of |cent. of | | feet [1] |bulkheads |compartments| length -----------------+--------+----------+----------+------------+------- titanic | 1911 | 852.5 | 15 | 53 | 6.2 lusitania | 1907 | 762.0 | 16 | 45 | 5.9 george washington| 1908 | 699.0 | 13 | 50 | 7.1 great eastern | 1854-59| 680.0 | 9 | 68 | 10.0 carmania | 1905 | 650.0 | 15 | 50 | 7.8 campania | 1893 | 601.0 | 8 | 67 | 11.1 new york | 1888 | 517.0 | 14 | 37 | 6.7 alma | 1894 | 270.7 | 11 | 23 | 8.3 -----------------+--------+----------+----------+------------+------- [1] figures in this column represent the length between perpendiculars. an interesting study of bulkhead practice in some notable ships is afforded by the table and diagrams which are herewith reproduced by the courtesy of "engineering." in the matter of height of bulkheads above the water-line, the _great eastern_ stands first, followed by the _paris_, the _lusitania_, the _campania_, and the _titanic_. chapter v the unsinkable _great eastern_ of 1858 the term "unsinkable," as applied to ships, is used throughout the present work in an accommodated sense. there never was but one unsinkable craft, and for that we must go back to the age of primitive man, who doubtless paddled himself across the rivers and lakes upon a roughly fashioned log of wood. in the modern sense, an unsinkable ship is one which cannot be sunk by any of the ordinary accidents of the open sea, such as those due to stress of weather, or to collision with icebergs, derelicts, or some other ship. can such a ship be built? not only is it feasible to construct vessels of this type to-day; but, as far back as the year 1858, there was launched a magnificent ship, the _great eastern_, in which the provisions against foundering were so admirably worked out that probably she would have survived even the terrific collision which proved the undoing of the _titanic_. the _great eastern_ represented the joint labours of the two most distinguished engineers of the middle period of the nineteenth century, i. k. brunel and john scott russell. the former was responsible for the original idea of the ship, and it was he who suggested that it should be built upon the principles adopted in the rectangular, tubular bridge that had recently been built across the menai straits. to scott russell, as naval architect, were due the lines and dimensions of the ship and the elaborate system of transverse and longitudinal bulkheads. those were the days when the engineer was supreme. he worked with a free hand; and these two men set out to build a ship which should be not only the largest and strongest, but also the safest and most unsinkable vessel afloat. how they succeeded is shown by the fact, that on one of her voyages to new york, the _great eastern_ ran over some submerged rocks off montauk point, long island, and tore two great rents in her outer skin, whose aggregate area was equivalent to a rupture 10 feet wide and 80 feet long. in spite of this damage, which was probably greater in total area than that suffered by the _titanic_, the ship came safely to new york under her own steam. [illustration: courtesy of holmes' "ancient and modern ships" great eastern, 1858; the most completely protected passenger ship ever built] there can be no doubt that in undertaking to build a ship of the then unprecedented length of 692 feet, the designers were as much concerned with the question of her strength as with that of her ability to keep afloat in case of under-water damage. but it so happens that the very forms of construction which conduce to strength are favourable also to flotation--a fact which renders all the more reasonable the demand that, in all future passenger-carrying steamships, a return shall be made to the non-sinkable construction of this remarkable ship of over fifty years ago. let it not be supposed, however, that brunel and russell were insensible to the risks of foundering through under-water damage, or that the fully protected buoyancy of this vessel was accidental rather than the result of careful planning. for in the technical descriptions of the ship, it is stated that the inner skin was carried forward right up to the bow, as a protection against "collision with an iceberg," and it is further stated that the combination of longitudinal and transverse bulkheads afforded such complete subdivision, that "several compartments might be opened to the sea without endangering the ship." so remarkable in every respect was the _great eastern_, so admirable a model is she of safe construction, even for the naval architect of to-day, that a somewhat extended description of the construction of the vessel will doubtless be welcome. it was at the close of the year 1851 that brunel made a study of the problem of building a vessel of sufficient size to carry enough coal to make a round voyage to australia and back, and at the same time afford comfortable accommodations for an unusually large number of passengers and carry a large amount of freight. with the thoroughness and frank open-mindedness which distinguished the man, he sought for information and advice from every promising quarter. sir william white is of the opinion that all the leading features of the design, such as the structure, the arrangement of the propelling machinery, and the determination of dimensions, originated with brunel, who said at the time: "i never embarked on any one thing to which i have so entirely devoted myself and to which i have devoted so much time, thought, and labour; on the success of which i have staked so much reputation, and to which i have so largely committed myself and those who were supposed to place faith in me." sir william states that, after going carefully through brunel's notes and reports, his admiration for the remarkable grasp and foresight therein displayed has been greatly increased. "in regard to the provision of ample structural strength with a minimum of weight, the increase of safety by watertight subdivision and cellular double-bottom, the design of propelling machinery and boilers, with a view to economy of coal and great endurance for long-distance steaming; the selection of forms and dimensions likely to minimise resistance and favour good behaviour at sea, brunel displayed a knowledge of principles such as no other ship designer of that time seems to have possessed." the value of this tribute will be understood when it is borne in mind that sir william white is the most widely known architect of the day. the principal dimensions of the _great eastern_ were as follows: particulars of the _great eastern_ length between perpendiculars 680 feet length on upper deck 692 " extreme breadth of hull 83 " width over paddle-boxes 120 " depth from upper deck to keel 58 " draught of water (laden) 28 " weight of iron used in construction 10,000 tons the ship was propelled by two separate engines, driving respectively paddle-wheels and a single propeller. the engines for the paddle-wheels were of the oscillating type. the cylinders were four in number, 74 inches in diameter, by 14-feet stroke, and each one in the finished condition weighed 28 tons. the paddle-wheels were 56 feet in diameter. steam for these engines was supplied by four, double-ended, tubular boilers, each 17 feet 9 inches long, 17 feet 6 inches wide, and 13 feet 9 inches high, and weighing, with water, 95 tons. each boiler contained 10 furnaces. the screw engines, which were placed in the aftermost compartment of the machinery spaces, were of the horizontal, opposed type; there were four cylinders, 84 inches in diameter, by 4-feet stroke, and each one, in the finished condition, weighed 39 tons. the propeller shafting, 150 feet in length, weighed 60 tons. the four-bladed propeller was 24 feet in diameter. steam was supplied to these engines by six tubular boilers of about the same dimensions as those for the paddle-wheel engines. the working pressure was 25 pounds per square inch. [illustration: length, 692 feet; beam, 83 feet; depth, 58 feet. subdivision: double hull; nine main bulkheads, 53 feet high, extending to upper deck, and six sub-bulkheads 35 feet high, extending to lower deck. two longitudinal bulkheads through machinery spaces. longitudinal section and plan of the great eastern, 1858] the estimated speed of the _great eastern_ was 15 knots; her best actual performance on an extended voyage was an average speed of 14 knots, which was realised on one of her trips to new york. she was designed to carry 4,000 passengers, namely 800 first, 2,000 second, and 1,200 third class, besides a crew of 400. she had a capacity of 5,000 tons of cargo, and 12,000 tons of coal. when fitted up for the accommodation of troops she could carry 10,000. fully laden with passengers, cargo, and coal, she displaced, on a draft of 30 feet, about 27,000 tons;--her actual draft was from 26 to 28 feet. the accommodations for passengers would have done credit to one of our modern liners. there were five saloons on the upper, and another five on the lower deck. the uppermost deck afforded two unbroken and spacious promenades, one on each side of the ship, each of which was 20 feet wide and over 600 feet in length. because of the great length of the ship it was decided to launch her sideways,--a disastrous experiment which cost the company dear. the launching ways yielded under the great weight, the ship jammed on the ways, and she had to be laboriously forced into the river thames, inch by inch, by the aid of powerful hydraulic jacks. the great cost of the launching, which occupied two and a half months' time, caused the failure of the original company, and the ship was sold for $900,000 to a new company, who completed her in 1859. she made several voyages to america; and although in this service she was unprofitable, the great ship proved that she was staunch, eminently seaworthy, and fast for a passenger ship of that period. although the _great eastern_ was never employed on the australian service, for which she was designed, she was usefully employed in 1865 in laying two of the atlantic telegraph cables, and, subsequently, in similar service in other parts of the world--a work for which her great strength and size rendered her peculiarly adapted. after serving an inglorious career in the hands of the showman, the _great eastern_ was sold for the value of her metal and was broken up in the autumn of 1888. the financial failure of this ship was not due to any excessive first cost, resulting from the very thorough character of her construction, but rather to certain economic conditions of her time. traffic across the atlantic, both freight and passenger, was as yet in its infancy; and even if full cargoes had been available, the loading facilities of those days were so inadequate, that the ship would have been delayed in port for an unconscionable length of time. furthermore, fuel consumption, in that early stage of development of the steam engine, was excessive, the coal consumed per horsepower per hour being about three and one-half to four pounds, as compared with a modern consumption of from one and a quarter to one and a half pounds per horsepower. a careful study of the construction of this remarkable vessel establishes the fact that over fifty years ago brunel and scott russell produced in the _great eastern_ a ship which stands as a model for all time. realising, in the first place, how vulnerable is an iron vessel which carries only a single skin, they decided to provide a double skin and construct the ship with two separate hulls, placed one within the other and firmly tied together by a system of continuous longitudinal and lateral web-plates or frames. by reference to the cross-section, published on page 83, it will be seen that the double-skin construction extended entirely around the hull, and was carried up to a continuous plate-iron lower deck, which was from 8 to 10 feet above the water-line, the distance varying with the draft of the ship. the two skins were placed 2 feet 10 inches apart and they were tied together by 34 longitudinal web-members, which ran the entire length of the double hull, and divided the space between the two skins into separate watertight compartments. these were themselves further subdivided by a series of transverse webs which intersected the longitudinal webs. the cellular construction thus provided extended from the aftermost bulkhead right through to the bow, to which it was carried for the purpose of protecting the forward part of the ship against the effect of collision with icebergs, which at that early day were recognised as constituting a serious menace to navigation. the inner skin was not continued aft of the aftermost bulkhead, for the reason that at the stern it would have been unnecessary and somewhat inconvenient. [illustration: titanic built 1912 mauretania built 1906 great eastern built 1858 two extremes in protection, and a compromise] the double hull was closed in by a watertight iron deck (the lower deck), which served to entirely separate the boilerand engine-rooms and the holds from the passenger quarters. above the lower deck the hull was built with a single skin, which terminated at a flush, continuous, cellular steel deck, corresponding to the shelter deck of modern steamships, which extended unbroken from stem to stern. this deck was an unusually rigid structure. its upper and lower surfaces were each one inch in thickness, and each consisted of two layers of half-inch plating riveted together. the double deck thus formed was two feet in depth, and the intervening space was intersected by longitudinal girders, the whole construction forming an unusually stiff and strong watertight deck, which was admirably suited to meet the heavy tensional and compressive stresses, to which a ship of the length of the _great eastern_ is subjected when driving through head seas. the watertight subdivision of the _great eastern_ was more complete than that of any ship that was ever constructed for the merchant service, more thorough even than that of recent passenger ships which have been designed for use as auxiliary cruisers in time of war. in addition to the great protection afforded by her double hull, she was subdivided by nine transverse bulkheads, which extended from the bottom clear through to the upper deck, or to a height of 30 feet above the water-line. compare this with the practice followed in the _titanic_ and in all but a very few of the merchant ships of the present day, whose bulkheads are carried up only from one-third to one-half of that height, and too often terminate at a deck which is not, in the proper sense of the term, watertight. in addition to these main bulkheads, the _great eastern_ contained six additional transverse bulkheads, which extended to the iron lower deck. five of these were contained in the machinery spaces and one was placed aft of the aftermost main bulkhead. the submerged portion of the hull, or rather all that portion of it lying below the lower deck, was thus divided by 15 transverse bulkheads into 16 separate watertight compartments. [illustration: from an old photograph, taken in 1860 great eastern, lying at foot of canal street, north river, new york] not content with this, however, brunel ran throughout the whole of the machinery and engine spaces two longitudinal bulkheads, which extended from the bottom of the ship to the top deck. a further subdivision consisted of a curved steel roof which separated the boiler-rooms from the coal-bunkers above them. altogether the hull of the _great eastern_ was divided up into between 40 and 50 separate watertight compartments. an excellent structural feature, from which later practice has made a wide departure, was the fact that no doors were cut through the bulkheads below the lower deck. such was the _great eastern_, a marvel in her time and an object lesson, even to-day, in safe and unsinkable construction. that her valuable qualities were not obtained at the cost of extravagance in the use of material is one of the most meritorious features of her design and construction. on this point we cannot do better than quote from the address of sir william white, delivered when he was president of the institution of civil engineers: "i have most thoroughly investigated the question of the weight absorbed in the structure of the _great eastern_, and my conclusion is that it is considerably less than that of steel-built ships of approximately the same dimensions and of the most recent construction. of course these vessels are much faster, have more powerful engines, and have superstructures for passenger accommodation towering above the upper deck. these and other features involve additional weight; and the _great eastern_ has the advantage of being deeper in relation to her length than the modern ships. after making full allowance for these differences, my conclusion is that the _great eastern_ was a relatively lighter structure, although at the time she was built only iron plates of very moderate size were available." chapter vi the sinkable _titanic_ in all the long record of disasters involving the loss of human life there is none which appeals so strongly to the imagination as those which have occurred upon the high seas, and among these the loss of the _titanic_ stands out preëminent as the most stupendous and heartrending tragedy of them all. the ship itself was not only the latest and largest of those magnificent ocean liners which, because of their size and speed and luxurious appointments, have taken such a strong hold upon the public imagination, but it was popularly believed that because of her huge proportions, and the special precautions which had been taken to render her unsinkable, the _titanic_ was so far proof against the ordinary accidents of the sea as to survive the severest disaster and bring her passengers safely into port. the belief that the _titanic_ stood for the "last word" in naval architecture certainly seemed to be justified by the facts. she was not a contract-built ship in the commonly accepted sense of that term. on the contrary, she was built under a system which conduces to high-class workmanship and eliminates the temptations to cheap work, which must always exist when a contract is secured in the face of keen competition. the famous white star company have pointed with pride to the fact that the excellence of their ships was due largely to the fact that they had been built in the same shipbuilding yard and under an arrangement which encouraged the builders to embody in the ships the most careful design and workmanship. under this arrangement, messrs. harland & wolff, of belfast, build the white star vessels without entering into any hard and fast agreement as to the price: the only stipulation of this character being that, when the ship is accepted, they shall be paid for the cost of the ship, plus a certain profit, which is commonly believed to be ten per cent. [illustration: great eastern 1858 four watertight compartments titanic 1912 one watertight compartment _titanic_ shows omission of inner skin, longitudinal bulkheads, and watertight decks. transverse bulkheads are lower by 20 feet. fifty years' decline in safety construction] of the strength of the _titanic_ and the general high character of her construction there can be no doubt whatever. not only was she built to the requirements of the board of trade and the insurance companies, but, as we have noted, she was constructed by the leading shipbuilding company of the world, under conditions which would inspire them to put into the world's greatest steamship the very best that the long experience and ample facilities of the yard could produce. the principal dimensions of the _titanic_, as furnished by her owners, were as follows: particulars of the _titanic_ ft. ins. length over all 882 9 length between perpendiculars 850 0 breadth extreme 92 6 depth moulded to shelter deck 64 3 depth moulded to bridge deck 73 3 total height from keel to navigating bridge 104 0 load draft 34 6 gross tonnage 45,000 displacement in tons 60,000 indicated horsepower of reciprocating engines 38,000 shaft horsepower of turbine engine 22,000 in this connection the following table, giving the dimensions of the most notable steamships, from the _great eastern_ of 1858 to the _imperator_ of 1913, will be of interest. how rapidly the weight (displacement) increases with the length of these large ships, is shown by the fact that, although in length the _titanic_ is only about 27 per cent. greater than the _great eastern_, in displacement she exceeds her by considerably over 100 per cent. particulars of noted transatlantic liners ==============+======+========+======+=======+========+========+====== | |length | | | | | name | date |between | beam | plated| dis | horse| speed | |perpen| | depth | place| power | | |diculars| | | ment | | --------------+------+--------+------+-------+--------+--------+----- | | feet |feet |feet | tons | | knots | | | ins.| ins.| | | --------------+------+--------+------+-------+--------+--------+----- great eastern | 1858 | 680 | 83.0 | 58.0 | 27,000 | 7,650 | 14.0 city of paris | 1888 | 528 | 63.0 | 41.9 | 13,000 | 20,700 | 21.8 teutonic | 1890 | 565 | 57.6 | 42.2 | 12,000 | 19,500 | 21.0 campania | 1893 | 600 | 65.0 | 41.6 | 18,000 | 30,000 | 22.01 st. paul | 1895 | 536 | 63.0 | 42.0 | 16,000 | 18,000 | 21.08 k. wilhelm | | | | | | | der grosse | 1897 | 625 | 66.0 | 43.0 | 20,890 | 30,000 | 22.5 oceanic | 1899 | 685 | 68.5 | 49.0 | 28,500 | 27,000 | 20.7 deutschland | 1900 | 663 | 67.0 | 44.0 | 23,600 | 36,000 | 23.5 kaiser | | | | | | | wilhelm ii | 1903 | 678 | 72.0 | 52.6 | 26,000 | 38,000 | 23.5 adriatic | 1907 | 709 | 75.6 | 56.9 | 40,800 | 16,000 | 17.0 mauretania | 1907 | 760 | 88.0 | 60.6 | 44,640 | 70,000 | 26.01 la france | 1912 | 685 | 75.5 | 52.10 | 27,000 | 45,000 | 23.5 titanic | 1912 | 850 | 92.6 | 64.3 | 60,000 | 60,000 | 22.5 imperator | 1913 | 880 | 96.0 | 62.0 | 65,000 | 70,000 | 23.0 --------------+------+--------+------+-------+--------+--------+-----the general structure of the _titanic_ is shown by the midship section, page 83, and the side elevation, page 129. for about 550 feet amidships she contained 8 steel decks, the boat deck, promenade deck, bridge deck, shelter deck, saloon deck, upper deck, middle deck, and lower deck. the highest steel deck that extended continuously throughout the full length of the ship was the shelter deck. for 550 feet amidships the sideplating of the ship was carried up one deck higher to the bridge deck. the moulded or plated depth of the ship to the shelter deck was 64 feet 3 inches and to the bridge deck 73 feet 3 inches. this great depth of over 73 feet, in conjunction with specially heavy steel decks on the bridge and shelter decks, and the doubling of the plating at the bilges, (where the bottom rounds up into the side,) conjoined with the deep and heavy double bottom, served to give the _titanic_ the necessary strength to resist the bending stresses to which her long hull was subjected, when steaming across the heavy seas of the atlantic. the doubling of the plating on the bridge and shelter decks served the same purpose as the cellular steel construction which, as mentioned in the previous chapter, was adopted for the upper deck of the _great eastern_. [illustration: courtesy of the _scientific american_ olympic, sister to titanic, reaching new york on maiden voyage] the dimensions of the frames and plating of the hull were determined by the builder's long experience in the construction of large vessels. the cellular double bottom, which extended the full width of the ship, was of unusual depth and strength. throughout the ship, its depth was 5 feet 3 inches; but in the reciprocating engine-room, it was increased to 6 feet 3 inches. the keel consisted of a single thickness of plating, 1½ inches thick, and a heavy, flat bar, 3 inches in thickness and 19½ inches wide. generally speaking, the shell plates were 6 feet wide, 30 feet long, and 2½ to 3 tons in weight. the largest of these plates was 36 feet long and weighed 4¼ tons. amidships, the framing, which consisted of channel sections 10 inches in depth, was spaced 3 feet apart. throughout the boiler-room spaces, additional frames, 2½ feet deep, were fitted 9 feet apart, and in the engineand turbine-rooms, similar deep frames were fitted on every second frame, 6 feet apart. these heavy web-frames extended up to the middle deck, a few feet above the water-line, and added greatly to the strength and stiffness of the hull. had the inside plating of the double bottom been carried up the sides and riveted on the inner flanges of these frames, as shown in the sketch on page 107, it would have served the purpose of an inner skin; and when the outer skin of her forward boiler-rooms was ruptured by the iceberg, it would have served to prevent the inflow of water to these two large compartments. mr. ismay, the president of the international mercantile marine company, in his testimony at the senate investigation, stated that among the improvements, which would be made in the _gigantic_, now under construction for the company, would be the addition of an inner skin. doubtless he had in mind the construction above suggested. the 10-inch channel frames extended from the double bottom to the bridge deck, and some of these bars were 66 feet in length and weighed nearly 1 ton apiece. the frames were tied together along the full length of each deck by the deck beams of channel section, which, throughout the middle portion of the ship, were 10 inches deep and weighed as high as 1¼ tons apiece. the transverse stiffness of the framing was assured by stout bracket knees, riveted to the frames and deck beams at each point of connection, and by the 15 watertight bulkheads, which were riveted strongly to the bottom and sides of the ship, and also by 11 non-watertight bulkheads, which formed the inner walls of the coal bunkers on each side of the main bulkheads. the bridge, shelter, saloon, and upper decks were supported and stiffened by four lines of heavy longitudinal girders, worked in between the beams, which were themselves carried by solid round pillars placed at every third deck beam. in the boiler-rooms, below the middle deck, the load of the superincumbent decks was carried down to the double bottom by means of heavy round pillars. such was the construction of the _titanic_; and it will be agreed that, so far as the strength and integrity of the hull were concerned, it was admirably adapted to meet the heavy stresses which are involved in driving so great and heavy a ship through the tempestuous weather of the north atlantic. the first sight of such a gigantic vessel as the _titanic_ produces an impression of solidity and invulnerability, which is not altogether justified by the facts. for, to tell the truth, the modern steamship is a curious compound of strength and fragility. her strength, as must be evident from the foregoing description of the framing of the _titanic_, is enormous, and ample for safety. her fragility and vulnerability lie in the fact that her framework is overlaid with a relatively thin skin of plating, an inch or so in thickness, which, while amply strong to resist the inward pressure of the water, the impact of the seas, and the tensile and compressive stresses due to the motion of the ship in a seaway, etc., is readily fractured by the blow of a collision. [illustration: the framing and some of the deck beams of the imperator, as seen from inside the bow, before the outside plating was rivetted on] in a previous chapter it was shown that when the _titanic_ is being driven at a speed of 21 knots, she represents an energy of over 1,000,000 foot-tons. if this enormous energy is arrested, or sought to be arrested, by some rigid obstruction, whether another ship, a rock, or an iceberg, the delicate outside skin will be torn like a sheet of paper. it was shown in chapter iv that protection against flooding of a ship through damage below the water-line is obtained by subdividing the hull into separate watertight compartments, and that, roughly speaking, the degree of protection is proportionate to the extent to which this subdivision is carried. applying this to the _titanic_, we find that she was divided by 15 transverse bulkheads into 16 separate compartments. but, in this connection it must be noted that these bulkheads did not extend through the whole height of the ship to the shelter deck, as they did in the case of the _great eastern_, and therefore it cannot be said that the whole of the interior space of the hull received the benefit of subdivision. as a matter of fact, only about two-thirds of the total cubical space contained below the shelter deck was protected by subdivision. water, finding its way into the ship above the level of the decks to which the bulkheads were carried, was free to flow the whole length of her from stem to stern. furthermore, the value of the subdivision below the bulkhead deck depends largely upon the degree to which this deck is made watertight. if the deck is pierced by hatchways, stairways, and other openings, which are not provided with watertight casings and hatch covers, the integrity of the deck is destroyed, and the bulkhead subdivision below loses its value. it was largely this most serious defect--the existence of many unprotected openings in the bulkhead deck of the _titanic_--that caused her to go down so soon after the collision. [illustration: this drawing shows how the plating of the inner bottom of such a ship as the titanic may be carried up the side frames to form an inner skin] referring now to the side elevation of the titanic on page 129, it will be noted that the only bulkhead which was carried up to the shelter deck was the first, or collision bulkhead. the second bulkhead extended to the saloon deck, and on the after side of this and immediately against it was a spiral stairway for the accommodation of the crew, which led from their quarters down to the floor of the ship. here the stairway terminated in a fireman's passage, which led aft through the third and fourth bulkheads, and gave access through a watertight door to the foremost boiler-room. the seven bulkheads, from no. 3 to no. 9, extended only to the upper deck, which, at load draft, was only about 10 feet above the water-line. bulkhead no. 10 was carried up one deck higher to the saloon deck, as were also bulkheads 11, 12, 13, and 14. bulkhead no. 15 terminated at the upper deck. now, it will be asked: what was the factor in the calculations which determined the height of these bulkheads? the answer is to be found in the board of trade stipulations, to which reference was made in chapter iv, page 62. these stipulations establish an imaginary safety line, below which a ship may not sink without danger of foundering. the safety line represents the depth to which a ship will sink when any two adjoining compartments are opened to the sea and therefore flooded. if the two forward compartments are flooded, for instance, the bow may sink with safety, until the water is only three one-hundredths of the depth of the ship, at the side, from the bulkhead deck. if two central compartments are flooded, the ship is supposed to settle with safety until the bulkhead deck at that point is only three one-hundredths of the depth of the side, at that place, above the water. the raising of the height of the bulkheads, by one deck, at the engine-room, is due to the operation of this rule; for here the two adjoining compartments, those containing the reciprocating engines and the turbine, are the largest in the ship, and their flooding would sink the ship proportionately lower in the water. now it takes but a glance at the diagrams on page 66 to show that the application of the board of trade rule brought the bulkhead line of the _titanic_ down to a lower level than that of any of the other notable ships shown in comparison with her. it was the low bulkheads, acting in connection with the non-watertight construction of the bulkhead deck, that was largely answerable for the loss of this otherwise very fine ship. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ twenty of the twenty-nine boilers of the titanic assembled, ready for placing in the ship] another grave defect in the _titanic_ was the great size of the individual compartments, coupled with the fact that the only protection against their being flooded was the one-inch plating of the outside skin. if this plating were ruptured or the rivets started along the seams, there was nothing to prevent the flooding of the whole compartment and the entry, at least throughout the middle portion of the ship, of from 4,000 to 6,000 tons of water--this last being the approximate capacity of the huge compartment which contained the two reciprocating engines. now, if safety lies in minute subdivision, it is evident that in this ship safety was sacrificed to some other considerations. the motive for the plan adopted was the desire to place the coal-bunkers in the most convenient position with regard to the boilers. by reference to the hold plan of the _titanic_, page 129, it will be seen that her 29 boilers were arranged transversely to the ship. with the exception of the five in the aftermost compartment, they were "double-ended," with the furnaces facing fore and aft. to facilitate shovelling the coal into the furnaces, the coal-bunkers were placed one on each side of each transverse watertight bulkhead. the coal supply was thus placed immediately back of the firemen, and the work of getting the coal from the bunkers to the furnaces was greatly facilitated. now, while this was an admirable arrangement for convenience of firing, it was the worst possible plan as far as the safety of the _titanic_ was concerned; since any damage to the hull admitted water across the whole width of the ship. the alternative plan, which should be made compulsory on all large ocean-going passenger steamers, is the one adopted for the _mauretania_, _kaiser wilhelm ii_, _imperator_, and a few other first-class ships, in which the coal-bunkers are placed at the sides of the ship, where they serve to prevent the flooding of the main boiler-room compartments. it is probable that any one of the ships named would have survived even the terrific collision which sank the _titanic_. the objection has been raised against longitudinal coal-bunkers, that they are not so conveniently placed for the firemen. a large force of "coal passers" has to be employed in wheeling the coal from the bunkers to the front of the furnaces. this, of course, entails an increased expense of operation. the use of transverse coal-bunkers must be regarded as one among many instances, in which the safety of passenger ships is sacrificed to considerations of economy and convenience of operation. chapter vii how the great ship went down the _titanic_, fresh from the builder's hands, sailed from southampton, wednesday, april 10, 1912. she reached cherbourg on the afternoon of the same day, and queenstown, ireland, at noon on thursday. after embarking the mails and passengers, she left for new york, having on board 1,324 passengers and a ship's complement of officers and crew of 899 persons. the passenger list showed that there were 329 first-class, 285 second-class, and 710 third-class passengers. the weather throughout the voyage was clear and the sea calm. at noon on the third day out, a wireless message was received from the _baltic_, dated sunday, april 14, which read: "greek steamship _athinai_ reports passing icebergs and large quantity of field ice to-day in latitude 41.51 north, longitude 49.52 west." at about 7 p.m. a second warning was received by the _titanic_, this time from the _californian_, which reported ice about 19 miles to the northward of the track on which the _titanic_ was steaming. the message read: "latitude 42.3 north, longitude 49.9 west. three large bergs five miles to southward of us." later there was a third message: "_amerika_ passed two large icebergs in 41.27 north, 50.8 west on the 14th of april." a fourth message, sent by the _californian_, reached the ship about an hour before the accident occurred, or about 10.40 o'clock, which said: "we are stopped and surrounded by ice." [illustration: copyright by underwood & underwood, n. y. the last photograph of the titanic, taken as she was leaving southampton on her maiden voyage] these wireless warnings prove that the captain of the _titanic_ knew there was ice to the north, to the south, and immediately ahead of the southerly steamship route on which he was steaming. the evidence shows that captain smith remarked to the officer doing duty on the bridge, "if it is in a slight degree hazy we shall have to go very slowly." the officer of the watch instructed the lookouts to "keep a sharp lookout for ice." the night was starlit and the weather exceptionally clear. after leaving queenstown the speed of the _titanic_ had been gradually increased. the run for the first day was 464 miles, for the second 519 miles, and for the third day, ending at noon sunday, it was 546 miles. testimony given before the court of inquiry under lord mersey, showed that the chief engineer had arranged to drive the vessel at full speed for a few hours either on monday or tuesday. twenty-one of the twenty-nine boilers were in use until sunday night, when three more were "lighted." it is evident that the engines were being gradually speeded up to their maximum revolutions. both on the bridge and in the engine-room there was a manifest reluctance to allow anything to interfere with the full-speed run of the following day. this is the only possible explanation of the amazing fact that, in spite of successive warnings that a large icefield with bergs of great size was drifting right across the course of the _titanic_, fire was put under additional boilers and the speed of the ship increased. it was shown in a previous chapter on "the dangers of the sea," that one of the greatest risks of high-speed travel across the north atlantic is a certain spirit of _sangfroid_ which is liable to be begotten of constant familiarity with danger and a continual run of good luck. if familiarity ever bred contempt, surely it must have done so among the captain and officers of the _titanic_ on that fatal night. one looks in vain for evidence that the situation was regarded as highly critical and calling for the most careful navigation;--calling, surely, for something more than the mere keeping of a good lookout--an imperative duty at all times, whether by day or night. yet the fate of that ship and her precious freight of human life hung upon the mere chance of sighting an obstruction in time to avoid collision by a quick turn of the helm. the question of hitting or missing was one not of minutes but of seconds. a ship like this, nigh upon a thousand feet in length, makes a wide sweep in turning, even with the helm hard over. at 21 knots the _titanic_ covered over a third of a mile in a minute's time. even with her engines reversed she would have surged ahead for a half mile or so before coming to a stop. should she strike an obstruction at full speed, the blow delivered would equal that of the combined broadsides of two modern dreadnoughts. [illustration: photograph by underwood & underwood, n. y. the elimination of swimming pools, squash courts and summer gardens would cover the cost of additional bulkheads and inner skins. swimming pool on the titanic] and so the majestic ship swept swiftly to her doom--a concrete expression of man's age-long struggle to subdue the resistless forces of nature--a pathetic picture both of his power and his impotence. as she sped on under the dim light of the stars, not a soul on board dreamed to what a death-grapple she was coming with the relentless powers of the sea. latest product of the shipbuilder's art, she was about to brush elbows with another giant of the sea, launched by nature from the frozen shipyards of the north, and she was to reel from the contact stricken to the death like the fragile thing she was! at 11.46 p.m. the sharp warning came from the lookout: "iceberg right ahead." instantly the engines were reversed and the helm was put hard a-starboard. a few seconds earlier and she might have cleared. as it was, she struck an underwater, projecting shelf of the iceberg, and ripped open 200 feet of her plating, from forward of the collision bulkhead to a few feet aft of the bulkhead separating boiler-rooms numbers 5 and 6. it was a death wound! how deeply the iceberg cut into the fabric of the ship will never be known. probably the first incision was deep and wide, the damage, as the shelf of ice was ground down by contact with the framing and plating of the ship becoming less in area as successive compartments were ruptured. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ the titanic struck a glancing blow against an under-water shelf of the iceberg, opening up five compartments. had she been provided with a watertight deck at or near the water line, the water which entered the ship would have been confined below that deck, and the buoyancy of that portion of the ship above water would have kept her afloat. as it was, the water rose through openings in the decks and destroyed the reserve buoyancy] whatever may have been the depth of the injury, it is certain from the evidence that the six forward compartments were opened to the sea. immediately after the collision the whistling of air, as it issued from the escape pipe of the forepeak tank, indicated that the tank was being filled by an inrush of water. the three following compartments, in which were located the baggage-room and mail-room, were quickly flooded. leading fireman barrett, who was in the forward boiler-room, felt the shock of the collision. immediately afterwards he saw the outer skin of the ship ripped open about two feet above the floor, and a large volume of water came rushing into the ship. he was quick enough to jump through the open door in the bulkhead separating boiler-rooms 6 and 5, before it was released from the bridge. the damage just abaft of this bulkhead admitted water to the forward coal-bunker of room no. 5, which held for a while, but being of non-watertight and rather light construction, must have soon given way; for the same witness testified to a sudden rush of water coming across the floor-plates between the boilers. in spite of the frightful extent of the damage, the _titanic_, because of the great height to which her plated structure extended above the water-line, and the consequent large amount of reserve buoyancy which she possessed, would probably have remained afloat a great many hours longer than she did, had the deck to which her bulkheads extended been thoroughly watertight. as it was, this deck (upper deck e) was pierced by hatchways and stairways which, as the bow settled deeper and deeper, permitted the water to flow up over the deck and pass aft over the tops of the after bulkheads and so-called watertight compartments. see page 129. now, it so happened that for the full length of the boiler-rooms there had been constructed on upper deck e what was known as the "working-crew alleyway." on the inboard side of this passage six non-watertight doors opened on to as many iron ladders leading down to the boiler-rooms. not only were these doors non-watertight, but they consisted of a mere open frame or grating, this construction having been adopted, doubtless, for purposes of ventilation. unfortunately, although there was a watertight door at the after end of this alleyway, there was none at its forward end. the water which boiled up from the forward flooded compartments, as it flowed aft, poured successively through the open grating of the alleyway doors, flooding the compartments below, one after the other. [illustration: titanic 1912 mauretania 1906 _titanic_: single skin, 16 compartments; _mauretania_: double skin, 34 compartments. comparison of subdivision in two famous ships] it does not take a technically instructed mind to understand from this that the safety elements of the construction of the _titanic_ were as faulty above the water-line as they were below it. the absence of an inner skin and the presence of these many openings in her bulkhead deck combined to sink this huge ship, whose reserve buoyancy must have amounted to at least 80,000 tons, in the brief space of two and one-half hours. not until the designer, mr. andrews, had made known to the captain that the ship was doomed was the order given to man the lifeboats. the lifeboats, forsooth! twenty of them in all with a maximum accommodation, if every one were loaded to its full capacity, of something over one thousand, for a ship's company that numbered 2,223 in all. just here, in this very fatal discrepancy, is to be found proof of the widespread belief that a great ship like the _titanic_ was practically unsinkable, and therefore in times of dire stress such as this, was well able to act as its own lifeboat until rescuing ships, summoned by wireless, should come to her aid. the manner of the stricken ship's final plunge to the bottom may be readily gathered from the stories told by the survivors. as compartment after compartment was filled by overflow from the decks above, her bow sank deeper and her stern lifted high in the air, until the ship, buoyed up by her after compartments, swung almost vertically in the water like a gigantic spar buoy. in this unaccustomed position, her engines and boilers, standing out from the floor like brackets from a wall, tore loose from their foundations and crashed down into the forward part of the ship. probably it was the muffled roar of this falling machinery that caused some of the survivors to imagine that they witnessed the bursting of boilers and the breaking apart of the hull. as a matter of fact, the shell of the _titanic_ went to the bottom practically intact. one by one the after compartments gave way, until the ship, weighted at her forward end with the wreckage of engineand boiler-rooms, sank, straight as an arrow, to bury herself deep in the ooze of the atlantic bottom two miles below. there, for aught we know, with several hundred feet of her hull rising sheer above the ocean floor, she may now be standing, a sublime memorial shaft to the fifteen hundred souls who perished in this unspeakable tragedy! [illustration: photograph by underwood & underwood, n. y. smaller rooms would admit of higher bulkheads and better fire-protection. the vast dining-room of the titanic] chapter viii warship protection against ram, mine, and torpedo the most perfect example of protection by subdivision of the hull into separate compartments is to be found in the warship. it is safe to say that there is no feature of the design to which more careful thought is given by the naval constructor than this. loss of stability in a naval engagement means the end of the fight so far as the damaged ship is concerned. nay, even a partial loss of stability, causing the ship to take a heavy list, may throw a ship's batteries entirely out of action, the guns on the high side being so greatly elevated and those on the low side so much depressed, that neither can be effectively trained upon the enemy. furthermore, deep submergence following the entrance of large quantities of water, will cut down the ship's speed; with the result, either that she must fall out of line or the speed of the whole fleet must be reduced. in the battle of the sea of japan it was the bursting of heavy 12-inch shells at or just below the water-line of the leading ship of the russian line that sent her to the bottom before she had received any serious damage to her main batteries. later in the fight, several other russian battleships capsized from the same cause, assisted by the weight of extra supplies of coal which the russians had stowed on the upper decks above the water-line. [illustration: courtesy of _u. s. navy department_ below the water line this ship is divided into 500 water-tight compartments. the united states battleship kansas] in the matter of subdivision as a protection against sinking, there is this important difference between the merchant ship and the warship, that, whereas the merchant ship is sunk through accident, the warship is sunk by deliberate intention. the amount of damage done to the former ship will be great or small according to the accidental conditions of the time; but the damage to the warship is the result of a deliberately planned attack, and is wrought by powerful agencies, designed to execute the maximum amount of destruction with every blow delivered. a large proportion of the time and money which have been expended in the development of the instruments of naval warfare has been devoted to the design and construction of weapons, whose object is to sink the enemy by destroying the integrity of the submerged portion of the hull. chief among these weapons are the ram, the torpedo, and the mine. there can be no question that the damage inflicted by the ram of a warship would be far greater, other things being equal, than that inflicted by the bow of a merchant ship. the ram is built especially for its purpose. not only is it an exceedingly stiff and strong construction; but it is so framed and tied into the bow of the warship, that it will tear open a long, gaping wound in the hull of the enemy before it is broken off or twisted out of place. the bow of the merchant vessel is a relatively frail structure, and many a ship that has been rammed has owed its salvation to the fact that immediately upon contact, the bow of the ramming ship is crumpled up or bent aside, and the depth of penetration into the vessel that is rammed is greatly limited. furthermore, because of its underwater projection, the ram develops the whole force of the blow beneath the water-line, where the injury will be most fatal. even more potent than the ram is the torpedo, which of late years has been developed to a point of efficiency in range, speed, and destructive power which has rendered it perhaps the most dreaded of all the weapons of naval warfare. the modern torpedo carries in its head a charge of over 200 pounds of guncotton and has a range of 10,000 yards. ordinarily, it is set to run at a depth of 10 to 12 feet below the water; and should it get home against the side of a ship, it will strike her well below the armour belt and upon the relatively thin plating of the hull. most destructive of all weapons for underwater attack, however, is the mine, which sent to the bottom many a good ship during the russo-japanese war. the more deadly effects of the mine, as compared with the torpedo, are due to its heavy charge of high explosive, which sometimes reaches as high as 500 pounds. contact, even with a mine, is not necessarily fatal; indeed the notable instances in which warships have gone to the bottom immediately upon striking a mine have been due to the fact that the mine exploded immediately under, or in close proximity to the ship's magazines, which, being set off by the shock, tore the ship apart and caused her to go down within a few minutes' time. this was what happened to our own battleship _maine_ in havana harbour, and to the russian battleship _petropavlovsk_ and the japanese battleship _hatsuse_ at port arthur. enough has been said to prove that when the naval architect undertakes to build a hull that will be proof against the blow, not merely of one but of several of these terrific weapons, he has set himself a task that may well try his ingenuity to the utmost. protection by heavy armour is out of the question. the weight would be prohibitive and, indeed, all the side armour that he can put upon the ship is needed at the water-line and above it, as a protection against the armour-piercing, high-explosive shells of the enemy. heavy armour, then, being out of the question, he has to fall back upon the one method of defense left at his disposal,--minute subdivision into watertight compartments. associated with this is the placing at the water-line of a heavy steel deck, known as the protective deck, which extends over the whole length and breadth of the hull and is made thoroughly watertight. [illustration: courtesy of robinson's "naval construction" hold plan. inboard profile. these drawings show the minute subdivision of a battleship. below the protective deck (shown by heavy line) the hull contains 500 water-tight compartments. plan and longitudinal section of the battleship connecticut] the double-skin construction, which was used to such good effect in the _great eastern_, is found in every large warship; and in a battleship of the first class, the two skins are spaced widely apart, a spacing of three or more feet being not unusual. the double-hull construction, with its exceedingly strong framing, is carried up to about water-line level, where it is covered in by the protective deck above referred to. below the protective deck the interior is subdivided into a number of small compartments by transverse bulkheads, which extend from the inner bottom to the protective deck, and from side to side of the ship. the transverse compartments thus formed are made as small as possible, the largest being those which contain the boilers and engines. forward and aft of the boilerand engine-room compartments the transverse bulkheads are spaced much closer together, the uses to which these portions of the ship are put admitting of more minute subdivision. by the courtesy of naval constructor r. h. m. robinson, u.s.n., we reproduce on page 143 from his work "naval construction" a hold plan and an inboard profile of a typical battleship,--the _connecticut_,--which give a clear impression of the completeness with which the interior is bulkheaded. although the ship shown is less than one-half as long as the _titanic_, she has 27 transverse bulkheads as against the 15 on the larger ship; and all but nine of these are carried clear across the ship from side to side. equally complete is the system of longitudinal bulkheads. most important of these is a central bulkhead, placed on the line of the keel, and running from stem to stern. on each side of this and extending the full length of the machinery spaces, is another bulkhead, which forms the inner wall of the coal-bunkers. forward and aft of the machinery spaces are other longitudinal bulkheads, which form the fore-and-aft walls of the handling-rooms and ammunition-rooms. to appreciate the completeness of the subdivision, we must look at the inboard profile and note that the spaces forward and aft of the engineand boiler-rooms are further subdivided, in horizontal planes, by several steel, watertight decks or "flats," as they are called. including the compartments enclosed between the walls of the double hull, the whole interior of the battleship _connecticut_, below the protective deck, is divided up into as many as 500 separate and perfectly watertight compartments. moreover, in some of the latest battleships of the dreadnought type the practice has been followed of permitting no doors of any description to be cut through the bulkheads below the water-line. access from one compartment to another can be had only by way of the decks above. furthermore, all the openings through the protective deck are provided with strong watertight hatches or, as in the case of the openings for the smoke stacks, ammunition-hoists, and ventilators, they are enclosed by watertight steel casings, extending to the upper decks, far above the water-line. in the later warships, further protection is afforded by constructing the first deck above the protective deck of heavy steel plating and making it thoroughly watertight, every opening in this deck, such as those for stairways, being provided with watertight steel hatches. this deck, also, is thoroughly subdivided by bulkheads and provided with watertight doors. it sounds like a truism to say that a watertight bulkhead must be watertight; yet it is a fact that only in the navy are the proper precautions taken to test the bulkheads and make sure that they will not leak when they are subjected to heavy water pressure. before a ship is accepted by the government, every compartment is tested by filling it with water and placing it under the maximum pressure to which it would be subjected if the ship were deeply submerged. if any leaks are observed in the bulkheads, decks, etc., they are carefully caulked up, and the test is repeated until the bulkhead is absolutely tight. now, here is a practice which should be made compulsory in the construction of all passenger-carrying steamships. only by filling a compartment with water is it possible to determine whether that compartment is watertight. to send an important ship to sea without testing her bulkheads is an invitation to disaster. the amount of water that may find its way through a newly-constructed bulkhead is something astonishing; for although the leakage along any particular joint or seam of the plating may be relatively small, the aggregate amount will be surprisingly large. [illustration: between the boiler rooms and the sea are four, separate, watertight walls of steel. the whole is covered in by a 3-inch watertight steel deck. midship section of a battleship] let us now pass on to consider the actual efficiency of the watertight subdivision as thus so carefully worked out in the modern warship. thanks to the russo-japanese war, which afforded a supreme test of the underwater protection of ships, the value of the present methods of construction has been proved to an absolute demonstration. the following facts, which, were given to the writer by captain (now admiral) von essen of the russian navy, at the close of the russo-japanese war, and were published in the "scientific american," serve to show what great powers of resistance are conferred on a warship by the system of subdivision above described. the story of the repeated damage inflicted and the method of extemporised repairs adopted, is so full of interest that it is given in full: "immediately after the disaster of the night of february 8th," when the japanese, in a surprise attack, torpedoed several of the russian ships, "the cruiser _pallada_ was floated into drydock, and the battleships _czarevitch_ and _retvizan_ were taken into the inner harbour, and repairs executed by means of caissons of timber, built around the gaping holes which had been blown into their hulls by torpedoes. the repairs to the _pallada_ were completed early in april, and about the 20th of june the _czarevitch_ and _retvizan_ were also in condition to take the sea. on the 13th of april, during the sortie in which the _petropavlovsk_ was sunk with admiral makaroff on board, the battleship _pobieda_, in returning to the harbour, struck a contact mine, and was heavily damaged. similar repairs were executed, and this ship was able to take her station in the line in the great sortie of august 10. "on june 23 captain von essen's ship, the _sevastopol_, was sent outside the harbour to drive off several japanese cruisers that were shelling the line of fortifications to the east of port arthur. this she accomplished; but in returning she struck a japanese mine, which blew in about 400 square feet on the starboard side, abaft the foremast, at a depth of about 7 feet below the water-line. the rent was from 7 to 10 feet in depth and 35 to 40 feet in length. the frames, ten in all, were bent inward, or torn entirely apart, and the plating was blown bodily into the ship. she was taken into the inner harbour, where the injured portion of the hull was enclosed by a timber caisson in the manner shown in the engravings on page 155. the caisson--a rectangular, three-sided chamber--was built of 9-in. by 9-in. timbers, tongued and grooved and carefully dovetailed. the floor of the caisson abutted against the bilge keel. the outer wall, which was at a distance of about 10 feet from the hull, had a total depth of about 34 feet, the total length of the caisson being about 75 feet. knee-bracing of heavy timbers was worked in between the floor and the walls, and the construction was stiffened by heavy, diagonal bolts, which passed through from floor to outside wall, as shown in the drawing. watertight contact between the edge of the caisson and the hull of the ship was secured by the use of hemp packing covered with canvas. the whole of the outside of the caisson was covered with canvas, and upon this was laid a heavy coating of hot tar. the caisson was then floated into position and drawn up snugly against the side of the ship by means of cables, some of which passed underneath the ship and were drawn tight on the port side, while others were attached to the top edge of the caisson and led across to steam winches on deck. after the water had been pumped out, the hydraulic pressure served to hold the caisson snugly against the hull. the damaged plating and broken frames were then cut away; new frames were built into the ship, the plating was riveted on, and the vessel was restored to first-class condition without entering drydock. [illustration: the battleship _sevastopol_ was twice struck by a mine; but she remained afloat and was repaired by the use of caissons without entering dry dock. safety lies in subdivision] "on september the 20th, during operations outside the harbour, the _sevastopol_ again struck a mine, and by a curious coincidence she was damaged in the exact spot where she received her first injury. this time, however, the mine was much larger and it was estimated to have contained fully 400 pounds of high explosive. the shock was terrific and the area of the injury was fully 700 square feet. the ship immediately took a heavy list to starboard, which was corrected by admitting water to compartments on the port side. she was brought back into the harbour, and a repair caisson was again applied. the repairing of this damage was, of course, a longer job. moreover, it was done at a time when the japanese 11-inch mortar batteries were getting the range and making frequent hits. one 11-inch shell struck the bridge just above the caisson and, when it burst, a shower of heavy fragments tore through the outer wall of the caisson, letting in the water and necessitating extensive repairs. nevertheless, the _sevastopol_ was again put in seaworthy condition, this time the repairs taking about two and one-half months' time. during the eleven months of the siege of port arthur five big repair jobs of the magnitude above described were completed, and over one dozen perforations of the hull below water, due to heavy projectiles, were repaired, either in drydock or by the caisson method." now, when it is remembered that the _sevastopol_ was not a new ship, and that her internal subdivision was not nearly so complete as that which is found in the most modern battleships, it will be realised how effective are properly built bulkheads and thoroughly watertight compartments against even the most extensive injury to the outer shell of a ship. it is claimed for the latest battleships of the dreadnought type, built for the united states navy, that they would remain afloat, even after having been struck by three or four torpedoes. now, it is inexpedient to build merchant ships with such an elaborate system of watertight compartments as that described in this chapter. considerations of cost and convenience of operation render this impossible; but it is entirely possible to incorporate in the large passenger steamers a sufficient degree of protection of this character to render them proof against sinking by the accidents of collision, whether with another ship, a derelict, or even with the dreaded iceberg. the manner in which the problem has been worked out in several of the most noted passenger steamers of the present day is reserved for discussion in the following chapter. [illustration: this ship has twenty-four compartments below the water line. fire-bulkheads protect passenger decks. the 65,000-ton, 23-knot imperator--largest ship afloat] chapter ix warship protection as applied to some ocean liners it was shown in the previous chapter that the most completely protected vessel, so far as its flotation is concerned, is the warship, and plans were given of a battleship whose hull below the water-line was subdivided into no less than five hundred separate watertight compartments. facts were cited from the naval operations in and around the harbour of port arthur, which prove that the battleship is capable of sustaining an enormous amount of injury below the water-line without going to the bottom. now, if it were possible to apply subdivision to the large ocean liners on the liberal scale on which it is worked out in ships of war, it would not be going too far to say that they would be absolutely unsinkable by any of the usual accidents of collision. the 60,000-ton _titanic_, were she subdivided as minutely as the warship shown on page 143, would contain at least 1,500 separate compartments below her lower deck, and under these conditions even the long rent which was torn in her plating would have done no more than set her down slightly by the head. her pumps would have taken care of the leakage of water through the bulkheads, and the ship would have come into new york harbour under her own steam. but a warship and a passenger ship are two very different propositions. the one, being designed to resist the attack of an implacable enemy, who is using every weapon that the ingenuity of man can devise to effect its destruction, is built with little if any regard to the cost. the other, built as a commercial proposition for the purpose of earning reasonable dividends for its owners, and exposed only to such risks of damage as are incidental to ocean transportation, is constructed as economically as reasonable considerations of strength and safety may permit. another important limitation which renders it impossible to give a passenger ship the elaborate subdivision of a warship, is the necessity of providing large cargo spaces and wide hatchways for the convenient handling and stowage of the freight, upon which a large proportion of the passenger-carrying vessels chiefly depend for their revenue. [illustration: courtesy of _scientific american_ longitudinal bulkheads form an inner skin through machinery spaces. transverse bulkheads extend two decks (20 feet) above water line, the height increasing towards the ends. longitudinal section and plan of the imperator] on the other hand, the main features of warship protection may be so applied to the large merchant ship as to render her as proof against collision with icebergs, derelicts, or with other vessels, as the warship is against the blow of the ram, the mine, or the torpedo. and the merchant ship of the size of our largest ocean liners has the great advantage over the warship (provided that the average size of her compartments be not too greatly increased) that her great size is in itself a safeguard against sinking. by way of showing what can be done in applying warship principles of subdivision to merchant vessels, we shall consider in some detail three notable ships, the _mauretania_, the _kronprinzessin cecilie_, and the recently launched _imperator_. the _mauretania_ and her sister, the _lusitania_, were built under an agreement with the british government, who stipulated that they would provide a sum sufficient to pay for the new vessels not to exceed $13,000,000, secured on debentures at 2¾ per cent. interest. the two ships were to be of large size and capable of maintaining a minimum average ocean speed of 24½ knots in moderate weather. the government also agreed that if the ships fulfilled these conditions, the cunard company was to be paid annually $750,000.00. in return for this extremely liberal assistance, the cunard company agreed to employ them in the british mail-carrying service; to so construct them that they would be available for use as auxiliary cruisers; and to hold them at the instant service of the government in case of war. in addition to holding the ships at the service of the government, it was agreed that all the officers and three-fourths of the crew should be british subjects, and that a large proportion should belong to the royal naval reserve. the ships were thus to be utilised as a training school for officers and seamen, and with this point in view a record of the personnel was to be made each month. the particulars of these two ships as finally constructed are as follows: length over all 790 feet; beam, 88 feet; displacement, 46,000 tons; and horsepower, 70,000. both vessels greatly exceeded the contract speed of 24½ knots, the _lusitania_ having maintained over 25½ knots and the _mauretania_ 26 knots for the whole run across the atlantic. [illustration: the rotor, or rotating element, of one of the low-pressure turbines of the imperator. diameter over tips of blades is 18 feet] the purpose of the present chapter is to show how successfully the methods of underwater protection employed in naval ships may be applied to passenger ships of the first class; and the _mauretania_ is given first consideration, for the reason that she is the best example afloat to-day of a merchant ship fully protected against sinking by collision. the protective elements may be summed up as consisting of multiple subdivision, associated with a complete inner skin and a watertight steel deck, answering to the heavy protective deck at the water-line of the warship. by reference to the hold plan on page 129 it will be noticed that she is subdivided by 22 transverse bulkheads, 12 of which extend entirely across the ship and 10 from the side inboard to the longitudinal bulkheads. the space devoted to the turbine engines is subdivided by two lines of longitudinal bulkheading, and the compartment aft of the engine-room spaces is divided by a longitudinal bulkhead placed upon the axis of the ship. altogether there are 34 separate watertight compartments below the water-line. the most important feature of the subdivision is the two lines of longitudinal bulkheads, which extend each side of the boiler-rooms and serve the double purpose of providing watertight bunker compartments and protecting the large boiler-room compartments from being flooded, in the event of damage to the outer skin of the ship. the main engine-room, containing the low-pressure turbines, is similarly protected against flooding. now, all of these bulkheads are carried up to a watertight connection with the upper deck, which, amidships, is over two decks, or say about 20 feet above the water-line, the exception being the first or collision bulkhead, which extends to the shelter deck. a most important feature of the protection, borrowed from warship practice, is that the lower deck, which, amidships, is located at about the water-line, is built of extra heavy plating, and is furnished with strong watertight hatches. it thus serves the purpose of a protective deck, and water, which flooded any compartment lying below the water-line, would be restrained by this deck from finding its way through to the decks above. the _mauretania_, therefore, could sustain an enormous amount of damage below the water-line without foundering. it is our belief that she would have survived the disaster which sank the _titanic_. the first three compartments would have been flooded, it is true, but the water would have been restrained from her large forward boiler-compartment by the "inner skin" of the starboard bunkers. furthermore, the watertight hatches of her lower, or protective, deck would have prevented that upward flow of water on to the decks above, which proved so fatal to the _titanic_. [illustration: in addition to transverse and longitudinal bulkheads, this ship has fire bulkheads in the passenger spaces. the 26,000-ton, 23½-knot kronprinzessin cecilie, a thoroughly protected ship] in dealing with the question of safety, the german shipbuilders have shown that thorough study of the problem which characterises the german people in all their industrial work. although german ships of the first class, such as the _kronprinzessin cecilie_ and the _imperator_ are not built to naval requirements, they embody many of the same protective features as are to be found in the _mauretania_ and _lusitania_, and, indeed, in some safety features, and particularly in those built in the ship as a protection against fire, they excel them. the existence of side bunkers, small compartments, and bulkheads carried well up above the water-line, is due to the close supervision and strict requirements of the german lloyd and the immigration authorities, and it takes but a glance at the hold plan of the _kronprinzessin cecilie_ to show how admirably this ship and her sister are protected against collision. there are 21 transverse bulkheads, 18 of which are shown in the hold plan, the other three being sub-bulkheads, worked in the after part of the ship abaft of the machinery spaces. the four engines are contained in four separate compartments, and the boiler-rooms are entirely surrounded by coal-bunkers. these, the largest compartments, are protected throughout their entire length by the inner skin of the coal-bunker bulkheads. the engine-rooms are further protected by extending the inner floor of the double bottom up the sides as shown on page 176. altogether, the hold plan shows 33 separate, watertight compartments. the collision bulkhead is carried up to the shelter deck, and the other bulkheads terminate at the main deck, which is about 19 feet above the normal water-line. [illustration: this well-protected ship has side coal bunkers, and inner skin in engine-rooms. there are thirty-three compartments below the water-line. hold plan of kronprinzessin cecilie] it is greatly to the credit of the germans that they have given such careful attention to the question of fire protection. we have shown in a previous chapter that the long stretch of staterooms, with alleyways several hundred feet in length running through them, offer dangerous facilities for the rapid spread of a fire, should it once obtain a strong hold on the inflammable material of which the stateroom partitions and furnishings are composed. on the _kaiser wilhelm ii_ and _cecilie_ the passenger accommodations on the main deck are protected against the spread of fire by four steel bulkheads, which extend from side to side of the ship. where the alleyways intersect these bulkheads, fire-doors are provided which are closed by hand and secured by strong clamps. [illustration: courtesy of _engineering_ section through engine-room of the kaiser wilhelm ii, showing inner bottom carried up sides of ship, to form double skin] the fire protection also includes both an outside and an inside line of fire-mains. fire-drill, with full pressure on the mains, is carried on every time the ship is in port, the outside lines of fire-mains being used. once every three months there is a fire-drill with the inside line of mains. every time the ship reaches her home port, both fire-drills and lifeboat drills are carried out under the close inspection of german government officials. now, the provision of fire bulkheads is such an excellent protection that it should be made compulsory upon every steamship of large carrying capacity. moreover, they should be extended throughout the full tier of decks reserved for passenger accommodation. the bulkheads need not be of heavy construction, and they can be placed in the natural line of division of the staterooms, where they will cause no inconvenience. special interest attaches to the _imperator_ of the hamburg-american line, just now, because she is the latest and largest of those huge ocean liners, of which the _olympic_ and _titanic_ were the forerunners. this truly enormous vessel, 900 feet long and 96 feet broad, will displace, when fully loaded, 65,000 tons, or 5,000 tons more than the _titanic_. a study of her hold plan and inboard profile, shown on page 163, proves that it is possible to provide for an even larger boiler and machinery plant than that of the _titanic_, without making any of that sacrifice of safety, which is so evident in the arrangement of compartments and bulkheads on the _titanic_. not only are the bulkheads throughout the machinery and boiler compartments carried to the second deck above the water-line, but the same spaces, throughout their whole length, are protected by an inner skin in the form of the longitudinal bulkheads of the side bunkers. the large forward engine-room is also protected by two longitudinal bulkheads at the sides of the ship and the after engine-room is divided by a central longitudinal bulkhead. protection against the spread of fire is assured by several bulkheads worked across the decks which are devoted to passenger accommodation. chapter x conclusions i. the fact that the _titanic_ sank in two hours and thirty minutes after a collision demonstrates that the margin of safety against foundering in this ship was dangerously narrow. ii. it is not to the point to say that the collision was of an unusual character and may never occur again. collision with an iceberg is one of the permanent risks of ocean travel, and this stupendous calamity has shown how disastrous its results may be. we cannot afford to gamble with chance in a hazard whose issue involves the life or death of a whole townful of people. iii. if it be structurally possible, and the cost is not prohibitive, passenger ships should be so designed, that they cannot be sunk by any of the accidents of the sea,--not even by such a disaster as befell the _titanic_. iv. that such design and construction are possible is proved by the fact that the first of the large ocean liners, the _great eastern_, built over half a century ago, so far fulfilled these conditions, that, after receiving injuries to her hull more extensive than those which sank the _titanic_, she came safely to port. v. it is not to the point to attribute the financial failure of the _great eastern_ to the costly character of her construction. she failed because, commercially, she was ahead of her time, passenger and freight traffic being yet in their infancy when the ship was launched. cheap steel and modern shipyard facilities have made it possible to build a ship of the size and unsinkable characteristics of the _great eastern_, with a reduction in the cost of twenty to thirty per cent. vi. the principles of unsinkable construction, as formulated by brunel and worked out in this remarkable ship, have been adopted in their entirety by naval constructors, and are to be found embodied in every modern warship. these elements--the double skin, transverse and longitudinal bulkheads, and watertight decks--are the _sine qua non_ of warship construction; and in the designing of warships, they receive the first consideration, all other questions of speed, armour-protection, and gun-power being made subordinate. vii. in the building of merchant ships, unsinkable construction has been sacrificed to considerations of speed, convenience of operation, and the provision of luxurious accommodations for the travelling public. the inner skin, the longitudinal bulkhead, and the watertight deck have been abandoned. although the transverse bulkhead has been retained, its efficiency has been greatly impaired; for, whereas these bulkheads in the _great eastern_ extended thirty feet above the water-line; in the _titanic_, they were carried only ten feet above the same point. viii. the portentous significance of this decline in the art of unsinkable construction will be realised, when it is borne in mind that the _titanic_ was built to the highest requirements of the board of trade and the insurance companies. she was the latest example of current and approved practice in the construction of high-class passenger ships of the first magnitude; and, judged on the score of safety against sinking, she was as safe a ship as ninety-five out of every hundred merchant vessels afloat to-day. ix. that the narrowing of the margin of safety in merchant ships during the past fifty years has not been due to urgent considerations of economy, is proved by the fact that shipowners have not hesitated to incur the enormous expense involved in providing the costly machinery to secure high speed, or the equally heavy outlay involved in providing the sumptuous accommodations which characterise the modern liner. x. if, then, by making moderate concessions in the direction of speed and luxury, it would be possible, without adding to the cost, to reintroduce those structural features which are necessary to render a ship unsinkable, considerations of humanity demand that it should be done. xi. should the stupendous disaster of april the 14th lead us back to the sane construction of fifty years ago, and teach us so to construct the future passenger ship that she shall be not merely fast and comfortable, but practically unsinkable, the hapless multitude who went down to their death in that unspeakable calamity will not have died in vain. xii. in conclusion, let us note what changes would render such a ship as the _titanic_ unsinkable: (a) the inner floor of the double bottom should be extended up the sides to a watertight connection with the middle deck. this inner skin should extend from bulkhead no. 1 at the bow to bulkhead no. 14, the second bulkhead from the stern. (b) the lower deck should be made absolutely watertight from stem to stern, so as to form practically a second inner bottom; and it should be strengthened to withstand a water pressure equal to that to which the outer bottom of the ship is subjected at normal draft. (c) all openings through this deck, such as those for hatches and ladders and for the boiler uptakes, should be enclosed by strong watertight casings, carried up to the shelter deck, and free from any doors or openings leading to the intervening decks,--the construction being such that the water, rising within these casings from the flooded spaces below the lower deck, could not find its way out to the decks above. (d) the second bulkhead from the bow and the second from the stern should be carried up to the shelter deck. all the intermediate bulkheads should be extended one deck higher to the saloon deck, d. (e) the cargo spaces in compartments 3 and 4, lying below the middle deck, should be divided by a central longitudinal bulkhead, and the hatches, leading up from these holds, should be enclosed in watertight casings extending, without any openings, to the shelter deck, where they should be closed by watertight hatch covers. the huge reciprocating-engine-room should be divided by a similar, central, longitudinal bulkhead. (f) finally, the passenger spaces on decks a, b, c, and d, should be protected against fire by the construction, at suitable intervals, of transverse bulkheads of light construction, provided with fire-doors where they intersect the alleyways. * * * * * a _titanic_, as thus modified, might reasonably be pronounced unsinkable. to such a ship we could confidently apply the verdict of brunel, as recorded in his notes on the strength and safety of the _great eastern_: "no combination of circumstances, within the ordinary range of probability, can cause such damage as to sink her." [transcriber's note all words printed in small capitals have been converted to uppercase characters. some illustrations contain explanatory text; the keywords have been added to the captions. the following modifications have been made, page 10: "3 1-2 inches" changed to "3½ inches" (some small angle-bars, 3½ inches in width) page 36: "24 1-2 knots" changed to "24½ knots" (to accomplish the average speed of 24½ knots) page 96: "translantic" changed to "transatlantic" (particulars of noted transatlantic liners) page 145: "u. s. n." changed to "u.s.n." (courtesy of naval constructor r. h. m. robinson, u.s.n.) not modified but retained as printed: inconsistent spelling of "underwater" / "under-water" inconsistent spelling of "watertight" / "water-tight"] some notes on shipbuilding and shipping in colonial virginia by cerinda w. evans librarian emeritus, the mariners museum newport news, virginia virginia 350th anniversary celebration corporation williamsburg, virginia 1957 copyright©, 1957 by the mariners museum, newport news, virginia jamestown 350th anniversary historical booklet, number 22 as concerning ships it is that which everyone knoweth and can say they are our weapons they are our armaments they are our strength they are our pleasures they are our defence they are our profit the subject by them is made rich the kingdom through them, strong the prince in them is mighty in a word: by them in a manner we live the kingdom is, the king reigneth. (from _the trades increase_, london, 1615) shipbuilding and shipping the dugout canoe various types of watercraft used in colonial virginia have been mentioned in the records. the dugout canoe of the indians was found by the settlers upon arrival, and was one of the chief means of transportation until the colony was firmly established. it is of great importance in the history of transportation from its use in pre-history to its use in the world today. from the dugout have come the piragua, rose's tobacco boat, and the chesapeake bay canoe and bugeye as we see them today. the first boats in use by the colony in addition to the indian canoe were ships' boats--barges, long-boats, and others. a shallop brought over in sections was fitted together and used in the first explorations. as the years went by, however, "almost every planter, great and small, had a boat of one kind or another. canoes, bateaux, punts, piraguas, shallops, flats, pinnaces, sloops, appear with monotonous regularity in the seventeenth and eighteenth century records of virginia and maryland." little is known about the construction of boats in the colony except the log canoe. a long and thick tree was chosen according to the size of the boat desired, and a fire made on the ground around its base. the fire was kept burning until the tree had fallen. then burning off the top and boughs, the trunk was raised upon poles laid over crosswise on forked posts so as to work at a comfortable height. the bark was removed with shells; gum and rosin spread on the upper side to the length desired and set on fire. by alternately burning and scraping, the log was hollowed out to the desired depth and width. the ends were scraped off and rounded for smooth navigating. captain john smith, who had a number of occasions to use the canoe, wrote that some were an elne deep (forty-five inches), and forty or fifty feet in length; some would bear forty men, but the most ordinary were smaller and carried ten, twenty, or thirty men. "instead of oars, they use paddles or sticks with which they will row faster than our barges." additional space and graceful lines in the canoes were secured by spreading the sides. to do this, the hollowed log was filled with water and heated by dropping in hot stones until the wood became soft enough to bend into the desired shape by forcing the sides apart with sticks of different lengths and allowed to harden. the tools with which the indians built their boats and used for other purposes, were tomahawks of stone sharpened at one end or both, or one end was rounded off for use as a hammer. a circular indentation was made in the center to secure the tomahawk to the handle. another method of fitting the stone tomahawk to a handle was to cut off the head of a young tree, and as if to graft it, a notch was made into which the head of the hatchet was inserted. after some time, the tree by growing together kept the hatchet so fixed that it could not come out. then the tree was cut to such a length as to make a good handle. another method in use was that of binding the stones to the ends of sticks and gluing them there with rosin. some colonists did not hesitate to take the canoes from the indians, which they may or may not have returned. on one occasion the king of rappahanna demanded the return of a canoe, which was restored. among the first laws of the general assembly was that for the protection of the indians, enacted in august, 1619: "he that shall take away by violence or stealth any canoe or other things from the indians, shall make valuable restitution to the said indians, and shall forfeit, if he be a freeholder, five pounds; if a servant, forty shillings or endure a whipping." a story of an indian and his canoe was told by john pory, secretary of virginia, after he had visited the eastern shore. "wamanato, a friendly indian, presented me with twelve bever skins and a canow which i requited with such things to his content, that he promised to keep them whilst he lived, and berie them with him being dead." several writers of boatbuilding have expressed the thought that the evolution of the chesapeake bay canoe and the chesapeake bay bugeye from the indian dugout canoe was one of the most interesting developments in the history of shipbuilding. m. v. brewington, in his _chesapeake bay: a pictorial maritime history_, says of this development: "the white man's superior knowledge of small craft soon indicated changes which would improve the canoe: sharp ends would make her easier to propel and more seaworthy; broader beam and a keel would increase stability; sail would lessen the work of getting from place to place. sharpening the bow and stern was a simple matter; the increased beam was difficult because no single tree could provide the needed width. in time, the settler learned to join two or more trees together to give the beam desired. he learned how to add topsides, first of hewn logs, later of sawed plank. a keel was added and a sailing rig. after the centerboard was invented, it took the place of a keel...." "but the culmination of the simple, single log, trough-shaped indian dugout was the bugeye, a complex vessel as much as eighty-five feet in length. there was an intermediate step between the canoe and the bugeye, the brogan, a large canoe, partially decked, with a cuddy forward in which a couple of men could sleep and cook.... the earliest known use of the name "bugeye" was in 1868, but doubtless the word was not coined upon the first appearance of the vessel itself.... in essence the bugeye was a large canoe, fully decked, with a fixed rig following that of the brogan. there were full accommodations for the crew which, because the vessel was built for oyster dredging, needed to be comparatively large.... throughout the course of development from canoe to bugeye, the original dugout log bottom was always apparent in this most truly american craft." virginia-built pinnaces the smallest of the three vessels that reached virginia in april, 1607, was the little pinnace _discovery_, a favorite type of small vessel in that period. the first english vessel known to have been built in the new world was a pinnace. a colonizing expedition to raleigh's colony on roanoke island left plymouth, england, on april 9, 1585, with a fleet of five vessels and two pinnaces attached as tenders. a storm sank the tender to the _tiger_, sir richard grenville's flagship. on the 15th of may, the fleet came to anchor in the bay of mosquetal (mosquito), and a landing was made at st. john on the island of puerto rico. here an encampment was made to give the men time to refresh themselves and to build a new pinnace for the _tiger_. a forge was set up to make the nails, and trees were cut and hauled to camp on a low four-wheeled truck for the boat's timber. the ship's carpenters made speedy headway, launching and rigging the pinnace in ten days. they set sail from st. john on the 29th of may, the new pinnace carrying twenty men and, on the 27th of july, anchored at hatoraske on the way to roanoke. the second english vessel known to have been built in north america was also a pinnace. the members of the second colony of virginia left plymouth, england, on the last day of may, 1607, under command of captain george popham, and located at "sagadahoc in virginia" at the mouth of the kennebec river. there they set up fortifications which they called fort st. george. after finishing the fort, "the carpenter framed a pretty pinnace of about thirty tons which they called _virginia_, the shipwright being one digby of london." this little vessel is known to have made two voyages across the atlantic. on june 7, 1609, a fleet of seven ships and two pinnaces left plymouth, england, for jamestown. after a few days out, one of the pinnaces returned to england, but the other, the little _virginia_, remained with the fleet as the tender to the flagship _sea venture_. sir thomas gates, lieutenant governor under lord de la warr, and sir george somers, admiral of the fleet, embarked on the _sea venture_, commanded by captain christopher newport, vice admiral. these three men were leaders of the expedition and in order to avoid any dispute as to precedence, they agreed--very unwisely, it was disclosed--to sail on the same ship "with several commissions sealed, successively to take place one after another, considering the uncertainty of human life." wreck of the _sea venture_ on july 28, a violent storm arose which separated the _sea venture_ from the rest of the fleet. this "dreadful tempest" was the tail of a west indies hurricane and lasted four days and nights. an account of it written in 1610, by william strachey, secretary to lord de la warr, and a passenger on the ship, is said to be one of the finest descriptions of a storm in all literature, and led to the writing of _the tempest_ by shakespeare. the letter was written to a person unknown, addressed as "excellent lady." some excerpts are given herewith. when on s. james his day, july 24, being monday ... the clouds gathering thicke upon us and the wind singing and whistling most unusually, which made us to cast off our pinnace towing the same until then asterne, a dreadful storm and hideous, began to blow from out the north-east, which swelling, and roaring, as it were by fitts, some hours with more violence than others, at length beat all light from heaven, which like a hell of darkness turned black upon us, so much the more fuller of horror, as in such cases horror and fear use to overrunne the troubled, and overmastered sences of all, which, taken up with amazement, the eares lay so sensible to the terrible cries, and murmurs of the winds, and distractions of our company.... for foure and twenty houres the storme in a restless tumult, had blown so exceedingly, as we could not apprehend in our imaginations any possibility of greater violence, yet did wee still find it, not only more terrible, but more constant, fury added to fury, and one storm urging a second more outrageous than the former; whether it so wrought upon our feares ... as made us look one upon the other with troubled hearts and panting bosoms; our clamours drowned in the windes, and the windes in thunder. prayers might well be in the heart and lips, but drowned in the outcries of the officers, nothing heard that could give comfort, nothing seen that might encourage hope.... the sea swelled above the clouds, and gave battell unto heaven. it could not be said to raine, the waters like whole rivers did flood in the ayre.... the winds spake more loud and grew more tumultuous and malignant. what shall i say? winds and seas were as mad as fury and rage could make them.... there was not a moment in which the sudden splitting or instant oversetting of the ship was not expected. howbeit this was not all; it pleased god to bring a greater affliction yet upon us; for in the beginning of the storm, we had received likewise a mighty leake. and the ship in every joint almost, having spued out her okam, before we were aware ... was growne five foote suddenly deep with water above her ballast, and we almost drowned within, whilst we sat looking when to perish from above. this imparting no less terror than danger ran through the whole ship with much fright and amazement, startled and turned the blood and took down the braves of the most hardy mariner of them all.... the leake which drunk in our greatest seas, and took in our destruction fastest could not then be found nor ever was by any labour, counsell or search.... every man came duely upon his watch ... working with tyred bodies and wasted spirits three days and foure nights destitute of outward comfort, and desperate of any deliverance.... during all this time the heavens looked so black upon us that it was not possible the elevation of the pole might be observed; nor a starre by night, not a sun beame by day was to be seene. onely upon thursday night, sir george somers being upon the watch, had an apparition of a little round light like a faint starre, trembling and streaming along with a sparkeling blaze, halfe the height upon the main mast, and shooting sometimes from shroud to shroud, tempting to settle as it were, upon any of the foure shroudes ... half the night it kept with us; running sometimes along the main yard to the very end, and then returning. at which, sir george somers called divers about him, and showed them the same.... it did not light us any whit the more to our known way, who ran now as hoodwinked men, at all adventures, sometimes north and north-east, then north and by west, and in an instant varying two or three points, and sometimes half the compass.... it being now friday, the fourth morning, it wanted little, but that there had been a general determination to have shut up hatches, and commending our sinfull soules to god, committed the ship to the mercy of the sea. surely, that night we must have done it, and that night had we then perished: but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope, by our merciful god given unto us. sir george somers, when no man dreamed of such happiness, had discovered and cried land! the storm drove the ship toward the dangerous and dreaded islands of bermuda. nearing the shore, the ship was caught between rocks as in a vise and held there while all the one hundred and fifty persons reached the shore in safety. as soon as they were conveniently settled, after the landing, the long boat was fitted up in the fashion of a pinnace with a little deck made of the hatches of the wrecked ship, so close that no water could enter, and with a crew of six sailors, using sails and oars, thomas whittingham, the cape merchant, and henry ravens, the master's mate, as pilot, the boat sailed for virginia. it was hoped, when news reached jamestown of the safe landing of the passengers from the wrecked _sea venture_ on bermuda, that a ship or pinnace from the fleet in virginia would be sent to take them home, but the long boat was never heard from again. building the _deliverance_ and the _patience_ while waiting for help from virginia, sir george somers and sir thomas gates decided to build a pinnace, in case of need. the work was put in charge of richard frobisher, an experienced shipwright. the only wood on the island that could be used for timber was cedar and that was rather poor, being too brittle for making good planks. the pinnace's beams were all of oak from the wrecked ship, as were some planks in her bow, all the rest was of cedar. the keel was laid on the 28th of august, 1609, and on the 26th of february, calking had begun. old cables that had been preserved furnished the oakum. one barrel of pitch and another of tar had been saved. lime was made of wilk shells and a hard white stone, which were burned in a kiln, slaked with fresh water, and tempered with tortoise oil. she was forty feet long at the keel, nineteen feet broad at the beam, had a six-foot floor, her rake forward being fourteen feet, her rake aft from the top of her post (which was twelve feet long) was three feet; she was eight feet deep under her beam, four feet and a half between decks, with a rising of half a foot more under her forecastle, the purpose being to scour the deck with small shot if an enemy should come aboard. she had a fall of eighteen inches aft to make her steerage and her great cabin larger; her steerage was five feet long and six feet high with a closed gallery right aft, having a window on each side, and two right aft. she was of some eighty tons burden. on the 30th of march, the pinnace was launched, unrigged, and towed to "a little round island" nearer the ponds and wells of fresh water, with easier access to the sea, the channel there being deep enough to float her when masts, sails and all her trim had been placed on her. "when she began to swim (upon her launching) our governor called her _the deliverance_." late in november, and still with no word from virginia, sir george somers became convinced that the pinnace which frobisher was building would not be sufficient to transport all the men, women, and children from bermuda to virginia. he consulted with sir thomas gates, the governor, who approved his plan of building another pinnace. he would take two carpenters and twenty men with him to the main island where with instruction from frobisher, "he would quickly frame up another little bark, for the better sitting and convenience of our people." the governor granted him all the things he desired, all such tools and instruments, and twenty of the ablest and stoutest men of the company to hew planks and square timber. the keel laid was twenty-nine feet in length, the beam fifteen feet and a half; she was eight feet deep and drew six feet of water, and was of thirty tons capacity. sir george somers launched her on the last day of april, giving her the name of _patience_, and brought her from the building bay in the main island, into the channel where the _deliverance_ was moored. after nine months on the islands, these fearless and undaunted men, with a stout determination to finish the voyage they had begun nine months before, set sail in the two pinnaces on may 10, 1610, and after eleven days, arrived at point comfort. "on the three and twentieth day of may, we cast our anchor before jamestown." boatbuilding before 1612 the few available records of early boatbuilding in the virginia colony differ so materially that one cannot make a statement as to number or kind of vessels with any degree of accuracy. that the first vessel constructed in virginia was built earlier than the year 1611, and was of twelve or thirteen tons capacity, seems to be an accepted fact as given in the spaniard molina's _report of a voyage to virginia_ in 1611. the report also referred to a galley of twenty-five benches being built there. in his _short relation_ to the council of the virginia company in june, 1611, lord de la warr spoke regretfully of the fact that the three forts he had erected near point comfort were not properly manned because of a lack of boats, there being but two, and one barge in all the colony. the fishing, too, had been hindered because of this shortage. no mention was made of the galley that was said to have been in the process of construction. argall's shipyard at point comfort in a letter to nicholas hawes, written in june, 1613, samuel argall (later sir samuel argall) tells of a voyage to virginia in 1612, and some of his activities there. on the 17th of september, he arrived at point comfort with sixty-two men on the ship _treasurer_, his course being fifty leagues northward of the azores. from the day of his arrival until the first of november, he spent the time in helping to repair such ships and boats as he found there "decayed for lack of pitch and tarre." about the first of november, he carried sir thomas dale in the _deliverance_ to sir thomas smith's island to have his opinion about inhabiting it. they found an abundance of fish there, "very great cod" which they caught in water five fathom deep. they planned to get a great quantity in the summer of 1613, and hoped to find safe passage there for boats and barges by "a cut out of the bottom of our bay into de la warr bay." this is an early mention of the need for a canal connecting these two bays. that the sir thomas smith's island referred to was not the island known by that name lying near cape charles is evident from the reference to large cod fish caught there, and the desire for a passage between the bays for a shorter route. argall sailed from point comfort on the first of december and entered pembroke, now rappahannock, river where he met the king of pastancie, who told him the indians were his very great friends and had a good store of corn for him, as they had provided the year before. he carried his ship to the king's town and there built a stout shallop to take the corn aboard. after concluding a peace with other divers indian lords, and giving and taking hostages, argall hastened to jamestown with 1100 bushels of corn, which he delivered to the storehouses there, besides the 300 bushels he retained for the use of his own company. as soon as he had unloaded the corn, argall set his men to work felling timber and hewing boards with which to build a "frigat." he left this vessel half finished in the hands of his carpenters at point comfort in order to make another voyage to pembroke river, and so discovered the head of it. upon learning that pocahontas was with the king of patowomack, he devised a stratagem by which she was captured. pocahontas was taken to jamestown and delivered to the protection of sir thomas gates, who hastened to conclude with powhatan, her father, a peace based upon the terms demanded by argall. argall returned to point comfort and "went forward with his frigat and finished her." he sent a "ginge" of men with her to cape charles, to get fish and transport them to "henries town" (henrico). another gang was employed to fell timber and cleave planks to build a fishing boat. argall himself, with a third gang, left in the shallop on the first day of may to explore the east side of the bay. having explored along the shore for some forty leagues northward, he returned on the 12th of may, fitted his ship and built a fishing boat, and made ready to take the first opportunity for a fishing voyage. other voyages of argall samuel argall is said to have achieved lasting fame as one of england's maritime pioneers by establishing a shorter route to virginia from england in 1609, although batholomew gosnold took that route in 1602, and martin pring did so in 1603. the usual course led by way of the canaries to the island of puerto rico in the west indies, the route of columbus, a long, circuitous pathway exposed to pirates and interference from spain. argall made the round trip by the shorter route in five months. however, the shorter route did not supplant entirely the longer southern route for several decades. argall accompanied lord de la warr to virginia in 1610, to point out the northern route. while in virginia, he was sent with sir george somers to bermuda with two pinnaces to get a supply of hogs and other provisions for the colony. in a storm, argall lost sight of sir george's pinnace and failed to locate bermuda; so he changed his course toward the north and went to sagadahoc and cape cod where he procured a large cargo of fish, which he brought to jamestown. sir george somers reached bermuda, but died there on november 9, 1610. argall was then sent by lord de la warr to the river patawomeke to trade with the indians for corn, where he rescued the english boy, henry spelman, who had been living with the indians. through spelman's influence, the indians "fraughted his ship with corn." soon after june 28, 1613, argall sailed from virginia on his "fishing voyage" in a well-armoured english man-of-war. his object was the french colony of jesuits at mt. desert, now in maine, but at that time within the bounds of virginia. he attacked the buildings and returned with the priests late in july. he was sent back by gates to destroy the buildings and fortifications there and at st. croix and port royal. this was done and he arrived back at jamestown, about the first of december. on this voyage, he stopped at new netherlands, on the hudson, and forced the colonists there to submit to the crown of england. shipbuilding on plantations the tracts of land or plantations occupied by individual settlers of the colony were very few until after the "starving time" in 1610. when the colony had been reorganized by lord de la warr and sir thomas gates, and something like peace existed with the indians, more land patents were issued year after year. a list of land owners, in 1625, in the records of the company, shows nearly two hundred persons owning plots of land varying in size from forty acres to the thirty-seven hundred acres of sir george yeardley's plantation at hungar's river on the eastern shore. in _a perfect description of virginia_ by an unnamed writer in 1648, it is stated that there were in the colony "pinnaces, barks, great and small boats many hundreds, for most of their plantations stand upon the rivers' sides and up little creeks and but a small way into the land." every planter must have had a boat of some kind. neighborly communication had to be maintained, religious services attended, fishing and oystering to be done, crops of tobacco transferred to the ships anchored out in the channel, and cargoes of goods taken from the ships to the warehouses. the planter navigated the boat himself unless he could provide a slave or an indentured servant. most of the shipbuilding done on the plantations was done by ship carpenters or men trained by them. the shipyards were very simple affairs, the essentials being a plot of ground on the bank of a stream with water deep enough to float the vessel and near a supply of suitable timber. later would be added, perhaps, a small pier to which the boat could be attached, and a small building or shed for the protection of tools. a visiting ship in need of repair would seek some convenient place on the river and the hospitality of the neighboring planter. an instance is that of captain thomas dermer from monhegan, north virginia, now in maine, who arrived at the colony in september, 1619, in an open pinnace of five tons. he had met captain ward several weeks earlier at a place called "st. james his isles," and there had put most of his provisions on board the _sampson_, captain ward's boat. of his arrival in virginia, he wrote to samuel purchas as follows: "after a little refreshing, we recovered up the river to james citie and from thence to captain ward his plantation, where immediately we fell to hewing boards for a close deck." he and his men soon fell sick with malaria and "were sore shaken with burning fever." as their recovery was slow and winter had overtaken them, dermer decided to wait until spring before sailing north. captain john ward had arrived in virginia during the previous april and was already a member of the house of burgesses. some of the visitors did their shipbuilding more quickly. a captain thomas young arrived in the colony with two ships on july 3, 1634, and by july 14, was reported by governor harvey to have built two pinnaces, and that he would be gone in two more days. some planters on the larger plantations continued to build their own ships even after public shipyards had been established in seaport towns. flowerdieu hundred on the james river was a prosperous plantation, where many vessels were built. it had its own wharf where large ships could be moored for loading. some shipbuilding at westover on the james river is recorded in the diary of william byrd ii, who, after the death of his father in 1704, became owner of the plantation. in july 1709, byrd wrote: "i sent the boatmaker to falling creek to build me a little boat for my sea sloop." two days later he wrote: "i sent tom to williamsburg for john b-r-d to work on my sloop." later in the month, he noted that john b-r-d had come in the night to work on his sloop. in november, he wrote: "in the afternoon we paid a visit to mr. hamilton who lives across the creek. we walked about his plantation and saw a pretty shallop he was building." in august, 1710, he wrote that he had taken a walk to see the boatbuilder at work. on august 9, he wrote that he had paid the builder of his sloop sixty pounds, which was twenty pounds more than he had agreed for. later in the year, he noted that his sloop had gone down to the shipyard at swinyards. byrd acquired a new shipwright who came from england on the ship _betty_ in 1711. in march, he wrote that the new shipwright was offended because he had been given corn pone instead of english bread for breakfast. he had taken his horse and ridden away without a word. however, he reported later that the shipwright had returned. on may 15, 1712, byrd reported that he had engaged mr. t-r-t-n to build him a sloop next year. several years later, he recorded the loss of his great flat boat, but it was found by a man at swinyards. swinyards was a place for public warehouses and a shipyard, located on the north bank of the james river, a short distance below westover, opposite windmill point. at berkeley, a neighboring plantation on the james river, owned by benjamin harrison, there were extensive merchant mills and a large shipyard where vessels were built for the plantation. on october 20, 1768, there appeared a for-sale advertisement in the _virginia gazette_: "a double decked vessel of 110 tons on the stocks at berkeley shipyard, built to carry a great burden, and esteemed a very fine vessel." two years later, john hatley norton and a mr. coutts were negotiating with colonel harrison for the purchase of the ship _botetourt_ built there for which they offered 1100 pounds sterling. "she is as stout a ship as was ever built in america, and we expect will carry 380 hogsheads of tobacco," wrote mr. norton. the virginia company's interest in boatbuilding when sir thomas smith ended his term as treasurer of the company in 1619, among many other charges brought against him by the opposing faction, it was declared there was left only one old frigate belonging to somers' isles, one shallop, one ship's boat, and two small boats belonging to private persons. in his defense, smith referred to the 150 men he had sent to virginia to set up iron works; the making of cordage, pitch, tar, pot and soap-ashes from material at hand; the cutting of timber and masts; and how he had sent men to erect sawmills for cutting planks for building houses and ships. in justification of smith and himself, robert johnson, alderman, a leader during smith's administration, drew up an account in which he stated among other evidences of prosperity that barks, pinnaces, shallops, barges, and other boats had been built in the colony; but this statement was not accepted as fact. sir edwin sandys succeeded smith as treasurer; and in the earl of southampton's administration in 1621, a list of improvements was drawn up, among which it was claimed that the number of boats was ten times multiplied and that there were four ships owned by the colony. a reply to this may be taken from _an answer to a declaration of the present state of virginia in may_, 1623, in which it was declared that the new administration was many degrees behind the old government, for in those times there were built boats of all sorts, barges, pinnaces, frigates, hoyes, shallops and the like. the great massacre in march, 1622, put an immediate check on any progress in boatbuilding in the colony. for a time the settlers were panic stricken, and there was much talk of assembling all the remaining settlers on the eastern shore, but happily, wiser counsel prevailed. that the few boatwrights then in the colony perished is considered probable from the fact that none could be found to repair a boat that had drifted ashore at elizabeth city after the massacre. when writing about the indian massacre, captain john smith, in his _general history of virginia_, in a bitter outburst, said: "yea, they borrowed our boats to transport themselves over the river to consult on the develish murder that insued and of our utter extirpation." in sir francis wyatt's commission to sir george yeardley on september 10, 1622, to attack the indians in punishment for the massacre, he ordered the use of "such ships, barks, and boats as are now riding in this river as transports." the ships and barks may well have been english vessels. when virginia became a crown colony in 1624, the reports on the state of the colony named thirty-eight boats, two shallops, one bark, one skiff, and one canoe, but this was considered inaccurate as many plantations did not report their vessels. shipwrights and ship-carpenters every colonizing expedition to the new world had been deeply impressed by the wealth of shipbuilding materials to be found. the english were particularly enthusiastic, since the scarcity of timber in england was very serious. here, in virginia, were to be found all that was needed for building ships: "oakes there are as faire, straight and tall and as good timber as any can be found, a great store, in some places very great. walnut trees very many, excellent faire timber above four-score foot, straight without a bough." the report went on in praise of the tall pine trees fit for the tallest masts, and the kinds of woods for making small boats: mulberry, sassafras, and cedar. other materials were not wanting: iron ore, pitch, tar, rosin, and flax for making rope. the colonists saw in this wealth of materials a new source of supply at one-half of the previous cost. both england and holland had been purchasing their shipbuilding materials from poland and prussia at a cost of a million pounds sterling annually. one enthusiastic englishman, when he heard these reports, wrote: "we shall fell our timber, saw our planks, and quickly make good shipping there, and shall return thence with good employment, an hundred sayle of ships yearly." when captain newport returned to england in june, 1607, he carried with him a request, from the colonists to the company, for carpenters to build houses, and shipwrights to build boats. upon newport's return in 1608, he brought with him a number of poles and dutchmen to erect sawmills for the production of boards for houses and boats. this did not prove to be a successful venture. further attempts were made in 1619, and later, to establish sawmills in the colony. instructions sent to governor wyatt, in 1621, bade him "to take care of the dutch sent to build sawmills, and seat them at the falls, that they may bring their timber by the current of the water." repeated appeals had been made to the company for ship-carpenters without success. in january, 1621, the governor and council joined in an appeal for workmen to build vessels, of various kinds, for the use of the people in making discoveries, in trading with their neighbors, and in transporting themselves and goods from one place to another. in reply, a letter from the company, in august, gave the encouraging news, that in the spring, the company would send an excellent shipwright with thirty or forty carpenters. in preparation, they were advised to fell a large number of black oak trees, and bark as many others. the company expected the sawmill to provide the planks and suggested a place near the sawmill and ironworks for the shipyard. a thousand pounds had been underwritten by private persons for sending the shipwrights and carpenters who were promised by the end of april at the latest. the next spring, in may, the council received notice that sailing on the ship _abigail_ were captain thomas barwick and twenty-five other persons for building boats, ships and pinnaces. they were to be established together in an area of at least twelve hundred acres, and were to be employed only in the trade for which they were sent. four of the company's oxen were to be assigned to them for use in hauling the timber. captain barwick and his men settled in jamestown. at first they were employed in building houses for themselves and afterward began to build shallops, the most convenient and satisfactory vessels, for transporting tobacco to the large ships. soon several of the men were ill, from malaria it was thought, and by the end of the year many of them had died. a letter from george sandys, in march, to deputy treasurer ferrar, sent by the ship _hopewell_, told the discouraging news. he deplored the failure of the shipbuilding project caused by the death of captain barwick and many of his shipbuilders, "wherein if you blame us, you must blame the hand of god." he attributed the pestilent fever that raged in the colony to the infected people that came over in the _abigail_, "who were poisened with stinking beer, all falling sick and many dying, everywhere dispersing the contagion." not only the shipbuilders, but almost all the passengers of the _abigail_, died immediately, upon their landing. the contagion even spread to the cattle and other domestic animals, it was said. on march 31, 1626, thomas munn (?) came before the council and the general court of virginia and swore that he was at the making of a small shallop, by direction of captain barwick, and that afterward this boat was sold to captain william eppes, for two hundred pounds of tobacco, and "as yet the debt is not satisfied unto any man." upon the death of captain barwick, munn had delivered to george sandys, treasurer, a list of debts owing, and this debt had never been paid. adam dixon, who came over in the _margaret and john_, was sent by the company as a master calker of ships and boats. he was living at pashbehays, near jamestown, in 1624. as the years went by, a number of shipwrights came to the colony from time to time, and were engaged in private shipyards on plantations, or set up shipyards of their own. orphan boys were sometimes apprenticed to these shipbuilders until they reached the age of twenty-one. they were expected to be taught to read, write and cipher in addition to learning the trade of ship-carpenter. many of the shipwrights who came to virginia in the seventeenth century, became land owners, some of them owning large tracts of land, as shown by county records, especially in the tidewater area. in lancaster on the rappahannock river, john meredith, a shipwright, obtained, by patent, a tract of fifty acres. his sale of 600 acres is recorded, also a contract to build a sloop and a small boat, in payment of a debt of 47,300 pounds of tobacco. in rappahannock county records, we find shipwright simon miller, a noted shipbuilder, who owned a tract of 125 acres; and john griffin, a shipwright, who, in 1684, recorded a deed to colonel cadwalader jones for a bark of fifty odd tons, for the consideration of fifty pounds sterling. the first john madison of virginia, great-great-grandfather of president james madison, acquired considerable land in virginia by the importation of immigrants; in a land patent dated 1682, he called himself a ship-carpenter. at this time, good ships of three hundred tons and over were being built in virginia, and probably john madison aided in the construction of one or more of these. it is evident that many of the shipwrights, who came to virginia from england, found the life of a planter more desirable than that of a shipbuilder, while some of them combined the two occupations. controversies over boats the council and general court of virginia were called upon occasionally to settle controversies over vessels of various kinds and to hear reports concerning others. the following reports are from the records of the court for 1622 to 1632. at an early date, robert poole reported a trading voyage with the indians for mr. "treasurer," in the pinnace _elizabeth_, during which he gave ten arms length of blue beads for one tub of corn and over, and thirteen arms length for another tub. anne cooper complained that her late husband, thomas harrison, loaned a shallop to lieutenant george harrison, late deceased. it was ordered by the court that she should receive one hundred pounds of merchantable tobacco from george harrison's estate. an argument between john utie and bryan caught resulted in the order that the latter should build utie a shallop eighteen feet, six inches keel; six feet, six inches breadth; with masts, oars, yard and rudder, and to find the 1100 nails and six score "ruff and clench" desired. utie was to pay bryan for building the shallop six score pound weight of tobacco, and to furnish the help of a boy and the boy's diet. also, he was to pay bryan six score pounds of tobacco for a boat previously built for him. captain francis west, a member of the council, desired that he be given the use of the spanish frigate with all her tackle, apparel, munitions, masts, sails, yards, etc., that had been captured by john powell, with a shallop built for that purpose, on an expedition to the west indies in the man-of-war, _black bess_. he was required to pay 1200 pounds of tobacco to the captain and men. in trading for corn for southampton hundred, john powntis was allowed a barrel of the corn for the use of his pinnace. mr. proctor had to pay mr. perry fifty pounds of tobacco for splitting perry's shallop. later, a shallop, which edmund barker sold to mr. rastall's men, was ordered returned to mr. perry, and edmund barker to be paid fifty pounds of tobacco for mending the shallop. to settle a charge against thomas westone by several men, he was ordered to appear before the governor with his pinnace. at a later meeting, thomas ramshee swore that westone was owner of the ship _sparrow_ and "did set her out of his own charge, from london to virginia." this was an early seagoing vessel of a colonist, but whether built in virginia, or purchased, is not stated. nicholas weasell received the most severe penalty, in cases concerning boats, when he was ordered to serve henry geny the rest of the year from february, for taking away geny's boat without leave, "whereupon it was bilged and spoiled." captain claiborne purchased a shallop with appurtenances from captain john wilcox who had been "at the plantation called accomack" since 1621. he paid wilcox 400 pounds of tobacco for the shallop, and sold it to thomas harwood. captain wilcox failed to make delivery, and the court ordered the attorney of captain wilcox to make satisfaction to thomas harwood. the court was called upon to settle a controversy between captain william tucker and mr. roland graine about a boat. a mrs. hurte was named as the owner of another ship in the colony, the _truelove_, formerly owned by john cross, deceased in england. a much discussed case was that of william bentley, on trial for the killing of thomas godby, which resulted when mr. conge's boat ran ashore at merry point, near william parker's house. while there, bentley, who had arrived in the boat, got into a quarrel and fight with godby, and was accused of killing him. these court records show that most of the cases concerned vessels built in the colony: boats, pinnaces, and shallops. the ships mentioned were evidently of english make. the shallop was the most popular boat for use in the colony. it was a small boat from sixteen to twenty feet in length, fitted with one or two masts and oars, and suitable for exploring the creeks and rivers, collecting corn from the indians, and transporting tobacco to waiting ships. shipbuilding on the eastern shore the eastern shore records are among the earliest in virginia. shipbuilding in the early days has been ably discussed by dr. susie m. ames in _studies of the virginia eastern shore in the seventeenth century_. in 1630, john toulson, or poulson, built a pinnace at nassawadox in which he had one-half interest. richard newport, one of captain christopher newport's sons, while living in northampton county, bought a shallop from the carpenter, thomas savage, for the use of the merchant, henry brookes, for which savage was paid twenty pounds sterling. william berry, another eastern shore carpenter, made an agreement with philip taylor, one of william claiborne's men, during the kent island controversy, to make him a boat, twenty by ten feet, provided taylor furnished the boards for the deck between the forecastle and the cabin. for this, berry was to receive two cows with calf and four hundred pounds of tobacco. during the dispute over kent island, a pinnace, belonging to captain claiborne, was taken by the marylanders. obedience robins, a well-known citizen of the eastern shore, acquired from the boatwright, william stevens, a shallop, twenty-six feet in length, with masts, yards, and oars. he owned a pinnace also, which he had named _accomack_. a number of lawsuits on the eastern shore in the 1640's, involved boats and ship materials. philip taylor was indebted to william stevens for one house, four days on a shallop, valued at one pound sterling, six gallons of tar, and 1250 nails of various sizes. payment was ordered made to the overseers of the estate of daniel cugley of one small boat, twenty-four yards of canvas, twenty gallons of tar, and ninety ten-grote nails, supplies for making a boat. another court order concerned the delivery of a boat, and 3500 six-penny nails lent by john neale. ambrose nixon testified that he and his mate had built a boat for randall revell. in 1638, two planters of accomack, nicholas white and one barnaby, made voyages to new england in their own vessels. the names of walter price and christopher stribling shipwrights are listed in the early records of northampton county. encouragement for the building of ships the general assembly of virginia encouraged shipbuilding by such laws as those enacted during 1662: "be it enacted that every one that shall build a small vessel with a deck be allowed, if above twenty and under fifty tons, fifty pounds of tobacco per ton; if above fifty and under one hundred tons, one hundred pounds of tobacco per ton; if above one hundred tons, two hundred pounds per ton. provided the vessel is not sold except to an inhabitant of this country in three years." other encouragement by virginia to owners of vessels, built by them, was the exemption of the two shillings export duties per hogshead of tobacco; the exemption from castle duties; the reduction to two pence per gallon on imported liquor from the four pence required of foreign vessels; and the exemption from duties imposed on shipmasters on entering and clearing, and for licenses and bond where necessary. the english government discouraged manufacture in the colonies that would compete with home manufactures, but the building of ships was an exception. england needed ships and granted the colonies the right to build as many as they could. throughout the whole period of royal government, there were enacted various laws remitting the duties on imports brought in on native ships and remission of tonnage duties. this aroused the resentment of the english shipbuilders, who had endeavored to put a stop to the building of ships of any size in the colonies. they were alarmed, too, at the laws passed in the colonies to encourage shipbuilding and complained that they had been discriminated against. resolutions were passed by parliament to investigate such laws framed in the colonies, and a bill, based upon these resolutions was proposed, but never introduced. however, in 1680, governor culpeper was ordered to annul the laws exempting virginia owners of vessels constructed in the colony from duties on exported tobacco and castle duties. the grounds upon which this order was based were (1) the injustice of granting privileges to virginia ship owners, not enjoyed by the owners of english vessels, trading in virginia waters; (2) the success of the navigation laws would be impaired by creating a virginia fleet, able to transport tobacco, without the assistance of english vessels; and (3) owners of english ships might be tempted to order them as belonging to virginians. since the virginia fleet in 1681, was composed of two ships, as mentioned by john page, in a petition to lord culpeper, the english were thought to be unnecessarily alarmed. during the 1660's, following the laws of the general assembly, a number of virginia built ships were recorded. there was much shipbuilding activity on the eastern shore. the mate of the _royal oake_, when caught trading illegally, stated that the owner had another boat in the house of a mr. waters, and also had a sloop being built there. about this time, a shipwright agreed to build between may and october, for william whittington, a sloop of twenty-six feet keel, and breadth in proportion, receiving for his work 4,400 pounds of tobacco. in 1666, john goddon entered a claim for a vessel of twenty-five tons built for him in accomack. john bowdoin built a brigantine which he named _northampton_. the size of the vessels built in virginia had been increasing steadily. thomas ludwell, secretary of the colony, reported, in 1655, that there had been built recently, several small vessels which could make voyages along the coast, presumably sloops. again, in a letter to lord arlington, secretary ludwell made the following statement: "we have built several vessels to trade with our neighbors, and do hope ere long to build bigger ships and such as may trade with england." colonel cuthbert potter of lancaster county, who was sent on a mission to ascertain the truth of the reported indian depredations in massachusetts and new york, was an early settler in the colony, and had acquired large land holdings in middlesex county. about 1660, he removed to barbadoes in his own sloop, the _hopewell_. in 1665, james fookes agreed to build for the widow, mrs. ann hack, a sloop that would carry thirty-five hogsheads of tobacco, if mrs. hack would supply the plank and a barrel of tar; fookes agreed to finish the job by the 25th of december. the following summer, at the plantation of mrs. hack, fookes made a formal contract with the brother of mrs. hack, augustine herrman of bohemia manor in maryland, to build a sloop and have it ready by the following october. herrman is well-known for his 1673 map of maryland and virginia. twenty years later, the dimensions of the _phenix_, another vessel built by fookes, were given: length of keel, forty feet; breadth, fourteen feet, nine inches inside; depth, eight feet, ten inches. in the english _news letter_ of march 12, 1666, was carried an encouraging news item: "a frigate of between thirty and forty [tuns?], built in virginia, looks so fair, it is believed that in a short time, they will get the art of building as good frigates as there are in england." at that time, a new fort was being erected at point comfort, and it was ordered that every ship riding in the james river should send one carpenter with provisions and tools to work on this fort. in 1667, mrs. sarah whitby, widow of john whitby, petitioned the king in council as follows: "the petitioner with other planters in virginia are owners of the ship _america_, built in virginia by captain whitby, and pray for a license, for the said vessel with six mariners, to proceed to virginia." the workmanship of the _america_ and her fine appearance had aroused the interest of the english, and expectations arose that virginia might soon become skillful in building large vessels. in a reply by sir william berkeley, governor of virginia, to an inquiry by the lords commissioners of foreign plantations, in 1671, as to the number of ships that trade yearly with the colony, he answered that there were a number of ships from england and ireland and a few ketches from new england, but never at one time more than two virginia-owned vessels, and they not more than twenty tons burden. he stated further that the severe act of parliament which excluded the colony from commerce with any other nation, was the reason why "no small or great vessels are built here." but other records of the time contradict berkeley's statement as to the number and size of vessels built in the colony. in addition to those mentioned above, there is found in the records of york county, an itemized cost of building a sloop, the total amount being 4,467 pounds of tobacco. the various materials were furnished by the owners: richard meakins, 950 feet of plank; mr. newell, the rigging; captain sheppard, the sail; and mr. williams, the rudder iron. about four months were required to complete the vessel, charges for food running that length of time, during which a cask of cider was consumed. some sloops were made large enough to hold as many as fifty hogsheads of tobacco, and could sail outside the coast. the sloop _amy_, with fourteen hogsheads of tobacco, sailed from virginia to london in 1690. dr. lyon g. tyler in _the cradle of the republic_ wrote that as early as 1690, ships of 300 tons were built in virginia, and trade in the west indies was conducted in small sloops. lieutenant john west of the eastern shore, stating that he had built a vessel of forty-five tons, decked and fitted for sea, petitioned the court for a certificate to the assembly as encouragement for so doing. two other shipwrights, thomas fookes and robert norton, testified as to the weight of the vessel. west was evidently seeking the subsidy of fifty pounds of tobacco for building a vessel "above twenty and under fifty tons," under the law of 1662. john west was evidently considered an excellent boatwright and carpenter, for in an indenture of the year 1697, made between him and robert glendall, late of elizabeth city county, west is enjoined by the court to do his utmost to instruct glendall in sloop and boat building, and in such other carpenter's work as he was "knowing in." in his testimony before the board of trade on september 1, 1697, as to the manufactures in virginia, major wilson stated that very good ships were built in virginia of 300 tons and upwards; but cordage, iron, and smith's work were "brought thither." during that year, a group of merchants in bristol, england, had a number of ships constructed in virginia. they were influenced by the fine quality of timber and the small cost of the work, as compared with the cost of similar work in england. also, a matter of no small importance, a cargo of tobacco was ready for each completed ship. the wills of deceased persons sometimes revealed ownership of vessels. of particular interest is the will of nathaniel bacon, senior, in which he left to his wife and his nephew, lewis burwell, "all ships or parts of ships ... to me belonging in any part of the world." these were to be disposed of by abigail, his wife, and the nephew as they saw fit. an inventory of the estate of one thomas lloyd of richmond county, on october 27, 1699, lists one decked sloop on the stocks, unfinished, of about thirty tons; one small open sloop newly launched, not finished, of twenty-five tons; one new flat, one old ditto; one old barge; one parcel of handsaws, etc. sir edmund andros, governor of virginia, in answering the inquiries of the council of trade and plantations, the clearing house for colonial affairs, in the year 1698, stated that there were 70,000 inhabitants in virginia, and the number of vessels reported by the owners were four ships, two barks, four brigantines, and seventeen sloops. his report for the previous year had named eight ships, eleven brigantines, and fifteen sloops that had been built for which carpenters, iron work, rigging, and sails had been brought from england. eighteenth century shipbuilding the building of ships, barkentines and sloops in virginia, during the early years of the eighteenth century, had so increased that the master shipbuilders of the river thames addressed a petition to the king in 1724, stating that by the great number of ships and other vessels lately built, then building, and likely to be built in the colonies, the trade of the petitioners was very much decayed, and great numbers of them for want of work to maintain their families, had of necessity left their native country and gone to america. they felt that not only british trade and navigation had suffered thereby, but danger existed in fitting out the royal navy in any extraordinary emergency. this petition applied to the northern colonies particularly, as they were far ahead of virginia in shipbuilding, but the southern colonies were included. as we have seen, many shipwrights came to virginia and acquired large tracts of land and became planters. in the narrative of his travels in virginia, with some companions early in the eighteenth century, francis louis michel of berne, switzerland, related that when he was within fifty miles of the coast, he saw two ships, the larger, one of the most beautiful merchantmen he had ever seen. because it was built in virginia, it was named _indian king_ or _wild king_, he did not remember which. three years before, it had fallen into the hands of pirates, so the narrative related, but had been rescued by the british warship _shoreham_, and sixty pirates of all nations taken prisoners, all of whom were hanged in england. how many vessels were built or repaired at the point comfort shipyard is not known. at a meeting of the council of virginia in may, 1702, a letter from captain moodie stated that he had fitted up a very convenient place at point comfort for careening her majesty's ships of war, or any other ships that came to the colony; and he proposed that some care be taken and some person appointed to have charge of the situation. this arrangement was confirmed by a letter from lieutenant governor alexander spotswood to the british admiralty on october 24, 1710, in which he wrote that for the convenience of careening, there is a place at point comfort which, with a small charge, could be fitted up for that purpose; h.m.s. _southampton_ had careened there, and there may be served the largest ships of war, which her majesty will have occasion to send to virginia as cruisers or convoys. this careening site at point comfort provided long-needed facilities for careening vessels for repairs and scraping bottoms. as early as 1633, david pietersz de vries from holland, arrived at jamestown with a leaky ship, but found no facilities in the colony for careening vessels. he found it necessary to sail to new netherlands for such repairs. as late as 1700, when the _shoreham_, a fifth rate frigate, was the chesapeake bay guardship, captain passenger, her commander, wrote to governor nicholson: "i have only to offer (may your excellency think convenient) about the latter end of september to careen the _shoreham_. she is at present very foul, and the rudder is loose, which i fear before the next summer, may be of dangerous consequences which cannot be removed, without careening or lying ashore, which i presume there is no place in virginia, that will admit of." it is thought, however, that there must have been careening places in the colony for the smaller vessels, or how else could the pinnaces and sloops have been kept in repair. sloops became popular in the eighteenth century, and a number of them were built in virginia to be disposed of in the west indies. after the sloop was finished, she received a cargo of tobacco, and vessel and tobacco were sold together. because of the danger from pirates and spanish interference, the sloops for the west indies trade were designed especially for speed and maneuverability. the pilot boat evolved in the colony quite early. an advertisement appeared in the _virginia gazette_, on july 22, 1737, for a pilot boat stolen or gone adrift from york river. the boat was twenty-four feet keel, nine feet beam, with two masts and sails, and was painted red. another advertisement in september, 1739, concerning a boat stolen from newport news, on the james river, by one james hobbs, a carpenter. the boat was about fifteen feet keel, had two masts, and was payed with pitch. it had a new arch thort of black walnut, and a tarpaulin upon the forecastle. norfolk became one of the busiest ports in virginia, both in shipbuilding and ship repair work. a shipyard had been established on the elizabeth river in 1621 by john wood and work had been almost continuous, though at times very slow, throughout the seventeenth century. an inventory in 1723, listed one brigantine, three sloops, and three flats owned by robert tucker. one of the sloops was forty feet in length and valued at 230 pounds sterling. captain samuel tatum owned the ship _caesar_, which was said to be worth 625 pounds sterling, and the sloop _indian creek_ valued at twenty-five pounds. william byrd in his _history of the dividing line_, states that he saw at norfolk, in 1728, twenty sloops and brigantines. some of them were quite evidently of english origin. in 1736, the sloop _industry_, "lately built in norfolk," was loaded with tobacco in the james river to take to london. captain goodrich, master of the ship _betty_ of liverpool, which was built on the elizabeth river for the maryland trade, was permitted by the council of virginia, to sail to liverpool without the payment of the usual port duties. the firm of john glasford and company contracted with smith sparrows in 1761, for a ship built at norfolk, sixty feet in length, sixteen feet in the lower hold, and four feet between decks, the price being fifty shillings per ton. many of the shipwrights, who came to virginia and became land owners, settled in norfolk. that port was especially known for this kind of citizen, ranking next to the merchant in wealth and influence. among house owners were some ship-carpenters who carried on their trade, receiving for a day's work four shillings and a pint of rum, more wages than the salary of some clergymen. several shipwrights listed in lower norfolk were large property owners. abraham elliott owned land both in virginia and england. one john ealfridge owned one-half interest in a mill, and acquired a plantation for each of his two sons in addition to his own. to secure a large sum of money due robert cary of london, theophilus pugh of nansemond county mortgaged his lands, slaves, and vessels with all their boats. the vessels were listed as follows: ships, _william and betty_, _prosperous esther_; sloops, _little molly_, _little betty_; schooners, _nansemond frigate_, _pugh_. if the average planter had owned the equivalent of two ships, two sloops and two schooners, the total number of vessels in virginia in the middle of the eighteenth century would have far exceeded any inventory reported. the frame of a snow, which was to have been built by thomas rawlings, a ship-carpenter, for mr. john hood, merchant of prince george county, was advertised for sale in 1745. the snow was to have been sixty feet keel; twenty-three feet, eight inches beam; ten feet hold; and four feet between decks. also advertised for sale about the same time was a schooner, trimmed and well-fitted with sails and rigging to carry fifty hogsheads of tobacco. in march, 1746, the sloop _little betty_, burden fifty tons, was offered for sale with her sails, anchors, furniture, and tackle. the advertisements of virginia-built vessels in the 1750's, and in the 1760's, show a steady increase in the size of sloops and ships. the following are mentioned: a brig of eighty tons; several snows, one to carry 250 hogsheads of tobacco; and several schooners. schooner rigged boats appeared in the colony early in the eighteenth century, and gradually increased in size and importance. during the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner displaced the sloop as the principal coastwise vessel, and emerged during the revolution as a distinctive american type. "the most spectacular event in the history of naval architecture in the eighteenth century was the emergence of the chesapeake bay clipper-schooner," says arthur pierce middleton. in april, 1767, john hatley norton came from london to be his father's agent with headquarters in yorktown. he wrote home that his cousins, the walker brothers, had a shipyard at hampton, and were building ships of new white oak, well calculated for the west indies trade. a letter from john m. jordon & company, london, in 1770, reads in part as follows: "mr. william acrill desires you will make insurance of his brig, _america_, captain william c. latimer; in case of loss to receive four hundred pounds. she is chartered by a gentleman on the rappahannock; and is now in hampton roads, and will sail tomorrow or next day; and in case she arrives safe, you are to receive her freight, and sell the vessel, provided you can get four hundred pounds for her." occasionally, we find an account of the use of a vessel of some kind or other for pleasure. in fithian's _journal and letters_, the author writes in 1773, that his employer, mr. robert carter of nomini, prepared for a voyage in his schooner _harriot_ (named for his daughter), to the eastern shore of maryland for oysters. the schooner was of forty tons burden, thirty-eight feet in length, fourteen feet beam, six feet in depth of hold, carried 1400 bushels of grain, and was valued at forty pounds sterling. again from the _journal_: "from horn point, we agreed to ride to one mr. camel's, who is comptroller of the customs here. before dinner, we borrowed the comptroller's barge, which is an overgrown canoe, and diverted ourselves in the river which lies fronting his house." [illustration: _susan constant._ replica of the ship that brought the first settlers to jamestown, 1607 photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: interior of the _susan constant_ photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: the manner of makinge their boates. xii. the manner of makinge their boates in virginia is verye wonderfull. for wheras they want instruments of yron, or other like vnto ours, yet they knowe howe to make them as handsomelye, to saile with whear they liste in their riuers, and to fishe with all, as ours. first they choose some longe, and thicke tree, accordinge to the bignes of the boate which they would frame, and make a fyre on the grownd abowt the roote therof, kindlinge the same by little, and little with drie mosse of trees, and chipps of woode that the flame should not mounte opp to highe, and burne to muche of the lengte of the tree. when yt is almost burnt thorough, and readye to fall they make a new fyre, which they suffer to burne vntill the tree fall of yt owne accord. then burninge of the topp, and bowghs of the tree in suche wyse that the bodie of the same may retayne his iust lengthe, they raise yt vppon potes laid ouer cross wise vppon forked posts, at suche a reasonable heighte as they may handsomlye worke vppó yt. then take they of the barke with certayne shells: thy reserue the innermost parte of the lennke, for the nethermost parte of the boate. on the other side they make a fyre accordinge to the lengthe of the bodye of the tree, sauinge at both the endes. that which they thinke is sufficientlye burned they quenche and scrape away with shells, and makinge a new fyre they burne yt agayne, and soe they continue sometymes burninge and sometymes scrapinge, vntill the boate haue sufficient bothowmes. this god indueth thise sauage people with sufficient reason to make thinges necessarie to serue their turnes. from hariot's _virginia_. indian dugout canoe] [illustration: rose's tobacco boat, 1749] [illustration: rucker's tobacco boat, 1771 from percy's _piedmont apocalypse_.] [illustration: shallop from a sketch by gordon grant.] [illustration: _discovery_. replica of the pinnace that accompanied the _susan constant_, 1607 photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: construction of the _discovery_, after seventeenth-century shipbuilding photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] [illustration: an early shipyard from abbot's _american merchant ships_.] [illustration: from ralamb's _skeps byggerij_, 1691. trans. by j. aasland, jr., hampton, va. early shipbuilding tools used in sweden and other countries 1--english broad axe. 2--compass. 3--compass with chalk holder. 4--chalk line on roller. 5--compass. 6--axe for holes. 7--ruler. 8--tongue on ruler 1-1/2 ft. 9--dutch ruler. 10--tongue on ruler for ship layout. 11--swedish cutting axe. 12--trimming hatchet. 13--hook for removing old calking. 14--english adz. 15--adz. 16--swedish or dutch adz. 17--english handsaw. 18--handsaw with handle. 19--mallet. 20--hammer. 21--claw hammer. 22--circle saw. 23--auger. 24--dutch brace auger. 25--english wood chisel. 26--wood chisel. 27--english mallet. 28--gouge. 29--swedish mallet. 30--gouge. 31--gouge. 32--gouge. 33--calking mallet. 34--calking tool. 35--spike iron. 36--calking tool. 37--calking mallet. 38--english gouge. 39--calking iron. 40--lubricating tool, also for removing pitch. 41--hook for removing oakum or old calking. 42--calking iron. 43--calking iron. 44--tool used to clean out seams. 45--calking iron. 46--calking iron. 47--scraper.] [illustration: shipwrights drawing, 1586 from pepysian mss in magdalene college, cambridge, england.] [illustration: h.m.s. _mediator_, a virginia sloop of about 1741, purchased for the royal navy in 1745 drawn by h. i. chapelle from admiralty records.] [illustration: sloops in the york river between yorktown and gloucester point from an original drawing, 1755.] [illustration: chesapeake bay log canoe under construction from brewington's _chesapeake bay log canoes_.] [illustration: a virginia pilot boat with a view of cape henry from _naval chronicle_, 1815.] [illustration: american schooner off coast of virginia, 1794 from a watercolor by g. tobin in the national maritime museum, london.] [illustration: british schooner from a painting of curacao, 1785.] [illustration: seventeenth-century shipyard in england from the science museum, south kensington, london.] [illustration: careening ships in england, 1675 from the science museum, south kensington, london.] [illustration: english ketch, about 1700 from r. c. anderson's _sailing ships_.] [illustration: brigantine, about 1720 from williams' _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century_.] [illustration: brig from williams' _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century_.] [illustration: snow from williams' _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century_.] [illustration: small galley-built vessel, ship-rigged, 1714 from the archives in the custom house, london.] [illustration: ss _united states_, built at the newport news shipbuilding and dry dock company. latest shipbuilding in virginia, to compare with seventeenth-century craft photograph by w. t. radcliffe.] trading towns and ports in the early days of the colony after tobacco had become a commodity for export, ships moored at the wharves of the plantations along the james, york and rappahannock rivers and their estuaries. as trade increased, larger ships were used which anchored in the channels of the rivers, and the tobacco and other exports were carried to them by small boats--shallops, sloops, and barges. the government complained that it was losing revenue by this individualistic and unorganized shipping of the planters, and steps were taken to correct this. in 1633, it was enacted by the general assembly that all goods entering in any vessel--ship, bark or brig, should discharge at jamestown. this act applied to the colonists in their exports as well, but the law was disregarded. in 1680, places were selected in the different counties that had the advantage of accessibility and deep water where ships could gather to receive and discharge their cargoes. the establishment of these trading towns, as they were called, was by an act as follows: the general assembly having taken into consideration the great necessity, usefulness and advantages of cohabitation ... and considering the building of storehouses for the reception of all merchandizes imported, and receiving and laying ready all tobacco for exportation and sale ... that there be in every respective county fifty acres of land purchased by each county and laid out for a town and storehouses.... the price of the fifty acres of land was set at 10,000 pounds of tobacco and casks. lots of one-half acre were to be sold to individuals by a stated time at the price of one hundred pounds of tobacco. twenty places were named in the counties where trading towns were to be established: henrico, at varina. charles city, at flower de hundred opposite swinyards. surry, at smith's fort. james city, at james city. isle of wight, at pate's field, pagan creek. nansemond, at huff's point. warwick, at the mouth of deep creek. elizabeth city, west side of hampton river. lower norfolk, on nicholas wise's land. york, on mr. reed's land. new kent, at the brick house. gloucester, at tindal's point. middlesex, west side of wormley's creek. rappahannock, at hobb's hole. stafford, at peace point. westmoreland, at nomini. accomack, at onancock. northampton, north side of king's creek. lancaster, north side of corotomond creek. northumberland, at chickacone creek. the towns were building up. warehouses, churches, and prisons were erected in many of them, as well as private dwellings. an occasional court house could be found where legal proceedings were enacted. in 1691, however, an act of the general assembly changed many of the trading towns to ports, but was suspended later until the pleasure of the king and queen on the subject should be learned. no definite action was taken until 1705, when queen anne, who ascended the throne in 1702, expressed approval. then an act for ports of entry and clearance was passed to be in use from the 25th of december, 1708. this act provided that naval officers and collectors at the ports should charge virginia owners of vessels no more than half of the fees required for the services of entering and clearing. the sixteen towns to become ports were named as follows: hampton. norfolk. nansemond. james city. powhatan (flower de hundred). yorktown. queensborough, at blackwater. delaware, at west point. queenstown, at corrotoman. urbanna, at middlesex. tappahannock, at hobb's hole. new castle, at wicomico. kingsdale, at yohocomoco. marlborough, at potomac creek. northampton, at king's creek. onancock. the names of some of the trading towns were changed when they became ports, and soon became important and well-known throughout the country. hampton, known first by the indian name kecoughtan (spelled in various ways) was settled in 1610. although the name had been changed to elizabeth city by the company in may, 1620, upon the petition of the colonists, the old indian name was still in use occasionally in the 18th century. in papers relating to the administration of governor nicholson is a list of vessels about to sail from "keccowtan" in july 1705, sixty-seven sail of merchant ships bound for various ports of great britain. the names kecoughtan, elizabeth city, lower james, and even southampton were used interchangeably, and shown on records of the colony, until the act of 1705, named the port hampton. in british colonial records of 1700, we find hampton town, elizabeth city and keccowtan used in the same chapter. f. c. huntley in his _seaborne trade in virginia in mid-eighteenth century_, published in the _virginia magazine of history_, vol. 59, makes the statement that in the 18th century, port hampton handled the largest amount of shipping of all the virginia ports, judging from the total tonnage of vessels entering and clearing as given in the records of the naval officers. he uses 1752, as a normal trade year of which he gives interesting statistics. he states that the tonnages that entered and cleared the port hampton naval office were distributed among five different types of rigging. cleared: 64 sloops, 46 schooners, 16 ships, 20 brigs, 10 snows. entered: 59 sloops, 40 schooners, 40 ships, 18 brigs, 12 snows. of these a goodly portion were built in virginia. after taking part in laying the dividing line between virginia and north carolina, william byrd ii wrote on march 28, 1728: norfolk has most the air of a town of any in virginia. there were more than 20 brigantines and sloops riding at the wharves and ofttimes they have more. it has all the advantages of a situation requisite for trade and navigation. there is a secure harbor for a goodly number of ships of any burthen. the town is so near the sea that a vessel can sail in and out in a few hours. their trade is chiefly to the west indies whither they export abundance of beef, pork, flour and lumber. in the _journal_ of lord adam gordon, colonel of the 66th regiment of foot, stationed at the west indies from 1763 to 1775, is extracted the following: "norfolk hath a depth of water for a 40-gun ship or more, and conveniences of every kind for heaving down and fitting out large vessels; also a very fine ropewalk. there is a passage boat from hampton to norfolk and from york to gloucester." in the third quarter of the 18th century, norfolk became the principal seaport of virginia. yorktown was founded on land patented about 1635 by nicholas martiau, a walloon who had come to virginia in the summer of 1620. his grandson, benjamin read, sold fifty acres to the colony in 1691, and here yorktown as a port built the first custom house, not only in virginia, but in the country. a two-story brick building, erected about 1715, by richard ambler, who occupied the building as collector of customs for yorktown in 1720. it became a port of entry for new york, philadelphia and other northern cities, the importance of which was destroyed by the revolutionary war. york county was one of the eight original shires in 1634, under the name, charles river, changed in 1643 to york. the old custom house is still standing and is used as a museum for colonial and revolutionary relics. the location of alexandria on a large circular bay in the potomac river soon gave that town great importance as a port and shipyard. for generations, tobacco and grain were shipped from there, and imports of many kinds brought in. master shipbuilders turned out vessels manned, owned and operated by alexandrians. from her ropewalk came the rope to hoist the sails made in her sail lofts. on may 19, 1760, george washington went to alexandria to see col. littledale's ship launched. he tells of another launching he attended there on october 6, 1768, when he "stayd up all night to a ball." the two creeks flowing from near williamsburg to york river on one side and the james on the other, played an important part in early colonial history. from york river sloops, schooners, barges and all manner of flat-bottomed craft sailed up queen's creek to queen mary's port with its capitol landing within a mile of williamsburg. the same kind of watercraft sailed from james river up college creek to queen anne's port with its college landing near the city. cargoes of mahogany, lignum vitae, lemons, rum, sugar and ivory were discharged. received in return were tobacco, grain, flour and other commodities. vessels on queen's creek were required to pass through the custom house at yorktown after that office had been established. because of a general complaint by masters of ships that there were neither pilots nor beacons to guide them in virginia waters, the general assembly appointed captain william oewin chief pilot of james river in march, 1661, to be paid five pounds sterling for the pilotage of all ships above eighty tons if he be employed, and if not employed due to the presence of the ship's pilot who guided the vessel, he received forty shillings. the pilot was required to maintain good and sufficient beacons at all necessary places, and toward this expense, the master of every vessel that anchored within point comfort, having or not having a pilot, was required to pay thirty shillings. later the pilot or the company to which he belonged was required to keep one pilot boat of 18 foot keel at least, rigged and provided for use at all times. early ferries in virginia during the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the settler in virginia used any kind of craft he possessed to cross the streams that separated him from his neighbor or for transacting business. canoes, flatboats, scows, even sailing boats were pressed into service. these he propelled himself until he acquired a slave or two. communication was aided by bridges across the smaller streams, and when horses became available, by crossing the rivers at the fords whenever possible. the steady increase of settlers, however, created a demand for public transportation across creeks and rivers at the most travelled points. one of the first public ferries on record was started as a private enterprise in 1636, by adam thoroughgood. a skiff was rowed by slaves across the waters of lower norfolk, between what are now the cities of norfolk and portsmouth. in a few months the demand for transportation became so strong that the ferry was taken over by the county, increased to three hand-powered vessels and supported by a levy of six pounds of tobacco on each taxable person in the county. a second early ferry was that of henry hawley in 1640, when he was granted a patent by the court to keep a ferry at the mouth of the southampton river in kequoton, now hampton, for the use of the inhabitants and other passengers during his natural life, not exacting above one penny for ferriage according to the offer in his petition. "for the more ease of travellers," it was enacted by the general assembly in january 1642, that the country provide and maintain ferries and bridges and the levy for payment to the ferrymen be made by the commissioners where the ferry is kept. this act, establishing ferries at public expense, was repealed later and the court of each county given power to establish a ferry, or ferries in the county where needed at the instance of individuals. the court had authority to appoint and license the ferry keeper, to require of him a bond of twenty pounds sterling payable to his majesty as security for the constant use and well-keeping of the boats. it was the duty of the court to order and direct the boats and hands in use at the ferries. to encourage men to engage in operating ferries, it was enacted in 1702 that all persons attending on ferryboats should be free from public and county levies and from such public services as musters, constables, clearing highways, impressment, etc., and should have their licenses without fee or paying a reward for obtaining them. and if the ferryman desired to maintain an ordinary (public inn) at the ferry, he should be permitted to do so without fee for the license, but should be required to give bond for security. no other person should be permitted to establish an ordinary within five miles of such a ferry keeper. a warning was issued that any person not a ferryman who for reward should set any person over the river where there was a ferry, except for going to church, should pay for every such offense five pounds sterling, one-half to go to the ferryman and one-half to the informer, the full amount to the ferryman should he be the informer. the county court was authorized in 1705 to make an agreement with the keeper of the ferry to set over the county militia on muster days and to raise an allowance for this in the county levy. all public messages and expresses to the government were to be allowed to cross ferry free. the adjutant general with one servant and their horses were exempted in 1738 from any payment on any ferry in the colony. ministers of the church were likewise exempt from paying ferriage. dugout canoes of the indians were among the first ferries used in virginia and when more space was needed, two canoes were lashed together and secured by means of heavy cross pieces. in the _journal_ of thomas chalkley, a traveller in virginia, he tells of a ferry crossing made at yorktown in 1703: "we put our horses into two canoes tied together, and our horses stood with their fore feet in one and their hind feet in the other." later, flatboats, scows, barges, and more carefully planked boats were put into use. rope ferries were necessary wherever the current was swift, but used as little as possible on navigable rivers because of the obstruction to navigation. the number of ferries in the colony increased steadily from year to year. at nearly every session of the general assembly some law was enacted "for the good regulation of ferries." in 1705, the assembly published a list of ferries with corresponding rates of ferriage that crossed the james, york, and rappahannock rivers and their branches. the ferries but not the rates are given herewith as follows: ferries on james river and branches thereof- henrico county at varina. bermuda hundred to city point. charles city county at westover. appomattox river near col. byrd's store. prince george county at coggan's point, and maycocks. powhatan town to the swineherd landing. surry county, hog island to archer's hope. sicamore landing by windmill point to the widow jones's landing at wyanoke. mouth of the upper chipoake's creek over to the row, or martin's brandon. swan's point to james town. crouche's creek to james town. james city county at james town to swan's point. james town to crouche's creek. williamsburg, princess ann port to hog island. chickahominy, at usual place on each side of river. john goddale's to williams's neck, or drummond's neck. nansemond county, coiefield's point to robert peale's near sleepy hole. elizabeth city county at hampton town from town point to brookes's point. hampton town to sewell's point. norfolk town to sawyer's point or lovet's plantation. ferries on york river and branches- new kent county, robert peaseley's to philip williams's. brick house to west point. brick house to graves's. king william county, spencer's over to the usual landing place. thomas cranshaw to the usual landing place. philip williams's to peaseley's point. west point to brick house. abbot's landing over mattaponi river. west point to graves's. york town to tindal's point (gloucester point). this ferry was in continual operation until 1952 when a fine new bridge was opened for travel across the york. the ferriage in 1705 was seven pence half penny for a man, fifteen pence for man and horse. queen mary's port at williamsburg to claybank creek in gloucester county. captain matthews's to capahosack. tindal's point to york town. capahosack to matthews's landing or scimmino creek. bailey's over the peankatank. king and queen county, graves's to west point. graves's to brick house. burford's to old talbot's. captain walker's mill landing. middlesex county, over peankatank at turk's ferry. ferries on the rappahannock river- middlesex county, shelton's to mottrom wright's. brandon to chowning's point. essex county, daniel henry's to william pannell's. bowler's, at the usual place, to sucket's point. tappahannock to webley pavies, or to rappahannock creek. henry long's to the usual place. richmond county, william pannell's over the rappahannock. sucket's point to bowler's. potomac river- stafford county, col., william fitzhugh's landing to maryland. eastern shore- port of northampton to the port of york. port of northampton to the port of hampton. rates on these ferries were fixed by courts and varied according to distance. across the southampton river in hampton the rate was one penny, while from the port of northampton to hampton, the price was fifteen shillings for a man and thirty shillings for a man and horse. in 1740, the ferry from hampton to norfolk was described as follows: "from the town of southampton, across the mouth of the james river, to the borough of norfolk and nansemond town; from the borough of norfolk and nansemond town, across the mouth of the james river, to the town of southampton." the fare for this trip for a man passing singly was seven shillings, six pence; for a man and horse, five shillings each. by february 1743, the ferries across the chesapeake bay had been expanded, and were described as follows: "from york, hampton and norfolk towns, across the bay to the land of littleton eyre on hungar's river in northampton county; from the land of littleton eyre on hungar's river in northampton county, across the bay to york, hampton and norfolk." the rate for a man was twenty shillings, for a man and horse, fifteen shillings each. in 1748, another list of ferries, published in hening's _statutes_, showed that the number had more than doubled since 1705. the potomac river had added fourteen to the number given at that time. two ferries had been established on nottaway: "from thomas drew's land to dr. brown's, and from bolton's ferry to simmons' land." the ferries in addition to those of 1705 are the following: james river and branches- land of henry batte in henrico county, to the glebe land at varina. westover in charles city county, to maycox, or coggins point, and from maycox to westover. kennon's to maye's on appomattox river, and from maye's to kennon's. joseph wilkin's or john hood's land in prince george county, to john minge's land in wyanoke. hog-island, in surry county, to higginson's landing on col. lewis burwell's land. jamestown to swan's point. cowle's to williams's. cowle's to hamner's point. crawford's to powder point. boiling's point in henrico county, over appomattox river. city point to shirley hundred, at the ship landing, and from the said landing to city point. ship landing at shirley to bermuda hundred. bermuda hundred to city point. hemp landing at the falls of james river, to shocoe's, on the land of william byrd, esq. land of stephen woodson, in the county of goochland, to manacon town. henry cary's land, over the river, to the land of the said cary. henry batte's, in the county of henrico, to alexander bollings, in the county of prince george. land of col. richard bland, in the county of prince george, to the land of mrs. anderson, in the county of charles city. land of william pride called the store landing, in the county of henrico, to anthony's landing, in the county of prince george. store landing over persie's stile creek, to the land of peter baugh. warehouse landing at warwick, to the land of thomas moseley. mulberry island point in the county of warwick, to cocket's in isle of wight, and from cocket's to mulberry island. land of richard mosby in goochland county, to the land of tarlton fleming, opposite to mosby's landing. land of tucker woodson, to the land of paul micheaux near the court house. land of bennet goode to the land of col. john fleming. land of james fenly to the land of william cabbell, cross the fluvanna. charles lynch's plantation in albemarle county, on the rivanna, cross the said river, to the land of richard meriwether. land of mr. benjamin cocke, cross the said river, to the land of the said benjamin cocke. land of ashford hughes on the north side of james river, near the mouth of willis creek, cross the river to the land of robert carter, and from the said carter's to the said hughes's. land of lemuel riddick, adjoining the public wharf in suffolk, cross nansemond river, to samuel jordan's land. land of william pride in the county of herrico, on appomattox river, above the narrow falls, to the land of the said pride over the river, in prince george county. land of william cabbell, in albemarle county, at the mouth of swan's creek, over the fluvanna, to the land of samuel spencer; or from the said cabbell's, over tye river, to his land opposite. additional ferries on the york river- chamberlayne's to williams's. brick house to dudley's, or dudley's to brick house. webb's to lyde's, formerly spencer's, in king william county. temple landing, over mattaponi river. west point to dudley's, or dudley's to west point. capahosic to scimino. seaton's over piankatank. frazier's to broach's, and from broach's to frazier's. walker town to waller's, or waller's to walker town. turk's ferry over piankatank. robert king's over pamunkey to blackwell's, or from blackwell's to king's. sweethall to claiborne gooch's, or from claiborne gooch's to sweethall. george dabney's over pamunkey river. taylor's in king william to garland's in hanover. william pulliam's in hanover, to john holliday's in caroline. richard littlepage's to thomas claiborne's land, over pamunkey, and from claiborne's to littlepage's. todd's warehouse landing, in king and queen, to the land of robert armistead bird, in king william. ferries on the rappahannock river- whiting's to gilbert's. land of thomas ley to robinson's, or from robinson's to ley's. byrd's to williams', or williams' to byrd's. tappahannock town to carter's, or to rappahannock creek, on either side thereof. tankersley's over rappahannock river, to the usual place. germanna over the rapid ann. ray's plantation to skinker's. urbanna to chetwood's. urbanna, from the ferry landing to locust point, on the land of ralph wormley, esq. johnston's plantation in spotsylvania, to washington's in king george. taliaferro's plantation of the mount, to the land of joseph berry. philemon cavenaugh's ford. wharf above the mouth of massaponax creek, to the opposite landing upon mr. ball's land. fredericksburg warehouse to the land of anthony strother, or from strother's to fredericksburg. roy's warehouse to gibson's warehouse. william lowry's to the land of benjamin rust, or from rust's to lowry's. falmouth to the land of francis thornton, in spotsylvania. hackley's land in king george to corbin's in caroline. lot of joseph morton, in leeds town, to the lands of mrs. brooke. lower side of parrot's creek to teague's creek, on the land of baldwin. matthews smith, and from that creek to the lower side of parrot's creek. ferries on the potomac river- col. william fitzhugh's land at boyd's hole, over to maryland. hoe's to cedar point. tripplet's land below the mouth of quantico creek, over to brooks's land. robert lovell's in the county of westmoreland, over to maryland. land of william russel on sherendo, cross into the fork, or cross the main river. kersey's landing on col. carter burwell's land, to the land of col. landon carter. gersham key's land, to the land of the honourable william fairfax. williams' gap, from the land of the right honourable the lord fairfax, where john melton now lives, to the land of ralph wormley, esquire. plantation of george mason, opposite to rock creek, over to maryland. plantation of john hereford in [doegs?] neck, over the river, to the lower side of pamunkey in maryland. hunting creek warehouse to frazier's point, or addison's. land of ebenezer floyd to powell's. evan watkin's landing, opposite to canagochego creek, to edmund wade's land in maryland. land of william clifton to the land of thomas wallis. land of hugh west to frazier's, or addison's. the county courts were required to appoint proper boats to be kept at the ferries where needed for the transportation of wheeled vehicles--carts, chaises, coaches and wagons. the rates for these vehicles were based upon the rates for horses. for every coach, chariot or wagon, the price was the same as for the ferriage of six horses; for every cart or four-wheeled chaise, the price was the same as for four horses; and for every two-wheeled chaise or chair, the same as for two horses. for every hogshead of tobacco, the rate of one horse was charged. for ferrying animals, every head of neat cattle rated as one horse; every sheep, lamb or goat, one-fifth part of the rate for a horse; for every hog, one-fourth of the ferriage of a horse. should the ferryman exceed the legal rates, he was penalized by having to pay to the party aggrieved, the ferriage demanded and ten shillings. in february 1752, a free ferry for any persons and their commodities was established from the town of port royal over the rappahannock river to the land of john moore in king george county. in 1757, there were five ferries from norfolk over her various bodies of water, one of which was established as a free ferry supported by the county to enable the poor people of the community to have free passage to market. in the _virginia gazette_ for march 31, 1768, the following advertisement appeared: "i have boats for the use of my ferry equal to any in the government, and can give ferry dispatch greater than any other ferry keeper on the potomac river." in the late seventeenth century, the henrico county ferry was run by a woman. the county levy for that year was the sum of 2,000 pounds of tobacco to be paid to mrs. sarah woodson for keeping the ferry for one year. the county courts continued to establish new ferries and to discontinue others through the revolution and after. now and then bridges would take the place of ferries across the smaller streams. an interesting instance of such a change is told in the _richmond times-dispatch_ for august 20, 1939. "for a century from 1650, ferries were maintained across the two branches of pagan river at smithfield in isle of wight county. in 1750, these ferries were abandoned for toll bridges." from year to year, ferries gradually gave way to bridges and now, when we have passed the middle of the twentieth century, there are few ferries left in virginia. these are large, fine steamboats capable of carrying hundreds of passengers, but are no more necessary to the welfare of the people than were the little dugouts in the early days of the colony. shipbuilding in the period of the revolution at a convention of delegates and representatives of the counties and corporations of the colony of virginia on july 17, 1775, there was established a committee of safety consisting of ten prominent men for putting into execution the ordinances and resolutions of the convention. that committee was authorized to provide as many armed vessels as they judged necessary for the protection of the colony in the war that seemed to threaten. advertisements for ship-carpenters and other operatives were made, and every inducement held out to them in order that the building of vessels might immediately commence. between december, 1775, and july, 1776, the committee established a small navy by purchase of several armed, schooner-rigged vessels from the owners of the merchant fleet; and contracts were made for a number of galleys to be constructed on the different rivers of the colony. the potomac was to be protected by the construction of two row-galleys and the purchase of three boats. george minter was elected master of a row-galley to be built on the james river under the direction of colonel cary. he was requested to recommend proper persons to be mate, two midshipmen, gunner, and to enlist forty seamen. john herbert, a master shipbuilder, was employed to engage any number of ship-carpenters that he could procure upon reasonable terms, and to examine such places upon the james river or its branches as he thought proper and convenient for erecting shipyards, and to report to the committee. caleb herbert was retained as the master builder of a shipyard on the rappahannock river, and reuben herbert for such a yard on york river. each of them was desired as soon as possible to engage a proper number of workmen for building two row-galleys to be employed in the two rivers to transport troops. it was recommended that a committee at norfolk engage a proper person to take direction and employ a number of ship-carpenters for at least a year, to build vessels for the colony. george mason, in a letter to george washington on april 12, 1776, mentioned that he had under his charge two row-galleys of 40 or 50 tons burden, each to mount light guns, three and four pounders; and the sloop, _american congress_, a fine stout vessel of 110 tons burden, mounting fourteen carriage guns, four and six pounders, and was considering mounting two 9-pounders upon her main boom. on june 6, 1776, the committee of safety appointed christopher calvert to superintend the building of two row-galleys for the protection of virginia and north carolina, to engage a master workman and as many men as he should need to work expeditiously. the two vessels, _caswell_ and _washington_, were built at the south quay shipyard on the blackwater river near the north carolina line. a north carolina sloop had been seized in ocracoke inlet in april, 1776. sometime later, a warrant for £100 was issued to argyle herbert for the use of captain calvert upon account to pay the carpenters employed on his galley. at the convention of delegates held at the capitol in williamsburg on may 6, 1776, resolutions were passed dissolving the government from great britain, establishing virginia as a commonwealth or state. a board of navy commissioners composed of five members was appointed to superintend and direct all matters relating to the navy. their peculiar duties were defined as follows: to superintend and direct the building and repairing of all vessels; provide the necessary outfits, ordnance, provisions and naval stores; control the public rope walks; erect dockyards; contract for and provide all timber necessary for building purposes; and supervise the shipyards. on september 12, 1776, this commission was requested to engage the proper persons for building "in the most expeditious manner", 30 boats for the transportation of troops on the rivers, each boat to be the proper size for carrying a complete company of 68 men with their arms and baggage. those were small boats without masts but broad and strong enough to transport troops across rivers and to carry from point to point large quantities of ammunition and provisions as they were required. the small boats had been found indispensable in retreats, in rapid marches, and in concentrating land forces. the commissioners were authorized in october to provide the necessary plank and timber for the building of four large galleys fit for river and sea service, and to be mounted with proper guns. and for manning these galleys and others being built, the commissioners were requested to raise the number of men needed, not to exceed 1300 to serve three years. the continental congress directed that two frigates of 36 guns and of 500 tons burthen be built in virginia, and the navy board ordered the work done at gosport shipyard in norfolk county. the following excerpts from a letter of richard henry lee of the united states congress to james maxwell, chief superintendent of construction on december 1, 1776, give directions for building the frigates: the congress has resolved upon building two ships-of-war of 36 guns each.... you, sir, have been recommended as a person of great fitness for this business.... i do, in the name of the committee, request you will ... determine a most fit place to put these ships upon the stocks at. safety against the enemy is a very necessary object, proper water for launching, and convenience for getting timber you will consider.... a master builder with four or six workmen will soon go hence to virginia for this business, and i have no doubt other workmen will be had in that state to carry on the work briskly.... the builder desires that trees be felled immediately whilst the sap is down, that a quantity of locust trunnels be split one and one-half inches and from 18 to 30 inches in length; that sawyers be employed to get out white oak plank of 3-1/2 inches. these things and whatever else may be immediately necessary for this business you will take care to have done.... the builder tells me that cedar, locust, pitch pine, or wild cherry will be the proper timber for the upper works. on wednesday, december 18, 1776, it was resolved by the general assembly that the governor be desired to write to the maryland council of safety to inform them that four galleys of eighty odd feet keel, intended for the protection of chesapeake bay and adjacent capes and coasts, were then building in virginia and in great forwardness, and that the general assembly have directed four more galleys, much larger, be immediately built and equipped for the same purpose. the hope was expressed that the sister state, equally interested in mutual defence, would supply a proper quota of galleys to act in concert with those of virginia. chesapeake bay was the chief theatre of action by the enemy because of the principal tories residing near its waters. to watch their movements and prevent intercourse with the enemy became the duty of these galleys. two galleys, the _accomack_ and _diligence_, were built in 1777 on muddy creek near guilford in accomack county, and stationed on the eastern shore. these large galleys were about 90 feet in length and each carried two 18-pounders, four 9-pounders, and several swivels, in all ten guns. the state built and operated in 1777, a ropewalk at warwick in chesterfield county about five miles below richmond, where ducking, sail-cloth, and rope were manufactured under the charge of captain charles thomas. several important warehouses had been established there. the place was totally destroyed in the british raid of april, 1781. there were numerous places in virginia where shipbuilding was carried on during 1776 and 1779. vessels were built and equipped on the eastern shore, the potomac, the rappahannock, chickahominy and james rivers; at hampton, gosport in norfolk county, south quay on the blackwater near the carolina line, frazier's ferry on the mattaponi, and cumberland on the pamunkey. this last shipyard was discontinued at the suggestion of thomas jefferson in 1779 because of the enormous expense attending its support. there was also a shipyard in gloucester county owned by john hudgens. construction was carried on chiefly at the chickahominy and gosport yards. the shipyard on the chickahominy was located about twelve miles from its mouth and chosen partly because of its sheltered location and the fine timber that grew near by. the navy board had purchased 119 acres of land for the sum of £595 in april, 1777, and it became one of the busiest shipyards in the state. the ship _thetis_, and the armed brig _jefferson_, and many others were built in this yard. this establishment suffered the same fate as the warwick ropewalk during arnold's raid in 1781. a few posts are still standing in the water to mark the spot. just before the breaking out of the revolution, the british government had established a marine yard at portsmouth, virginia, for the use of its navy, and named it for the dockyard gosport near portsmouth, england. this yard was confiscated by virginia when the war began, and enlarged in 1801, by the purchase of 16 acres of the estate of andrew sproule, the british navy agent, for $12,000. the ship _virginia_ was built here and the two frigates laid on the stocks, with a number of other vessels. early in may, 1779, a british fleet with a large force of frigates and transports passed through the capes and on into hampton roads, under the command of sir george collier. unable to meet such a formidable enemy, the virginians withdrew their small fleet up the river for safety. the following extract is said to be from the _journal_ of h.m.s. _rainbow_, commanded by sir george collier: when the troops under general matthews took possession of portsmouth, norfolk and gosport navy yard had been abandoned. before leaving, the virginians had set fire to a ship-of-war of 28 guns ready for launching, belonging to congress, and two french merchant ships loaded with bales of goods and tobacco.... the quantities of naval stores found in their arsenals were astonishing. many vessels of war were on the stocks in different stages of forwardness; one of 36 guns, one of 18, three of 16, and three of 14, beside many merchantmen. the whole number taken, burnt, and destroyed while the king's ships were in the river amounted to _one hundred and thirty-seven_ sail of vessels.... [evidently, james maxwell's two frigates were included in this group.] five thousand loads of fine seasoned oak knees for shipbuilding and an infinite quantity of plank, masts, cordage, and numbers of beautiful ships-of-war on the stocks were at one time in a blaze and totally consumed, not a vestige remaining but the iron work.... quantities of tar were found in the warehouses, and in suffolk, 8,000 barrels of pitch, tar, and turpentine were seized. much was carried away but great quantities were set on fire and left behind. early in 1780, it was learned that the enemy intended another invasion of the coast of virginia, and the general assembly took measures for defense. in addition to land forces, the navy was ordered to assemble a small fleet consisting of the ships _thetis_, _tempest_, and _dragon_, the brig _jefferson_ and the galley _henry_ for the purpose of defending hampton roads and adjacent waters. in october, the situation seemed much more critical and acts were passed to build two more galleys of the same construction as built by congress in 1776, carrying two 32-pounders in the bow, a like number in the stern, with 6-pounders at the sides. the rigging, sails, guns, and other materials to be provided while the galleys were on the stocks that no time be lost in preparing them for the cruise. captain james maxwell addressed a letter to governor jefferson on december 7, 1780, informing him that the lieutenant of the _jefferson_ thinks it will take £14,000 [in continental money] to pay her up to the present time. there was also due the workmen of the gosport shipyard on the last of october, £18,679-14_s._-6_d._ clothing was wanting for 26 men--52 shirts, 26 jackets, and breeches, stockings, shoes and hats or caps. governor jefferson wrote to james maxwell on january 16, 1781, as follows: "i enclose you a plan for building portable boats, recommended by general washington, and shall be glad that you will take measures for having about twenty of them made without delay. we have doubts that they will suit our waters, and will be glad to confer with you on any suggested improvement." general lafayette having arrived at york on march 13, 1781, governor jefferson wrote him that there would be ready for him at the chickahominy shipyard four boats well-fitted to his purpose, and others were collecting in the rivers to rendezvous at hood's. these were for lookout boats placed in the rappahannock, piankatank, and york rivers. hood's was a battery on the james in prince george county, opposite weyanoke, now called fort powhatan. later, maxwell notified the governor that he was building a few boats at the chickahominy shipyard. the governor had requested that a good bateau builder be sent there to superintend some carpenters in building bateaux for the river above the falls, and the rest of the carpenters be set to building boats for navigating the lower parts of the river, boats so light and of such form they could be moved on wheels. on april 21, 1781, the traitor arnold and phillips made their raid up the james river, penetrating as far as richmond. a detachment under lieut. col. ambercrombie destroyed the shipyard at chickahominy including a large number of naval craft, among them an unfinished ship of 200 tons, and important warehouses. on april 27, the virginia fleet composed of six ships, eight brigs, five sloops, two schooners and several smaller craft, met the british fleet in battle a few miles below richmond, but had to give way. a number of vessels were scuttled or set on fire, but the enemy captured the rest, and the fleet was practically wiped out. only one armed vessel remained, the brig _liberty_. after the surrender of cornwallis, the general assembly met on may, 1782, and appointed three commissioners to superintend the work of protecting the bay. the ship _cormorant_ and the brig _liberty_ were prepared, and plans made for building two galleys and two barges or whale boats. the commissioners managed to keep a small naval force together during 1782 and 1783, until the war came to an end. when peace was declared in 1783, the commissioners had in different stages of construction the schooners _harrison_ and _patriot_, the barges _york_ and _richmond_, and the pilot boat _fly_. virginia dispensed with all her fleet except the _liberty_ and _patriot_ which were retained, with the approval of congress, as revenue cutters. among the various types of vessels mentioned here, galleys are generally thought of as having been rather insignificant. on the contrary, they were among the important vessels constructed for the virginia navy. while they were so built that they could easily retire up the creeks out of range of british guns, they were capable also of sailing out in the broad waters of the bay. they were broad in proportion to their length which varied from 60 to 90 feet, and not drawing much water could support immense weight upon their decks, as in transporting troops with their horses and baggage, and in carrying guns of the largest size. generally they had two masts and were rigged as schooners, but an occasional galley carried three masts as in the case of the _gloucester_. some were without masts and were called row-galleys. these were only half decked, were provided with high and strong bulwarks for the better protection from marksmen, and were propelled by oars only. the armaments of these galleys were much more formidable in proportion to their tonnage than were those of any other vessels. in november, 1776, two large galleys for river and sea service were ordered to be built to carry four 24-pounders, and fourteen 9-pounders each. also, in october, 1780, two more large ones were ordered to carry two 30-pounders in the bow, the same in the stern, with 6-pounders at the sides, for the protection of the chesapeake bay. the _gloucester_ was one of the largest galleys built. judging from the order sent to captain charles thomas on april 30, 1777, for rope and cables from the ropewalk at warwick, the galley had a foremast, a mainmast, a mizzen and a bowsprit. all the rigging was to have a rogue's yarn in it, that it might be distinguished from merchant rope. a rogue's yarn was a single thread of red or blue which was twisted in the rope at the manufactory, and served to distinguish it from all others. the _gloucester_ was used as a prison ship. two accounts of the development of the schooner in use by virginia during the revolution are worth recording: (a) it is from this time perhaps that we may date that new era in the art of shipbuilding which now produced the firstlings of that brood of fast-sailing clippers that afterwards were to astonish and charm the naval world with their brilliant performance. the americans were the originators of this improved naval architecture. it was developed by that spirit of invention and love of adventure so characteristic of a young and vigorous people, urged by necessity.... the far-famed baltimore clipper soon established the reputation of that long, low, rakish-looking craft, which has ever since been the cynosure of the seaman's eye. (b) the most spectacular event in the history of naval architecture in the 18th century was the emergence of the clipper-schooner which became famous during the revolution. this was a trim, rakish craft known as the virginia-built schooner, an exclusively chesapeake type prior to the revolution. the war created a demand for this fast-sailing vessel and builders all along the coast constructed vessels on the clipper lines thereby converting it to a national type. the war made the clipper-schooner internationally known, however, and before the end of the century, the french, dutch, and british built schooners on the clipper lines. the pilot boat used in the virginia navy was a small fast-sailing craft used as "lookouts", only two of which, the _molly_ and the _fly_, were armed. their duties were attended with many hardships and extreme peril. they were obliged to hover along a dangerous coast in all weathers to give notice of the approach of every sail whether friend or foe. they acted as a flying sentry at the gates of the chesapeake, but constantly exposed to the broad atlantic outside. although the war virtually eliminated virginia's trading fleet as well as her navy, her shipbuilding capacity was at its best. her many shipyards, abundant supplies of available shipbuilding timber, and her skilled craftsmen soon put her trading fleet in operation and it became an integral part of the american merchant marine. early virginia watercraft (as defined by authorities) _shallop_--a nondescript type of small boat, from the french "chaloupe," open or half-decked, sometimes with one or two masts for use if needed. it was the most popular boat used in the colony for collecting corn from the indians, fishing, oystering, and exploring. _pinnace_--"an old name in english marine nomenclature." a light sailing vessel from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, decked and having one or more masts, from twenty to thirty tons burden. the pinnaces _virginia_, _discovery_, and the two built at bermuda, _deliverance_ and _patience_ were sea-going vessels. _barge_--"a term applied to numerous types of vessels throughout the ages." in virginia it meant a ship's boat, or a flat bottom freight boat used on inland waterways and for loading and unloading ships. _bateau_--the chesapeake bay bateau in colonial times was a double-ended boat having a v-bottomed hull, built in lengths to forty or fifty feet, and was primarily a rowing or poling boat used for rivers and creeks. _scow_--a large flat-bottomed vessel having broad, square ends and straight sides, sometimes flat-decked. probably from the dutch term "schouw." _flat_--an old form of boat, simple to build, with flat bottom, ends boarded over, used for heavy freight and ferrying, sometimes having a mast. _skiff_--a light swift open boat, generally double-ended for rowing, but sometimes equipped for sailing. _frigate_--originally a light vessel propelled by both sails and oars with flush decks. a "frigott" was constructed at cape comfort by captain argall in 1613. later the term was applied only to a type of warship. _punt_--a small flat-bottomed, open boat, usually with a seat in the middle, and a well or seat at one, or each end for use in shallow waters, propelled by oars or poles. _yawl_--a small sailing vessel rigged like a sloop with a small additional mast in the stern. _canoe_--the evolution of the chesapeake bay canoe and the chesapeake bay bugeye from the indian dugout canoe, is one of the most interesting developments in the history of shipbuilding in america. _piragua_ or _periagua_--a large dugout canoe fitted with sails. _tobacco boat_--the double dugout canoe generally referred to as the tobacco boat, was "invented" by the reverend robert rose, rector of st. ann's parish in albemarle. the boats were from fifty to sixty feet in length, from four to five feet in width, clamped together with cross beams and pins, two pieces running lengthwise over these, with a capacity of from five to ten hogsheads of tobacco. the first mention of this boat was in rose's diary for march 14, 1749. (2) the james river bateau or tobacco boat was invented by anthony j. rucker in 1771, and is mentioned in jefferson's _notes on virginia_. the bateaux were made of boards from forty to sixty feet long and flat-bottomed. they were constructed so that either end could be poled against the river bank and the hogshead rolled aboard. each craft required a crew of three, one to steer and one each for the sideboards, the full length of the gunwales. _sloop_--a craft with a single mast and fore-and-aft rig, in its simplest form a mainsail and jib. it is said to have appeared in the colony from england before 1630, and became the most common colonial rig. it was the fast-sailing craft for coastwise and west indies trade. it became very popular as a pleasure boat. _schooner_--a two or more masted vessel, fore-and-aft rigged. the essentials of the schooner are two fore-and-aft sails and a headsail (jib), any other sails being incidental. this type of rig was not known until the last quarter of the seventeenth century, appearing in america by 1700, or shortly after. during the second half of the eighteenth century, the schooner displaced the sloop as the principal colonial coasting vessel, and during the revolution emerged as the most distinctly american type. _pilot boat_--in 1661, the general assembly passed an act creating the office of chief pilot of the james river. a specific type of vessel evolved for use as pilot boats--fast, weatherly boats, somewhat on the mold of the already developing clipper schooner, about 1745. this boat soon acquired schooner rig and all the characteristics of a clipper schooner. this trim craft, distinguished for speed and sea worthiness, proved ideal for yachting. almost all schooner yachts until about 1870, were built on the lines of pilot boats. the best known example was the victory of the yacht _america_ in 1851. _brig_--a seagoing vessel having two masts and square rigged. _brigantine_--a seagoing vessel having two masts, one square rigged, the other fore-and-aft. _snow_--a seagoing vessel having two masts similar to a brig, and an additional mast abaft the mainmast which carried a spanker or driver (a gaff-headed trysail). _ship_--a sailing vessel having three or more masts, square rigged, the largest seagoing vessel of the period. a term frequently applied to any vessel. _bark_ or _barque_--a sailing vessel having three or more masts, square rigged, the after mast, fore-and-aft rigged. a term frequently applied to any vessel. _barkentine_--a sailing vessel with three or more masts, the fore mast square rigged, the other masts being fore-and-aft. _galley_--a long, single or partially decked vessel of light draft, fitted for rowing and having one or two masts to raise for use when needed. they ranged in size from forty to seventy-five feet in length, and were used as warships by virginia during the revolution when they carried from one to twelve guns. the planters and shipbuilders of virginia had a wide choice in the selection of timber for building their boats and ships: virginia yielding to no known place in the known world for timbers of all sorts, commodious for strength, pleasant for sweetness, specious for colors, spacious for largeness, useful for land and sea, for housing and shipping. for timber, we have the oak, ash, poplar, black walnut, pines and gum trees. frequently several kinds of wood were used in the construction of a boat, and the color combinations of the natural woods, with the use of turpentine and pitch, was pleasing enough to some shipbuilders. for others, however, the vessels were painted in bright colors, often a combination of several colors. the larger vessels were usually built of white oak, but due to the rapid growth of the tree, virginia oak was not as good or lasting as the oak grown in england. ships built from the american live oak, helped much to improve the reputation of colonial vessels. as a general rule, vessels built in the colony were without ornamentation of any kind, utility being the watchword, and speed important. it has been reported, however, that a few billet heads and figureheads were placed on ships, and carved figureheads imported from boston by a planter appeared on his vessels. bibliography abbot, w. j. _american merchant ships and sailors._ new york, 1902. ames, s. m. _studies of the virginia eastern shore in the seventeenth century._ richmond, 1940. andrews, c. m. _the colonial period of american history._ new haven, yale university press, 1934-1938. 4 vols. beverley, robert. _the history and present state of virginia._ london, 1705. reprinted for _the institute of early american history and culture_ by the university of north carolina, 1947. bishop, j. l. _the history of american manufacturers from 1608 to 1860._ philadelphia, 1861-1864. 2 vols. bloomster, e. l. _sailing and small craft down the ages._ united states naval institute, 1940. bolton, h. e. _the spanish borderlands._ new haven, 1921. brewington, m. v. _baycraft labels at dorothy's discovery._ cambridge, md., 1952. brown, alexander. _the first republic in america._ boston, 1898. ---_the genesis of the united states._ boston, 1890. 2 vols. bruce, p. a. _the economic history of virginia in the seventeenth century._ new york, 1896. 2 vols. brumbaugh, g. m. _revolutionary war records. vol. 1, virginia._ washington, 1936. byrd, william. _the secret diaries of william byrd of westover, 1709-1712, 1739-1741._ richmond, 1942. 2 vols. _calendar of state papers, colonial series._ 1574-1731 (not complete). london, 1860-1938. 18 vols. _calendar of virginia state papers_, compiled by william price palmer. richmond, 1875-1893. 11 vols. campbell, charles. _history of the colony and ancient dominion of virginia._ philadelphia, pa., 1860. chapelle, howard i. _american small sailing craft._ new york, 1951. chatterton, e. k. _english seamen and the colonization of america._ london, 1930. _dictionary of american history._ new york, 1940. 6 vols. fassett, j. f. g. _the shipbuilding business in the united states._ new york, _society of naval architects and marine engineers_, 1948. fithian, p. v. _journal and letters._ williamsburg, 1943. flippen, p. s. _the royal government in virginia, 1624-1776._ new york, 1919. fry and jefferson's _map of virginia_. 1775. grahame, james. _history of the united states of america from the plantations of the british colonies until their assumption of national independence._ philadelphia, pa., 1845. 4 vols. gwathmey, j. h. _historical register of virginians in the revolution, 1775-1783._ richmond, 1938. "vessels of the united states navy," p. 861. hakluyt, richard. _principal navigations, voyages, and discoveries of the english nation._ glasgow, 1905. 12 vols. hariot, thomas. _a brief and true report of the new found land of virginia._ frankfort, de bry, 1590. also, a facsimile reprint of the first edition, 1588. new york, 1903. hening, w. w., ed. _statutes at large._ richmond, va., 1809-1823. 13 vols. herrera, antonio de. _general history of the vast continent and islands of america._ london, 1726. 6 vols. huntley, f. c. _the seaborne trade in virginia in mid-eighteenth century._ in _virginia magazine of history and biography_, vol. 59. johnson, e. r., and collaborators. _history of domestic and foreign commerce of the united states._ washington, 1915. johnson, robert. _nova britannia._ 1609. (in _force's tracts_, vol. 1) kelly, roy, and f. j. allen. _the shipbuilding industry._ boston, 1918. latane, j. h. _early relations of maryland and virginia._ baltimore, 1895. (_johns hopkins university studies._ 13th ser., iii-iv). lefroy, j. h. _memorials of bermuda._ london, 1877. 2 vols. lull, e. p. _history of the united states navy yard at gosport, virginia._ washington, 1851. mackintosh, j. _the discovery of america and the origin of the north american indians._ toronto, 1836. mason, f. n., ed. _john norton and sons, merchants of london and virginia._ richmond, 1937. mason, p. c. _records of colonial gloucester county._ newport news, va., 1946-1948. 2 vols. mereness, n. d., ed. _travels in the american colonies._ new york, 1916. middleton, a. p. _tobacco coast, a maritime history of the chesapeake bay in the colonial era_, edited by george c. mason. newport news, 1953. ---_new light on the evolution of the chesapeake clipper schooner._ (in _the american neptune_, vol. 9) moore, g. m. _a seaport in virginia._ richmond, 1949. morris, e. p. _the fore and aft rig in america._ new haven, yale university press, 1927. morriss, m. s. _the colonial trade of maryland, 1689-1715._ (_johns hopkins university studies in history and political science._ series 32.) neill, e. d. _history of the virginia company._ albany, n.y., 1869. _norfolk county deed book_, vol. f. manuscript. palmer, w. p. _the virginia navy of the revolution._ (in the _southern literary messenger_, january-april, 1857.) paullin, c. o. _the navy of the american revolution._ cleveland, 1906. "the virginia navy," pp. 396-417. percy, alfred. _piedmont apocalypse._ madison heights, va., 1949. purchas, samuel. _purchas his pilgrimes._ glasgow, 1905-1907. 20 vols. quinn, d. b. _the roanoke voyages, 1584-1590._ london, hakluyt society, 1952. 2 vols. ralamb, ake classon. _skeps byggerij eller adelig ofnings._ stockholm, 1691. reprinted at malmo, 1943. robinson, conway. _account of discoveries in the west until 1519, and of voyages to and along the atlantic coast of north america from 1520 to 1573._ richmond, 1849. smith, john. _works, 1608-1631._ arber edition. birmingham, 1884. ---same, with introduction by a. g. bradley. edinburgh, 1910. 2 vols. spotswood, alexander. _official letters._ richmond, 1882. 2 vols. stewart, r. a. _the history of virginia's navy of the revolution._ richmond, va., 1933. swem, e. g. _virginia historical index._ roanoke, va., 1934-1936, 2 vols. the trades increase. london, 1615. tyler, l. g. _the cradle of the republic._ richmond, 1906. virginia (colony). _minutes of the council and general court of colonial virginia, 1622-1632._ richmond, 1924. _virginia gazette._ williamsburg, 1736-1780. virginia company of london. records, edited by s. m. kingsbury. washington, 1906-1935. 4 vols. virginia. governor. _official letters of the governors of the state of virginia._ vol. i: patrick henry, july, 1776-june, 1779. vol. ii: thomas jefferson, june, 1779-june, 1781. richmond, 1926-1928. _virginia historical register._ richmond, va., 1848-1851. 4 vols. _virginia magazine of history and biography._ richmond, 1893-, vol. 1. wertenbaker, t. j. _norfolk; historic southern port._ durham, n.c., 1931. _william and mary college quarterly._ williamsburg, 1892-1943. series 1, vols. 1-27; series 2, vols. 1-23. williams, m. r. _sailing vessels of the eighteenth century._ (in _united states naval institute proceedings_, vol. 62, january, 1936.) winsor, justin. _narrative and critical history of america_. boston, 1886. 8 vols. wise, j. c. _ye kingdom of accomack_, or _the eastern shore of virginia in the seventeenth century_. richmond, va., 1911. wissler, clark. _indians of the united states._ garden city, 1946. appendix i the following advertisements of vessels to be sold were selected from the _virginia gazette_ as showing types and sizes of watercraft in use. 1739, may 4. ... a small shallop about five years old in yorktown, will carry between 400 and 500 bushels of corn. william rogers. 1745, ... by the executors of mr. thomas rawlings, a ship carpenter, lately deceased, the frame of a snow which was to have been built by the said rawlings on account of mr. john hood, merchant, of prince george county, of the following dimensions: 60 feet keel, 23 feet 8 in. beam, molded, 10 feet hold, 4 feet between decks. to be sold at the plantation of the deceased near flower de hundred. also, a sizable, useful boat and a vessel called a schaw. 1745, june 18. ... to the highest bidder, schooner belonging to the estate of the rev. adam duckie, deceased, trimmed and well-fitted with sails and rigging, some parts new, close docked, carries 50 hogsheads of tobacco ... also, a 12 hogsheads flat lying at hobb's hole. 1746, march 27. ... the sloop _little betty_ lying at suffolk town in nansemond county, burthen 50 tons, with her sails, anchors, furniture, tackle, will be sold on wednesday, 9th of april. 1751, september 26. ... by the subscriber living in norfolk county, a new schooner, now on the stocks and will be launched by the last day of november next, or sooner if required; the dimensions, 49 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 9 feet 6 inches hold. she is a well built vessel, her plank being well seasoned and sufficiently secured with iron work, being to be finished to a cleat, at 50 shillings per ton. william ashley. 1754, june 20. ... the brig _lucy and john_, burthen 80 tons together with guns, rigging, tackle, apparel and furniture, at york town, friday, the 26th instant, to the highest bidder. thomas dickinson. 1755, may --. ... at public auction may 22, at the landing of mr. thomas scott in the borough of norfolk, a new ship on the stocks, dimensions: 62 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 11 feet hold, and 4 feet 6 inches 'tween decks. joshua corprew. 1766, june 27. ... at norfolk, a ship on the stocks, dimensions: 63 feet keel, 23 feet beam, 9 feet 8 inches hold, 4 feet 4 inches between decks, together with the rigging, sails, cables, anchors, etc., provided for her. she will be completely furnished and ready to launch by the 20th of next month. for terms apply to thomas mccullock. 1766, september 19. ... on the 16th day of october next at public auction to the highest bidder ... a new ship about 170 tons burthen, well calculated for european or west indies trade, and built with the best white oak complete and ready for launching with the full stock and rigging complete. apply to administrators in norfolk for william irving. 1766, september 26. ... to be let on charter for europe the snow _nancy_, john ardis master, now lying at norfolk, a new vessel, burthen about 270 hogsheads. apply to john greenwood. 1766, november 6. ... a new ship, 180 tons, built of white oak, for the west indies or tobacco trade. apply to joseph calvert, or to george walker at hampton. 1767, may 7. ... a new ship now lying at suffolk wharf, burthen about 350 hogsheads of tobacco, well built with best white oak timber and plank. the purchaser may have long credit for part of the money. any person inclinable to purchase may be shown the vessel by applying to subscriber, living in kingston parish, gloucester county. thomas smith. 1767, may 11. ... a new ship of about 236 tons, well calculated for the tobacco trade, built of the best seasonal plank and timber, and can be launched in a little time, if desired. two month's credit will be allowed for two-thirds or three-fourths the value. any person inclinable to purchase may be shown the vessel by applying to subscriber, living in kingston parish, gloucester county. thomas smith. 1768, march 15. ... a well built snow, carpenter's and outside work finished, dimensions: 51 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 9 feet clear lower hold, 3 feet 6 inches between decks. norfolk, executors of joshua nicholson. 1768, june 9. ... a new schooner that will be launched in august next or sooner if required; burthen 71 tons, and will carry about 3000 bushels of grain; built of the best white oak plank and timber. also, for sale, a sloop, 25 tons, one year old, together with her sails, anchors, etc. apply to edward hughes, living on the head of east river in gloucester county. 1768, june 16. ... at rocket's landing, one-third, one-half or the whole of a schooner to be launched in a fortnight. samuel du val. 1768, august 4. ... a sea schooner, 80 tons, two years old. also a sloop, 50 tons, now on the stocks, launched in three weeks. kingston parish, gloucester county. robert billings. 1768, august 28. ... a new vessel on the stocks, double decked, about 300 tons, might be launched in 24 days. john greenwood, norfolk. 1768, september 29. ... a new vessel now on the stocks, of about 176 tons, tobacco or west indies trade, built of the best seasoned plank, and can be launched in a few weeks. she may be made a ship, a snow, or a brig as may best suit the purchaser. apply in norfolk. edward h. moseley. 1768, october 20. ... a double decked vessel on the stocks, 110 tons, will carry a great burden and is esteemed a very fine vessel. benjamin harrison. 1770, march 7. ... the brig _little benjamin_ about 110 tons burthen, double decked, has made but two voyages, is extremely well built and completely fitted. credit will be given until the 10th of december next on giving bond with a good security to ben: harrison. 1770, march 11. ... anytime between this and the 10th of april next, the brigantine _fair virginian_, only one year old, just sheathed and now ready for to take a cargo on board, burthen about 100 tons. any person inclinable to purchase such a vessel may know the terms by applying to the subscriber in charles city and be shown the said vessel now lying near sandy point on james river. cash or bills of exchange any time in the april general court, will be accepted for payment. robert mckittrick, william acrill. 1770, april 13. ... ready to launch being completely finished, a schooner, 41 feet keel, 18 feet 4 inches beam, and 8 feet hold; her beams, carlings, and top timber of cedar, and built by a compleat workman. any person in want of such a vessel may be supplied by the subscriber on paying one-half the purchase money on delivery of said vessel, and the other half in october next. also, a sloop, burthen of about 4000 bushels, will be ready by the first of may, and wants a freight for any part of the west indies. any person in want of such a vessel is desired to make it known to carter tarrant. 1776, september --. ... the sloop _industry_, now lying at fredericksburg, with her sails, rigging, etc. she will carry upwards of 4000 bushels of grain. j. watson and r. dickinson are authorized to sell her. although the following contracts for building vessels were made when virginia was no longer a colony but had become a state, they are included here because of the descriptions of the vessels and the interesting contracts: (1) contract between the owner and builder of a vessel in gloucester county on july 31, 1777: it is this day agreed on between mathias james of the one part and john fowler of the other part ... that the said mathias james for and in consideration of the sum of 35 pounds to him in hand paid, the receipt whereof he hereby acknowledgeth, doth oblige himself to begin, finish, and complete all the joiner's work properly belonging to the sloop he is now building, in a neat, convenient and workmanlike manner. the steerage must be sealed that the whole shall be finished as soon as possible. in witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals, the day and year above written. n.b.--there is to be no state room in the above cabin. matthew james, john fowler. witness, william lilly. (2) contract between the owner and builder of a vessel on november 20, 1779: i, joseph billups, sr., of gloucester county, kingston parish, do agree to build a boat 34 feet keel, with proper width of beam and hold, for john avery.... i do hereby oblige him first to pay me, the said billups, 120 gallons of good west india rum, and 300 pounds of lawful money.... the said avery to oblige himself to pay the said billups 100 pounds per ton, to supply the said billups with suitable iron at ten shillings per pound.... to furnish him with money if wanting to carry on the said boat.... joseph billings, john avery. teste, joseph billups, jr. various statistics were given by different writers for the number of virginia owned vessels in the period just before the outbreak of the revolutionary war. in _shipyard statistics_ by h. c. smith and l. c. brown, one of the articles that comprises _the shipbuilding business in the united states of america_, edited by f. g. fassett, jr., and published in 1948 by the society of naval architecture and marine engineers, there are given lists of vessels owned by the several provinces in the years 1769, 1770, and 1771. virginia is listed as having in 1769, 6 ships, 21 sloops and schooners--27 vessels of 1269 tonnage; for 1770, there were 6 ships, 15 sloops and schooners, 1105 tons; and for 1771, 10 ships, 9 sloops and schooners, 1678 tons. we notice that the report of 27 vessels for 1769, is the same number reported by governor andros in 1698, which is rather surprising, and shows how inadequate the statistics were, and how careful a writer must be in using them. appendix ii the items on shipping given below were selected from the _virginia gazette_ to show some details of virginia shipping in the eighteenth century: the home ports, the ports entered and cleared, the types of vessels and various kinds of cargo. sailings are given from september 3, 1736, when a virginia owned vessel was first mentioned in the _gazette_, to june 28, 1768, and is by no means a complete list, even in the copies of issues now extant; it is well to recall that copies of many issues have never been found. later sailings in the _gazette_ have frequently omitted the type of vessel. a large number of vessels here named were virginia owned and many of them virginia built. 1736, september 3. ship _priscilla_ of virginia, richard williams, entered at the port of york river from barbadoes. 1736, november 9. ship _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, entered the port of york river from barbadoes. 1737, february 9. the brigantine belonging to col. benjamin harrison, arrived in james river last week from london, but last from salt islands loaded with salt. 1737, february 9. cleared out of york river the schooner _grampus_, john briggs, for madeira with 870 bu. wheat, 1451 bu. white pease, 1914 bu. red pease, 40 bu. beans, 1 hhd. beeswax, and 600 staves. cleared out of york district the following vessels: 1737, march 2. sloop _medford_ of new england, james hathaway, for new england with 1000 bu. com, 100 bu. pease, and 600 ft. of walnut plank. march 3. ship _hanover_ of bristol, roger rumney, for bristol with 294 hhd. tobacco, 50 tons iron, and 5280 staves. 1737, march 3. schooner _swallow_ of new england, john atwood, for boston with 1500 bu. corn, 100 bu. pease, 20 bu. wheat, and 60 ft. of plank. 1737, march 14. sloop _francis_ of bermuda, william mallory, for bermuda, with 2000 bu. corn, and 30 bu. pease. 1737, march 18. sloop _mary_ of bermuda, samuel nelms, for bermuda, with 5000 bu. corn, 56 bu. pease, 1 mast, and other pieces of timber. 1737, march 19. ship _micajah and philip_ of london, james bradley, for london, with 734 hhd. tobacco, 7500 staves, and a parcel of plank. 1737, march 31. brig _abington_ of virginia, john upcott, for madeira, with 1170 bu. pease, 1617 bu. corn, 162 bu. wheat, beeswax and hemp. entered in the york district, with sundry european goods: 1737, march 4. ship _catherine_ of london, william taylor, from london. 1737, march 9. ship _haswell_ of london, john booch, from london. 1737, march 18. sloop _southampton_ of london, robert angus, from london. 1737, march 23. sloop _betty_ of virginia, thomas hamlin, from jamaica. 1737, april 22. the ship _johnston_ of liverpool, james gillart, is lately arrived at york from angola, with 490 choice young slaves. the sale of them began on tuesday the 12th instant, and continues at york river. thomas nelson. 1737, may 2. entered york river schooner _lark_ of virginia, john thompson, from jamaica with 31 casks molasses, 6 puncheons rum, 3 bags cocoa, and 200 pounds [sterling] in cash. 1737, may 12. entered york river, the sloop _molly_ of virginia, simon handcock, from barbadoes, with 32 hhd. 64 tierces and 70 bbl. rum, 61 bbl. sugar, and 1 bag ginger. cleared from upper district of james river: 1737, june 16. sloop _betty_ of virginia, george cabanis, for bermuda, with 764 bu. corn, 60 bbl. pork, 10 bbl. beef, 7 bbl. tallow, and 3 bbl. lard. 1737, june 17. sloop _phoenix_ of virginia, lemuel portlock, for barbadoes, with 696 bu. corn, 144 bu. pork, and 7000 staves. 1737, june 18. sloop _molly_ of virginia, john thompson, for barbadoes, with 2534 bu. corn, 182 bu. pease, 38 bbl. pork, 1000 headings, and 4000 shingles. 1737, july 1. entered york district, the brig _priscilla_ of virginia, richard williams, from london and madeira with 23 pipes and 1 hhd. madeira wine. 1737, july 18. entered york district the sloop _industry_ of virginia, john white, from maryland; cleared for maryland with 400 bbl. salt and 7 doz. bottles madeira wine. 1737, july 29. cleared from york river the brig _mary_ of virginia, stephen swaddle, for london with 105 hhd. tobacco, 1000 staves, a parcel of sassafras, 13 pipes madeira wine, 16 lbs. beaver skins and 6 doe skins. 1737, september 17. cleared out of york river, the brigantine _priscilla_ of virginia, john langland, for bristol with 126 hhd. tobacco, 7 bbl. turpentine, 18 tons iron, 47 walnut planks, 49 gum planks, 7350 staves, and 1 bag wool. 1737, october 28. entered york river, the sloop _john and mary_ of virginia, j. briggs, from st. christophers with 5 tierces, 1 hhd. molasses, 600 bu. salt, and 102 pounds [sterling] in cash. 1737, december 9. the brigantine _john and mary_, richard tillidge, now lies at mr. littlepage's wharf on pamunkey river ready to take in tobacco on freight at the usual rate for bristol. it is intended to sail in march. orders sent to captain john perrin, owner, of gloucester or captain tillidge. 1737, december 16. the ship _industry_, john brown, now lying at bull hill in james river, will sail shortly for cadiz, and is to call at madeira in his return thither for wine and freight if sufficient encouragement is shown. send orders to captain john hutchins of norfolk, the owner of the ship, or to the master. 1738, may 1. entered york river, the sloop _molly_ of virginia, john thompson, from jamaica, having on board 45 casks molasses, 200 gal. rum, 1 hhd. sugar, 1 bag ginger, and 100 pounds in cash. she belongs to captain francis willis. 1738, may 1. entered york river, the sloop _coan_ of virginia, john kerr, from dublin, having on board 1 chest linens, provisions, and 53 passengers. she is in the employ of colonel martin, who arrived in her. 1738, june 7. cleared from upper james, the snow _phoenix_ of virginia, william spry, for london with 200 hhd. tobacco, 5 hhd. skins, 4 hhd. ipecacuane, 1 box sundry goods returned, 6000 staves, and 1 hhd. sassafras. 1738, june 12. entered york river, the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, from barbadoes with 6 hhd., 80 tierces and 116 bbl. rum, 42 bbl. sugar, 16 hhd. and 1 tierce molasses, and 2 bbl. ginger. 1738, june 30. the schooner _fanny_ lying at mill creek near hampton, will soon be higher up the james. persons apply for freight to mr. jacob walker or to messrs. cherrington and whitten near the falls of james river. 1738, june 30. goods on board the ship _harrison_ at swinyards in james river, thomas boiling, owner of goods unknown. any person sending for them with bills of lading may have them. 1738, july 27. entered in york river the sloop _molly_ of virginia, john thompson, from barbadoes with 45 hhd., 8 tierces, and 9 bbl. rum, 69 bbl. sugar, 1 bag cotton, and 3 negroes. 1738, july 28. a ship belonging to mr. theophilus pugh of nansemond is lately arrived in nansemond, 13 weeks from bristol. 1738, august 7. entered upper district of james river, the brigantine _little molly_ of virginia, thomas hamlin, from jamaica with 7 hhd. sugar, 8 puncheons rum, 4 bags and 3 casks of cocoa. 1738, august 17. cleared at york the schooner _grampus_ of virginia, john briggs, for boston with 900 bu. pease, 600 bu. corn, 180 bu. wheat, 400 ft. walnut plank, 300 pipe staves, and 1 hhd. madeira wine. 1738, october 4. cleared from york the ship _harrison_, captain bolling, for london. 1738, october 26. arrived in york river the schooner _grampus_ of virginia belonging to colonel lewis of gloucester, john briggs, from boston with 6 bbl. cider, 5 bbl. train oil, 6 bbl. codfish and mackerel, 1 cwt. iron, 4 bbl. cranberries, 30 bu. apples, 1 tierce molasses, 5 hhd. and 6 bbl. rum, a negro slave and 250 lb. cheese. 1738, october 26. the snow _catherine and lenora_, james mccullock, belonging to messrs. spaulding and lidderdale, loaded with tobacco and bound for london, will sail from james river in 3 or 4 days. 1738, october 27. arrived in york river last monday the snow _john and mary_ belonging to captain john perrin, richard tillidge, from bristol. 1738, october 28. cleared from upper district of james river, the sloop _nancy_ of virginia, james griffin, for boston with 1307 bu. wheat, and 153 deer skins. 1738, november 6. cleared from upper district of james river, the snow _kitty and nora_ of virginia, james mccullock, for london with 223 hhd. tobacco, 16 casks skins, 1 parcel beaver skins, 4200 staves, and 400 ft. oak plank. 1738, november 13. cleared out of rappahannock district the ship _brothers_, robert hall, for london with 471 hhd. tobacco, 40 tons pig iron, and 7000 staves. 1738, november 23. cleared out of york district, the ship _molly_ of virginia, thomas wilson, for madeira with 1014 bu. wheat, 130 bu. corn, 107 bu. bonnevelts, 2 hhd. and 2 bbl. beeswax, 4 bbl. flour, and 100 hhd. staves. 1738, november 23. cleared out of upper district of james river, the sloop _charming anne_ of virginia, thomas goodman, for lisbon with 3765 bu. wheat. 1738, december 6. entered in the upper district of james river, the snow _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, from york river in ballast. 1738, december 9. cleared from york river the schooner _grampus_ of virginia, john briggs, for madeira with 2300 bu. of wheat, 1200 pipe staves and 143 lb. beeswax. 1739, january 1. cleared from york river the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, for madeira with 2709 bu. wheat, 152 bu. pease, 112 bu. corn, and 2000 lb. bread. 1739, january 26. cleared out of upper district of james river, the brig _little molly_ of virginia, thomas hamlin, for georgia with 2551 bu. corn, 269 bu. pease, 33 casks pork, 8 casks beef, 2 casks lard, 8,314 shingles, 1 negro, and 30 sheep. 1739, january 29. entered the upper district of james river, the brigantine _robert and john_ of virginia, john cooke, from the lower district in ballast. 1739, january 30. cleared out of upper district the snow _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, for york river with 4977 bu. wheat. 1739, february 4. cleared out of york river the snow _john and mary_, richard tillidge, bound for madeira, having on board 4977 bu. wheat, 144 bu. pease, and 2000 lb. bread. 1739, february 5. entered in the upper district of james river, the sloop _nancy_ of virginia, james griffin, from rhode island with 6 bbl. train oil, 545 lb. cheese, 9 hhd., 8 tierce rum, 4 hhd., 4 tierce molasses, and a bundle of european goods. 1739, march 8. cleared out of james river, the brig _robert and john_ of virginia, john cooke, for madeira with 5400 bu. wheat. 1739, march 9. cleared out of james river the sloop _robert_ of virginia, samuel rogers, for barbadoes, with 47 bbl. pork, 800 bu. corn, and 53 bu. pease. 1739, march 23. last friday, the brig, _pretty betsy_ belonging to colonel lewis of gloucester county, james robinson, bound for london with 202 hhd. tobacco, sailed out of severn river and on the same day met with disaster on the middle ground between the capes. 1739, may 3. entered in york river the brig _pretty betsy_, anthony mosely, for london with 202 hhd. tobacco, 5000 staves, 1 pipe madeira wine, and 22 tons iron. 1739, may 21. entered upper district james river, the snow _kitty and nora_ of virginia, james mccullock, from london via madeira with sundry european goods and 12 pipes, 1 hhd. madeira wine. 1739, may 21. entered in york river, the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, from madeira and barbadoes with 10 pipes wine, 15 hhd., 50 tierces and 63 bbl. rum, 37 bbl. sugar, and 9 pounds 8 shillings in cash. 1739, june 1. cleared from york river the schooner _grampus_ of virginia. john briggs, for madeira with 2460 bu. corn, 80 bu. pease, 1200 pipe staves, and 150 pounds beeswax. 1739, june 4. entered the upper district of james river, the ship _william and betty_ of virginia, john turner, from the lower district with 323 hhd. tobacco. 1739, june 14. entered in york river, the snow _john and mary_ of virginia, richard tillidge, from madeira and barbadoes with 98 hhd., 21 tierces and 20 bbl. rum, 86 bbl. muscavado sugar, and 12 pipes madeira wine. 1739, june 16. entered york river the snow _mary_ of virginia, james hume, from james river with 64 bbl. pork, 5600 shingles, 4200 pipe staves, and 4200 ft. 1-inch plank. 1739, june 22. the snow _john and mary_, richard tillidge, belonging to captain perrin, now lying at mr. littlepage's on pamunkey river, is ready to take on freight for bristol. 1739, july 6. cleared from upper district the snow _kitty and nora_ of virginia, james mccullock, for london with 228 hhd. tobacco, 9 hhd. skins, 182 deer skins, 149 beaver skins, 56 walnut planks, and 4200 staves. 1739, august 11. entered york river the brig _little molly_ of virginia, james cox, from james river with part of her lading for the west indies. 1739, september 8. cleared york river, the brig _abingdon_ of virginia, thomas southwick, for madeira with 1861 bu. wheat, 1096 bu. corn, 118 pounds beeswax, and 1 case cloths. 1739, november 30. last saturday arrived in james river the sloop _charming anne_ belonging to colonel benjamin harrison, captain taylor, from jamaica. left james river for jamaica on june 25, with 4000 staves, 487 bbl. pork, 37 bbl. beef, 2 bbl. tongue, 15 bbl. lard, 58 bbl. flour, 250 bbl. pease, and 70 bu. corn. 1745, april 12. cleared at hampton, the snow _john and mary_, thomas bradley, for liverpool with 106 hhd. tobacco, 500 bbl. tar, 60 walnut stocks, and 5600 staves. 1745, april 19. entered at hampton, the sloop _little molly_, crawford conner, from philadelphia. 1745, may 17. entered hampton, may 3 to 17, 7 vessels. 1745, december 4. cleared upper district from september 20 to december 4, 14 vessels. 1745, december 27. entered upper district from september 20 to december 27, 20 vessels. 1746, july 31. entered york river the snow _two brothers_, with upwards of 200 fine healthy slaves, the sale of which will begin at west point on monday, 4th of august. the said ship is not two years old, well-fitted and manned, and will take in tobacco for bristol at 14 pounds per ton. such gentlemen as are inclined to ship to thos. chamberlayne & co., from york or james river, are requested to send their orders on board to john lidderdale. 1746, july 31. arrived from gambia, the ship _gildart_ with 250 choice gambia slaves, the sale whereof will begin at hobb's hole on the rappahannock, on tuesday, wednesday, thursday, the 5th, 6th, 7th of august; and in brown's church the monday following, where the sale will continue until completed. the said ship is a new vessel mounted with 20 guns, navigated with 45 men, and will take on tobacco for liverpool at 14 pounds per ton. apply to john lidderdale, harmer & king. 1751, january 1. entered in york river the snow _london_ of virginia, alex leslie master. 1751, january 14. cleared from york the sloop _merry fellows_, thomas perrin, for barbadoes. 1751, january 18. cleared from york the snow _london_ of virginia, alex leslie master. 1751, january 24. cleared from york the snow _john and mary_, of virginia, anthony allen. 1752, september 21. cleared from the upper district of james river: (1) the ship _bobby of virginia_, john cook, for london with 322 hhd. tobacco, 20 tons pig iron, and 7500 staves. (2) the snow _phoenix_ of virginia, samuel kelly, for london, with 238 hhd. tobacco, 22 elephant's teeth, 1400 staves, 3200 heading, 50 pine planks, 100 hand spikes, and 14 oars. 1752, november 4. cleared from the port of south potomac, the _caple_ of virginia, samuel curle, for hampton, with 300 bu. indian corn, 30 casks molasses, 17 bbl. and 6 tierce sugar, and 5 hhd. rum. entered at the port of accomack the following vessels: 1768, may 13. schooner _anne_, william wainhouse, from new york with 2 boxes chocolate, 800 wt. ham, 6 bbl. cordial, 3 cases and 2 half-bbl. rum, 6 cases and 1 bbl. loaf sugar, 1 quarter box glass, 6 hhd., 3 tierces, and 1 bbl. molasses. 1768, may 17. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, from philadelphia. 1768, may 18. sloop _endeavor_, edmund joyne, from maryland. 1768, may 31. schooner _betsey and esther_, stephen sampson, from barbadoes with 24 hhd. rum, and 13 bbl. muscavado sugar. 1768, june 6. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, from philadelphia with 200 bu. salt, and a parcel of earthen ware. 1768, june 10. schooner _little betsy_, zephaniah brown, from rhode island, with one-half ton hollow iron ware, 2 hhd. rum, 20 bu. salt, a parcel of earthen ware, 2 riding chairs, 2 desks, 2 saddles, half-doz. house chairs, 2 trunks european goods, and 1 hhd. molasses. 1768, june 11. sloop _john and betsey_, w. b. hunting, from philadelphia, with 1 box loaf sugar, 250 bu. salt, 2000 wt. cordage, 3 bbl. limes, 3 boxes european goods, 1 cask nails, 1 quarter-cask gun powder, 8 bolts duck, and a parcel of earthen ware. 1768, june 13. schooner _jeany and sally_, reubin joyne, from nevis and st. eustatia, with 7 hhd. rum, 1 hhd. molasses, 3 bbl. sugar, 3 hhd. foreign brown sugar. 1768, june 20. schooner _old plantation_, laban pettit, from philadelphia, with 6 boxes chocolate, 2 boxes soap, 2 crates earthen ware, 4 saddles, 4 anchors, 3 doz. scythes, 1 bbl. loaf sugar, 2 tierces and 16 pieces of english duck, 1 trunk of european goods, 1 chest sweet oil, 1 cask nails, 3 kegs pipes, 1 tierce empty bottles, 1 box looking glasses, 2 bolts oznabrigs, and 1 piece sheeting. cleared at the port of accomack: 1768, may 24. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, for philadelphia, with 1300 bu. corn, 5 bags feathers. 1768, may 28. schooner _friendship_, daniel sturgis, for halifax with 3000 bu. corn. 1768, may 28. sloop _endeavour_, edmund joyne, for boston, with 1600 bu. corn, and 200 bu. oats. 1768, may 28. sloop _john and betsy_, w. b. bunting, for philadelphia, with 1000 bu. corn, 20 bu. wheat, 60 bu. oats, 400 wt. feathers. 1768, june 1. schooner _leah_, john bradford, for barbadoes, with 2000 bu. corn. 1768, june 4. sloop _polly_, thomas alberton, for philadelphia, with 900 bu. corn, 5 bbl. pork. 1768, june 9. sloop _nancy_, johannes watson, for philadelphia, with 1350 bu. corn, and 20 bu. oats. 1768, june 9. schooner _skipton_, william patron, for maryland, with 700 bu. corn, 1000 wt. bacon, 2 cwt. feathers, 10,000 shingles. 1768, june 27. schooner _old plantation_, laban pettit, for philadelphia, with 1200 bu. oats. 1768, june 28. schooner _little betsey_, zephaniah brown, for rhode island, with 1650 bu. corn, 12 bu. wheat, 10 bu. pease, 10 bu. rye, 4 bags feathers, and 1 bag cotton. an analysis of these items shows that the vessels entered and cleared at the york river, lower james river, hampton, upper district of james river, rappahannock, pamunkey, nansemond, and severn river. at least half of the entries and clearances were made in the york river. it will be noted that the same vessel made a number of entries and clearances. in the list are brigs, brigantines, sloops, schooners, snows, and ships, most of them virginia owned, and we like to think they were virginia built as well. only six ships are listed as virginia owned, yet the names of some of the others are so strictly virginia names--_braxton_, _harrison_, _virginia planter_--that is seems highly probable that they too were virginia owned. the names of only ten owners are given. the information received by the _gazette_ was not always accurate. occasionally a vessel is listed as two vessels of different rigs, but having the same name and the same master was evidence enough that they were one and the same. the _john and mary_, richard tillidge master, is listed as a brigantine for two trips, a snow for eight trips, and a sloop, john briggs master, for one entry. the _robert and john_, john cooke master, is listed both as a brig and a brigantine. sometimes the name of a vessel was changed after its first appearance as in the case of the _katherine and lenora_ which appeared on three trips thereafter as the _kitty and nora_, james mccullock master. the cargoes of vessels clearing for europe and the west indies contained for the most part tobacco, corn, wheat, beans, pease, beeswax and staves. the cargoes from vessels entering from europe would contain goods of various kinds; vessels from the west indies would bring rum, molasses, sugar, ginger, salt, and occasionally a slave. in 1746, two ship loads of slaves were brought to the colony and sold, a part of the sale being conducted in a church. transcriber's note: research indicates the copyright of this book was not renewed. minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed. words printed in italics are marked with underlines: _italics_. boys' book of model boats [illustration: ©_jack sussman_ a two-foot steamboat making her way across the park pond. ten miles an hour is a common speed for a boat of this type] boys' book of model boats by raymond francis yates with numerous illustrations from drawings and photographs [illustration] new york the century co. copyright, 1920, by the century co. printed in u. s. a. to laverne yates a builder of model boats preface every boy likes to build boats. the interest in boats seems to be born in the race. the little three-year-old chap is instinctively attracted by a puddle of water in which to sail his "boat," which may take the form of a piece of shingle or common board. few men have passed through their boyhood days without having built boats at some time. the author was an ardent boat-builder, and he well remembers how he combed the children's department of the local library in search of a book that would tell him something about boats, and especially for information regarding the construction of models. he found books on model airplanes, toys, electricity, radio, and chemistry, but alas! nothing about model boats. he vowed then that when he became a man he would write a book on model boats--a book that would contain all the treasured information he had accumulated during his boat-building years. this book is the result of that vow, and the author earnestly hopes that it will gladden the heart of every boy who builds and sails a boat. there are probably few happier moments in a boy's life than when he sees his little model steamer proudly make her way across the park pond, or his little sail-boat respond to the summer breeze. the author takes this opportunity to thank his wife, who acted as his amanuensis in the preparation of this manuscript. raymond francis yates. contents chapter page i why a boat floats 3 ii the hull 12 iii how to make simple boats, with and without power drive 26 iv steam and electric propulsion 42 v an electric launch 66 vi a steam launch 75 vii an electrically driven lake freighter 91 viii an electric submarine-chaser 98 ix boat fittings 107 x the design of model steam-engines 126 xi a model floating dry-dock 135 xii operation of flash steam power plants for model boats 149 xiii sailing yachts 164 xiv two-foot sailing yacht 184 appendix 207 list of illustrations a two-foot steam boat _frontispiece_ facing page getting ready for a trip 72 all ready to go 73 a powerful gasolene blow-torch 112 just after the race 113 a twin-cylinder steam engine for model marine use 168 a cup-winning model sail boat 169 boys' book of model boats boys' book of model boats chapter i why a boat floats before taking up the construction of any of the model power boats described in this book, it will be well for the young boat-builder to become acquainted with such terms as buoyancy, displacement, center of gravity, etc. knowledge of these subjects is more or less necessary if successful boats are to be made. aside from this, they are terms that every boy who claims an interest in boats should understand. "how does a steel boat float?" is a question that many boys ask. the reason they usually designate a steel boat is probably because steel is so much heavier than water. but many things heavier than water can be made to float if they are in the form of a boat. concrete, for instance, is now being used in ship construction, and this substance, when reinforced with steel rods, is very much heavier than water. before learning how a boat floats, what is known as "specific gravity" must be thoroughly understood. gravity is a force that is continuously "pulling" everything toward the center of the earth. it is gravity that gives a body "weight." some substances are heavier than others; or, to be more correct, it is said that the specific gravity of one substance is greater than that of another. it will be well to keep in mind that specific gravity merely refers to weight. it is simply a scientific term. the specific gravity of a substance is always expressed by a figure that tells how much heavier any substance is than water, because water has been chosen as a standard. the specific gravity of water is 1. the specific gravity of gold is 19.26, meaning that it is about 19-1/4 times heavier than water. the specific gravity of a piece of oak is 0.86, which shows that it is not quite so heavy as water. one cubic foot of water weighs 62.42 pounds. it will be understood that a cubic foot of gold would weight 19.26 x 62.42, because it is 19.26 times heavier than water. a cubic foot of oak, however, would weigh only 54 pounds, because it has been found that it has a specific gravity of only 0.86 which is less than water. [illustration: fig. 1] a cubic foot of oak (see fig. 1), with a weight of 54 pounds, will float when placed in water. the cubic foot of brass (_b_), however, will not float, because it weights 8.1 times as much as water. for the present, then, it can be said that a substance lighter than water will float in water, but that substances heavier than water, such as iron, lead, gold, silver, etc., will not float. if the cubic foot of oak (_a_) were placed in water, it would sink to the depth shown at _c_. when the block sinks into the water, a certain amount of water will be forced away or "displaced"; that is, the block in sinking occupies a space that was previously occupied or filled with water. the oak block sinks to within a short distance of the top because the oak is really just a trifle lighter than water. if a pine block were placed in the water it would sink only to the distance shown at _d_, since the weight of pine is less than oak, or only 34.6 pounds per cubic foot. a pine block will, then, displace only about 34.6 pounds of water, which leaves nearly half of the block out of the water. thus, it will be seen that for a given volume (size) a cubic foot of wood will sink to a depth corresponding to its weight. different kinds of wood have different weights. if a cubic foot of brass is placed in water, it will sink rapidly to the bottom, because the brass is much heavier than water. how is it, then, that an iron or concrete ship will float? if the cubic foot of brass is rolled or flattened out in a sheet, and formed or pressed into the shape of a boat hull, as shown in fig. 2, it will float when placed upon the surface of the water. why is it that brass is caused to float in this way, when it sank so rapidly in the form of a solid square? [illustration: fig.2] it will be remembered that the pine and oak block were caused to float because they displaced a greater weight of water than their own weight. this is just what causes the brass boat-hull to float. if the amount of water actually displaced by the hull could be weighed, it would be found that the weight of the water would be greater than the weight of the hull. it will be understood that the space occupied by the brass boat-hull is far greater than the space occupied by the block of brass before it was rolled out and formed into a hull. what is true of brass holds true of iron, steel, etc. a block of steel will not float, because the water it displaces does not weigh nearly as much as the block. if this block, however, were rolled out into a sheet and the sheet formed into a hollow hull, the hull would float, because it would displace a volume of water that would more than total the weight of the steel in the hull. in the case of the brass boat-hull, it would be found that a greater portion of the hull would remain out of the water. the hull, then, could be loaded until the top of it came within a safe distance from the water. as the load is increased, the hull sinks deeper and deeper. the capacity of big boats is reckoned in tons. if a boat had a carrying capacity of ten tons it would sink to what is called its "load water-line" (l.w.l.) when carrying ten tons. as a load or cargo is removed from a vessel it rises out of the water. what if the hull of a boat has a hole in it? if the hole is below the water-line, water will leak in and in time completely fill the inside of the hull, causing the boat to sink. also, if too great a load or cargo were placed in a boat, it would sink. it must be understood that water leaking into a boat increases its load, and if it is not stopped it will cause the boat to sink. the center of gravity of a boat is a very important matter. first, attention will be directed to the meaning of "center of gravity." if a one-foot ruler is made to balance (as shown in fig. 3) at the six-inch mark, the point at which it balances will be very close to the center of gravity. the real center, however, will be in the middle of the wood of which the rule is composed. it should constantly be kept in mind that this "center of gravity" is a purely imaginary point. look at fig. 4. if wires are arranged in a wooden frame, as shown, the point where the wires cross will be the center of gravity if the square formed by the wooden strips is solid. every body, no matter what its shape, has a center of gravity. the center of gravity is really an imaginary point in a body, at the center of its mass. oftentimes engineers are heard saying that the center of gravity of a certain object is too high or too low. fig. 5 shows the center of gravity in a boat. if the center of gravity in a boat is too high (as illustrated in fig. 6) the boat is said to be topheavy and unsafe. when a boat is topheavy or its center of gravity is too high, the boat is liable to capsize. in fact, some very serious marine accidents have been caused by this fault. [illustration: fig. 4] [illustration: fig. 5] [illustration: fig. 3] [illustration: fig. 6] the center of gravity (or center of weight) in a boat should be as low as possible. a boat with a low center of gravity will be very stable in the water and difficult to capsize. this is true of model boats just as much as it is true of large boats. the model boat builder must keep the weight of his boat as near the bottom as possible. for instance, if a heavy cabin were built on a frail little hull, the boat would be very unstable and would probably capsize easily. chapter ii the hull model boat-hulls are generally made by one of two methods. one method is that of cutting the hull from a solid piece of wood. the other method is commonly known as the "bread-and-butter" system. the hull is built up of planks laid on top one of another with marine glue spread between them. the last-mentioned method (which shall hereafter be called the built-up method) possesses many advantages over the first. cutting a model boat-hull from a solid piece of wood is by no means a simple or easy task, especially for beginners. of course, after several hulls have been produced in this fashion, the worker becomes practised in cutting them out. [illustration: fig. 7] [illustration: fig. 8] the construction of hulls on the built-up principle will be described first. for the sake of convenience, the drawings of the boat-hull shown in figs. 7 and 8 will be followed out. before going further it will be well to understand drawings of boat-hulls; that is, how to know the lines of a boat from a drawing. by the "lines" is meant its shape. marine architects employ a regular method in drawing boat-hulls. fig. 7 shows the side of a boat and half of the deck plan. it will be seen that this drawing does not tell much about the real shape of the boat, and if a hull were to be produced according to the shape given, the builder would have to use his own judgment as to the outline of the hull at different places. for convenience, the boat is divided into ten sections, represented by the lines 0 to 10. it will be seen that the shape of the hull at section 2 will be different from the shape of the hull at section 8. again, section 0 will be much narrower than section 5. [illustration: fig. 9] now look at fig. 8. note the shape of the cross-section of the hull at the different sections. for instance, the line at section 1 in fig. 8 represents the shape of the hull at section 1 in fig. 7. it must be remembered, however, that this is only half of the section, and that the line 1 in fig. 8 would have to be duplicated by another line to show the true shape. the cross-section of the boat at section 0 is shown in fig. 9. one half of the drawing in fig. 8 represents the forward half of the hull, and the other half represents the stern half of the hull. if the shape of the boat at section 10 is desired, the line 10 in fig. 8 could be traced on a piece of tissue paper. the paper could then be folded in half and the line first made traced on the second half. this would then produce the section of the boat at point 10. thus, by closely examining fig. 8 the shape of the entire hull can be seen. [illustration: fig. 10] if pieces of wire could be used to form the lines of the hull at the various sections, it would appear as shown in fig. 10 when assembled. notice that in fig. 8 there is a load water-line, which the vessel sinks to when loaded, and the second and first load water-line, which the vessel sinks to when only partially loaded or when carrying no load aside from its regular necessary equipment. the keel line of the boat is the line that runs along the bottom from bow to stern. (the bow of the boat is the front and the stern the back.) motor-boating and marine magazines often publish the lines of different boats, and if the young boat-builder understands how to read boat drawings he will be able to make a model of any boat that is so described. directions will now be given regarding the method of producing a boat-hull similar to the lines shown in figs. 7 and 8, by the built-up method of construction. first, it will be necessary to procure the lumber. several clean white pine boards will be very suitable to work with, and will not require much skill in handling. let us assume that the boat-hull is to measure 22 inches in length, with a depth of 4 inches. the beam, which is the width of the boat at its widest point, will be 5 inches. (it will be well to remember what the term "beam" means, since the term will be used constantly throughout the book.) on a piece of heavy wrapping-paper draw the deck plan full size, that is, 22 inches long by 5 inches at its widest point. next cut out along the pencil line with a pair of shears. now lay the paper outline on a plank and mark out the pattern on the wood. repeat this process with three more planks. when this is done, cut out the boards with a keyhole saw. [illustration: fig. 11] after the boards are cut out mark them as shown in fig. 11. the space marked out on the board must be sawed out in two of the boards, to form the inside of the hull, if the boat is to carry some form of power, such as a battery-motor, or steam-engine. after the lines are marked out, make a hole with a 3/4-inch bit, as shown in fig. 12. insert the point of the keyhole saw in one of these holes to start it and cut out the piece. treat the second board in the same way. the third board must have a smaller portion cut out of the center, owing to the fact that this board is nearer the bottom of the hull, where the width of the boat is narrower. the width of the piece cut out in the third board should not be more than 2 inches. [illustration: fig. 12] when this work is done, a very thin layer of glue is placed over the boards, and they are then laid one on top of another. the boards are then placed in a vise or clamp and allowed to remain there over night. in applying the glue, the builder should be careful not to put too much on the boards. too much glue is worse than not enough. it should be merely a thin film. after the boards have been glued together the crude hull will appear, as shown in fig. 13. [illustration: fig. 13] at this point the hull sections from 0 to 10 must be marked off. by referring again to fig. 7 it will be seen that the sections 0 to 1 and 9 to 10 are not so far apart as the other sections. section 0 is 1 inch from the bow of the boat and section 1 is 1 inch from section 0. sections 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 are all 1 inch apart. section 9 is 1 inch from 10 and 10 is 1 inch from the stern. lines should be drawn across the deck to correspond with these sections, which can be measured off with a ruler. it will now be necessary to cut some templates, or forms, from cardboard to guide the builder in bringing the hull to shape. it will be an easy matter to make these templates by following fig. 8. a template of section 9 is shown in fig. 14. it will be necessary to make eleven templates, corresponding to the sections 0 to 10. the templates should be cut from heavy cardboard so they will hold their shapes. [illustration: fig. 14] the hull of the boat is now placed in a vise and roughly brought to shape with a draw-knife. after it has been brought to shape by this means a spoke-shave is used. this little tool has an adjustable blade by means of which it is possible to regulate the cut. when the builder starts to use the spoke-shave he should also start to use his templates or forms, applying them sectionally to determine how much more wood he will have to remove to bring the hull to shape. for instance, when he is working in the vicinity of sections 5, 6, and 7 he will apply these forms at the proper points occasionally to determine when enough wood has been removed. this procedure is followed out the entire length of the boat, care being taken to see that both sides are the same and that too much wood is not removed, since there is no remedy for this mistake. the builder who proceeds carefully and is not in too great a hurry to finish the work need not make this mistake. of course, it will not be possible to bring the hull to a perfect finish with a spoke-shave. this can be done, however, by the use of a coarse file and sandpaper. the coarse file is used to take the rough marks of the spoke-shave away, and the marks left by the file are in turn removed by the sandpaper. the sandpaper must be applied unsparingly and always with the grain. it will be necessary to use considerable "elbow grease" to obtain a good finish. [illustration: fig. 15] boat-hulls can also be hewn to shape from a solid block, but it will be understood that this method involves more work than the one just described. of course, the procedure of bringing the hull to shape by the aid of the draw-knife, spoke-shave, and templates is the same, but the hollowing out of the inside of the hull will be a much more difficult job. however, with a couple of good sharp chisels and a gouge the work will not be so difficult as at first appears. the use of an auger and bit will greatly aid in the work. after the outside of the hull is brought to shape the wooden form is drilled with holes, as shown in fig. 15. this will make it much easier to chip the wood away. after the major portion of the wood has been taken out with the chisel, the gouge is brought into use. the gouge should be used very carefully, since it will easily go through the entire hull if it is not handled properly. for the beginner it is not safe to make a hull less than 1/2 inch in thickness. of course, it is not necessary to carefully finish the inside of the hull, since it is covered up with the deck and cabin. [illustration: fig. 16] the solid hull has one advantage over the built-up hull. it is not affected by moisture and it is therefore not so liable to warp and lose its shape. it will also stand more rough usage. [illustration: fig. 17] [illustration: fig. 18] [illustration: fig. 19] there is still another method of producing a boat-hull. this hull is known as the sharpie type. a sharpie hull is shown in fig. 16. the method of producing a hull of this type will be seen quite clearly by reference to fig. 17, which shows the boards and parts cut out ready to assemble. the boards are made from 1/8-inch mahogany, which can be obtained at any lumber-yard. first, the bow piece is cut to shape and carefully finished. then the two side pieces are fastened to it, as shown in fig. 18. the screws used should be brass, since iron screws will rust and cause trouble. three screws should be used for each side board, and they should be driven into the bow piece so that the screws on one side will not interfere with those on the other. the first cross-piece is then screwed in place, as shown in fig. 19. the second and third cross-pieces are then screwed in place and the back or stern piece attached. the bottom of the boat is then carefully put in place with small screws. it will be noticed that the bottom board of the boat is cut to fit the inside of the bottom. it is held in place with small brass brads. the crevices or seams along the bottom of the boat should be carefully covered with pitch or marine glue to prevent leakage when the boat is in the water. the bow of the boat should be finished off nicely to a point with a heavy file or a wood-rasp. this type of hull is extremely easy to produce and it is capable of carrying a considerable load. however, it is not a good type to use for all kinds of boats. it makes a splendid little pleasure yacht or submarine-chaser, but for a torpedo-boat destroyer or a freighter it would not be suitable. the young model boat builder is advised not to try to construct hulls from metal. this is a very difficult task even for the thoroughly experienced mechanic. wood is much easier to work with and will produce the same results. chapter iii how to make simple boats, with and without power drive this chapter will be devoted to the construction of very simple types of boats. the boats described will be constructed largely with blocks of wood cut into various shapes and sizes. the results obtainable by this method of construction are surprising, and there are few types of boats that cannot be modeled by following the method. after the model-builder has constructed a few boats along this principle he will be able to duplicate the general appearance of almost any craft he sees by carefully planning and cutting the blocks he uses. the first boat described is a submarine. this is shown in fig. 20. four blocks of wood form the basis of its construction, and these are cut from 1-inch stock, as shown in the drawing. such a submarine can be made practically any size up to 12 inches in length. beyond this size they begin to look out of proportion and they are more difficult to propel. after nailing the blocks together as shown in the drawing, a small piece of sheet brass is bent at right angles and tacked to the stern piece. this is to act as a bearing for the propeller. [illustration: fig. 20] [illustration: fig. 21] the propeller-shaft is bent into a hook over which rubber bands are placed. the opposite end of the rubber bands are fastened to a screw-eye driven into the under side of the bow. a heavy piece of copper wire is fastened to the stern of the boat by staples, and bent as shown. a rudder is then cut from thin sheet brass, and the end of it is bent around a piece of wire larger in diameter than the wire used for the rudder-post. it is then taken from this wire and slipped over the wire on the boat. it should be pinched in place by a pair of pliers, so that it will stay in any position in which it is put. the end of the wire is bent over so that the rudder will not slip off. the boat can be steered in a circle or it can be made to go straight, depending upon the position of the propeller. the horizontal rudders are mounted forward, as shown. they are made from thin sheet brass bent as indicated in the little insertion. a hole is drilled in them as shown, and a screw is placed through these to hold the rudders to the side of the craft. the screws should be tightened so that the rudders will stay at any angle at which they are put. if the boat is to be submerged the rudders are pointed as shown. if the boat is to travel on the surface of the water the rudders are brought up into a horizontal position or parallel with the deck. a little gray paint placed on this model will greatly improve its appearance. another submarine, more complicated than the one just described, is shown in fig. 21. the body of this submarine is formed by a part of a broomstick or shovel-handle. this submarine is truer to type and can be made with very little trouble. the piece of broomstick or shovel-handle is cut 22 inches in length. it is pointed at each end, and part of it is planed off to form the upper deck. when this is done, a small flat piece is cut as shown, and nailed or screwed to the flat portion. the conning-tower and periscope are placed on the upper deck, as shown. the rudder on this craft is not made adjustable, so that it always travels in a perfectly straight line. the horizontal rudders however, are made adjustable, and the boat is therefore able to travel upon the surface or submerge, depending upon the position of the rudder. the power plant of this boat is made up of rubber bands. the power transmission to the propeller is a little different than the one previously described. a gear and a pinion are salvaged from the works of an old alarm-clock, and mounted on a piece of brass, as shown. a little soldering will be necessary here to make a good job. by using the gear meshing with the pinion a considerable increase in the speed of the propeller is obtained, and therefore the speed of the boat is considerably increased. the method of holding the power plant to the bottom of the boat is made very clear. in order to bring the boat down to the proper level in the water, a strip of sheet lead can be tacked to the bottom. the builder should take care to get a piece of lead just the correct weight to leave the surface of the deck awash. a coat of gray paint will also greatly improve the appearance of this craft. [illustration: fig. 22] [illustration: fig. 23] [illustration: fig. 24] attention is directed to the construction of boats of different types made without power plants. many interesting little crafts can be produced in this way, and the energetic model-builder can produce a whole model harbor or dock-yard by constructing a number of boats of different types according to the following instructions. the first boat described will be the tug _mary ann_ shown in fig. 22 and fig. 23. the blocks necessary to construct this boat are shown in fig. 24. the hull of the boat is produced by three pieces of wood sawed out to the same shape with a keyhole saw and glued together. after the glue is dry the blocks are placed in a vise and the top one or deck block is planed down as shown. it will be seen that the deck inclines slightly toward the stern of the boat. when this is done the hull is turned upside down and the bottom of the stern planed off as illustrated. the outside of the hull can be finished up with a sharp knife and a jack-plane. the little bow piece can also then be tacked in place. after this the pieces that form the hull can be nailed together from the bottom and from the top. this is quite necessary, for glue will not hold them in place after the boat has become thoroughly soaked with water. the cabin and engine-room are shown very clearly in the illustration and little need be said about erecting this part of the craft. the two doors and window on the side of the cabin are made by cutting out small pieces of cigar-box wood and gluing them to the cabin and engine-room. a good substitute for the wood can be found in tin, but of course this would have to be tacked on. the little skylight on the back of the tug is made by a single block covered by two pieces of cigar-box wood. in order to stabilize the craft and to bring her down to the proper water-line, a lead keel must be nailed to the bottom. the weight of this keel will have to be adjusted until the boat rests properly in the water. the reader will notice that no dimensions have been given for this boat. this is because most boys will wish to build different sized boats, and therefore it has not been deemed advisable to dimension the boats described in this chapter. what the author desires to do is to impart the principles of construction, so that every boy may use his own ingenuity in regard to size and proportion of length to beam. if tugs are constructed according to the design outlined above, the model boat builder will also desire to have something that the tug can haul. a very simple barge for this purpose is outlined in figs. 25 and 26. this is formed of a single slab with the ends cut at an angle as illustrated. a square flat piece is then tacked to the upper deck, which acts as a cover. four posts are then put in place in the same way as those on the tug. one is placed in each corner. a boat or a scow like this is generally painted red, and the model described can be made to look much more realistic by painting it this color. [illustration: fig. 25] [illustration: fig. 26] [illustration: fig. 27] [illustration: fig. 28] these barges are so easy to construct that the model-builder should make three or four of them at a time. if the pieces for several are cut out at the same time, the construction will be just that much easier. if the boat does not sink far enough into the water, a piece of lead should be placed on the bottom to bring it down. this piece of lead should be placed as near the center as it is possible to get it. otherwise the boat will list or tip at one end or the other. with a little patience and care the weight can be so adjusted on the bottom as to bring the scow to a perfectly level position. the reader will understand that the water-line of a scow or any boat made according to the directions in this book will depend largely upon the nature of the wood. in the first chapter of the book it was pointed out that the specific gravity of different woods varies, and therefore the buoyancy will vary. a model freighter is shown in fig. 27. the hull of this boat can be formed by two 1-1/2-inch planks. these will require a little hard work to cut out; but, on the other hand, the effort will be entirely justified by the pleasing appearance of the little craft that can be produced in this way. a bow and stern block to raise the deck are cut out and nailed in place, as shown. a cabin is also placed on the stern of the craft, and this is formed by a block with a piece of cigar-box wood placed on the top. the cigar-box wood should project a little over the edges to form a canopy. the center of the deck can be raised by a third block; and three independent blocks, two large ones and a small one, form the main cabin. sandwiched in between these blocks are three pieces of cigar-box wood. the remaining details of the craft are so simple that they may easily be made by following the diagram. [illustration: fig. 29] let us turn our attention to model war-ships. a torpedo-boat destroyer is clearly illustrated in figs. 28 and 29. this is very simple to construct and makes a pleasing craft when finished. the hull is formed by two blocks. one of these forms the raised deck on the bow of the boat. the cabin is built up on this raised deck. it will be seen that the part of the hull that rests in the water is formed by one block. in building boats of this nature the constructor should be careful to keep them long and slender, since torpedo-boat destroyers are always of this type. they are high-speed craft, and their displacement must therefore be as small as possible. some of these boats carry four stacks and some two. the author prefers four stacks as giving the boat a better appearance than two. the two little cabins near the stern of the boat are placed there merely to take away the plainness of construction. the guns mounted forward and aft are merely round pieces of wood with a piece of wire bent around them and forced into a hole in the deck. [illustration: fig. 30] the boat-builder should not be satisfied with one or two of these craft; he should make a whole fleet. this will afford the average boy a great amount of pleasure, since he can add to his fleet from time to time and have official launchings. each boat can also be given a name and a number. a little gray paint on the hull of these boats and black on the stacks gives them a very presentable appearance. [illustration: fig. 31] [illustration: fig. 32] a battleship is shown in fig. 30. a battleship should be at least twice as long as a torpedo-boat destroyer. a view of the battleship as it will look in the water is shown in fig. 31. by carefully examining this drawing the builder will be able to see just the number and shape of the blocks that enter into the construction of the craft. the battleship is provided with four main batteries mounted in turrets, one forward and three aft. a mast is also built, and strings run from it to the top of the main cabin and to the end of one of the turrets mounted aft. a screw is placed through the centers of the fore and aft turrets, so they can be turned to any position. battleships should be painted gray. it will be necessary to place rather a heavy keel on the boat just described in order to bring it down to the proper depth in the water. otherwise it will be topheavy and will capsize very easily. a fleet of battleships and battle-cruisers can easily be made according to the foregoing instructions, and the builder should not be satisfied with producing only one. a pleasure yacht is illustrated in fig. 32. the hull of this craft is formed by two boards nailed together. the cabins are very simple, being formed by a solid block of wood with a piece of cigar-box wood tacked to the top. the windows and doors are marked in place with a soft lead-pencil, and the stack is mounted midway between the two cabins. a wireless antenna should be placed on the boat, with a few guy-wires from the masts run to various parts of the deck. a lead-in wire also runs down into one of the cabins. the hull of this boat should be painted pure white. the deck can be left its natural color, while the stack should be painted black and the cabins white with green trimmings. almost any type of boat can be produced by the use of simple blocks of wood and other miscellaneous pieces easily brought to shape from ordinary materials. this method of construction offers a wonderful opportunity for the boy to exercise his creative faculties. chapter iv steam and electric propulsion boats are propelled by two different systems. some inland-water boats still employ side paddle-wheels, while ocean-going vessels use the more modern propeller or screw. the paddle-wheel really acts as a continuous oar. such a wheel is shown in fig. 33. as the wheel goes around the paddle dips into the water and pushes the boat forward. if the direction of the boat is to be reversed, the rotation of the paddle-wheels is reversed. [illustration: fig. 33] [illustration: fig. 34] [illustration: fig. 35] [illustration: fig. 36] [illustration: fig. 37] [illustration: fig. 38] before passing onto the screw, it may be well to explain just how a paddle-wheel causes a boat to move. when a man gets into a rowboat, he generally pushes himself off by placing his oar against the dock or shore and pushing on it. that is just what the paddle does in the water. it dips into the water and pushes against it. it must be remembered, however, that water is unlike a solid substance and it "gives." when a man places his oar against the bank and pushes it, the bank does not move, and all of the man's energy is used in starting the boat. water, however, does not remain stationary when the paddles push against it, and therefore all of the power it not utilized in moving the boat--part is used in moving the water. the paddle-wheel is not so efficient in moving a boat as the more modern propeller--or screw, as it is more often called. the screw receives its name from the ordinary metal screw, because its theory of operation is exactly the same. a wood screw, when turned, forces itself into wood. a propeller, when turned, forces itself (and thereby the boat) through the water. a small propeller is illustrated in fig. 34. this is an ordinary three-blade propeller. (the writer prefers the word propeller instead of screw.) from the drawing, it will be seen that the propeller-blades are mounted at an angle. this angle of the blades causes them to force water back as they cut through it when the propeller is revolving. this forcing of the water back tends to produce a forward motion of the propeller, and in this way the boat on which the propeller is mounted moves through the water. the propeller is caused to revolve by a steam-engine, steam-turbine, or gasolene-engine, as shown in fig. 35. longer boats have more than one propeller. a boat that has two propellers is called a twin-screw boat. a boat driven with four propellers is called a quadruple-screw boat. when a machine screw is turned around just once, it moves forward a certain distance, as a glance at fig. 36 will show. the distance the screw moves forward will depend entirely upon the distance between the threads. the distance between the threads is called the pitch of the thread. if the threads are 1/32 inch apart, then the screw will move 1/32 inch every time it revolves. if a propeller acts in the same way as a screw, then it too must have a pitch. the pitch, or the distance that a propeller will advance in one revolution, is measured in inches. a propeller with a pitch of ten inches should move ten inches through the water at each revolution. however, there is a certain amount of "slip," and a propeller does not actually advance the distance that it should theoretically. the pitch of a propeller is really the distance it would advance in one revolution if it were revolving in an unyielding or solid substance. to make a simple propeller, first cut out of thin sheet brass three blades as shown at _a_, fig. 37. sheet brass with a thickness of 1/32 inch is very suitable for this purpose. next, a block, as shown at _b_, is carefully carved out so that the propeller can be hammered down into the depression. the same block is used for the three blades, so that each will have the same curvature. the block should be cut from oak, since this wood will not split or lose its shape when the forming is done. the hub is made next. this is shown at _c_, fig. 37. the hub, of brass, is made according to the stream-line method. it is filed to shape from a piece of round brass stock. a hole runs lengthwise in the brass, as shown, and a set-screw is used to hold the hub of the propeller-shaft. the method of cutting the slots in the hub is shown at _d_, fig. 37. the hub is clamped between two boards placed in the vise, and a hacksaw is used to cut a slot in the hub. the hub is then turned around one third of a revolution, and another slot cut, using the same saw-marks in the boards, so that the angle of the second slot will be the same as the first one. the third slot is cut in the same manner. the three blades that were cut out are now fastened in these slots and held there by solder. this completes the propeller and it is now ready to be fastened upon the propeller-shaft. let us consider the general method of putting the propeller-shaft in place. the young boat-builder will readily understand that it would be very impractical merely to bore a hole in the hull of the boat to put the propeller-shaft through. in this way water would surely leak into the hull and the boat would sink in a short time. some method must be evolved to keep the water out of the hull, and yet allow the propeller-shaft to revolve freely. the propeller-shaft is arranged within a brass tube, as shown at fig. 38. the brass tube should be about 1/8 inch larger in diameter than the propeller-shaft. a little brass bushing must also be arranged at each end, as shown. when the propeller-shaft is mounted in place in the tube, there will be a space between it and the tube. before the propeller-shaft is put in place it is well smeared with vaseline, and when it is placed in the tube the space between the shaft and the tube will be completely filled with it. this will prevent water from entering. owing to the fact that vaseline is a soft, greasy substance, it will not prevent the rotation of the propeller-shaft. the brass tube is placed through a hole bored in the hull of the boat. the hole should be a trifle smaller than the diameter of the brass tube, so that the tube can be forced into the hole. [illustration: fig. 39] [illustration: fig. 40] [illustration: fig. 42] one of the simplest methods of propelling a boat is by means of rubber bands. such a boat is shown in fig. 39. this is a small wooden hull fitted with a two-blade propeller. the propeller is shown at fig. 40. it is cut in a single piece and held to the propeller-shaft merely by a drop of solder since there will not be much strain upon it owing to the low power of the rubber-band motor. the opposite end of the propeller-shaft is bent into a hook, and the rubber bands run from this to another hook placed at the bow of the boat. the rubber bands may be similar to those employed by model airplane builders. the motor, of course, must be wound up by turning the propeller around until the bands become twisted into little knots, as shown at fig. 39. boats driven by rubber bands cannot be very large unless a great number of rubber bands are used. even then the power is short-lived. however, building a few small boats driven by rubber-band motors will do much to teach the young boat-builder some valuable lessons in boat construction. probably the best method of propelling model boats is the electric method. by building a boat large enough to accommodate two dry batteries or a small storage battery and a little power motor, a very reliable method of propulsion is made possible. the boat must have sufficient displacement to accommodate the weight of the dry-cells and storage battery. a boat two feet long, with a beam of 4-1/2 inches, is large enough to accommodate one dry-cell and a small motor, providing the fittings of the boat are not too heavy. a suitable power motor for small boats, which will run with either one or two dry-cells, is shown in fig. 41. the connections for the motor are given clearly in fig. 42, and a suitable switch to control the motor is shown at fig. 43. owing to its greater power, the storage battery is to be preferred. dry-cells are extremely heavy and occupy considerable space. they are also costly, since they do not last long and cannot be worked too hard unless they polarize. [illustration: fig. 41] [illustration: fig. 44] [illustration: fig. 43] [illustration: fig. 45] a very suitable method of mounting an electric motor is illustrated in figs. 44 and 45. it will be noticed that the motor is inverted. a small pinion or gear is mounted upon the armature-shaft of the motor. a larger gear (about three times the diameter of the small one) is placed upon the propeller-shaft. this gives a speed reduction of three to one. it will be seen that the propeller-tube is strapped within a strip of brass to a small cross-piece nailed to the bottom board of the hull. the hull is of the built-up type, and the other three boards that go to make it up are not shown. when the three boards are glued in place, a brass strip is run across the top board and the base of the motor is screwed to this. this holds the motor rigidly in place so that it will not move when the power is turned on. the brass strip used should have sufficient thickness to hold the motor rigid. it will also be seen that the motor is tipped slightly so that it will come in line with the propeller-shaft. [illustration: fig. 46] [illustration: fig. 47] [illustration: fig. 48] it is not always possible to obtain small gears. for this reason the model boat builder may find it necessary to use a different method of fastening the propeller-shaft to the motor. a very good method of doing this is shown in fig. 46. here a coiled wire spring is used. this is wound to shape on a rod, and a drop of solder holds it to the propeller and motor shafts. in the method of propulsion shown in fig. 44 the armature-shaft of the motor must be perfectly in line with the propeller-shaft, or the gears will bind and unsatisfactory operation of the motor will result. with the little spring the motor will not have to be mounted exactly in line with the shaft, and it will also be possible to mount the motor standing up. of course, if the motor is mounted in this way it will be necessary to make the propeller-shaft longer, as is shown in fig. 47. still another method of driving the propeller is illustrated in fig. 48. this method is so simple that the author feels explanation to be unnecessary. clockwork can often be employed for propulsion purposes, but this method is not very satisfactory. it is also very difficult to obtain suitable clockworks to install in a boat. oftentimes it will be possible to salvage the works of an old alarm-clock, providing the main-spring is intact. it is a very easy matter to mount the clock-spring and connect it to the propeller. any one of the aforementioned methods can be employed. steam propulsion has its advantages; but, on the other hand, the writer is not inclined to recommend it as strongly as the electric method for reliability. of course, steam is a more powerful agency in the propulsion of small boats and thereby greater speed is attainable by its use. [illustration: fig. 49] [illustration: fig. 50] [illustration: fig. 51] here is a very simple small power plant suitable for driving boats up to 3-1/2 feet in length. the boiler is shown in figs. 49 and 50. the method of assembling the boiler is pictured clearly in fig. 49. a brass or copper tube about 2-1/2 inches in diameter is used. two end pieces are cut to shape and forced into the boiler ends. a hole is drilled in the center of these pieces before they are put in place. after the end pieces are forced in place solder is carefully flowed around their edges. the brass rod is then threaded at each end and placed concentrically within the boiler, as shown in fig. 49. a nut is placed on each end of this rod and tightened. the nut is then soldered in place. this brass rod, called a stay-rod, prevents the end of the boiler from blowing out when the steam pressure has reached its maximum value. three holes are drilled in the brass tube, as shown. one is to accommodate the steam feed-pipe that goes to the engine; another is for the safety-valve, and still another for the filling plug. the safety-valve and filling plug are both shown in fig. 51. the little spring on the safety-valve is adjustable, so that the valve can be regulated in order to prevent it from blowing off at pressures lower than that at which the engine operates. [illustration: fig. 52] a suitable firebox for the boiler is shown clearly in fig. 52. this is cut to shape from stovepipe iron and held together with small rivets. holes should be punched or drilled in the side of the firebox to give the burner a sufficient supply of air. the burner is illustrated clearly in fig. 52. the fuel-tank can be made from an ordinary tin can with the cover soldered on, and a hole made for a cork by means of which it is filled with denatured alcohol. a little pipe runs from the fuel-tank to the burner. it is advisable, if possible, to place a small valve in this pipe to cut off the fuel supply when necessary. the only other method of putting the burner out would be to stand it on its end. the burner consists of a rectangular tin box with a top cut out as illustrated. a piece of brass or copper gauze is placed in the top. asbestos wool is used to fill the can, and the alcohol is drawn into the wool by capillary attraction, where it burns with a steady hot flame at the surface of the copper gauze. in the corner of the can near the feed-pipe another small piece of copper gauze is soldered as shown. this covers up the feed-pipe entrance so that the asbestos will not plug up the pipe. [illustration: fig. 53] [illustration: fig. 54] the engine to be used in connection with the boiler just described is shown in fig. 53. this is a very simple engine of the oscillation type, and there should be little trouble in making it. a more mechanical drawing of the engine is shown in fig. 54. the details of the engine are shown in fig. 55. [illustration: fig. 55] the cylinder of the engine should be made first. this is made from a piece of brass tubing with an internal diameter of 3/4 inch. two end pieces, or a cylinder-end cover and cylinder head, must be cut to fit inside the cylinder. these should be cut to shape from 1/16 inch brass, and a hole drilled in the cylinder head 1/8 inch in diameter to accommodate the piston-rod. the cylinder head is then soldered in place. the cylinder-end cover should be left until the piston-rod and piston are made. the piston head is cut to shape from a piece of 3/16-inch sheet brass, or it can be cut from a piece of 3/4-inch round brass with a hacksaw. the piston-rod is soldered into a hole in the piston-head. a small square piece of brass is placed on the opposite end of the piston-rod to act as a bearing. this little piece is cut and drilled as shown in the drawing. before it is soldered in place on the piston-rod the cylinder-end cover should be placed on the rod. both the piston and the cylinder-end cover can then be placed inside the cylinder, and the piston-end cover is soldered in place. before final assembling the piston should be made to fit nicely into the cylinder. this can be brought about by applying emery cloth to the piston-head until it slips nicely into the cylinder with little or no play. thus a steam-tight fit is made, and this contributes greatly to the efficiency and power of the engine. [illustration: fig. 56] [illustration: fig. 57] the cylinder blocks are shown in fig. 55. these are cut and brought to shape with a hacksaw and file. with a half-round file one side of one of the blocks is filed slightly concave, so that it will fit on the outside of the cylinder. two 1/8-inch holes are drilled in this piece as shown in the drawing. the hole at the top is the steam entrance and exhaust for the engine; that is, when the cylinder is at one side steam enters this hole, and when the crank throws the cylinder over to the other side steam leaves through the same hole after having expanded in the cylinder. this cylinder block is soldered to the piston as shown in fig. 56. the pivot upon which the cylinder swings is then put in place in the hole at the bottom of the block. solder is flowed around the pivot to hold it securely in place. the second cylinder block is now finished according to the drawing. this has two holes 1/8 inch in diameter bored in it. one of these holes is the steam inlet and the other the exhaust. when the cylinder is at one side of its stroke the hole that was bored in the top of the steam block which was soldered on the cylinder is in line with the inlet hole in the block under consideration. steam then enters the cylinder and forces the piston down. this turns the crank around, and the crank in turn pulls the piston over to the opposite side, so that the hole in the first piston block of the cylinder now comes in line with the exhaust hole on the second cylinder block. the steam in the cylinder escapes and the same operation is repeated over again. of course, it must be understood that this steam admission and exhaust takes place very rapidly. the hole in the second cylinder block, which goes over the pivot, must be made a trifle more than 1/8 inch in diameter, so that it will slide freely over the pivot. the engine is mounted on a very simple frame, which is a piece of 1/16-inch brass cut and bent as illustrated. after it is cut and bent to shape the second cylinder block is soldered in place. the cylinder can then be mounted. it will be seen that the pivot goes through both the second cylinder block and the engine standard. a small spring is placed over the protruding end of the pivot and a nut put in place. by turning this nut the pressure on the face of the two cylinder blocks can be adjusted, and the model engineer must always remember that the pressure on these springs must be greater than the steam pressure in the feed-pipe. otherwise the steam pressure will force the cylinder-block faces apart and steam leakage will result. on the other hand, the pressure of the spring should not be too great, since that would interfere with the free movement of the engine cylinder. nothing now remains to be made except the crank and the flywheel. the crank revolves in a small brass bearing which is soldered in place on the engine standard. it will be seen that the sheet brass that makes up the engine standard is not thick enough to offer a good bearing for the crank. the crank is bent to shape from a piece of 1/8-inch brass rod, and the author advises the builder to heat the brass rod red-hot while the bending is done. this will prevent it from fracturing, and will also permit a sharp bend to be made. the flywheel is a circular piece of brass 1 inch in diameter. its center is drilled out and it is soldered to the crank as illustrated in fig. 54. two other holes 1/8 inch in diameter are drilled in the flywheel as illustrated, and two small brass pins are cut out from 1/8-inch brass rod and forced into these holes and then soldered. these provide a method of driving the propeller-shaft that is shown very clearly at fig. 57. the steam feed-pipe that runs from the boiler to the engine can be of small copper tubing. it may be necessary to mount the engine on a small block, as shown in fig. 53. after the steam in the boiler has reached a sufficient pressure the engine crank should be given a couple of twists in order to start it. before operating the engine a little lubricating oil should be run into the cylinder through the inlet or exhaust ports. the cylinder should always be kept well lubricated. the contacting faces of the cylinder blocks should also be kept lubricated. _caution._ always keep water in the boiler. never permit it to run dry, as this would cause a boiler explosion. when the engine is started and cannot be made to run, take the burner from under the boiler so that steam will cease to be generated. with the safety-valve the model boat builder need have little fear of an explosion. nevertheless the foregoing directions should be carefully adhered to. chapter v an electric launch the little electric launch to be described is of very simple construction, and when finished it will provide the builder with a very shipshape little model from which he will be able to derive a good deal of pleasure. it has a speed of from 2-1/2 to 3 miles an hour when equipped with dry batteries or storage batteries. the hull is of the sharpie type, and this offers very little trouble in cutting out and assembling. the general appearance of the boat and hull will be gathered from the drawings. the pieces necessary to assemble the hull are shown in fig. 58. only five pieces are necessary: two side pieces, a stern piece, a bow piece, and a bottom piece. the length of the boat over all is 40 inches with a 7-inch beam. the widest part of the boat is 1 foot 10 inches from the bow. after the pieces that form the hull are cut they are thoroughly sandpapered to produce a smooth surface. the heavy imperfections in the wood can be taken out with coarse paper, and the finishing can be done with a finer paper. it is understood that sandpapering should always be done with the grain, never across the grain. the sides of the boat are cut about 1/4 inch thick, but they are planed thinner in places where the bend is most pronounced. the side pieces are 2-3/4 inches deep at the stern and 2-1/4 inches at the stern. there is a gradual curve from the bow to the stern, which is more marked toward the head. the stern piece is thicker than the side pieces, being made of 1/2-inch wood. it is cut to the shape shown at fig. 58, and beveled along the bottom edge to enable it to be fixed on the slant. the bow piece is a triangle 2-3/4 inches in length. after the parts are thoroughly finished with sandpaper the stern piece is fixed in position. in making all the joints on the boat the builder should see that plenty of fairly thick paint is run in while the joint is being screwed up. this will help greatly in making the boat water-tight. plenty of 3/4-inch brass wood-screws are used in assembling the hull. all the holes for the wood-screws should be countersunk so that the heads will come flush with the surface of the hull. now one of the sides should be screwed to the stern piece, at the same time bending the bottom and side to meet. this is done gradually, inch by inch, and screws are put in place at equal distances. when the bow is reached, the side piece is beveled to fit the bow piece, which should already have been screwed into place. the other side of the boat is treated in a similar manner, and the young worker should take care to keep the side and bow piece perfectly square and upright. this may sound easy on paper, but it will be found that a good deal of care must be exercised to produce this result. after the hull has been assembled it is given a good coat of paint inside and out. when the first coat is dry the holes left by the screw-heads are carefully puttied over, and the hull is given a second coat of paint. this procedure will produce a perfectly water-tight hull. [illustration: fig. 58] [illustration: fig. 59] [illustration: fig. 63] the stern tube is 3/8 inch, outside diameter. a hole is bored in the bottom of the boat to receive the stern tube. this job must be done cautiously; otherwise the bottom of the boat may be ruined. it is best to screw a substantial block to the inside of the boat. this block should be cut to fit the bottom and will act as a support for drilling. it will also help greatly to make a water-tight joint around the tube. the distance from the point where the stern tube passes through the bottom to the stern should be about 12-1/2 inches. the stern tube should be mounted as nearly parallel with the bottom as possible, since on this depends the speed of the boat. as the angle of the propeller-shaft increases, the speed of the boat will decrease. in drilling the hole the boat-builder should be careful to keep the drill running along the central line of the boat. as before mentioned, the stern tube is a piece of brass tubing 3/8 inch in diameter and 8 inches long. it is filed square at both ends, and a brass plug is fastened with solder in each end. the tube is then filled with melted vaseline, which is allowed to cool. the hole in the hull around the tube is then well smeared with thick paint. when this is done, a layer of red lead or putty is placed around the joint both on the inside and the outside of the boat. while the putty is drying the spray-hood or turtle-deck can be made. this is bent to shape from a piece of tinplate and extends half way down the boat. when the turtle-deck is finished, it is best to lay it aside, before finally fastening it in place, until the entire boat is completed. the wooden part of the deck is made of 1/8-inch wood and scribed with a sharp knife to represent planking. this method of producing planking was described in detail in chapter ii. toward the stern of the boat and just behind the motor a hatchway is fitted to give access to the batteries and starting switch. the finished sharpie hull without its driving batteries or motor should weigh about 1 pound 3 ounces. the hull being finished, let us consider the electric propelling equipment. a 1/8-inch cold-rolled steel driving or propeller-shaft is used. the shaft is 13 inches long and a gear-wheel 1 inch in diameter is fixed to one end of this shaft. this gear-wheel meshes with a brass pinion on the motor-shaft. this forms a 3-1/2 to 1 reduction gear, which produces a greatly increased speed of the boat. the other end of the propeller-shaft rests in the skeg bearing. in this present case this consists of a tube about 1/2 inch long, which is made for a revolving fit on the propeller-shaft and supported by a sheet-metal bracket. this is shown in fig. 63. the end of the propeller also revolves adjacent to the bearing in the skeg. [illustration: ©_jack sussman_ getting ready for a trip heating the blow-torch to a point where it will burn automatically] the propeller is a three-blade affair with a diameter of 2-1/4 inches. it is attached to the propeller-shaft with a set-screw. the motor is a very simple type obtainable in the open market. it is similar to one shown in fig. 41. as before mentioned, either dry or storage batteries may be used as a source of current. the writer strongly advises the use of storage batteries if possible. the initial cost of these batteries is greater than that for dry batteries; but, on the other hand, the small storage battery can be charged repeatedly and will outlast many dry batteries. if the boat is used much the storage battery will probably be the more economical of the two. the steering gear of the boat is very simple. the rudder works in a bearing that is screwed to the stern piece. the end of the rudder-shaft is tapped, and a brass screw is used to clamp it in position after setting it with the fingers. the rudder-shaft is a 3/4-inch brass rod. the lower end of this rod is slit with a hacksaw and the rudder is placed in this. solder is then flowed along the joint. [illustration: ©_jack sussman_ all ready to go! a little boat with steam up, ready for a trip when her owner releases her] [illustration: fig. 60] of course, the builder may paint his boat whatever color he may select; but a maroon hull with a white-enameled spray-hood or turtle-deck makes a very pleasing combination. fig. 60 shows a rough plan of the general arrangement of the power machinery. figs. 61, 62 and 63 will do much to give the reader a clear idea of the method of construction which could not be gained by reading a description. [illustration: fig. 61] the general appearance of the boat can be improved materially in many ways. for instance, a little stack or ventilator may be added to the turtle-deck, and a little flag-stick carrying a tiny flag may be placed on the bow and on the stern. [illustration: fig. 62] the motor current should be turned on only when necessary, for dry-cells deteriorate rapidly when in use, and small storage batteries quickly lose their charge, although they will last much longer than dry-cells and give much better service. chapter vi a steam launch the steam launch _nancy lee_ is an attractive little craft when finished and it is capable of attaining considerable speed. it is really designed after the cruising type of motor-boats. this type of boat is particularly adaptable for simple model-making, owing to the elimination of awkward fittings. the power machinery is of very simple construction and presents no real difficulty. the following materials are necessary to construct the _nancy lee_: large wood block for hull. thin white pine for deck, etc. sheet-metal tube, rod and wire for the boiler, engine, etc. lamp-wick, paint, screws, and brads miscellaneous fittings the actual expense necessary to construct the boat is very small. having obtained the block for the hull, you are ready to start work. the hull, when planed on all sides, should be 30 inches long, 6-1/2 inches wide, and 3-3/4 inches deep. a center line is drawn down the length of the hull, and five cross-section lines are drawn at right angles to the center line 5 inches apart. on these lines the builder should mark off the greatest lengths of the boat, taking the dimensions from the half-breadth drawing shown in fig. 64. it will be noted that the deck is wider than the l. w. l. forward and narrower than the l. w. l. at the stern. the block should be cut to the widest line on the half-breadth part. [illustration: fig. 65] [illustration: fig. 67] [illustration: fig. 64] the half-widths in fig. 64 are drawn each side of the center line on the block. the block will be cut out to this line and planed up as true as possible. the builder should then project the section lines with a set square on each side of the boat, mark off the profile from the sheer plan, fig. 65, and cut the block to this line, afterward planing it up true. [illustration: fig. 66] the blocks should now appear as sketched in fig. 66. it is now ready for the shaping of its exterior. a plane, a chisel, and a draw-knife are the only tools necessary to bring the hull to the correct shape. the cardboard templates must be cut, one for each half-section, as shown in the body plan, fig. 67. these templates serve to show the proper outside shape of the hull. the block for the hull must be cut away until each one of these templates fits properly into place. the various stages are indicated in figs. 68 and 69. [illustration: fig. 68] the interior of the board is gouged out with a gouging chisel, and if the builder desires a uniform result he should make inside templates. in gouging out the interior of the hull the chisel or gouge should be handled very carefully; otherwise it is liable to slip and spoil the entire hull. [illustration: fig. 69] the next job is to cut and properly fit the raised portion or forecastle. a piece of wood 1-1/4 inches thick, 15 inches long, and 6-1/4 inches wide must be prepared and laid in place on the hull. the shape of the hull is marked off with a pencil and the wood sawed along this line. the inner portion is also cut out, thus making a v-shaped piece which must be glued and screwed in place, as shown in fig. 70. [illustration: fig. 71] [illustration: fig. 70] the oval air-vents shown in the drawing can be cut at this time. the hull is neatly finished by cutting in the sheer or curvature of the hull and sandpapering it all over. a cross-beam or support, _c_, fig. 70, is cut and fitted as illustrated. this particular piece supports the fore-deck, and also carries the main-deck, as well as bracing the boat together. this piece should be 3/16 inch thick and cut from solid oak. the decks can be made of a good quality of white pine. the builder should select clean pieces, free from knots and blemishes. it only requires to be cut to shape and then fixed to the hull with a few brads. the edge should be cleaned up flush with the hull by the aid of a plane. the opening for the cock-pit, shown in the drawing in fig. 71, is to be cut in the deck. the coamings and seats are cut to the sizes indicated in the drawings. they are then glued and pinned together. when fitted to the deck the result will be somewhat as shown in fig. 71. the fore-deck is prepared in a similar manner; but, since this is to be removable, two battens must be fitted to the under side to keep it in place. the openings for the hatchways can be cut and the hatch-covers made by cutting another piece of wood 3/16 inch thick to form an edging. a cover piece to go over the small pieces, removed from cutting out the hatch opening, is shown at fig. 72. a coping-saw will be found very useful for this work. the covers are neatly rounded on the edge and nicely finished. [illustration: fig. 72] [illustration: fig. 73] [illustration: fig. 74] [illustration: fig. 76] fig. 73 will give the reader a very good idea of the appearance of the boat at this stage. it will be seen that the sketch shows the deck broken away so as to render the cross-batten visible, which also shows the fair-lead at _f_, fig. 73. this is cut from two small pieces of 3/16-inch stuff, glued and pinned in place. the forward deck is completed by the addition of cowl-ventilators, cut from hard wood and screwed in place. the flag-mast is made from a short piece of 1/16-inch wire. the details of the mooring-cleats are shown in fig. 74. they are fashioned by using a small screw-eye and soldering a short piece of brass wire through the eye. an oblong metal plate is then cut and a central hole drilled. this plate is soldered to the shank of the screw-eye and the cleat is complete. one of these devices is to be fitted to the fore-deck and two on the main-deck and stern. [illustration: fig. 75] the rudder and steering gear will be considered next. fig. 75 shows the stern of the boat with the rudder gear mounted in place. it will be noted that the rudder-blade is merely a piece of sheet brass cut to shape and soldered into the rudder-post _m_, which is slit to accommodate it. the rudder-post is hung in two screw-eyes on the stern of the boat. a small wheel about 1 inch in diameter, with an edge filed in it, is soldered to the top of the rudder-post. a fine cord or string, well stretched and oiled, is attached to the wheel and led through two screw-eyes on the deck. from this it is led through an opening in the coaming to a drum on the steering column, which is turned by another small wheel similar to that used on the rudder-post, but with a round edge. the steering column is merely a piece of 1/8-inch wire, held in place by two small screw-eyes fixed in the coaming and with a tube-brush soldered on to keep the wire in position. the drum is simply a hard-wood bushing driven tightly in place. the power machinery for the _nancy lee_ must be considered at this time. this is really one of the most interesting parts of the construction. the general appearance of the power plant can be seen by referring to fig. 77, which is a view of the complete boiler and engine mounted together on the same base. the boiler is shown at _a_ and the safety-valve and filler at _l_. the base or firebox _b_ protects the burner from stray drafts of air, and also supports the boiler. the lamp or burner consists of a receptacle _c_ for containing the denatured alcohol. the denatured alcohol is inserted through the filler-tube _e_, which is kept closed with a cork. the upright tube _d_ is fitted so that air can go into the receptacle containing the alcohol. three burners are necessary to fire the boiler. these are fitted as shown in _f_, and they give sufficient heat to produce steam enough to drive the cylinder _g_. the steam is conducted to the cylinder through the short pipe _k_. the steam-cylinder has the usual piston and rod, which drives the circular crank _h_. this crank is mounted on a crankshaft carried on the metal tube _m_. as will be noticed, the cylinder is of the simple oscillating type mounted on a standard, formed as part of the boiler casing, and stiffened by two angle-plates _l_. a heavy flywheel, _j_, is now fitted to the inside end of the crankshaft. this wheel should be a lead casting, and as heavy as possible. a heavy flywheel contributes much to the operating efficiency of the engine. the propeller-shaft and crank are shown at _n_ in the insert. the boiler is made from a strong tin can about 1-3/4 inches in diameter and 4-1/2 inches long. it is cleaned inside and out, and all the seams are double-soldered. the lid is also soldered on the can. this little boiler, although not elaborately made, will be found capable of standing up under considerable steam-pressure, and so no fear need be had of accidents by explosion. [illustration: fig. 83] [illustration: fig. 78] [illustration: fig. 77] [illustration: fig. 79] [illustration: fig. 80] [illustration: fig. 81] [illustration: fig. 82] a little safety-valve and filler-plug suitable for use on the boiler are shown clearly in fig. 78. a piece of sheet tin is cut out to the size and shape illustrated in fig. 79 at _a_. the piece is bent up at the dotted lines and the seams are soldered. two angle-plates, _b_, are then cut and fitted and soldered in place. next a piece of brass tube with a 1/8-inch bore and 1 inch long is cut and soldered in place for the bearing of the crankshaft. a lead flywheel 1-1/4 inches in diameter and 1/2 inch thick is then mounted firmly on a piece of straight steel wire 1-3/4 inches long, which acts as a shaft. the shaft is made to run freely in the crankshaft bearing that was previously soldered in place. the cylinder is shown in section in fig. 80. if the reader will refer back to the construction of the engine described in chapter 4 he will readily understand the operation and construction of this particular engine. a little crank must be cut from 1/16-inch brass, and soldered to the crankshaft after fitting a wire crank-pin to the outer edge. this crank-pin should be of such a size that the joint on the end of the piston-rod shown at _a_, fig. 80, turns on it easily. the throw should be only half the stroke of the engine, which is 3/8 of an inch. the boiler is now fixed in place by bending the lugs _b_, fig. 79, so that they just support the boiler nicely. they are then soldered in place. next fit the short steam-pipe _k_ between the boiler and the steam block on the cylinder. the builder should take care to keep the steam-pipe well up to the top of the boiler. the lamp should be built at this time. the container for the denatured alcohol is made from a well soldered tin box of suitable size. it can also be made by cutting a sheet of tin to the size and shape shown in fig. 81. the corner joints are soldered and then a tin lid is soldered in place. the builder should not forget to make the filler-tube _e_ and air-tube _d_, as shown in fig. 77, before soldering the top piece in place. the burners should be made as high as the container, and these should be made from little pieces of tin bent to shape and soldered on to a bottom pipe, as shown in fig. 77. the builder should also remember to cut the holes through this pipe so that the alcohol can get into the burner-tubes, and also to solder the open end of the bottom or feed tube. before the wicks are put into the lamps, the container should be tested by filling it with alcohol to see that it is perfectly tight at all joints. if it is not the container should be gone over again with solder to assure its being leak-proof. before operating the engine with steam, it can be tested with a small bicycle pump through the opening for the safety-valve. the engine should turn over briskly at every stroke of the pump, providing it does not come to rest at "dead center." if it does come to rest at "dead center," where no air can enter the piston, the crankshaft should be given a little twist and the engine will then start. before steam is applied it will be well to experiment until the engine runs with the air-pump. having made the engine run smoothly with air, steam can be generated in the boiler. the wicks should not be placed too tightly in the burners. after they are in place the container may be filled with denatured alcohol, and the burners lighted and placed under the boiler. in a very few minutes steam will be up. at the first indication of pressure in the boiler the engine should be given a twist with the fingers until it starts and goes of its own accord. the constructor should remember to keep his engine well lubricated. the propeller-shaft is merely a piece of steel wire, perfectly straight and fitted with a crank _a_, fig. 82. this crank is similar to the one fitted to the engine, but with a small slot cut out for the crank-pin to fit into. this is done so that, as the crank-pin on the engine turns around, it also turns a slotted crank on the propeller-shaft. a short piece of tube, _c_, is now fitted to a flat brass plate, _d_. the plate is mounted at an angle to the tube, so that when it is in place on the stern of the boat the propeller-shaft will be in line with the crankshaft of the engine. a clearance hole is now drilled through the hull, so that the propeller-shaft can be put in place. solder the tube to the plate, and punch four small holes in the plate, so that it can be screwed firmly to the hull. solder a short piece of tube, as shown at _b_, fig. 82, to keep the propeller-shaft in position. the propeller must now be made. this is easily done by cutting out a disk of brass 1-1/2 inches in diameter, as shown in fig. 83. the shaded portions of the brass disk are cut away. the blades are bent to shape, care being taken to see that they are all alike. this done, the propeller is soldered to the propeller-shaft. the only part of the job that remains is to screw the boiler in place under the fore-deck of the boat. this done, the _nancy lee_ is ready for her trial. the fore-deck should be made removable by fitting it with pins or screws with the heads cut off, so that the deck only needs pushing into place. this little boat should be capable of attaining a speed of from four to five miles an hour if it is made carefully and according to the directions outlined in this chapter. chapter vii an electrically driven lake freighter a prototype of the model lake freighter described in this chapter will probably be familiar to many readers. it is a type of boat used on the great lakes, and, owing to its peculiarity of design, it lends itself very well to construction in model form. the lines of the boat may be seen very clearly in fig. 84. the hull of the model freighter measures four feet over all, and the beam at the water-line is 8 inches. the extreme draft will be in the neighborhood of 5 inches. this model, when completed, will be capable of carrying considerable weight; in fact, it is able to accommodate thirty-five pounds in weight when used in fresh water. this will give the builder an opportunity to install a very substantial power equipment with little regard for weight. [illustration: fig. 84] [illustration: fig. 85] the hull is made according to the built-up principle, and the constructor will have to cut his templates before attempting the shaping of the hull. owing to the depth of the model, it will be necessary to use about ten planks. the plank that is used to form the bottom of the boat is not gouged out. every other plank is gouged out with a saw and chisel. the bottom plank is shaped with a knife to conform to the lines of the boat. in building up the hull with the planks, they should first be smeared with glue, and when put in place a few brass brads should be driven in. as mentioned in an earlier part of this book, iron nails should not be used in work of this nature, owing to the fact that they will rust and cause trouble. the brass brads are placed about one inch apart the entire length of the boards. the hull is finished with a plane and sandpaper, and after it has been brought to shape in this way and finished, a coat of paint is applied. black with dark red trimmings makes a very good combination for a boat of this type. the deck is made from a piece of 1/4-inch pine board. seven hatches are added to the deck. six of these hatches can be made by merely gluing a square piece of 1/4-inch wood to the deck. the seventh hatch should be made with a hole cut in the deck, so that access can be had to the power motor. the deck-house, wheel-house, and chart-house, as well as the bridge, should be constructed of tin, which may be salvaged from clean tin cans. the bridge is provided with spray-cloths made from white adhesive tape, as outlined in chapter 9. the port-holes in the deck-house and hull are made by little pieces of brass forced in place over a small piece of mica. the life-boats, which are carried on top of the engine-house, are whittled out of a solid piece of wood and painted white. life-boats are always painted white, regardless of the color of the boat upon which they are used. the life-boats are held by means of string and small dummy pulleys to davits made of heavy stovepipe wire. a rub-streak made of a piece of 1/4-inch square pine is tacked to each side of the hull just below the sheer-line. the rub-streak should be tacked in place with nails such as those used on cigar-boxes. the funnel measures 1 inch in diameter by 4 inches long. a small exhaust steam pipe, which can be made from a piece of brass tubing, is mounted directly aft of the funnel. the forward deck fittings consist mainly of a steering-boom, two bollards, two fair-heads, and four life-buoys mounted on the bridge. the main-deck is equipped with six bollards and two covered ventilators, each 1/2 inch in diameter. the foremast is properly stayed in the deck, and should be fitted with rat-lines. the rat-lines can be made with black thread and finished with varnish, which when dry will tend to hold the threads in shape. the rudder is cut from a piece of sheet brass to the shape shown, and fitted with a quadrant. the engine cabin can be made from cigar-box wood. the windows and doors can either be painted in place, or the windows can be cut and backed up with sheet celluloid. a good substitute for painted doors will be found in small pieces of tin painted a different color from the cabin. the same procedure may be followed in fitting the windows and doors to the forward cabin. we are now ready to consider the power plant. owing to the large displacement of the boat, it will carry a fairly heavy storage battery. the electric motor and storage battery are mounted in the manner shown in fig. 85, which will also give the reader an idea of the appearance of the finished model. as the drawing indicates, it will not be necessary to tilt the motor to any great degree in order to bring the propeller to the proper depth. this is because of the depth of the boat. instead of a string or belt to connect the motor with the propeller, the shaft of the motor is taken out and replaced by a longer steel rod that will serve both as a motor-shaft and a propeller-shaft. the propeller-shaft extends from the motor through the stern-tube. the propeller used for this model is a three-blade affair, 3 inches in diameter. it must be of this size in order to propel a boat of these dimensions at a consistent speed. care must be taken in mounting the motor in this way. if it is not mounted directly in line with the stern-tube the propeller-shaft will have a tendency to bind. however, with a little care no trouble should be experienced from this source. the storage battery used should be of the four-volt forty-ampere hour variety. this boat will be capable of carrying such a battery and this weight should just bring the craft down to her load water-line. the whole deck is made removable, so that the storage battery can be taken in and out at times when it is necessary to recharge it. a battery of this capacity, however, will drive a small motor similar to the type used on the boat for some time. chapter viii an electric submarine-chaser the submarine chaser design given in the drawings and described in the text of this chapter is a presentable little boat with pleasing lines and deck fittings. there is nothing difficult about its construction, and, considering the amount of work necessary to produce it, it is probably one of the most pleasing boats described in the book. if made correctly it will look "speedy" and shipshape. the general outline of the boat can be gathered from figs. 86, 87, and 88. fig. 86 gives a side view of the craft; fig. 87 shows the bow, while fig. 88 gives the deck-plan. [illustration: fig. 86] [illustration: fig. 87] [illustration: fig. 88] notice first the construction of the hull. this is made according to the sharpie type, but the lines are changed to give the boat a more graceful appearance. this is done by changing the shape of the deck and the bottom pieces. fig. 89 shows the various pieces necessary to construct the hull. it will be seen that the forward portion of the bottom piece is narrower than the deck piece, and broadens out so that it is wider at the stern than the deck piece. the deck piece has a maximum width of 5 inches, while the bottom piece has a width of 4 inches at the forward section. the deck measures 3-1/2 inches at the stern, while the bottom piece measures 4-1/2 inches at the stern. this produces a half-inch taper on each side of the stern. a half-inch taper is also produced on the bow portion. [illustration: fig. 90] [illustration: fig. 91] [illustration: fig. 89] the hull of the boat can be made from 1/8-inch mahogany. if this is not available, choose some other close-grained wood, free from knots and blemishes. paper patterns are made to correspond with the general shape of the pieces that form the hull as given in fig. 89. the pieces, after being marked, are cut to shape with a keyhole-saw. after this is done their edges should be trimmed neatly with a jack-plane. the two sides pieces are now screwed to the bow piece by small brass screws. after this is done the bottom piece is fastened to the side pieces the entire length of the boat. next the first cross-piece, as shown in fig. 90, is screwed in place. this cross-piece should be 4-3/4 inches in length, so that the width of the hull at this point is just 5 inches. the next cross-piece should correspond to the width of the deck piece at the section of the hull where it is placed. the same holds true for the third cross-piece. when the third cross-piece has been screwed in place, the stern piece is put in position. the joints of the hull should then be smeared with either pitch or bath-tub enamel or a thick mixture of white lead may be used. after having made sure that the hull is perfectly water-tight the worker can proceed to install the power equipment. this consists of a small battery motor driven with two dry cells. the design and installation of such things as stern-tubes and propeller-shafts have been taken up in detail in an earlier part of this book. the strut that holds the propeller-shaft is shown in fig. 91. this consists merely of a brass bushing held in a bracket made of a strip of brass 1/2 inch wide. the brass strip is wound around the bushing and soldered. it is held to the bottom of the hull by means of two 8-32 brass machine screws. these screws should be tightened to prevent leakage. it would be inadvisable to use wood-screws for this purpose, owing to the fact that the bottom piece of the boat is thin. [illustration: fig. 93] [illustration: fig. 92] the two dry batteries for the motor are held in two tin troughs, as illustrated in fig. 92. these troughs are fastened to the side of the boat by means of small bolts. they will prevent the boat from shifting its cargo; in other words, they hold the batteries in place and thereby prevent the boat from listing. the deck and deck fittings should now be furnished. the construction of the forward cabin is shown in fig. 93. the sides and back are formed with cigar-box wood, while the curved front can best be made with a piece of tin. the top is also cut to shape from cigar-box wood, and should overlap about 1/4 inch. the pilot-house is simplicity itself, being made of a piece of curved tin with three windows cut in it. four little lugs cut in the tin are bent on the inside and each provided with a hole. these lugs are used to tack the pilot-house to the deck. a small skylight is produced from a solid piece of wood and tacked in place as illustrated in the drawing. the builder is cautioned not to destroy the appearance of his boat by making the mast too large. after the mast has been nicely sandpapered, a little wire frame is bent to shape and fastened to the top, as shown in fig. 87. the little wire railing that is placed in front of the mast is then bent to shape, and this and the mast are put in their permanent position. the mast can be held to the deck by boring a hole a little under size and smearing the bottom of the mast with a little glue before it is forced in. pieces of black thread are run from the top of the mast to the railing at the bottom, as shown. these threads are used to hoist signal flags. two little angle-pieces are placed on the forward deck, one on each side of the pilot-house. these are for the harbor lights. one should be painted green and one red. this finishes the forward cabin. it should be placed in the center of the deck and the position it occupies should be marked out with a pencil. this portion of the deck should be carefully cut out with a coping-saw. the cabin is then forced into the opening. the fit should be fairly tight, so that it will not be necessary to employ nails or glue, as this is the only way in which the interior of the hull is made accessible. two ventilators are placed just back of the forward cabin. between the forward cabin and the cabin aft there is placed a rapid-fire gun. the details of this gun are given in fig. 94. the barrel of the gun is made of a piece of brass rod. a hole is drilled through this rod with a small drill and a piece of copper wire is inserted. a square piece of brass for the breech is then drilled out to receive the barrel. one end of the barrel is placed in this hole and held with a drop of solder. a drop of solder should also be used on the copper wire that runs through the barrel. the bearing and shield of the gun are made from thin sheet brass, as illustrated. three holes are drilled in the bearing bracket, two through which the wire passes and one through which the small nail is placed to hold the bearing to the wooden standard. the shield is forced over the barrel and held in place with a drop of solder. when the barrel is mounted in the bearing, a drop of solder should be put in place to prevent the barrel of the gun from tipping. [illustration: fig. 94] the cabin which is placed aft on the boat, is of very simple construction. it is made up entirely of cigar-box wood tacked together, and the top should overlap 1/4 inch. the cabin is then tacked to the deck of the boat. the mast should be only three-fourths as high as the forward mast, and a tiny hole is drilled near the top. into this hole a small piece of soft wire is placed, and from this wire a thread runs to the cabin. a small flag can then be placed on the thread, as illustrated in fig. 86. six port-holes are now bored in each side of the hull with a 1/2-inch bit. these can be backed up with mica or celluloid. five smaller port-holes made with a 1/4-inch drill are then bored in each side of the forward cabin. three are placed in the aft cabin. with the exception of painting, the hull is now ready to be launched. before finally applying the paint the hull should be given a thorough rubbing with sandpaper. a battleship gray with maroon trimmings makes a pleasing color combination for this boat. chapter ix boat fittings the model boat builder generally has some trouble in producing the necessary fittings for his boats. it is practically impossible to buy such things in this country, and so it is necessary to make them. using a little care, it is possible to make presentable fittings by utilizing odds and ends found about the household and shop. in this chapter the author will describe the construction of the more important fittings necessary to model boats, such as stacks, searchlights, bollards, cowl-ventilators, davits, and binnacles. the smokestack is probably one of the easiest things to produce. a very suitable method of producing a smokestack is shown in fig. 95. the stack itself is cut from a piece of thin brass tubing. it is also possible to use a small tin can of the proper diameter. in both cases, of course, paint must be applied to improve the appearance of the brass or tin. if the stack is painted either gray or white a red band near the top of the stack produces a good finish and makes it look more shipshape. [illustration: fig. 95] [illustration: fig. 97] the method of anchoring the stack to the deck of the boat is shown very clearly. first a block of wood is cut about the same diameter as the internal diameter of the stack. this block of wood is then forced up into the stack. a small square base is then cut, and fastened to the block on the inside of the stack with a wood-screw. it might be mentioned here that it is often necessary to drill a hole with a small hand drill before driving the screw in, to prevent splitting the wood. after the base piece is fastened to the stack, the base in turn is held to the deck of the boat by two small screws driven up from beneath. the guy-wires can then be fastened on. the guy-wires should be made of very fine wire, since heavy wire would be entirely out of proportion. the wire can be fastened on the stack by drilling a tiny hole through the stack. a knot is then tied in one end of the wire, and the opposite end threaded through the hole. small screw-eyes driven into the base piece are used to anchor the guy-wires. ventilators are a very important part of the boat. the model-builder will encounter considerable trouble if he attempts to make his cowl-ventilator from metal, unless he is very experienced in drawing copper out by hand. the writer has found a method of producing cowl-ventilators by the use of clay pipes. clay pipes can be purchased for a few cents each, and when cut down as shown in fig. 96 they form very suitable ventilators. the pipe can be cut as shown by the use of a file. the ventilator is held to the deck of the boat by being forced into a hole in the deck that is just a trifle under size. of course, the forcing will have to be done carefully to prevent the stem from cracking. the inside of the ventilator should always be painted red, and the outside should be the same color as the boat. ventilators made in this way absolutely defy detection and do much toward bettering the general appearance of the craft upon which they are used. [illustration: fig. 98] [illustration: fig. 96] a simple searchlight, easily made by the model boat builder, is shown in fig. 97. this is an electric light, and the batteries used to propel the boat can be used for the light. first a small circular piece of wood is cut out, as shown at _a_, fig. 97. the center of this is drilled out to accommodate a small flashlight bulb. a tiny brass screw is then driven into the piece of wood, so that it will come in contact with the center of the base of the flashlight bulb. this little screw forms one of the electrical contacts, and one of the wires from the battery is attached to it. a little strip of brass is then cut as shown in _b_, fig. 97, and provided with three holes, one hole at each end and one in the middle. the brass is bent into a semicircular shape, so that it will be just a little larger in diameter than the outside of the wooden piece in which the flashlight bulb is mounted. this little piece is then fastened to a wooden post with a small brass pin, as shown in fig. 97. two more pins are used to hold the wooden piece to the searchlight proper. one of these pins is driven through the wooden piece until it comes in contact with the base of the flashlight bulb. this forms the other electrical connection, and the second feed wire from the battery can be attached to the little brass piece that holds the searchlight. both the feed wires from the battery can come up through a hole in the deck close to the wooden post upon which the searchlight is mounted. bollards are very easily made. reference to fig. 98 will make this clear. first a little strip of brass is cut, and this is drilled as shown with two holes, one at each end and two smaller holes in the center. two little circular pieces of wood are then cut, with a hole through the center. a brass screw passes through these and into the deck of the boat. the brass screw should not be driven in too far, since the bollards should be free to revolve. it is also possible to use brass tubing instead of wood if the proper size is in the model-builder's shop. [illustration: a powerful gasolene blow-torch for a metre racing boat. such a torch will deliver a steady, hot flame for fifteen minutes] a word will be said here about finishing the deck of a model boat. it is a very tedious job to cut separate planks to form the deck. in fact, this job is quite beyond the ability, to say nothing of the patience, of the average young model-builder. a very simple method of producing imitation planking is shown in fig. 99. a sharp knife and a straight-edge are the only tools for this work. the straight-edge is merely used to guide the knife. the cuts should not be made too deep, and they should be made a uniform distance apart. when the deck is finished in this manner and varnished over, a very pleasing effect is produced. in fact, if the work is done carefully, the deck looks very much as if it were planked. [illustration: just after the race a line-up of the entries in one of the power boat races held at central park, new york city. the author presented the cup to the owner of elmara iii, the winning boat, which attained a speed of nearly thirty miles an hour] [illustration: fig. 99] [illustration: fig. 100] [illustration: fig. 104] [illustration: fig. 101] a small life-boat is shown in fig. 100. this can easily be carved to shape from a small piece of soft white pine. the center is gouged out, and tiny little seats made of thin strips of wood are glued in place. two small screw-eyes are placed in the boat, for fastening it to the davits. the davits are shown in fig. 101, at _a_ and _b_. they are made by bending a piece of small brass rod, as shown. one end of the rod is hammered flat, and a hole is made in it with a very small drill. holes a little under size are drilled in the deck, and the davits are forced into these. the method of suspending the life-boat from the davits is shown at _b_, fig. 101. the little blocks of wood are glued on to a thread to represent pulleys, and they are, of course, only imitation or dummy pulleys. [illustration: fig. 102] the method of producing port-holes is shown in fig. 102. a hole is first bored through the wood with a bit of the proper size. the size of the port-holes depends entirely upon the size of the boat. a piece of brass tubing is then cut off with a hacksaw to form a brass bushing. the outside diameter of this tubing should be the same as the size of the bit used. for instance, if a 1/2-inch bit is used, brass tubing 1/2 inch in diameter should be purchased. such tubing can be obtained from any hardware store. celluloid, such as that used for windows in automobile curtains, is glued to the inside of the port-holes. this makes a splendid substitute for glass. it can be obtained at garages and automobile supply stores for a few cents a square foot. the model boat builder can also use either mica or glass for this purpose, although thick glass looks somewhat out of place. a binnacle is shown in fig. 103. this is made from a solid piece of wood cut with a semi-spherical top. the steering-wheel is made of a wheel from an old alarm clock. the teeth of the wheel should be filed off. tiny pieces of wire are then soldered in place on the wheel, as shown. a pin driven through the center of the steering-wheel is used to fasten it to the binnacle. the binnacle itself can be held to the deck either by glue or by a small screw. [illustration: fig. 103] a torpedo-tube for use on model destroyers and battleships is shown in fig. 104. first two disks of wood are cut. then a circular piece is cut, as shown. two brass nails are then driven through this piece into one of the disks. an upholstering tack is driven into the end of the circular piece, as pictured. the method of attaching the torpedo-tube to the deck is clearly illustrated in fig. 104 and no further directions need be given. if the model-builder has a small piece of brass tube on hand suitable for use in this case, it will make a much better appearing tube than the piece of wood illustrated. a wireless antenna is shown at fig. 105. this is a fitting that will do much toward improving the appearance of any craft. very fine copper wire is used for the aërial. the little spreaders are cut to shape from wood, and a tiny hole is punched through them through which the wire is placed. black beads slipped on the wire serve very well as insulators. the lead-in wire which drops to the wireless cabin is attached to the aërial by winding it around each one of the aërial waves. the aërial should be suspended between the masts of the vessel. a few words should be said about masts in general. if there is one way in which a model-builder can destroy the appearance of a model boat, it is by using badly proportioned masts. the average boy seems inclined to use a mast of too great a diameter, which makes it out of proportion with the rest of the boat. it is better to have a mast too small rather than too large. the method of producing railing is shown in fig. 106. the same small brass rod that was used for the davits can be used for the rail stanchions. one end of the stanchions is hammered flat and drilled out. the stanchions are fastened to the deck by first drilling small holes and forcing them into it. thread or very fine wire is used for the railing. fine wire is preferred owing to the fact that it will not break so easily under strain. [illustration: fig. 105] [illustration: fig. 106] [illustration: fig. 108] [illustration: fig. 107] [illustration: fig. 109] [illustration: fig. 110] fig. 107 shows a good method of producing stairs. it must be remembered that stairs are often used in model-boat construction. first a strip of tin is bent as shown. then two more strips, which act as side pieces, are cut. one of these strips is soldered to each side of the stairs. then six stanchions, which can be made from heavy copper wire, are soldered to the side pieces, as shown. the railing can be made from copper wire or black thread. fig. 108 shows a small skylight placed on the deck. this is easily made from cigar-box-wood glued together. the holes in the top pieces for the windows are cut with a very sharp knife. it will be necessary to use a little patience in this, to prevent the piece from splitting and to prevent cracks. a piece of celluloid is glued underneath the top pieces before they are finally glued in place. a small quick-firing deck-gun is shown in fig. 109. this is a very simple fitting and can be made with very little difficulty. the base of the gun is formed by cutting a thread-spool in half. a piece of small brass tubing is used to form the barrel. a little piece of sheet tin is looped over the back of the gun to represent the breech. a tiny piece of wire is held to the side of the breech with a drop of solder, to represent a handle. the shield of the gun is cut from a piece of tin, as shown. a hole is made in the bottom of this, so that the nail that passes through the barrel of the gun will also pass through this hole and into the spool. the center of the spool should be plugged to hold the nail. after the gun is painted gray or black it will appear very businesslike, considering the small amount of labor spent in producing it. anchors are more or less difficult to make (fig. 110), and unless the builder is endowed with a great amount of patience he will not be able to file them out of solid metal. a dummy anchor can be easily cut out of wood, however, and when painted black it will answer instead of a metal one. the anchor shown at _a_ is a very simple type made out of a solid piece of wood. the one at _b_, however, is made out of two pieces of wood fastened together with a pin, as shown. the bottom piece of the anchor shown at _b_ should be rather thick to get the proper effect, and the two points should be tapered nicely. the center of the bottom piece should be hollowed out to accommodate the vertical piece. a common hatch is shown at fig. 111. this can be made in the form of an open box from cigar-box wood, and glued to the deck. it is not necessary to cut a hole in the deck for this purpose. [illustration: fig. 115] [illustration: fig. 116] [illustration: fig. 111] [illustration: fig. 113] a cargo-hoist for use on model freight-boats is shown in fig. 112. this is a very simple piece of work and will need little description. several stay-wires should be fastened to the main-mast and held to the deck with small screw-eyes. the boom should be made a trifle smaller in diameter than the mast. the pulleys are dummy, like those on the life-boat. a little hook bent to shape from copper wire is placed on the end of the thread, as shown. [illustration: fig. 112] [illustration: fig. 114] fig. 113 shows a method of making a whistle and an engine exhaust. the engine exhaust is made of a piece of wood, and the furled top is produced by an eyelet such as those used in shoes. the engine exhaust is always placed immediately back of the last smokestack. the whistle is a simple device made almost entirely of wood. the whistle-cord is of thread attached to the small piece of wire, as shown. fig. 114 shows the method of making spray-cloths for the top of the pilot-house. small brass brads are driven into the top of the pilot-house, and white adhesive tape is placed on the brads, as pictured. advantage can be taken of the adhesive substance on the tape which holds it in place on the brads. a rudder is shown in fig. 115. the rudder-post should be a piece of brass rod so thick that it can be split with a hacksaw. the sheet brass that forms the rudder proper is placed in this split and soldered. in the case of an ornamental boat the rudder can be fixed as shown in fig. 115. it will be seen that it is quite impossible to keep the rudder in adjustment in this way. if the rudder is to be kept in a certain adjustment a quadrant is necessary. this is made by using a semicircular piece of heavy sheet brass and filing little notches in it. the lever of the rudder rests in these notches, and by this means the rudder can be held in any one position, so that the boat will either turn in a circle or go straight. fig. 116 illustrates such an arrangement. chapter x the design of model steam-engines instead of describing the construction of several model engines of different design, the author thinks it advisable to put the reader in possession of the fundamentals of model steam-engine design and construction. in this way the model engineer will be able to design and construct model steam-engines according to his own ideas and in accordance with the raw materials and miscellaneous parts he may find in his workshop. unless the young mechanic is in possession of a very well equipped workshop, it is quite impossible to construct a steam-engine according to certain specifications. however, if he has in mind the fundamental principles of steam-engine design, he can go ahead and design his engine, for which he will have no trouble in machining or producing the parts that enter into its construction. by this the author means that the workman can design his engine to meet the materials he has on hand. notice fig. 117. this is a cylinder into which is fitted a piston. if steam is forced into the cylinder the piston will be forced to the opposite end of the cylinder. if some means is then provided so that the steam can escape and the piston come back, another impulse can be given it by admitting more steam, and thus a continuous motion may be produced. this is how the steam-engine works. [illustration: fig. 117] having learned how motion is imparted to the piston by the expansion of steam under pressure, attention is directed to what is known as the "d" slide-valve. this slide-valve permits steam to enter the cylinder and to exhaust at proper intervals. see fig. 118. steam enters the steam-chest through the pipe _a_. the slide-valve is shown at _d_. when the slide-valve is in the position shown, steam enters the cylinder, and by the time the cylinder has arrived in the position shown by the dotted line _c_, the slide-valve moves over, closing the passage _b_. the steam under pressure forces the piston to the opposite end of the cylinder. when the piston reaches the opposite end of the cylinder, steam that has entered through the passage _f_ again forces the piston back to its original position. this is caused by the slide-valve shifting its position, because of the impulse it received at the opposite end of the cylinder. thus it will be seen that when the piston is at one end of the cylinder the opposite end is exhausting. by carefully studying fig. 118 the action of the _d_ valve will be understood. the connecting-rod _e_ is connected to the crankshaft and in this way the engine is caused to revolve. [illustration: fig. 118] a cylinder similar to that shown in fig. 118 is called a double-acting cylinder. this is because the steam acts on both sides of the piston. single-acting cylinders are cylinders in which the steam expands on only one side of the piston. in the single-acting engines the _d_ valve is modified. the "stroke" of a steam-engine depends upon the length of the cylinder; really, the stroke is the distance travelled by the piston. in model engines it ranges from 3/8 of an inch to 1-1/2 inches. the bore of a cylinder is its internal diameter. the bore is usually a trifle smaller than the stroke. thus it is common to have a stroke of 7/8 inch and a cylinder-bore of 3/4 inch. at this juncture the author would caution the more inexperienced young mechanics not to build double-acting engines. the valve mechanism is somewhat intricate and very difficult to regulate. the construction is also much more complicated, and this also holds true of the designing. on the other hand, single-acting engines, while not so powerful for a given size, will do very nicely in driving model boats, and will deliver sufficient power for all ordinary purposes. [illustration: fig. 119] your attention is directed to fig. 119. this shows a design for a model single-cylinder, single-acting steam-engine. the reader should carefully study each drawing before continuing to digest the following matter. the cylinder _l_ can be made from a piece of tubing. this can be either brass or copper. aluminum should not be used, owing to the fact that it is difficult to solder and difficult to work with. the piston is made so that it will fit nicely into the cylinder and move up and down without binding. it will be seen that a groove, _m_, is cut around the piston near the top. string soaked in oil is placed in this groove. this is called packing, and the presence of this packing prevents steam leakage between the piston and the cylinder walls and thereby materially increases the efficiency of the engine. in this case the connecting-rod _r_ is made in a circular piece. it is attached to the piston by a pin, _f_. the connecting-rod must be free to revolve upon this pin. the engine shown has a stroke of 7/8 inch. therefore, the crank-pin _k_ on the crank-disk _n_ must be placed 1/2 of 7/8 or 7/16 inch from the center of the disk _n_, so that when this disk makes one revolution, the piston will move 7/8 inch in the cycle. thus it will be seen that the distance of the crank-pin _k_ from the center of the crank disk _n_ will depend entirely upon the stroke of the engine. it may be well to mention here that the worker should always start designing his engine by first determining the bore and stroke. everything depends upon these two factors. it is also well to mention here that the piston should never travel completely to the top of the cylinder--a small space must always be left for the steam to expand. one eighth of an inch is plenty of space to leave. it will be noticed that the valve mechanisms on the particular engine shown bear no resemblance to the _d_ valve previously described. the holes _g_ which are bored around the cylinder are the exhaust ports. it will be seen that when the piston is at the end of its downward stroke it uncovers these exhaust ports and permits the steam to escape. the momentum of the flywheel _a_ pushes the piston upward, closing these holes. as these holes are closed the valve _h_ uncovers the entrance _i_ and permits steam to enter from the boiler through _j_. by the time the piston has reached the upward limit of its stroke a considerable steam pressure has developed on top of the cylinder, and this again forces the piston downward. thus the same cycle of movement is gone through repeatedly. the valve on this little engine is extremely simple. it consists of a circular piece of brass drilled out, as shown. a hole (_i_ and _j_) is drilled transversely through this. the little cylinder shown in the insert at _o_ slides in the larger hole, and when it is at its upper limit it cuts off the steam. at the proper intervals the valve is pulled down by the eccentric _c_. it will be seen that the moving parts, i.e., the valve and the piston, must be properly timed. that is, the eccentric _c_ must be mounted on the crank-shaft _b_ so that the valve will close and open at proper intervals. when the engine is made, the eccentric can be shifted about by means of a set-screw, _q_, until the engine operates satisfactorily. this set-screw is used to hold the eccentric to the crank-shaft. the word eccentric merely means "off center." thus the eccentric in this case is formed by a little disk of brass with the hole drilled off center. the distances these holes are placed off center will depend entirely upon the motion of the valve. it will be seen that the valve is connected to the eccentric by means of the valve-rod _e_. the valve-rod, in turn, is held to a circular strap which is placed around the eccentric. a groove should be cut in the surface of the eccentric, so that this strap will not slip off. if the strap is not put on too tightly and the eccentric is free to revolve within it, the valve will be forced up and down as the eccentric revolves. the crank-shaft _b_ revolves in two bearings, _d d_. the flywheel is held to the crank-shaft by means of a set-screw _s_. most small engines with a bore under one inch will operate nicely on from 20 to 30 pounds of steam, and this pressure can easily be generated in the boiler that was described in the chapter on model-boat power plants. chapter xi a model floating dry-dock as many of the readers probably know, a dry-dock is used in assisting disabled vessels. some dry-docks are permanent, while others are built so that they can be floated or towed to a disabled vessel that is not able to get to a land dry-dock. the land dry-dock operates as follows. it is first filled with water, and the disabled boat is towed in by tugs. after the tugs leave, the gates are closed, and the water in the dry-dock is pumped out, leaving the boat high and dry. large props are put in place to prevent the boat from tipping. the dry-dock here described is a model that is towed to a disabled vessel. it is then sunk until it passes under the boat. the sinking is brought about by filling the dry-dock with water. after it has sunk to the proper depth it is passed under the boat to be repaired, the water is pumped out, and the dry-dock rises, lifting the disabled boat with it. repairs can then be made very easily. the model here described does not possess all the fittings and additions of the original. however, it is able to rise or sink as required, carrying the machinery necessary to bring about these functions. [illustration: fig. 120] [illustration: fig. 121] a general view of the completed model is shown in fig. 120. the first part to construct is the framework for the hull. four pieces of wood will be required for this, and they should be cut to the shape and size shown in fig. 121. to make this it is best to cut the two side parts first, as indicated by the dotted lines. this done, the bottom piece can be clamped on from behind by means of pieces of lath. these are for the two end pieces. the other two pieces are made in the same way, except that they contain holes for the water to pass through, as shown at _b_. the wood for these frames, or ribs, should be not less than 1/4 inch thick in order to accommodate the pieces used in the construction of the remainder of the hull. when the builder has made the four ribs, he should proceed to construct the lower deck, which consists of a single piece of wood nicely planed and finished, measuring 14-1/2 inches long by 8 inches wide and 1/8 inch thick. this piece must be nailed to the bottom of each of the ribs, one at each end, and the other two containing the holes at equal distances apart. tiny nails, similar to those used on cigar-boxes, will be found very suitable for this work. some old cigar-boxes may be broken apart to obtain the nails for this purpose. before nailing on the board it should be marked out to present ordinary deck-boards. the reader is referred back to chapter 9 which describes this process, using a straight-edge and knife. when this board is nailed in place, the next requirement will be two pieces for the sides the bottom edges, of which must rest on the top of the deck-board. these boards are the same length as the deck. they should reach to the top of the ribs, and be fastened in the same way as the bottom deck. it is good practice, when doing this, to place a little white lead on the bottom edge before finally driving the nails in place. this will tend to produce a water-tight joint. this done, three pieces of wood 5/8 inch square must be screwed in place, flush with the bottom ends of the ribs, to form a flat keel. they should be firmly fixed since a lead keel is afterward screwed on the bottom of the boat. attention should now be directed to fitting the two middle decks. these are placed 4 inches from the top and are 4 inches wide. in this space the engine and pumps are placed. therefore, the top deck is made in the form of a lid, and the outside plate made to draw out. in this way the mechanism below the deck can be made very accessible. the framework of the dry-dock is now completed, and the builder can proceed to fix on the side plates. these are made from sheet tin with a width of 14-1/2 inches. the length must be sufficient to reach from the top of one side, around the bottom of the hull, to the top of the other side. having cut the tin to the required size, one side is put in place with small nails, spacing them an equal distance apart. before securing the opposite side, the builder must first arrange the inlet-valve. this particular member is constructed as follows. first, obtain an old gas-pipe union which measures about 5/8 inch in diameter and 3/4 inch long. with a hacksaw this is cut off in a sloping direction with an angle to correspond with the slope in the bottom of the dry-dock. when this is done, a lid must be fitted to the top by means of a long rod, as clearly shown in fig. 122. on the under side of this lid a small piece of sheet rubber should be glued, so that when the lid is screwed down the valve will be made water-tight. the valve must now be soldered to the inside of the hull. it is placed in such a position that it will rest just under the center of one of the upper decks when the controlling rod is upright. [illustration: fig. 122] the top end of the rod must contain a thread for about 1 inch, and a round plate made to screw on. this plate should be about 3/4 inch in diameter, and contain three small holes around the edge. these holes are used in fastening the plate to the deck. the top of the rod is fitted with a small crank-handle, which is used in turning the rod in either direction. in this way the valve can be either opened or closed. at the bottom of the rod a small swivel should be provided, as indicated in fig. 122. the plate or sheet of tin on this side of the hull can now be permanently fixed in place. when this is done a light hammer should be used around the edges to turn the tin into the wood. with the plates secured in place, the builder must next fix a flat wood keel along the bottom of the dry-dock. this should be screwed to the inside keel, screws passing through the tin plate. a lead keel is then screwed to the wooden keel, and when this is done the dry-dock can be launched. if the foregoing instructions have been carried out carefully the dry-dock should ride lightly on the water. as a trial the inlet-valve is now unscrewed and water is permitted to enter the hull. when the water rushes in, the hull will begin to sink. the water should be allowed to enter until the hull sinks to within an inch of the lower or inside deck. the valve should then be closed. the exact position of the water should now be found, and a line drawn all around the hull, which can afterward be painted in. the engine and boilers must now be constructed and placed on the dry-dock, so that the water that was permitted to enter may be pumped out. as a temporary arrangement, a thin rubber tubing is inserted through a hole in the lower deck and allowed to hang outside the water-level. the siphon can then be formed by simply drawing the water up by suction with the lips. a continuous flow will result, emptying the hull within a short time. [illustration: fig. 123] attention is now directed to the construction of the boiler and pumps. the boiler, which is rectangular in shape, is made of thin sheet copper, and measures 4 inches long by 3 inches wide by 2 inches deep. a hole is made in the top, and a brass or copper tube 6 inches long and about 3/4 inch in diameter is soldered in position, as depicted in fig. 123. this tube acts as a chimney on the dry-dock, but it is really used for filling the boiler, and the top is supplied with a tightly fitting cork. the ends of the boiler also act as supports, and they are made 4 inches long. the bottom edge is turned up for about 1/4 inch to enable the boiler to be screwed firmly to the lower deck. the boiler occupies a position at one end of the hull, and should fit easily in between decks. a small spirit-lamp is used to furnish heat, and no description need be given of this particular part of the equipment. before the boiler is firmly fixed in place a small hole should be made near the top at one end. the feed steam-pipe is inserted in this, and soldered in place. two small oscillating cylinders, similar to those made for the engine on the _nancy lee_ (chapter 6), should be made. they should not be more than 3/4 inch in length, with a 3/8-inch bore. if the builder has any old model steam-engines in the shop, he may take the cylinders from them instead of constructing new ones for the dry-dock. the engine is set up as shown in fig. 124. the first job is to make the frame or standards, and this is in one piece. two pieces of brass (_a_), measuring 5-1/2 inches long by 1/2 inch wide and 1/16 inch in thickness, are cut. next the builder should mark off 1-1/2 inches from either end, and carefully bend at right angles, after which holes are drilled to accommodate the crank-axle _b_. two holes must also be made for screws to enable the machine to be screwed to the deck. [illustration: fig. 124] [illustration: fig. 125] the flywheel should be 1-1/2 inches in diameter, while the bent crank has a throw of 3/16 inch. the steam-cylinder is fixed on the outside of one of the uprights, and the steam-pipe must, of course, be fitted from the inside. the pump-cylinder is composed of a small piece of brass tube 1 inch long and 3/8 inch in diameter. the plunger is 1/2 inch long, and the diameter is just sufficient to enable it to work freely up and down inside the brass tube. one end is shaped as shown in fig. 125. this contains a saw cut that enables the pump-rod to be placed between and connected with a pin. the bottom end of the cylinder is now fitted with a brass disk in which a hole is made and a 3/32-inch tube soldered in place. the inside surface of this piece of brass should be countersunk, and the piece is then soldered into the end of the cylinder. before the plunger is inserted a small lead shot is dropped in, which should be larger than the hole at the bottom of the cylinder, thereby covering it. a hole is drilled in at the side of the cylinder, and a small bent pipe fixed in it. at the top of this pipe a short piece of 3/8-inch brass tube is fixed in place, as indicated. this piece of tubing is closed at both ends. the bottom end is treated like that of the pump-barrel and supplied with a large shot. an outlet-pipe is soldered into the side of the delivery-valve chamber and leads to the side of the hull. the pump _e_ is fixed at the bottom midway between the engine uprights as indicated in fig. 124. the suction-pipe passes through a hole and down through the deck nearly to the bottom of the hull. after the engine and boiler are connected, a trial can be made. if the foregoing instructions have been carried out, the engine will run at a good speed and a continuous flow of water will be pumped out of the hull. all parts of the engine and pump should be carefully oiled and water should be poured into the pump in order to prime it before its start. it is understood that two complete boilers and pump units are made for the model, and one is mounted on each side. if the builder desires to increase the capacity of the pumps and install a more powerful boiler and engine, only one pump will be necessary. otherwise the water will not be pumped from the hull very rapidly. when the builder has finished the pump units, he should turn his attention to the remainder of the fittings. two small cranes are made, and one is placed at each side of the hull. they are made of tin. the cab of each crane measures 2-1/2 inches high by 2 inches long by 1-3/4 inches wide. a small roof is fitted on, and a piece of wood fitted to the bottom to serve as a floor. the jib measures 6 inches long by 3/4 inch at the base, and tapers to 1/2 inch. it has 1/4 inch turned down at each side, thus adding considerable strength. the jib is fitted to the cab by means of a wire passed through the sides, and two guy-ropes are arranged as shown. a small piece is now cut out at the top, and a pulley wheel fixed in position by means of a pin passed through the sides. [illustration: fig. 126] the winding-drum can be made of either tin or wood. the axle passes through both sides of the cab, the crank being attached to the outside. fig. 126 shows the completed crane, which is held to the deck by means of a small bolt and nut. a washer should be placed between the bottom of the crane and the deck, to allow the crane to turn freely with little friction. a hand-rail, made of fine brass wire, is placed around the deck. dummy port-holes are fixed to the sides of the dry-dock for the purpose of lighting up the interior of the engine-room. these are furnished from top rings taken from gas-mantles. anchor-chains are fixed at each end of the dry-dock. the whole dry-dock is painted with two coats of gray paint and the water-line painted in bright red. [illustration: fig. 127] fig. 127 shows the dry-dock with a model boat in position. chapter xii operation of flash steam power plants for model boats the flash steam method of propelling model power boats of the racing type produces a far greater speed than would otherwise be possible. flash steam plants are far more complicated than ordinary steam-propelled power plants, and for this reason the author devotes a chapter to their description. a considerable equipment of tools and not a little mechanical ingenuity are required to produce and assemble a workable flash steam plant. however, such plants have gained great popularity in the past few years, and all of the hydroplane racing craft are propelled with such outfits. these power plants are capable of delivering such a tremendous power that speeds as high as thirty-five miles an hour have been reached by boats measuring 40 inches long. the illustration, fig. 128, shows a flash steam plant and its various parts. each part and its function will be described in this chapter in detail. the gasolene tank _a_ is used to hold the fuel, which is fed to the gasolene burner _c_. the gasolene burner operates on the principle of the ordinary gasolene torch. first the tank is filled about three-quarters full with gasolene. an air-pressure is then produced in the tank with a bicycle pump. the pipe leading from the gasolene-tank at the top is coiled around the burner, and the free end of it is bent and provided with a nipple, so that the gasolene vapor will be blown through the center of the helix of the coil formed by the pipe bent around the burner. this is quite clearly shown in the drawing. [illustration: fig. 128] the cylinder is merely a piece of stovepipe iron bent to shape and provided with several air-holes at the burner end. to start the burner, the vaporizing coils must first be heated in an auxiliary flame. the flame of an ordinary blow-torch is suitable for this purpose. after the coils have become sufficiently hot the valve at the top of the gasolene-tank is opened, and this causes a stream of gasolene vapor to issue at the nipple. this produces a hot flame at the center of the vaporizing coils, and in this way the coils are kept hot. the purpose of heating these coils is further to vaporize the gasolene as it passes through them on the way to the burner. once started, the action of the burner is entirely automatic. the vaporizing coils are made of shelby steel tubing with an internal diameter of 1/8 inch. it will be seen that the flame from the gasolene-torch is blown through the center of the boiler coils _b_. thus, any water passing through these boiler coils is instantly converted into steam. in other words, the water "flashes" into steam. the heat of the blow-torch is so great that most of the boiler coils are maintained at red heat even while the water is passing through them. notice the water-tank _g_. a little scoop, formed by a pipe of small diameter, protrudes through the bottom of the boat, so that the forward motion of the boat will cause water to rise in the tank _g_. an overflow is also provided, so that, should the water not be sucked out of the tank quickly enough, it will not flood the boat. the overflow pipe hangs off the side of the boat. the water pump _e_ sucks water from the tank, and pumps it through the check-valve _k_ (this valve permits water to pass in one direction only) into the boiler coils. the boiler coils, being red-hot, cause the water to flash into steam the instant it reaches them. by the time the steam has reached the opposite end of the boiler coils, it is no longer steam, but a hot, dry gas at a terrific pressure. from the boiler coils the steam passes into the steam-chest of the engine, and thence into the cylinder, where it expands, delivering its energy to the piston. it will be seen that the water-pump _e_ is geared to the engine. owing to this, it is necessary to start the water circulating through the boiler coils by the hand pump _f_. this hand pump forces water through the boiler coils just as the power pump does. after the hand pump is started the engine is turned over a few times until it starts. the valve _h_ is then closed, which cuts the starting pump _f_ entirely out of the system, because when the engine starts it also drives the water pump _e_, and therefore the action becomes entirely automatic. the relief-cock _l_ is placed in the system to be used if the engine stalls. by opening the relief-cock the pressure in the complete system is immediately relieved. at all other times the relief-cock is closed. a second pump, _i_, is also included in the system. this, like the water-pump, is geared to the engine and driven by it. it is the duty of this pump to convey oil from the lubricating tank _m_ into the steam feed-pipe just before it enters the steam-chest. in this way the live superheated steam carries a certain amount of lubricating oil with it in the cylinder. owing to the high temperature of the superheated steam, it is impossible to use brass cylinders on the steam-engines employed with flash steam systems. steel seems to be the only cheap metal that is capable of withstanding the attack of flash steam. brass is out of the question, since its surface will pit badly after it is in use a short time. the boiler of a flash steam plant is covered with sheet iron so as to prevent drafts of air from deflecting the flame from the center of the boiler coils. the cover is provided with ventilators, so that the burner will not be smothered. if enough oxygen does not enter the interior of the boiler coils, poor combustion will result, and the gasolene flame will not develop its maximum heat. upon referring again to the diagram, it will be seen that the exhaust steam pipe from the engine discharges into the stack of the boiler covering. this discharge greatly facilitates the circulation of air through the boiler coils. after a flash steam plant has been started it will work automatically, providing all the parts are in good running order. flash steam plants, however, are difficult to get in the proper adjustment, and once adjusted they are easily disturbed by minor causes. owing to the fact that every square inch of surface in the flash coils is heating surface, the amount of water supplied to the boiler must be exactly what is needed. the heat must also be regulated so that the temperature of the steam will just meet the engine's needs. many times an increase in heat causes the steam to reach such a temperature that it will burn up the lubricating oil before it reaches the cylinder of the engine. this is liable to cause trouble, because sticking is apt to occur. model power boats with speeds as high as thirty-five miles an hour have been made in america. such high-speed boats must be assembled with infinite care, owing to the fact that the mechanism they carry is more or less erratic in its action, and unless it is well made results cannot be expected. [illustration: fig. 129] there are probably few sports more interesting than that of model power-boat racing. the central park model yacht club of new york city is one of the most progressive clubs in america, and its members not only have a sail-boat division, but they also have a power-boat division. the members of the power-boat section have races regularly once a week, and the most lively competition is shown. it is indeed amusing to watch these little high-speed boats dash across the pond, their bows high in the air and their little engines snorting frantically. owing to the difficulty of keeping these small racing boats in a straight line, they are tied to a wire or heavy cord and allowed to race around a pole anchored in the center of the pond, as illustrated in fig. 129. the top of the pole should be provided with a ball-bearing arranged so that the cord to which the boat is fastened will not wind around the post. in this way the boats are caused to travel in a circle, and as the cord to which they are fastened represents the radius of the circle, the circumference can readily be found by multiplying the radius by 2, which will give the diameter. the diameter is then multiplied by 3.1416 to obtain the circumference. if the boats were permitted to travel wild they would run into the bank, a fatal procedure when they are running at high speed. speed boat hulls are usually of the hydroplane or sea-sled type. this type of hull is extremely easy to make. such a hull is shown in fig. 130. it will be seen that it has an aluminum bottom. the propeller and propeller strut will be noticed in this illustration. [illustration: fig. 130] [illustration: fig. 131] [illustration: fig. 132] the drawing for the particular hull shown in fig. 130 is given in fig. 131. first the two side pieces are cut out to the shape shown. in this particular instance the over-all length of the sides is 39-1/3 inches. this is called a meter boat, and is built with this length to conform with the english racing rules. next a bow piece is cut out, and this is produced from solid wood. only two materials are used in the construction of this hull, aluminum and mahogany. square mahogany strips are cut out and fastened inside of the side pieces by means of shellac and 3/8-inch brass brads. the bottom of the hull is made of 22-gage sheet aluminum. this is fastened to the square mahogany strips, since the sides of the boat are entirely too thin for this purpose. the method of fastening the strips of aluminum will be made evident by referring to fig. 132. the aluminum bottom does not run completely over the bow piece, but merely overlaps it sufficiently to be fastened by brass brads, as illustrated in fig. 135. the single step in the bottom of the boat is fastened by a mahogany strip, through which the stern-tube runs and the water-scoop. the back of the boat is made up of mahogany. a small aluminum hood is bent to shape, and this is fastened to the bow of the boat and prevents the boat from shipping water. in building a hull of this nature the mechanic should exercise care to see that it is in perfect balance, and that the sides are finished and varnished as smoothly as possible. this will cut down both air and water resistance. the position of the propeller strut and stern-tube will be seen by referring to the drawing of the hull in fig. 131. the propeller of a high-speed boat is of a high pitch and generally of the two-blade type. it should be at least 3 inches in diameter and with a pitch of about 10 inches. by this it is meant that the propeller theoretically should advance 10 inches through the water for one revolution. the rudder is generally fastened in one position, in case the boat is not used on a string and pole. it will be found advisable, however, always to run the boat in this way, and in such cases the rudder can be entirely dispensed with. [illustration: fig. 133] the boiler of a flash steam plant is extremely simple. such a boiler is shown in fig. 133. it consists merely of a coil of copper or shelby steel tubing with an internal diameter of 1/4 inch. the boiler coils should be wound around a circular form of wood about 2-3/4 inches in diameter. in the case of copper it will not be found very difficult to do this, providing the copper is heated before being wound on the wooden form. if the copper is heated it is advisable to wind the wood with a layer of sheet asbestos before the copper tube is wound on. it is almost necessary to do this winding with a lathe, but if the mechanic does not have access to such a tool he may have to find other means of doing it, or possibly he can take it to a local machine shop and have the work done for a few cents. the boiler coil should be wound about 9 inches long. a casing of russian sheet iron is made to slip over the boiler, leaving sufficient space between. ventilating holes or slots are cut in the cover to permit of a free circulation of air. the boiler covering is also provided with a funnel through which the exhaust gases from the blow-lamp pass. [illustration: fig. 134] [illustration: fig. 135] the blow-lamp used operates on the same principle as the ordinary blow-torch. the details of such a lamp are given in fig. 134, and a finished torch is shown in fig. 135. instead of making the valves necessary for the blow-torch, it is advisable to purchase them, for they are very difficult to make accurately. the valve at the back of the torch regulates the gasolene supply that passes through the nipple. the hole in the nipple should be about twenty thousandths of an inch. owing to the fact that the copper coil wound about the burner is short, the tube can be filled with molten resin before it is bent. in this way the tube will not kink or lose its shape while being wound. after it is wound it is placed in the fire and the molten resin forced out with a bicycle-pump. such a blow-torch produces a tremendous heat and throws a hot flame far up into the boiler coils. chapter xiii sailing yachts before attempting to construct model sailing yachts the young worker should become thoroughly conversant with the different types of yachts and their fittings. in the following pages the author briefly outlines the general science of yacht-making and sailing. sailing yachts are made in four principal types. there is the cutter rig, yawl rig, sloop rig, and the ketch rig. the cutter rig is shown in fig. 136. it consists of four sails so arranged that the top-sail may be either removed altogether or replaced by sails of smaller area. in all yachts it is necessary to haul the sails up into position by ropes known as halyards. the halyards must be led down to the deck. the model-builder, however, can dispense with much of the gear used on larger boats. a sloop rig is illustrated in fig. 137. by studying the drawing the worker will see that the sloop rig differs from the cutter rig only in that she carries a single sail forward of her mast. [illustration: fig. 137] [illustration: fig. 136] the yawl rig (see fig. 138) is similar to a cutter rig, but has a small sail set up on another mast abaft the mainsail. the sheet is led aft to a spar that projects beyond the counter. the mast upon which the smaller sail is set is known as the mizzenmast. in this rig it will be seen that the main boom must be made considerably shorter than was the case in the cutter rig. this is done so that it will not follow the mizzenmast when it swings from one position to another. [illustration: fig. 138] [illustration: fig. 139] the ketch rig differs greatly from the yawl rig. the mizzenmast always occupies a position forward of the rudder-post. in the yawl the mizzenmast is always stepped aft of the rudder-post. this will be seen by referring to the drawings of the two boats. the ketch rig is illustrated in fig. 139. the prettiest rig of all is the schooner; but, owing to the fact that it is difficult to get them to go well to windward unless the hull is perfectly rigged, the author has decided not to deal with this type of boat. when the reader becomes proficient in building and sailing the simpler types described in this book, he may turn his attention to the construction and sailing of more complicated types. _model yacht parts_ the submerged portion of a yacht is, as in all other boats, termed the hull. the backbone of the hull is called the keelson. attached to the keelson is a piece of lead, which is put in place to give the boat stability and power to resist the heeling movement created by the wind-pressure upon the sails. this is known as the keel. yachts always have an opening in the deck giving access to the interior of the hull. these openings are known as hatchways. when sailing in rough weather the hatchway is closed by a hatch to prevent the yacht from shipping water. the extreme forward end of a yacht hull is called the stern, while the portions forward and aft of the midships section are known as the fore and after-body respectively. [illustration: a twin cylinder steam engine for model marine use this engine will drive a boat several feet long] in all yachts a portion of the hull extends out over the water. these portions are known as overhangs. the overhang aft is sometimes called the counter-stern. the sides of the hull that rise above the deck are called bulwarks, and the part of the bulwarks that cross the stern is called the taffrail. the taffrail is always pierced with holes to allow water to run off the deck quickly, so that the additional weight will not in any way affect the course of the boat. it is understood that yachts raise great quantities of water upon their decks when traveling in rough sea. the bowsprit is passed through a ring at the top of the stern, and this ring is termed the gammon iron. its end is secured in a socket or between a pair of uprights called the bowsprit bits. these are fixed to the deck. metal bars are fixed a short distance above the deck to take rings attached to the sheets. this is done so that the sails may swing freely from one side of the boat to the other. metal eyes are screwed into the sides to take the shrouds, and are called chain-plates. the eye in the stern is called the bobstay plate. in the stern-post are two eyes called gudgeons. the rudder is hooked to this by means of two hooks called pintles. the bar or lever that is fixed to the top of the rudder-post is called a tiller. [illustration: a cup-winning model sail boat designed and constructed by the commodore of the central park model yacht club, new york, n. y.] the parts and fittings of a mast follow: the step, the head, the caps, crosstrees, truck, topmast, boom, and gaff. the part of the gaff that rests on the mast is called the throat; the end of the gaff is called the peak. the jib-boom is a term used only in connection with model yachts. in larger boats the jib-boom is an extension of the bowsprit. the small boom that projects over the stern of a yawl is called the bumpkin. the spar is rather a general term applied to practically all wooden supports of sails. the spar of a lug-sail is called the yard. it is different from a boom or gaff, by reason of its lying against the mast instead of having one end butting on the mast. anything belonging to the mainmast should be distinguished by the prefix main. thus, there are the mainsail, the mainboom, main-topsail, etc. [illustration: fig. 140] a sail for a model cutter-rigged yacht is shown in fig. 140. the bowsprit and masts are, when necessary, given support by ropes that are stretched tightly to some point where they can be conveniently anchored to the hull. the following are those largely used on model yachts: topmast stay, bobstay, topmast shrouds, and forestay. the sails are pulled up and fastened by ropes termed halyards. the halyards are fastened to the upper portions of the sail, and they are named according to the sail to which they are attached. for instance, there is the jib halyard and the foresail halyard. a mainsail carried by a gaff has two halyards, the throat and peak. the movement of the sails is controlled by ropes, called sheets, which take their names from the sails they control. there is a mainsheet, a jibsheet, and a foresheet. the reader should take note of this term and refrain from confusing it with the sails. _sailing model yachts_ the sailing of model yachts is a real art, and the author warns the reader that he cannot hope to become a proficient yachtsman by merely digesting the information given in this book. his real knowledge must be earned by experience in handling a model yacht on the water. however, there are few sports that will afford more pleasure than that of sailing model yachts. being an outdoor sport it is very healthful. in sailing a model yacht the sails are set, or "trimmed," so that she will continue to sail along the course previously decided upon by the yachtsman. she must do this in as speedy a manner as possible and with as little deviation from her original course as possible. the trim of the sails will depend upon the wind. if the boat is to sail against the wind, that is termed "beating to windward"; with the wind is called "scudding." with the wind sideways it is called "reaching." if the boat is sailed with the wind blowing midway between one of the sides and the stern in such a way that it sweeps from one side of the stern across the deck, this is called "three-quarter sailing" in a "quartering" wind. a model yacht will continue for a great distance on a reach or while scudding; but, on the other hand, it will not be possible for her to sail directly against the wind. if a yachtsman is to make headway against the wind, he must sail his boat as near dead against the wind as it will go. the cutter type of yacht will move against a wind that is blowing at a very small angle on her bowsprit. as soon as she reaches the limit of her course, the yachtsman turns her bow at a small angle so as to bring the wind on the opposite side of the vessel, and in this way a second course is started. these courses are repeated in a zigzag fashion until the yacht arrives at her destination. this zigzagging, or "tacking," as it is called, is illustrated in fig. 141. it will be seen that the yacht starts at _b_, and makes 3 tacks before she arrives at her destination, _a_. each time she touches the shore she is "put about" and set upon a new course, or "tack." [illustration: fig. 141] it will be understood that tacking is slow work, and a greater distance must be traveled than would be covered by a power-boat, which would be able to go in a straight line. however, with wind-propelled craft this is the only way in which progress can be made against the wind. the left-hand side of a yacht viewed from the stern is called the port side, while the right-hand side is called the starboard side. thus a yacht sailing with the wind blowing on her port side is on the port tack, while if the wind is blowing on the starboard side she is said to be on the starboard tack. from this the reader will see that fig. 142 shows an impossible case. [illustration: fig. 142] [illustration: fig. 143] [illustration: fig. 144] [illustration: fig. 145] the sails in front of the mast that are placed nearest the stern of the yacht act in such a manner as to turn the bows in the direction of the arrow, as illustrated in fig. 146, and the sail or sails abaft the mast turn the boat in the direction of the arrow _a_. the boat thus revolves upon the center of the mast much as a weathercock revolves upon its pivot. if there is more than one mast, all the sails carried abaft the mainmast serve to turn the boat in the direction _a_. the work of sailing depends greatly upon the skill in balancing these two effects so that the boat will progress in a straight line. to do this the sails are set in a greater or less angle in relation to the center line of the boat. the less the angle that a sail makes with the center line of the boat, the greater is its power to determine in which direction the boat will steer. the more the yachtsman slackens out his jib and foresail, or the smaller he makes these sails, the less their power will be to turn the boat in the direction _b_. on the other hand, the larger they are and the more tightly they are pulled in, the greater will be their power. when the mainsail and all of the sails abaft the mainsail are slackened out and the smaller they are made, the less their power will be to swing the boat in the direction _a_. the influence of a sail upon the speed of a boat also increases with the angle that it makes with the center line of the hull. the more the yachtsman slackens out his sail, the more it will help the boat along. the reader will see that these two conditions interfere with each other, and therefore the trimming of the sails becomes a compromise. it is good for the young yachtsman to remember to sail his boat with the sails as slack as possible, as long as she keeps a good course. he should also remember not to overload her with sails, since the nearer to an upright position she maintains the faster she will go. it is not possible to depend entirely upon the trim of the sails to keep a model in a given course. this is because the strength of the wind varies so that the sails are in balance one moment and out of balance the next. the sails abaft the mainmast overpower the sails before it when the wind increases. the result of this is that the bow of the boat will be repeatedly turned in the direction _a_, fig. 146. [illustration: fig. 146] [illustration: fig. 147] [illustration: fig. 148] some form of automatic rudder is therefore generally used to overcome this tendency of the yacht to "luff" in the wind. fig. 147 shows the course of a yacht reaching from _a_ to _b_. the dotted lines show the course she should follow. the full line shows the effect of puffs of wind, which repeatedly take her out of her course. many times she may completely turn around and make a similar course back to the starting-point, as in fig. 148. there is also the danger of her being taken back when pointing directly against the wind--the wind will force her backward stern first for some distance, as illustrated in fig. 149. she will do this until she manages to get around on one tack or the other. the dotted line _b_ illustrates the course in which she would be driven under these conditions. it is not practical to sail a model yacht dead before the wind without an automatic rudder. with the use of an automatic rudder the erratic movements shown in fig. 148 can be entirely overcome. the action of the rudder is such that every time the boat leans over to luff up into the wind, the weight of the rudder causes it to swing out, and thus prevents her from losing her course. as a different type of rudder is required, according to the course in which the yacht is sailing, the weight should be adjustable if the same rudder is used. [illustration: fig. 149] [illustration: fig. 150] [illustration: fig. 152] let us consider scudding before the wind. for scudding the heaviest rudder should be used, or the weight on a loaded tiller should be in its position of maximum power. all the sails abaft the foremast should be slackened out as far as they will go, which will bring the booms almost at right angles with the center line of the boat. if the craft is a cutter or yawl with a light weight, the yachtsman should rig the spinnaker. the head-sails may be left slack or can be tightened. fig. 150 shows the position of the booms when scudding with a schooner and yawl. the yawl is shown scudding goose winged. the cutter is illustrated with the spinnaker set. the other craft is a two-mast lugger with balanced lugs. [illustration: fig. 151] attention is now directed to "reaching." for this particular work the yachtsman should put on a medium rudder. when using a weighted tiller the weight should be put in a midway position. the head-sails should be pulled in fairly tight and the aft-sails made slack. the yachtsman, however, should not slacken them as for scudding. fig. 151 shows a schooner reaching. the thick black lines represent the booms of the sails. if the wind is very light a spinnaker-jib may be set or a jib-topsail in light or moderate breezes. in the case of a wind that comes over the stern quarter, as indicated by the arrow _a_, the next heavier rudder, or its equivalent in weighted tiller, should be put in operation, and the sails slackened out a little more than before. the boat is then said to be free and sailing on the starboard tack. if the wind is coming in the direction _b_ the jib and foresail may require slackening and the aft sails pulled in more than when sailing with the wind in the direction _c_. a still lighter rudder can be used as the course gets near to beating windward, and the yacht is said to be close-hauled on the starboard tack. in beating to windward, if a rudder is used at all, it should be as light as possible, just heavy enough to keep the boat steady. however, this is just the condition of sailing when a boat can dispense with a rudder. it depends entirely upon the characteristics of the particular yacht being sailed, and for this the yachtsman must depend upon his own experience. the jib-topsail should not be used in a case like this, and if the wind is fairly strong a smaller jib should be set than that used for reaching. it is advisable to slacken the jib and foresail out and pull the aft-sails in somewhat tightly. fig. 152 shows a cutter beating to windward on a port tack. in this case she will have to pay out to starboard a bit before her sails fill. in sailing the weather must be watched very closely, and the amount of sail carried will depend entirely upon the weather conditions. a yacht should never be overloaded with sail. if she has more than she can comfortably carry she will heel over and drag her sails in the water. not only this, but she will also drift to leeward when beating to windward. when sailing a new boat, her best trim for various points of sailing and force of wind must be found by painstaking experiments. the boat should always be sailed with her sails as slack as she will take them and keep in her course. in this way she will move faster than when the sails are pulled in close. the model yachtsman should always watch the wind and note whether it shifts its direction or alters its force. the boat is trimmed accordingly when the boat is put about. easing or tightening the jib or main-sheet slightly will make a very noticeable difference. by taking down the top-sail or setting a jib-head top-sail in place of a jack yard top-sail, the yacht will be caused to ride easier in puffs of wind. in case she does not point well to windward when beating, the yachtsman should try a smaller jib, or he can slacken the foresail-sheet. if she runs off regularly to leeward on one tack only, while keeping well to windward on the other, she has some defect in construction or a bent keel. chapter xiv two-foot sailing yacht the model yacht described in this chapter is the design of mr. w. j. daniels, of england, and was described by him in "junior mechanics." mr. daniels is one of the best known and most successful english designers of model yachts, and the one here described can easily be constructed by the average boy: in order that the reader may realize the obstacles to be surmounted in designing a model yacht that will sail in a straight line to windward, irrespective of the different pressure that the wind may expend on the sails, it must be pointed out that the boat is continuously altering the shape of the submerged part of her hull: therefore, unless the hull is so designed that harmony is retained at every angle to which the pressure of wind on the sails may heel it, the model's path through the water will be, more or less, an arc of a circle. whether the boat sails toward the wind, or, in other words, in a curve the center of the circle of which is on the same side of the boat as the wind, or in a curve the center of the circle of which is on the opposite or leeward side, will depend upon the formation of the boat. as these notes are intended to first initiate the reader into the subject of model yacht building and construction, the design supplied is one in which all things, as far as shape is concerned, have been considered. it is the endeavor of every designer to produce the most powerful boat possible for a given length--that is, one that can hold her sail up in resistance to the wind-pressure best. of course, the reader will easily realize that breadth and weight of keel will be the main features that will enable the model to achieve this object; but, as these two factors are those that tend to make a design less slender, if pushed to extremes, the designer has to compromise at a point when the excess of beam and buoyancy are detrimental to the speed lines of the hull. but the question of design pure and simple is a complex one, and we do not intend to weary the reader just now with anything of that kind, so we will now proceed to build the hull. in order that we may correctly interpret the shape shown in the design without being expert woodcarvers, we must use our ingenuity and by mechanical means achieve our object, at the same time saving ourselves a large amount of labor, such as we should have to expend if we made this boat from a solid block of wood. now, as regards understanding the drawings: it is essential to remember that a line which in one view is a curve is always a straight line in the other two views. those lines which are drawn parallel to the water-line are known as water-lines, and it will be seen that the curves shown on the deck plan represent the actual shapes of the hull at the corresponding water-lines above, below, and exactly on the load water-line. in other words, if after the hull is made it were sunk down to these various levels, the shapes of the hole made in the surface of the water would be as shown in the plan. therefore, instead of making our boat from a solid block of wood, we will make our block up from several layers, the thickness of each layer being equal to the space between the water-lines; but before gluing these layers together we will cut them out to the exact shape that the boat will be at their various positions. it will not be necessary to have a separate piece of wood for each layer, as some layers below the actual water-line will be cut from the pieces of wood that have been cut out from the layers above. in this case, the boat being 24 inches long, the top layer will be the same length and breadth as the boat, and 1 inch in thickness. draw down the center of the board a straight line, and other lines square to it, representing the position of the cross-sections as shown in the drawing. you have now to transfer the deck line to this board, and this is done by marking the breadth at the various sections and drawing a curve through the spots, a thin strip of straight-grained wood being used as a rule, the latter being held down by such weights as are available. for the purpose of laying off the water-lines truly, lines spaced at 1-1/2 inches are shown; the first, it will be noticed, is half a section or 3/4 inch from the stem head. the material required will be a board of pine about 6 feet long, 8 inches wide, and 1 inch finished thickness. nearly all wood-yards stock first-quality pine, but it is in planks 3 inches thick. you can no doubt pick up a short length about 4 feet long. if so, take it to a sawmill and have two boards 1-1/4 inches thick cut and then machine-planed down to a dead inch. perhaps you can purchase a board that is already cut, and is fully 1 inch thick, to allow for planing. prepare one edge of the board straight with a plane, seeing that it is square to the surface. as a planing-machine always leaves a series of ridges across the board, varying according to the quality of the machine, it is necessary before transferring the lines to the wood to just skim the surface with a nicely sharpened plane, and set so as to just skim the wood. [illustration: fig. 153] the lengths required are: _a_, plank 24 inches long; _b_, plank 24 inches; _c_, plank 18-1/2 inches. the _d_ plank will be cut from the center of _b_, but will have to be shifted two sections forward. having transferred the various shapes from the drawing on to their respective layers, you saw out each carefully with a bow or a keyhole-saw, care being taken not to cut inside the lines. it is better to cut full, and trim down to the lines with a chisel or plane. a good deal of trouble can be saved by the expenditure of a few cents for having them machine-sawed, in which case ask the sawyer to use his finest-toothed saw. having cut out layers _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_, fresh lines are marked, as shown by the dotted lines in the plan. these indicate the shape of the inside of each layer when the boat is carved out, and save labor. these may as well be sawed out now as carved out later. it will also facilitate gluing up, as it will allow the superfluous glue to be squeezed out, and also decrease the breadth of the joint. in order to get these various layers glued together dead true to their positions as indicated in the design, you must choose a section about amidships, say section 11, and with a square draw a line from that section, which is, of course, still showing on the surface of the layer, down the edge on either side, joining up with a line across the opposite face. also vertical lines at each end of the midships line must be drawn on the wood, great care being taken to get the midships line on the under face of the layers dead opposite each other. [illustration: fig. 154] [illustration: fig. 155] if your outfit contains half a dozen carpenter's hand screws, these can be used; but if not, it will be necessary to purchase from a hardware store eight seven-inch bolts and nuts 3/8 inch in diameter, with one washer for each, and to make up four clamps, as shown in fig. 156. [illustration: fig. 156] you will start by gluing layer _c_ to layer _d_, blocks being placed between the surface of the layers and the clamps to prevent bruising the wood. these two are then glued to layer _b_, and when this is thoroughly set they are glued to the layer _a_. the best glue to use for this job is marine glue, which does not dry too quickly, and so gives plenty of time to see that the layers have not shifted. in every case one clamp should be placed at each extreme end of the shorter layer, so as to insure the ends making contact, the other two being placed equidistant. while waiting for the glue to set, you can be preparing the four layers (shown below _d_) for the lead keel pattern. the lines must be cut out, in this case, with a chisel, as it will be noticed that the lower faces must be left wide enough to receive the top face of the layer beneath it. it will be noticed that the under face of each of these layers extends beyond the top face aft, and allowance must be made for this. on laying off the lines on the fin layers, do not join up with a point each end, but leave about 1/8 inch thickness, as shown on the drawing. these layers must be drilled through to take the keel-bolts, which are made from two motorcycle spokes, twelve-gage. these should be cut to a length of 5-1/2 or 6 inches. great care should be taken to insure that the midship lines are exactly vertical over each other when these layers are glued up. before gluing these four layers on to the hull proper, they should be held in position by means of the spokes, in which position they can be sawed to shape for the keel pattern. first, with a small plane or sharp chisel cut down roughly, then a rasp and different grades of sandpaper are used, working across the joints. it will be realized that, if the pattern for the keel were cut off dead on the line indicated on the design, there would be a loss of wood through the saw cut. in order to obviate this, another line 3/16 inch below the proper lead line is drawn, and the saw cut made between these two lines. you will now plane down each face that is left rough by the saw, straight and square to each of these lines. on the top face of the pattern for the lead, glue or tack a piece 3/16 inch thick along the face, and cut down the edges flush. you will by this means have made up for the amount of wood carried away by the saw. you will no doubt find a difficulty in holding the pieces of wood for planing in the ordinary way, but it is simple enough if you set the plane nicely, grip it in a vise or bench screw upside down, and push the work over the plane's face, instead of vice versa. but be careful of your fingers! take the pieces left from the spokes when cutting down to length, and put these in the holes in the keel pattern. these are for cores, and if you take your pattern to a foundry they will cast it for a small amount, with the holes in it. shoot the top face of the lead in the manner before described, and fit on. the hull is now ready for carving out. screw on your bench two pieces of wood about 18 inches in length and 4 inches wide, so that they project over the edge of the bench about 10 inches. these should be about 15 inches apart. place your hull upside down on them, and fix it by nailing upward into the top layer. after cutting off the corners of the layers roughly with a chisel you use a small plane set fairly fine, and work all over the hull evenly, taking care not to cut below any of the joints. a small gouge will be required to clear the wood from the region of the after fin, a round rasp--sandpaper being wrapped around a small stick--being used for smoothing down afterward. templates of the cross-sections should now be made from thick white paper. this is done by pricking through the design to transfer their shape onto the paper. the cross-sections have on this account been produced here actual size. if cross-lines representing the water-lines are drawn, you will have an excellent guide for fitting, as these lines will, of course, come opposite each glued joint. try your templates now and again as you work, and do not try to finish one spot, but keep the whole at an even stage, and you will see the hull gradually grow into shape. the topsides (which is the name given to that part of the vessel's hull above the water-line) are responsible for the boat's appearance when afloat, and until the top sheer is cut off the boat looks very disappointing. the cross-lines being still on the upper layer, draw square lines from them down the topsides and from the drawing mark the points through which the sheer-line runs. the thickness of the deck must be allowed for, and as this will be just over 1/16 inch, the line must be drawn this much below the finished sheer-line. the arch of the transom must be marked, and the hull cut down to the sheer. to avoid the risk of splitting, a number of fine saw cuts are made down each section line and two or three at the transom. you now proceed to carve out the inside. pad your bench bearers and rest your hull upon them. a curved wood gouge with a fairly flat edge is the best tool. get it nicely sharpened, and work all over the inside of hull until it is about 3/16 inch thick, the top edge being left 3/8 inch wide. keep holding up to the light until it is showing a blood-red color, and smooth down the gouge marks with coarse sandpaper. the hole for the stern-tube must now be drilled, and the tube made and fitted. the hole should be 1/4 inch in diameter. first drill a smaller hole, and then with a 1/4-inch rat-tail file slowly open it out, at the same time rubbing a groove down the stern-post. the stern-tube is made from a piece of light-gage brass tube, it being cut away with a piercing saw to leave a strip the length of the stern-post. drill three holes in the strip at equal distance and large enough to take a 1/4 inch brass screw, no. 0 size. temporarily screw the tube in position, and from a piece of thin brass make a plate for the inside. an oval hole will have to be made in the plate to enable it to seat flat over the tube. solder this while in position. then remove the whole, and replace, after white-leading where wood touches brass. the deck-beams, three in number and 1/4 inch square in section, must now be fitted. the sheer edge which we left 3/8 inch wide must be recessed to receive the beams, the recess being made with a 1/4-inch chisel. before gluing beams in, three coats of good varnish must be applied to the inside of shell. the deck should now be prepared and fitted. you will require a piece of pine of ample length and breadth, 1/8 inch in thickness, and after planing finely and sand-papering, pieces of the same stuff should be glued on the under face to reinforce it where the bowsprit, keel-plate, hatch rim, and mast will be fitted. cut these pieces to shape before gluing on. before doing the latter, apply a coat of clear size to the upper face of the deck; this will bring up the grain, so paper it down when dry. this process should be repeated three times. three coats of varnish should be given to the under side of the deck after the pieces have been glued on, and when dry the deck can be fitted, 3/8-inch veneer pins being used for fixing on, and care being taken to get it true to position. a center line is drawn down the under side of the deck, and marks made to correspond at the stern and transom on the shell. the planking lines on the deck can be drawn to suit your fancy, india ink and a draftsman's ruling pen being used to do it, afterward applying two coats of carriage varnish. to paint the hull, white lead and dryers, in the proportion of 5 to 1 by weight respectively, should be dissolved in turpentine, a few drops of linseed oil being mixed to make it work freely. have this about the consistency of milk, and, after straining, give the hull about eight coats, one every twenty-four hours, rubbing each down when dry with no. 00 sandpaper. keep the joint representing the load water-line always in sight by penciling over after each coat of paint is dry. when a sufficient body of paint has been applied, the colors can be applied. enamel is best for this. stick strips of gummed paper around the hull at the water-line, and paint up to the edge. when the paint is dry the paper can be soaked off, the paper being again applied, but reversed for the other color. if you can use a lining brush the paper is not necessary for the second color. while the painting is going on, spars, sails, and fittings can be made. as the spars have to be varnished, it is best to make them first. pine should be used, and after cutting strips of suitable length and diameter, plane them square in section. with the batten draw on the face the amount of taper to be given, and plane down to this line, still keeping the spar square in section. this having been done, the corners are planed off carefully until the spar is octagonal in section, when it is easy to make it perfectly round with sandpaper by rubbing with the paper rolled around the stick. the diameter of our mast is 1/2 inch parallel until the hoist of the fore triangle is reached, tapering from there to 1/4 inch at the masthead or truck. the boom is 1/4 inch at the gooseneck, thickening to 3/8 inch where the main-sheet is attached, down to 1/4 inch at the outboard end. the jib-boom is slightly less than 1/4 inch parallel. all spars should be treated with clear size and fine sandpaper before varnishing. this will prevent discoloring by the latter, and will also allow the india ink markings to be made, which latter will be a guide for the trimming of the sails. in order that any yacht, model or otherwise, may be able to perform her best, it is essential that she should have well setting sails. in fact, in a model a badly setting sail will sometimes even be enough to prevent her going to windward at all. by well setting sails we mean sails that are naturally flat and not made so by straining them out on the spars. light material, such as cambric or light union silk, is best for this purpose, but not a material that has any dressing in it. this particular sail plan is very easy to mark out. lay your material out on a table or smooth surface and pin it down with drawing-pins, sufficiently stretching it so as to pull out any creases. the length of the back edge of the mainsail (which is called the leech) is measured off 1-1/4 inches inside the edge of the cloth, and a curve struck as illustrated. the other two sides of the mainsail are then laid off and pencil lines drawn. you will note that allowance must be made for hemming the back edge of the mainsail. if your sewing-machine has a hemmer, find out how wide a hem it makes (the smaller the better), and make allowance accordingly, twice the width of the hem being necessary. much depends upon the tension at which the machine is set, so be careful that the latter is sufficiently slack so that it does not draw up the material. the jib is marked out in the same manner, and, as illustrated, the lines representing the positions of the batten sleeves are drawn. the batten sleeves are small pockets into which thin pieces of cane (called battens) are inserted to help the sail to set nicely. unless the sail is a good cut to begin with, however, the insertion of these battens will never make it right. the sails should now be cut out with a sharp penknife or scissors, care being taken not to pull the cloth, and especially not along the edges that run across the threads. you then hem the backs and also the foot of the jib. the batten sleeves (which should be of white satin ribbon about 3/8 inch in width) should now be sewn on by stitching down along the extreme edge to the line drawn, and then down the other edge, the ends being left open. a strip of narrow tape is sewn across the foot of the jib-sail to take the strain of the pull, the part of the jib contained by the curve of the foot and the tape being known as the bonnet of the jib. to prevent the edges of the sails (other than those hemmed) being stretched, you bind them with good tape. the tape is first folded and creased by rubbing over an edge. the end of the tape is then turned in. take a corner of the sail and place it inside the fold of the tape, care being taken to get the raw edge right up against the crease. the needle of the machine should then be lowered through it as near to the edge of the tape as practicable, taking care that it goes through both edges. keeping a slight pull on the binding, arrange the cloth in it without pulling the edge. put the foot of the machine down and sew it, afterward raising the foot again and proceeding as before right around the raw edges of the sail, leaving the needle down each time the foot is raised. do not sew where a batten sleeve passes under the binding, as you will require the former left open to allow the batten to pass into the fold of the binding. the rings for putting up the luffs of the jiband main-sail are made by winding a piece of thin brass or german silver wire around a steel rod (the spokes used in the keel being suitable for the latter) and sawing down to divide them. a small eyelet should be put in each corner of the sails, and others spaced evenly at about 2-1/2 inches apart along the boom and about 5 inches apart along the mast, for lacing on. an extra row of stitching may be run down the outer edge of the binding to smooth it down. the simpler the fittings of a model that is required for practical sailing, the better. they should be as light as practical. aluminum is not advisable for fittings when the boat is to be sailed in salt water. [illustration: fig. 157] the bowsprit fittings, which are known as the gammon iron and heel plate (figs. 157, 158), are made by soldering pieces of brass tube (cut to suitable size and shape) onto pieces of triangular sheet brass, as illustrated. the horses can either be of wire with the ends turned to suitable shape and fitted with one screw, or they can have plates for two screws, in which case the wire is either threaded and screwed into the plate or silver-soldered to it. silver-soldering is done with a blow-pipe. the flux used is borax made into a thin paste with water. silver-solder is bought in small sheets, and a few cents' worth will go a long way if used properly. cut small pieces about 1/8 inch by 1/16 inch, and, after painting the part to be soldered with your paste borax with a very small brush, pick up the solder with the tip of the brush and put it in position. it will then run around the joint when the metal is raised to sufficient heat. [illustration: fig. 158] the hatch-rim is made by cutting a strip of thin brass 1/4 inch in width, the length being the circumference of the oval. the two ends are brought together and silver-soldered. cut out the oval in a piece of very thin brass and fit in your oval strip so that the flat is just in the center of it. this can then be sweated around with an ordinary soldering-iron, the flat being trimmed down afterward with the shears to leave a flange 1/4 inch in width, the latter being drilled to take 1/4 inch no. 0 round-head screws. [illustration: fig. 159] [illustration: fig. 160] [illustration: fig. 161] the deck fitting for the mast, (fig. 159) is made in much the same way, a piece of tube being used instead of cutting a strip of brass. to receive the heel of the mast a fitting known as the mast-step must be made and fitted. this, of course, must be done before the deck is put on. the step is made from two pieces of brass, each about 1/32 inch in thickness, 1 inch long and 1/2 inch wide. one is hard-soldered on edge down the center of the other to form something like a t girder. a slot, as illustrated, is cut in the upright piece with a ward file, and holes drilled in the flat for screwing down on the inside of the boat. a ferrule of brass tube is fitted to the heel of the mast, a cut of suitable size being made in it to receive the upright of the step. a hole should be drilled through the heel of the mast at right angles to the slot, and a wire passed through and riveted, the latter being of suitable thickness to be received by the slot in the step. [illustration: fig. 164] [illustration: fig. 163] [illustration: fig. 162] the rudder-blade (fig. 162) is made from a piece of sheet brass fitted to a tube, the latter being an easy fit into the stern-tube already fitted. the blade can be soldered onto the tube. the pintle on which the rudder fits and swings is a strip of brass, the width of the after fin, a wire pin being hard-soldered in to fit up into the rudder. the pintle (fig. 163) should be fitted before the painting is started. in the steering gear, instead of a quadrant, as the fitting on the rudder-head of the "braine" gear is called, you fit an ordinary tiller (fig. 164) by bending a wire to suit your fancy and soldering it on to a collar made from a piece of tube that will just sleeve on the outside of the rubber-tube, which latter is fixed by drilling a hole right through it and the rudder head, and fitting a tapered pin. [illustration: fig. 165] [illustration: fig. 166] the steering-gear rack (fig. 165) by which the amount of helm is adjusted is made from a strip of brass cut with lugs which are bent up at right angles as illustrated. this need only be of thin sheet metal, as the strain is very small. for running before the wind, separate lines are used, two in number, as illustrated, and the amount of helm is governed by the distance away from midships that the lead is moved. for instance, if the lead is placed amidships, the pull will simply keep the rudder dead straight, whereas if placed on the deck edge it will allow the maximum amount of angle. your bowsers can be made from pieces of toothbrush handle or from brass or german-silver wire. very efficient bowsers can be made from aluminum tube cut in sections about 3/16 inch long, with three holes drilled in each piece around its periphery. plaited bobbin cotton should be used for the cordage, as it does not curl up when wet. if you decide to fit the braine steering gear, a spur or bumpkin, as it is termed, must be fitted to take the rubber centering line. appendix boys' dictionary of marine terms =abaft.= behind; toward the stern. =abeam.= at right angles to the side and in horizontal plane. =aft.= toward the stern. =after-body.= between amidships and stern. =aloft.= overhead; on the yards or in the upper rigging. =amidships.= the middle part of a vessel. =anchor.= instrument for holding vessels at rest in the water. made of iron. =athwart. athwartships.= across; from side to side. =ballast.= material used to load the ship, for stability or submerging purposes. =barge.= general name for vessels built for towing. =bark.= three-masted vessel, square-rigged on the foreand main-masts, and fore-and-aft rigged on the mizzen. =barkentine.= three-masted vessel, square-rigged on the foremast and fore-and-aft on the main-and mizzen-masts. =beam.= the widest part of a vessel. =bollards.= posts of timber on sides of docks, quays, etc., over which ropes are thrown for hauling vessels alongside. =boom.= the lower spar for a fore-and-aft sail. =bow.= sides of fore part of boat: the right hand being the starboard bow, and the left hand the port bow. =bowsprit.= pole projecting from stem forward, and taking forestays and bobstays. =bridge-house.= house built near bridge. =brig.= vessel with two masts, both square-rigged but having a gaff mainsail. =buoy.= a floating object moored over a certain spot; generally a warning of danger. =buoyancy.= the capacity for floating which a boat possesses. =cabin.= room for use of officers and passengers. =capstan.= consists of a long drum revolving vertically and used for pulling in heavy lines. sometimes used in connection with windlass to hoist anchor by hand. _center of gravity._ center of weight. =coaming.= raised planking around hatchway of yacht to prevent water shipped in rough weather from getting below decks. =cockpit.= formerly an apartment under lower gun-deck of warship, used as quarters for junior officers, and during a battle devoted to the surgeon and his assistants. =cockswain.= person who steers a boat. =compass.= instrument composed of one or more magnetic needles attached to a circular card which turns freely on the point of a steel cone or floats on a liquid. the upper surface of the card is divided into the 32 points of the compass. used to find direction. =craft.= usually denotes small size vessel, but may be applied to any kind. =crane.= machine for hoisting and moving heavy equipment and material. =cruiser.= boat intended for extended voyages. used in connection with yachts, to distinguish from racing models. =davit.= light crane on side of ship for lowering and lifting boats. sometimes applied to projecting beam over which anchor is hoisted. =displacement.= weight of ship and all on board when at sea. it is equal to the weight of the water displaced. =dock.= an excavation of large area for reception of vessels. wet-dock for loading and unloading or dry-dock for building and repairing vessels. =dock-yard.= a place where ships are built and repaired. =funnel.= large sheet-iron tube extending from the uptake high above the deck, through which smoke and gases pass. =galley.= the kitchen of a vessel. =gangway.= sides of upper deck from main-mast to mizzen-mast, or from the former to the break of a poop or raised quarter-deck; also a passage for entering or leaving vessel. =gross tonnage.= entire cubical capacity of ship, including every inclosed space and all room under deck from stem to stern-post, if closed in and usable. =gunwale, gunnel.= upper part of sheer-strake, where it comes in contact with upper deck stringer. =headlights.= lights carried at the masthead. =head of the bowsprit.= the forward end. =hull.= the entire structure of a vessel, exclusive of equipment. =inboard.= within the ship. =inner skin.= planking or plating covering the inside of frames. =jack.= name given to various sails, ropes, etc. =jib.= triangular sail carried on a stay reaching from the foremast head or from topmast to the jib-boom. =keel.= backbone of a vessel in wooden ships. composed of great lengths of timber connected to each other by scarfs. in steel ships usually a set of plates from stem to stern. =even keel, uneven keel.= designates the manner in which ship floats. if balanced evenly in a fore-and-aft direction she is on even keel, if depressed at head or stern she is on uneven keel. =keelson angle-bar.= any angle-bar used in the construction of a keelson. =lanyards.= short lengths of rope used to tighten up davit-guys, awnings, etc. =launching.= sliding a boat into the water from the building-berth. =lee side.= opposite to the side on which the wind blows. =lighter.= large craft used to bring cargo alongside or to lighten a grounded vessel. =list.= when one side of a vessel lies deeper in the water than the other; caused by shifting cargo, etc. =log.= apparatus used to determine speed of a vessel. =main-mast.= principal mast of a ship; the second mast counting from bow to stern. =marine engine.= engine especially designed for the propulsion of boats. =mast.= a long piece, or system of pieces, of timber, placed nearly perpendicularly to the keelson of a vessel to support the spars and gear by which the sails are set. in modern practice, steel masts are built by riveting rolled plates together. =midships.= middle part of a ship. =mizzen-mast.= third mast on a vessel with three or more masts. =mizzen-sails.= sails carried on a mizzen-mast. =mushroom ventilator.= short cast-iron tube with movable iron rod passing through the center. a metal cup is fitted to the top of the rod, which may be lifted to permit air to enter, or closed to prevent water from entering. generally fitted over cabins. =navigation bridge.= bridge used for taking observations or handling the ship in difficult situations. =outboard.= outside the hull or beyond the gunwale. =outlet cock.= any cock used to free a receptacle of water. =paddle-wheels.= wheels fitted on each side of a paddle steamer in connection with the paddle-shaft, consisting of a cast-iron boss from which wrought-iron arms radiate, strengthened by rims and stays, and with a float attached to each arm. =pawl.= small catch to prevent moving object from going beyond certain limit. =pile.= a piece of lumber or iron, together with others, driven into the bed of a river for the support of a pier, bridge, etc. =pilot bridge.= narrow thwartships platform, extending from side to side above a steamer's upper or bridge deck. serves as a station for the pilot or officer of the watch. =port.= opening in ship's side, in bulwark, etc. =propeller-screw.= propeller in which blades are at an angle to the line of axis, similar to the threads of a screw. =quarters.= men's positions when called to their duties, as during fire or boat drill; also living accommodations. =quay.= artificial landing-place. =raft.= a collection of boards fastened together by ropes or chains, and capable of floating. =ram.= massive projection under water at the bow of a warship. the ship is also called a ram. =rat-line.= three-stranded cord, of which the ladder-like steps in lower rigging, topmast rigging, etc., are formed. =rigging.= entire equipment of a ship's masts, spars, etc., with their standing and running ropes. =rudder.= a device for steering vessels. hinged to the outside of the hull, usually at the stern. =sail.= a device of canvas and rope fastened to spars and rigging, and extended to catch the wind and drive the vessel. =skiff.= long, lightly built boat sometimes used in rowing races. =sloop.= vessel with one mast, having a jib-sail. =spar.= any shaped piece of timber used as a mast, bowsprit, yard, etc., or intended for such use. =stanchion.= a stationary upright support. =superstructure.= any structure above top full deck. =tack.= to change the direction of sailing due to wind. =thwart.= seats are called thwarts when they extend from side to side of a boat, athwart when across. =tonnage.= entire capacity or cubical contents of a vessel. one ton estimated at 100 cubic english feet. =trawler.= fishing-vessel with ground-sweeping net. =trim.= term indicating the state of a ship with regard to ballast; position of a vessel in the water with respect to horizontal. =turtle-back.= top of wheel-house, forecastle, etc., formed like a turtle's back. =upper works.= same as freeboard when a vessel is loaded. =uptake.= part connecting smokebox to funnel. sometimes includes the smokebox. =ventilator.= usually made of sheet iron in tubular forms, and arranged to expel foul air and permit the passage of fresh air to any part of a ship. =vessel.= craft requiring a licensed master. (boats do not). =water ballast.= sea water let into double bottom or ballast-tank. =water-line.= (light) submerging line of vessel without cargo. =water-line.= (load) submerging line of vessel with full cargo. =water-tight compartment.= compartment with water-tight bulkhead at each end. =winch.= machine used for loading or unloading cargo. some are hand driven and some electrically driven. =windlass.= special form of winch used to hoist anchor. * * * * * transcriber's notes: obvious punctuation errors repaired. page 128, "oppositite" changed to "opposite" (the opposite end of) page 131, n italicized to match rest of usage (center of the disk _n_) page 132, d italicized to match rest of usage (to the _d_ valve previously) page 185, "deterimental" changed to "detrimental" (detrimental to the speed) transcriber's note: apparent typographical errors have been corrected. archaic and inconsistent spelling and hyphenation have been preserved. [illustration: flag] two centuries of shipbuilding [illustration: _h. m. s. argyll._] two centuries of shipbuilding by the scotts at greenock. [illustration: decoration] [_partly reprinted from "engineering."_] [illustration: decoration] "take it all in all, a ship of the line is the most honourable thing that man, as a gregarious animal, has ever produced.... into that he has put as much of his human patience, common sense, forethought, experimental philosophy, self-control, habits of order and obedience, thoroughly wrought hand-work, defiance of brute elements, careless courage, careful patriotism, and calm expectation of the judgment of god, as can well be put into a space of 300 feet long by 80 feet broad."--ruskin. [illustration: sailing ship] london: offices of "engineering," 35 and 36, bedford street, w.c. 1906. contents. [illustration: decoration] page personalia xi the era of the sailing ship 1 the development of the steamship 15 table i. epoch-marking steamers built by the scotts, 1819 to 1841 31 table ii. progress in the economy of the marine engine, 1872 to 1901 41 a century's work for the navy 43 table iii. progressive types of warship machinery, and their economy, 1840 to 1905 53 table iv. particulars of the successive large naval guns, 1800 to 1905 56 table v. size and fighting qualities of british battleships of different periods, 1861 to 1905 59 yachting and yachts 63 table vi. general particulars of principal steam yachts built by scotts' company 69 the twentieth century 73 numbers of british and foreign, and of oversea and channel, steamers, of over 16 knots speed 75 table vii. records of coal consumption of steamship "narragansett" 79 efficiency: design: administration 88 the shipbuilding yard 94 the engine and boiler works 106 list of illustrations. [illustration: decoration] page h.m.s. "argyll" (plate i.) _frontispiece_ personalia. portraits of william scott (born 1722, died 1769); john scott (born 1752, died 1837); william scott, his brother (born 1765); and charles cuningham scott (born 1794, died 1875) (plate ii.) _adjoining page_ 1 john scott, c.b. (born 1830, died 1903); robert sinclair scott (born 1843, died 1905); charles cuningham scott (the present chairman); robert lyons scott (plate iii.) _adjoining page_ 1 the era of the sailing ship. (pages 1 to 14.) the beginnings (plate iv.) _facing page_ 2 greenock and scotts' yard in the eighteenth century (plate v.) _facing page_ 4 a west indiaman 7 a typical east indiaman 9 the "lord of the isles" (plate vi.) _facing page_ 10 the "archibald russell" (plate vii.) " " 12 the development of the steamship. (pages 15 to 42.) early steamboats at greenock, 1820 (plate viii.) _facing page_ 16 the "city of glasgow" (plate ix.) " " 20 a side-lever engine of 1831 23 an engine of 1832 25 scotts' first p. and o. liner, the "tagus" (plate x.) _facing page_ 26 type of side-lever engine of 1840 29 double-geared engine for early atlantic liner 32 a pioneer in water-tube boilers (the rowan boiler) 35 high-pressure machinery in the "thetis" (plate xi.) _facing page_ 36 the machinery of the "achilles" 38 general arrangement of the machinery of the "achilles" (plate xii.) _facing page_ 38 the "achilles" of 1865, off gravesend (plate xiii.) " " 40 a century's work for the navy. (pages 43 to 62.) model of h.m.s. "prince of wales," 1803 (plate xiv.) _facing page_ 43 the launch of the first clyde-built steam frigate "greenock," 1849 (plate xv.) _facing page_ 44 machinery in h.m.ss. "hecla," and "hecate" 1839 (plate xvi.) _facing page_ 46 machinery of h.m.s. "greenock," 1848 48 machinery of h.m.s. "canopus," 1900 49 h.m.s. "thrush," 1889 (plate xvii.) _facing page_ 50 engines of h.m.s. "thrush," 1889 (plate xviii.) 52 h.m. battleship "prince of wales" (plate xix.) 58 propelling engines of h.m.s. "argyll" (plate xx.) 60 yachting and yachts. (pages 63 to 72.) the "erin," owned by sir thomas lipton, bart. (plate xxi.) _facing page_ 63 the "clarence," an early racing cutter (plate xxii.) " " 64 the "greta" of 1876; the "greta" of 1895 (plate xxiii.) _facing page_ 66 the "margarita"; the "tuscarora" (plate xxiv.) 68 the saloons of the "beryl," owned by lord inverclyde (plate xxv.) _facing page_ 70 typical yacht engines (plate xxvi.) " " 72 the twentieth century. (pages 73 to 87.) dining-saloon in a mail steamer; drawing-room in the steam yacht "foros" (plate xxvii.) _facing page_ 73 the donaldson liner "cassandra" (plate xxviii.) " " 74 the holt liner "achilles" of 1900 (plate xxix.) " " 76 the largest oil-carrying steamer afloat--the "narragansett" (plate xxx.) _facing page_ 78 the launch of a china steamer (plate xxxi.) " " 80 the china navigation company's t.ss. "fengtien" (plate xxxii.) _adjoining page_ 81 the british india company's ss. "bharata" (plate xxxiii.) _facing page_ 82 one of twenty thames steamers engined by the scotts (plate xxxiv.) _facing page_ 84 engines and boilers for twenty london county council steamers (plate xxxv.) _adjoining page_ 85 typical propelling machinery (plate xxxvi.) _facing page_ 86 efficiency: design: administration. (pages 88 to 93.) shipbuilding (plate xxxvii.) _facing page_ 88 the launch of h.m.s. "argyll" (plate xxxviii.) " " 90 engine construction (plate xxxix.) " " 92 the shipbuilding yard. (pages 94 to 105.) the moulding loft (plate xl.) _facing page_ 94 beam shearing machine; bevelling machine; hydraulic joggling machine (plate xli.) _adjoining page_ 95 in one of the platers' sheds (plate xlii.) _facing_ " 96 punching and shearing (plate xliii.) " " 98 the fitting-out dock (plate xliv.) " " 100 the graving dock (plate xlv.) _adjoining_ " 101 the saw mill (plate xlvi.) _facing_ " 102 two views in the joiners' shops (plate xlvii.) _adjoining_ " 103 electric generators in the power station; hydraulic pumps and air-compressors in the power station (plate xlviii.) _facing page_ 104 the engine and boiler works. (pages 106 to 116.) view in main machine shop (plate xlix.) _facing page_ 106 vertical planing machine; multiple spindle drilling machine (plate l.) _facing page_ 108 surfacing and boring lathe (plate li.) _adjoining_ " 109 brass-finishing shop (plate lii.) _facing_ " 110 tool, gauge, template and jig department (plate liii.) " " 112 in the boiler shop (plate liv.) " " 114 hydraulic plate-bending machine 114 [illustration: decoration] personalia. [illustration: decoration] john scott (i) founded the firm in 1711, and engaged in the building of herring busses and small craft. there is, unfortunately, no engraving of him extant, so that our series of portraits on plates ii. and iii. adjoining page 1, is to this extent incomplete. william scott, his son, born 1722, died 1769, succeeded him, and, with his brother, extended the business alike as regards the extent of the works, and the types of vessels built. his first square-rigged ship--of 1765--was the first vessel built on the clyde for owners out of scotland. john scott (ii), born 1752, died 1837, son of william, greatly developed the works and built the dry dock and basin now included, with the original yard, in the establishment of messrs. caird and co., limited. under his _régime_ many ocean-going sailing ships were constructed, ship-work for the navy was undertaken, the manufacture of steam machinery commenced in 1825, and admiralty orders undertaken for engines for dockyard--as well as greenock-built frigates. he built the custom house quay in 1791, bought halkshill, the family seat, in 1815, was a partner in the greenock bank, and otherwise promoted the industries of the town. his brother, william scott (ii), born 1756, migrated to barnstaple, where he carried on an extensive shipbuilding industry, obtaining engines for the most of his steamships from the greenock works. charles cuningham scott, born 1794, died 1875, son of john scott (ii), along with his elder brother, john scott (iii), born 1785, died 1874, carried on the business as "john scott and sons," developing still further the progressive policy of his father, who had been responsible for the works for about half a century. the cartsdyke yard was commenced in 1850 by charles cuningham scott, and his son john, under the style of "scott and co.," and this firm is the one which has maintained the continuity of the scotts' association with shipbuilding. john scott (iv), born 1830, died 1903,[1] and robert sinclair scott, born 1843, died 1905, sons of charles cuningham scott, were responsible for the progress for nearly forty years, and the former was created a companion of the bath (c.b.) in 1887. during their _régime_ the firm took a large part in the introduction of the steamship for over-sea voyages; in the development of high steam pressures and of the multiple-expansion engine, which greatly improved the economy of the steam engine; and in naval work, with its incidental advancement. they completely reconstructed the cartsdyke works, and greatly improved what is now known as the cartsburn dockyard, modernising the equipment. the co-partnery was, for family reasons, registered in 1900 under the limited liability company law. charles cuningham scott, son of john scott, c.b., is now the head of the concern and chairman of the company (scotts' shipbuilding and engineering company, limited), and with him on the directorate are his brother robert lyons scott, c. mumme, and james brown. [illustration: decoration] [illustration: _william scott_ (_1722-1769_)] [illustration: _john scott_ (_1752-1837_)] [illustration: _william scott_ (_born 1756_)] [illustration: _charles c. scott_ (_1794-1875_)] [illustration: _john scott_ (_1830-1903_)] [illustration: _p. sinclair scott_ (_1843-1905_)] [illustration: _c. c. scott_] [illustration: _r. l. scott_] footnote: [1] this date is incorrectly given as 1904 at the end of the third paragraph on page 66. [illustration: decoration] the era of the sailing ship. [illustration: decoration] the maintenance of an industry for two hundred years by one family, in the direct line of succession and in one locality, is almost unique in the history of western manufactures. such a record proves that the successive generations have displayed diligence, prudence, and enterprise; otherwise it would not have been possible for them to have held continuously a foremost place in the face of incessant competition consequent upon the general advance in science, the introduction of superior constructional materials, and the invention of new machinery. it indicates also the maintenance of a high standard of workmanship as well as integrity and business capacity; because time is the most important factor in proving efficiency and in establishing credit for durability of work, without which no reputation can be retained for such a long period. the scotts began the building of ships in greenock in 1711. to-day, their descendants of the sixth generation worthily maintain the high traditions which have accumulated during the intervening two hundred years. it is impossible to form an adequate conception of the service rendered by this one firm to the science of marine construction and to britain, the leading maritime nation of the world. we should require to review in detail the successive steps: firstly, in the perfection of the sailing ship, from the sloops and brigantines of the eighteenth century, to such beautiful clippers as scotts' _lord of the isles_, which in 1856 made the record voyage from china, and did much to wrest from the americans the "blue ribbon" of the ocean; and, secondly, in the development of the steamship from its inception early in the nineteenth century to the leviathans of to-day. in successive epochs in the history of naval architecture the scotts have played a creditable part, and to some of the more important improvements initiated or advanced by the firm reference will be made in our brief survey of the work done during the past two centuries. unfortunately, some years ago, most of the old-time records were destroyed by a fire at the shipyard, so that our review of the early work is largely from contemporary publications, and is unavoidably incomplete. [illustration: plate iv. _from an engraving by e. w. cooke, r.a._ the beginnings.] the beginnings were small, for scotland had not yet attained to industrial importance, and had little oversea commerce. the first trans-atlantic voyage made by a clyde ship was in 1686, when a greenock-built vessel was employed on a special mission to carry twenty-two persons transported to carolina for attending conventicles and "being disaffected to government."[2] american ships were most numerous on the western seas, and the east india company had a monopoly of the eastern seas, so far as britain was concerned, and preferred to build their ships in india, although many were constructed on the south coast of england. this monopoly checked progress. there was little or no incentive to improvement in merchant ships, and the naval authorities were too busy fighting continental nations to risk extensive experimental work. we have it on the authority of sir nathaniel barnaby, k.c.b.,[3] that neither government nor private builders made much progress in improving methods of construction. the first letters patent granted for improvements relating to ships bear the date january 17th, 1618, but the result of a thorough investigation of all patents between 1618 and 1810 discloses no improvement worth recording, except in the manufacture of sheathing and the construction of pumps. the scotts, like a few other shipbuilders on the clyde, were concerned for the greater part of the eighteenth century in the building of fishing and coasting boats. there belonged to greenock, in 1728, as many as nine hundred of such fishing boats, locally built, each carrying from twenty to twenty-four nets and manned by a crew of four men. for many years the business of the firm consisted almost entirely in the building of herring busses and small craft employed in the fishing trade, the first establishment being at the mouth of the west burn, on land leased from the shaw family. the shipbuilding industry was carried on intermittently, and the scotts were the first to give it stability and continuity. in 1752, the greenland whale fisheries were engaged in, and this led to a development in the size of craft. the first square-rigged vessel built in the port was a brig, named _greenock_, constructed in 1760, for the west indian trade. in 1765, william scott, who had succeeded the original founder--his father, john scott--built a large square-rigged ship for some merchants of the town of hull, the timber for which came from the ducal woods at hamilton. this ship is notable as being probably the first ship built on the clyde for owners out of scotland.[4] to take a fairly representative year (1776), eighteen vessels, ranging up to 77 tons, and of a total of 1073 tons burden, were constructed in greenock, and of the number six were built by the scotts.[5] although the work could be more cheaply done on the clyde than at london or bristol, there was for a long time a strong prejudice against english owners ordering vessels from the north, and against scotch vessels taking any part in the oversea trade. the jacobite risings had also affected the industry, but the war of independence in america had far-reaching beneficial results. it is true that prior to this the rich fields of the english colonial possessions, as well as the english markets, had been opened to the commerce of scotland, and that the merchants of glasgow had developed extensive commercial operations with the west indies and british north america; but, although there was thus a considerable oversea trade between the clyde and the western hemisphere, all the large vessels trading to the clyde were built in america.[6] the shipbuilding industry in the states was thus a very extensive one; and, in 1769, there were launched, in the north american colonies, three hundred and eighty-nine vessels of 20,000 tons burden, which was far in excess of the annual british output.[7] this was largely owing to the limitless supply of timber in america, and to the import duties on constructional material imposed in this country to suit the english growers of oak, the price of which advanced in the eighteenth century from £2 15s. to £7 7s. per load.[8] the _brunswick_, of 600 tons, carpenters' measurement, to carry 1000 tons real burden, built by the scotts in 1791 for the nova scotia trade; and the _caledonia_, of 650 tons, built by the scotts in 1794, for the carriage of timber for the navy yards--each the largest ship in scotland of its respective year--signalised the beginning of a period of greater activity, especially in respect of large ocean ships. some years before--1767--the scotts had feued ground for a building yard on the shore east of the west burn. they added a graving dock of considerable size, and the inaugural proceedings included a dinner held on the floor of the dock. [illustration: plate v. _from an old engraving._ greenock and scotts' yard in the eighteenth century.] other developments contributed to the prosperity of the port of greenock, the chief of the establishment being john scott of the third generation, who was born in 1752, and died in 1837. his brother, william scott, also the second of that name, migrated to bristol, where he carried on an extensive trade as a shipbuilder. the latter was the father of james m. scott, who is still remembered by some old inhabitants as the founder, about 1847, of penny banks in greenock and of the artisans' club. john scott, after his brother's departure, carried on the business under the name of john scott and sons, and did great service not only for the town, but also for the advancement of the business. in three successive years, 1787, 1788, and 1789, he bought three large plots from the ninth lord cathcart, for the extension of the works.[9] these then extended almost from the west quay to the west burn. he also, in 1791, constructed the old steamboat or custom-house quay,[10] and played a large part in developing the banking facilities of the town. he bought, in 1815, halkshill, near largs, which has continued the residence of the family. in view of the association of the firm with the town, it may be worth interpolating here a statement of the growth of the population of greenock, with the sources from which the figures have been taken. year. population. source. 1700 1,328 campbell's history, page 23. 1801 17,458 weir's history, page 120. 1901 68,142 census returns, vol. i., page 212. shipbuilding work, however, was still in craft which to-day would be considered insignificant. the increase of the mercantile fleet of england throughout the eighteenth century was only fivefold in respect of numbers, and sixfold in tonnage; the average size shows an augmentation from 80 tons to only 100 tons, and there was no improvement in labour-economising appliances for the working of the ship, as the ratio of men to tonnage was at the beginning of the century practically one to every 10 tons, and at the close one to 13 tons.[11] in the nineteenth century, the tonnage increased eightfold, but in view of the adoption of steam the actual carrying capacity was augmented nearly thirtyfold; the average size of ship increased to 760 tons. practically, every ship in the eighteenth century carried guns, the average being two per vessel. it was not until 1853 that there was omitted from the mail contracts the clause which provided that each mail vessel must be built to carry guns of the largest calibre in use. [illustration: a west indiaman. (_see page 12._)] the nineteenth century brought every incentive to the development of shipbuilding. nelson taught the lesson, never to be forgotten, that sea-power is essential to the commercial expansion--even to the existence--of our island kingdom, with its corollary, that the merchant fleet is as necessary to this mastery of the sea as fighting squadrons. the sea became our home; there arose a renewed love of exploration, and an ambition for colonisation. success brought the chastening influence of responsibility, with a higher appreciation of the advantage of a conciliatory policy towards foreign nations. contemporaneously with the growth of this conception of empire there arose a war of retaliation in shipping with the newly-formed united states of america, which continued for half a century. although not without its regrettable incidents, it stimulated a rivalry in the shipping and shipbuilding industries which was ultimately as beneficial as it had been pronounced. the monopoly of the east india company in the eastern shipping trade terminated, so far as india was concerned, in 1814, and as regards china in 1834. this removed an influence which had hitherto retarded enterprise in naval construction--especially on the clyde--due to the company's preference for building their ships in india, and in the south of england ports. private owners, too, entered more vigorously into competition with american clippers which had first commenced trade with china in 1788. with the widening of the maritime interests and the intensification of competition there was awakened a general desire to increase the strength of ships. in this respect, as in others, there had been little advance either in the navy or in the mercantile marine. it was exceptional for a ship of the eighteenth century to continue in service for more than twelve or fifteen years. this was due partly to defective constructional details, and partly to the ineffective methods of preserving timber. [illustration: a typical east indiaman. (_see page 12._)] ships were then built up[12] of a series of transverse ribs, connected together by the outside planking and by the ceiling. there was no filling between the ribs. the ship's structure thus suffered severely from hogging and sagging stresses. the french tried to improve this by introducing oblique iron riders across the ceiling, or by laying the ceiling and the outside planking diagonally, while in other instances the whole was strengthened with vertical or diagonal riders; but none of these systems gave complete satisfaction. the sepping system was introduced about 1810, and was early adopted by the scotts. the bottom of the ship was formed into a solid mass of timber. the beams were connected with the side of the ship by thick longitudinal timbers below the knees, and by other stiffening members. a trussed frame was laid on the inside of the transverse frame in the hold of the ship, and the decks were laid diagonally. these members bound the ship in all directions, so as to resist the stresses due to the ship working in a seaway. the method of preserving the timber adopted at the beginning of the eighteenth century was to char the inner surface of the log, while the outer surface was kept wet; but this was superseded early in the century by the stoving system, which consisted in placing timber in wet sand, and subjecting it to the action of heat, for such time as was necessary to extract the residue of the sap and bring the timber to a condition of suppleness. this process continued until 1736, after which the timber itself was steamed. copper sheathing was first employed on warships in 1761; prior to this lead had been used, but only occasionally. american shipbuilders held an important position, even in the british trade, for some time after the declaration of independence; but there was then developed a pronounced spirit of emulation amongst the british firms, which had a marked effect on competition in western seas. at the beginning of the nineteenth century much of the oversea work done by the scotts was for the west indian trade. the vessels were not often of more than 600 tons, but the firm continued steadily to develop their business. [illustration: plate vi. the "lord of the isles." (_see page 13._)] between 1773 and 1829, the period of expansion under the second john scott, to which we have already referred, the output was 16,800 tons.[13] this output included a succession of fine ships for the west india trade, to the order of some of the old glasgow companies, amongst the number being stirling, gordon and company; j. campbell and company; james young and company; and muir and fairlie. we may mention as typical ships, the _grenada_, of 650 tons burden, and the _john campbell_, of 446 tons, built in 1806, the first ships launched on the clyde with all rigging in position. thus early, too, the scotts had entered upon the construction of that long series of yachts, sailing and steam, which has brought them considerable repute, and even more pleasure, since they were in successive generations noted yachtsmen. in 1803 they launched the 45-1/2-ton cutter for colonel campbell, of the yorkshire militia, which was pronounced one of the completest of the kind ever built in scotland up to that time. it may be incidentally mentioned, that the scotts also showed thus early their practical sympathy with the auxiliary forces of the crown by being at the head of the volunteer sea fencibles formed on the clyde in the stormy years of the napoleonic wars. as soon as the monopoly of the east india company was removed in 1814, private shipowners entered the lists, and the scotts were early occupied in the construction of indo-china clippers. in 1818 they built the _christian_, and in 1820 the _bellfield_, the latter, of 478 tons register, for the london and calcutta trade. she was one of the first of a long series. the _kirkman finlay_, of 430 tons, built in 1834, suggests the name of a firm long and honourably associated with the development of trade in our great eastern dependency. the effect of competition was a reduction in the average rate of freight per ton from india to britain from £32 10s. about 1773 to £10 in 1830. the east india company about the year 1813 paid £40 per ton for their ships, as against about £25 per ton by other traders; the latter sum was about the same as that paid in america. the east indiaman had a crew in the ratio of one to 10 or 12 tons, while one to 25 tons sufficed for the west indiaman. the speed of the western ship was greater, largely by reason of the difference in proportions and lines. the clipper built on the clyde and in america had a length equal to five or six times the beam, against four times the beam in the case of the east india company's ships. in the design of these clippers the scotts took an important part. charles cuningham scott was then at the head of the concern. an ingenious method of making model experiments in the graving dock at the works was evolved in the 'forties, whereby the firm were able to arrive at the most satisfactory form of hull to give the minimum of resistance, and at the same time a large capacity for cargo per registered ton. in this latter respect they were more successful than the designers of the east indiamen, notwithstanding the bluff form of the latter. as rapidity in answering the helm was a most important element in tacking, and therefore in speed, the firm about this time prepared full-rigged models, about 5 ft. long, for experimental trials as to the ship's form and rudder, on loch thom, on the hill above greenock, in an exposed place where the conditions of wind were analogous to those at sea. the results proved satisfactory. in fact, in these years, when the _minerva_, _acbar_, and other noted clippers were built, the care used in design and construction was almost as great as that now devoted in the case of racing yachts. [illustration: plate vii. the "archibald russell." (_see page 14._)] the scotts, in the first half of the nineteenth century, continued to produce a long series of successful sailing ships, while at the same time taking a creditable part in the evolution of the steamship. steam, however, was not possible in long-distance voyages until pressures had been increased, and coal consumption reduced to moderate limits; and thus it came that, although the steam engine was used in the early years of the nineteenth century in river, and later in coasting, craft, the sailing ship continued supreme almost until the middle of the century. we do not propose, however, to refer to all of the later sailing ships built by the scotts, but it may be interesting to give some details of the construction. american rock elm was largely used. the frames were in three sections with scarfed joints, bolted together, the scantlings being reduced towards the top, so as to lower the centre of gravity. inside the frames there were at various heights longitudinal timbers, to add to the fore-and-aft strength. the top sides were of greenheart, the beams of oak or greenheart, with wrought-iron knees; the height between the beams was made to admit of two hogsheads of sugar being placed in the hold. there were side-stringers, sometimes 10 in. thick, between the floor and the beams, which were half-checked into the stringers. on the top of the beams there were deck-stringers. there was a most effective transverse and longitudinal binding, brass bolts being extended right through the knee, stringer, frame, and skin of the ship. the decks were of yellow or dantzig white pine. an 800 or 1000-ton west indiaman occupied about nine months in construction. the last wooden ship built in greenock was the _canadian_, completed by the scotts in 1859.[14] the highest conception of the iron sailing ship, as built by the firm, was probably embodied in the _lord of the isles_, completed in 1856. she had a length between perpendiculars of 185 ft., a breadth of 29 ft.--the proportion being thus 6.4 of length to 1 of beam--with a depth of hold of 18 ft. her registered tonnage was 691 tons, and her builders' measurement 770 tons. although a fine-ended ship she carried a large cargo on board, and made her first trip to sydney in seventy days, which had not then been surpassed.[15] she made the passage from shanghai to london in eighty-seven days, with 1030 tons of tea on board. in one trip she averaged 320 nautical miles for five consecutive days. when engaged in the celebrated race for the delivery of the season's teas from foo-chow-foo to london, in 1856, the _lord of the isles_ beat two of the fastest american clippers, of almost twice her tonnage. she "delivered her cargo without one spot of damage, and thus british ships regained their ascendency in the trade which their american rivals had far too long monopolised."[16] from that time the british sailing ships gradually gained a complete superiority over the american vessels, and carried all before them, until they in turn were supplanted by the british steamship. from time to time an occasional sailing ship was constructed of steel; the latest, the _archibald russell_, is illustrated. built for messrs. john hardie and company, this vessel has a length, between perpendiculars, of 278 ft., a beam of 43 ft., and a depth, moulded, of 26 ft., and carries 3930 tons of deadweight cargo on a draught of 21 ft. 7-1/2 in. but less than 1 per cent. of ships now constructed depend upon the unbought but uncertain winds, and then only for special trades. on regular routes the steamer is now almost paramount, and it was, therefore, appropriate in the highest degree that the first vessels to steam regularly to china, _viâ_ the cape, should, like the _lord of the isles_, be built by the scotts; but that belongs to another story. [illustration: decoration] footnotes: [2] campbell's "historical sketches of the town and harbour of greenock," vol. i., page 18. [3] sir nathaniel barnaby's "naval development in the century," page 23. [4] brown's "early annals of greenock," page 136 [5] williamson's "memorials of james watt," 1856. [6] "the gazetteer of scotland," 1842, vol. i., page 709. [7] "journals of the house of commons," 1792, page 357. [8] holmes' "ancient and modern ships," page 152. [9] williamson's "old greenock," page 148. [10] campbell's "historical sketches of the town and harbour of greenock," page 68. [11] the following figures are taken for 1701 from "chambers' estimates," pages 68, 69, and 90; for 1793 from lindsay's "history of merchant shipping"; for 1803 from "porter's progress of the nation," page 626; and for 1901 from the "statistical abstract for the united kingdom." 1701. 1793. 1803. 1901. number of ships 3,281 16,079 20,893 20,258 tonnage 261,222 1,540,145 2,167,863 15,357,052 seamen 27,196 118,286 - 247,973 the scottish fleet, which is not included for 1701 and 1793, was much smaller, alike in the size of units and aggregate tonnage. [12] holmes's "ancient and modern ships," page 130. [13] weir's "history of greenock." [14] brown's "early annals of greenock," page 138. [15] murray's "shipbuilding in iron and wood," page 60. [16] lindsay's "merchant shipping," vol. iii, page 294. [illustration: decoration] the development of the steamship. [illustration: decoration] a close association existed between the scotts and the family of james watt, the inventor of the steam engine: the founder of the scotts' shipbuilding firm and the father of watt were identified with several schemes for the improvement of greenock; and the signature of john scott, of the third generation, whose portrait is the second reproduced on plate ii., is taken from a document in connection with some intromissions of town's funds, to which also is adhibited the signature of watt's father. it is not surprising, therefore, that the scotts were early close students of watt's inventive work, and among the first to enter upon the building of steamships; while at the same time, as we have shown in the preceding pages, building many of the fine sailing ships which established british shipping supremacy in the early half of the nineteenth century, and raised greenock by 1829 to a port having trade with every part of the world. miller and taylor commenced their experiments at dalswinton in 1788, with a steam engine driving paddle-wheels in boats[17]. symington's steam tug, _charlotte dundas_, by its success in 1802 on the forth and clyde canal[18], removed any remaining doubt; but it was not until 1812 that henry bell, with his _comet_, proved the commercial utility of the steam system, although without profit to the promoter.[19] the building of steamships, evolved by experiments by various workers in britain--and in america also--was readily adopted on the clyde. within four years of the completion of the _comet_, it was not unusual for five hundred or six hundred passengers to enjoy in the course of one day water excursions on the river.[20] the fares were practically five times those prevailing to-day. among the earliest of the clyde steamers were the _active_, of 59 tons, and _despatch_, of 58 tons, built by the scotts. in calculating the tonnage in those early days, an average allowance of one-third was deducted for the machinery. in 1816 the firm built the _shannon_, of a length between perpendiculars of 77 ft. 7 in., of a beam of 15 ft. 3 in., and of a depth moulded of 9 ft. 1 in. she had fore-and-aft cabins. her engines were of 14 horse-power nominal. she plied on the shannon between limerick and kilrush. by 1818--six years after the completion of the _comet_--thirty-two steamers were running on the clyde, and some of these were sent ultimately for traffic on the coast and on other rivers.[21] the largest of these was of 112 tons, with engines of 40 nominal horse-power. the scotts had built many sailing craft for the clyde and belfast trade, for the glasgow and liverpool service, and for the liverpool and drogheda, and other coasting routes; and it was natural when steam was introduced that the same firm should supply the side-paddle boats. [illustration: plate viii. _from an old engraving._ early steamboats at greenock.] in three successive years--from 1819 to 1821--the largest steamer in the kingdom came from scotts' works. the record was marked in 1819 by the _waterloo_, of over 200 tons, with engines of 60 nominal horse-power; in 1820, by the _superb_ of 240 tons register, with engines of 72 nominal horse-power, which cost about £37 per ton, and steamed 9 miles per hour, using 1670 lb. of scotch coal per hour; and in 1821, by the _majestic_, of 345 tons register, with engines of 100 horse-power, which cost over £40 per ton, and steamed 10 miles per hour for a consumption of 2240 lb. of scotch coal. although the modern steamer is fifty times the size of these pioneers, with a cost per ton of less than one-fourth, and a fuel consumption per unit of work done of not more than a seventh, the records of these and other early ships are worthy of full reference. the advantage of steam navigation for channel service was at once recognised. a parliamentary return issued in 1815 showed that for the space of nine days in the previous year only one mail packet could sail between holyhead and dublin owing to adverse winds, and even then the average passage was twenty-four hours. lord kelvin, in his memorable address as chancellor of the university of glasgow, in 1905, recalled the fact that early in the century his father often took three or four days to cross from belfast to greenock in a smack, as she was frequently becalmed. with favourable winds, rapid passages were made, a revenue cutter occasionally doing the belfast and greenock run in ten hours. the greenock and belfast route was among the first around the coast to come under the influence of the mechanical system of propulsion. the _rob roy_, which was the outcome, so far as form of hull was concerned, of probably the first model experiments ever made--undertaken by david napier in the canal at camlachie[22]--was in 1818 the pioneer in the glasgow and belfast steam service, and later in the dover and calais steam service. there followed in 1819 three notable vessels from scotts' works: the _waterloo_,[23] the _robert bruce_, and the _sir william wallace_. the particulars and performances of these vessels, taken from contemporary records, principally the "greenock advertiser," which faithfully reported each incident in the development of the steamship, are especially interesting as illustrative of early work. the _waterloo_, which, as we have already said, was the largest steamer of her year (1819), had a beam equal to one-fifth of her length, the measurement between perpendiculars being 98 ft. 8 in. in addition to a large number of passengers, she carried under ordinary conditions a cargo of 100 tons, on a draught of 8 ft. 6 in. against 7 ft. 3 in. without cargo. three months were required, between the launch of the ship and her trials, for the fitting on board of engines each of 30 nominal horse-power, which gave her a speed of between 8 and 9 miles per hour. sails, however, were still carried to assist in driving the ship, and this vessel was of schooner rig. she inaugurated the steam service between belfast and liverpool. the _robert bruce_ was the first steamer to trade between the clyde and liverpool.[24] she was followed by the _sir william wallace_. both were built by the scotts, and had engines of 60 nominal horse-power. they began service in the summer of 1819; and the record of the maiden voyage of the former, in august, 1819, showed that two and a-half hours were occupied in the run from glasgow to greenock, about 22 miles; and within 26 hours thereafter the vessel took on her pilot at the north-west lightship outside the mersey bar. the return voyage was equally satisfactory. to quote again from contemporary records, "the passengers, both out and home, were so highly gratified with the performance of this vessel and their treatment on board that they unanimously expressed their entire satisfaction with captain paterson's exertions to render them comfortable and happy, their conviction of the seaworthiness of the vessel, and their admiration of the powers of the engines, capable of propelling so large a body at the rate of 7 knots per hour, in the face of a strong north-northwest wind and high sea for at least two-thirds of the way from liverpool, her rate thither being nearly 9 knots."[25] in 1820, the _superb_, of 240 tons and 72 horse-power, followed the _sir william wallace_, and marked a still further improvement. she had a copper boiler, and in the three cabins sleeping accommodation was provided for sixty-two passengers. she was "the finest, largest, and most powerful steam vessel in great britain.[26] the average duration of the passage from the clyde to liverpool did not exceed 30 hours." the _majestic_, also for the clyde and liverpool service, was built in 1821, and was 134 ft. 11 in. long between perpendiculars, 22 ft. 8 in. beam, and 14 ft. 5 in. depth, moulded. her draught, 10 ft. 6 in. forward and 12 ft. aft, was too great for the upper reaches of the clyde, and passengers were brought from glasgow to greenock in a tender. in her four cabins there was greatly-increased accommodation for the passengers. she was probably the first steamer with a sleeping apartment exclusively for ladies. the copper boiler worked at a pressure of 4 lb. per square inch, and the engines ran at 56 revolutions. the fares[27] to liverpool in those days were £2 15s., as compared with 11s. to-day; of course, very much better accommodation is now provided. the _city of glasgow_ was built in 1822 for the liverpool service. this vessel, which cost £15,000, had a speed of over 10 knots, and was reputed the fastest afloat. her length was 110 ft. 4 in., beam 22 ft. 4 in., and depth, moulded, 13 ft. she was arranged like the _majestic_, and the two were long the most important vessels in the clyde and liverpool trade. she was subsequently bought by mciver, and inaugurated the competition with the burns line, commenced in 1829.[28] the mciver and burns lines were subsequently combined. the scotts rendered similar service in the development of the mail route between holyhead and dublin. the first vessel built by them for this service was the _ivanhoe_, constructed in 1820. the steam service had been opened between these two ports in 1819 by the _talbot_, the first steamer fitted with feathering floats.[29] the _ivanhoe_,[30] a larger steamer than the _talbot_, was of 170 tons burden, her length between perpendiculars being 97 ft. 4 in., beam 19 ft., and depth, moulded, 14 ft. 6 in. she had various improvements in her machinery, which was of 60 nominal horse-power. she left scotts' yard in may, 1820, and made the voyage to howth (200 miles), in 26-1/2 hours. [illustration: plate ix. _from "the life of robert napier."_ the "city of glasgow." ] thus the scotts continued to improve on each successive ship, and to widen the area of their influence. the clyde continued to largely monopolise the industry of steam shipbuilding, and it was not until the summer of 1822 that a steamer--not built in scotland--appeared on the clyde. this was the _saint george_, from liverpool, and the _city of glasgow_, already referred to, her competitor in the liverpool trade, raced her and greatly excelled. one of the first steamers to trade in the mediterranean was the _superb_, sent thither in 1824, and the _trinacria_, also built by the scotts, followed in 1825. these ran between naples and palermo. the last-named vessel was 135 ft. long over-all, and 113 ft. 6 in. between perpendiculars, 39 ft. 6 in. broad over the paddle-box, and 21 ft. 10 in. net beam, 14 ft. deep (moulded), and of 300 tons burden. the vessel was especially well-equipped, and cost £15,000. the engines, the first manufactured by the scotts at their greenock foundry, were of 80 nominal horse-power, and the boilers, which were of copper, weighed 40 tons. the speed was 10 miles per hour. later this steamer became the _hylton joliffe_, and was employed by the general steam navigation company on their london and hamburg service. as to the yard in which these several vessels were built, suggestion is afforded of the state of efficiency by the following quotation from a history published in 1829.[31] "the building yard of messrs. scott and sons is allowed to be the most complete in britain, excepting those which belong to the crown. it has a fine extent of front from the west quay to the termination of the west burn, and has a large dry dock, which was altered lately to the plan of the new dock. all the stores and lofts are entirely walled in, and, independently of the building premises, they have an extensive manufactory of chain cables." the majority of the engines for these early steamers of the scotts were constructed by napier or cook, and were of the side-lever or beam type. in 1825, however, john scott, who had done so much for the progress of the firm, decided to commence building machinery, and acquired for £5000 the works which have since been developed into the well-known greenock foundry. this establishment was begun, although on a very small scale, about 1790,[32] and in its equipment, which was considered thoroughly efficient, there was included a large cupola. some idea is given of the extent of the establishment by reference to weir's "history of greenock" (1829), page 94, where it is stated that in the few years that had elapsed since the taking over of the works by the scotts "they have manufactured some splendid engines, and--what is more to be looked for than the appearance--they have wrought well. they have in hand the largest engine ever made, which is of a size of 200 horse-power, and is intended for a vessel building at bristol. the number of men employed amount to about two hundred and twenty, while the weekly distribution of wages is £180." as a contrast, it may be said here that there are now four thousand men in the works, earning per week over £5500 in wages, and that the scotts are engaged on the largest set of engines yet constructed by them--for h.m.s. _defence_. they are of 27,000 indicated horse-power, to give the immense armoured cruiser named, of 14,600 tons displacement, a speed of 23 knots. since 1825, the scotts have continued to do very satisfactory engine work, much of it of an original character, not only for vessels built for themselves, but for ships constructed on the thames and other english rivers, and also for the series of warships built for the british navy at their works, and for others constructed at the royal dockyards. this naval engine work began with h.m. ships _hecla_ and _hecate_, engined in 1838-9, and the first warships built in the dockyards to be sent to scottish works to receive machinery.[33] and here it may be noted, too, that the first warship built by the scotts was the _prince of wales_, in 1803, and also that the firm had the credit of building the first steam frigate constructed at clyde works for the british navy, h.m.s. _greenock_, launched in 1839. they also built the first compound engines fitted to a french warship. with these naval ships and engines we deal in our next chapter, and may therefore continue our narrative regarding merchant steamers. [illustration: a side-lever engine of 1831.] we reproduce on the preceding page a drawing illustrating an early type of engine built by the firm. this is an engine constructed in 1831. the steam cylinder is 52-1/4 in. in diameter, and the crank-shaft is actuated, through connecting-rods, from the ends of the levers operated by the piston-rod, while the air-pump is placed at the opposite ends of the levers. a different type of engine, constructed in the following year (1832), is illustrated on the facing page. in this case the cylinder operates the opposite end of the levers to that connected with the crank-shaft. in both engines the lever-gudgeon passes through the jet-condenser. the records we have given are historically interesting, because they tell of the beginnings of a great epoch in british shipping. we do not propose to follow in such detail subsequent steamships, built for other services, between london and aberdeen, the clyde and dublin, etc. the _city of aberdeen_, built in 1835 for the first-named, marked noteworthy progress. she measured 187 ft. over the figure-head, and was of 1800 tons, including the space for the machinery. her poop was 60 ft. long and 45 ft. broad. according to contemporary testimony, she was, in her day, the strongest steamer built, having solid frames from gunwale to gunwale. she had additional bracing with african oak stringers; oak and iron trussings alternately bolted to the stringers formed a complete system of diagonal fastenings and bindings from stem to stern. the whole of the cabins, saloons and state rooms, were on one deck, and there was the important innovation of hot and cold baths. the speed was 12 miles per hour.[34] the _jupiter_, of 439 tons and 210 horse-power, built in 1836 for the clyde and dublin trade, cost £20,000, and established a record in speed, making the voyage in sixteen hours six minutes, at the rate of 13 miles per hour; formerly the voyage took twenty-four hours. [illustration: an engine of 1832.] in the late 'thirties and the early 'forties there was a great development in oversea trading steamers, the clyde taking, then as now, the foremost place. several epoch-marking voyages had been made with the steam engine used intermittently. the _savannah_ had thus crossed the atlantic from the united states in 1819, and the _royal william_ from quebec in 1833. the barque _falcon_,[35] 84 ft. in length, and of 175 tons, had, on the voyage to india in 1835 utilised engines which, however, were removed on her arrival in our eastern dependency. later in the same year the _enterprise_, of 470 tons and 120 horse-power, also rounded the cape of good hope to india. in all these cases, however, sails were utilised whenever possible, and there was still great hesitancy in accepting the steam engine even as an alternative on occasions to the use of the "unbought wind." the advantage, however, of a rate of speed which, while low, would be constant, soon asserted itself, and there followed within a few years regular mail steamship services on the north and south atlantic oceans, in the mediterranean sea, in the indian ocean, and the china seas. in the beginning and development of these services the scotts took a prominent part. one of the first notable steamship lines to be organised for oversea service was that which ultimately became the peninsular and oriental company. it had its origin[36] in steamship service from falmouth to oporto, lisbon, cadiz, and gibraltar. four steamers were built in 1836-37: the _tagus_, _don juan_, _braganza_, and _iberia_. the first-named was built by the scotts, and the third was engined by them. these ultimately carried the mails as far as alexandria, whence they were conveyed overland to suez, and from thence by the east india company's vessels to bombay. this service developed into the peninsular and oriental service, when, in 1840, the company took over the mail service on the indian ocean; in 1847 they extended their operations to china. the overland service continued until the suez canal was opened in 1869, and many of the vessels for the mediterranean service, as well as for the eastern route, were built by the scotts. [illustration: plate x. scotts' first p. and o. liner, the "tagus."] the _tagus_,[37] which was thus amongst the first of the p. and o. steamers, was built in 1837. she had a length of 182.1 ft., a beam of 26 ft., and a depth of 17 ft. 4 in., the burden tonnage being 709 tons. when carrying 265 tons of coal in her bunkers and 300 tons of cargo, the draught was 14 ft. 6 in. the side-lever engines which were fitted to her had a cylinder 62 in. in diameter, with a 5-ft. 9-in. stroke, developed 286 horse-power, and operated paddle-wheels 23 ft. 6 in. in diameter. two of the other early steamers, the _jupiter_ and the _montrose_, were also constructed by the scotts. the conveyance of cargo and passengers across the isthmus of suez not only involved inconvenience and expense, but was a cause of great delay. there was still, however, a strong prejudice against steamships being utilised for long sea voyages, partly because of vested interests in sailing ships. sir john ross, c.b., who, in 1818 and in 1829 to 1833, made arctic explorations, was one of the strongest advocates for a service to india by way of the cape of good hope; and, in order to establish the feasibility of the undertaking, made experiments with the _city of glasgow_, built by the scotts in 1821. this vessel, of 283 tons, had in the interval been fitted with new boilers, with special safety appliances, and they worked at 4-lb. pressure; they gave the high evaporation in those days of 9 lb. of water per pound of coal.[38] this vessel made the trip from london bridge to the lightship off spithead (246 miles) in thirty-one hours five minutes, on a consumption of 6 lb. of fuel per indicated horse-power per hour. these facts were utilised by sir john ross in his advocacy of the route, and a new company was formed, under his chairmanship, in 1837. the first vessel of the fleet, named the _india_, was built and engined by the scotts, and was a few years later transferred to the peninsular and oriental company. the _india_, launched in 1839, was the largest steamer built on the clyde up to that date, being 206 ft. 6 in. long, 30 ft. 9 in. beam, or 48 ft. wide over the paddle-boxes. the gross tonnage was 1206 tons. accommodation was provided for eighty cabin passengers, and provision made for 400 tons of cargo. a feature of her construction was the provision of two strong bulkheads of iron across the engine-room, in order to avoid accidental outbreak of fire, and also to prevent water from a leak in one part spreading to another.[39] this was probably the beginning--nearly seventy years ago--of the system of division by watertight bulkheads, now universal. its compulsory adoption was advocated by the institution of naval architects in 1866, and enforced by lloyds in 1882, and by the board of trade in 1890. the machinery was of 320 horse-power, and had surface-condensers. the _india_ was launched on the anniversary of the birth of james watt, and a salute of twenty-one guns was fired as the vessel left the ways. five other steamers were built for the service, and the voyage took from fifty-five to sixty days, as compared with the one hundred and thirteen days occupied by the _enterprise_. a monthly service was thus rendered possible. at the same time the scotts built steam vessels for the coasting trade of india and of south africa. the type of machinery in use at this period is illustrated on the opposite page. this particular engine was constructed in 1838. the piston was connected to one end of the side-levers, while the crank was operated from the other. the paddle-wheel of this engine was 25 ft. 0-1/2 in. in diameter, with seventeen floats. for about thirty years this was the standard type of marine engine for paddle steamers. the gothic architectural design for the main framing was gradually abandoned for something less ornamental and perhaps more mechanical. [illustration: type of side-lever engine of 1840.] the royal west india mail company's service, still one of the best known of british lines, was commenced in 1841. some of the steamers were purchased, but amongst those built originally for the service was the _dee_ by the scotts. she was 213 ft. 9 in. long, 30 ft. 4 in. beam, and 30 ft. in depth, the burden tonnage being 1848 tons. on a draught of 17 ft. 6 in. she carried 700 tons of cargo; and, as with most of the oversea liners of the period, the average speed was only about 8 knots. the voyage of 13,650 miles occupied then one hundred and nine days, including stoppages; and the consumption of fuel was 25-1/2 tons per day. the engines, which had cylinders 73 in. in diameter with a stroke of 7 ft., were of 450 horse-power, driving side paddle-wheels 28 ft. 6 in. in diameter.[40] in the thirty years from the first commercial british steamer, the _comet_, there had not been much advance in the steam engine, excepting in size, power, and, perhaps, reliability. wood had continued to be the constructive material for all but the smallest ships. the size of vessels had grown steadily to the 1848 tons of the west indian mail liner, which started regular steamship service almost contemporaneously with the inauguration of the atlantic mail line by the cunard company in 1840. speeds on service, even on the shortest routes, were seldom over 13 knots, and on the long routes under 8 knots. but this was in excess of the average attained by all but exceptionally fast clippers. the table on the opposite page shows the progress made in thirty years. table i.--epoch-marking steamers built by the scotts, 1819 to 1841. -----+------------------+--------+---------+-------+----------------- year.| name. |tonnage.| horse |speed | remarks. | | |power.[a]|(miles | | | | | per | | | | | hour).| -----+------------------+--------+---------+-------+----------------- 1819 | _waterloo_ | 200 | 60 | 9 |largest steamer of | | | | | 1819. | | | | | 1820 | _superb_ | 240 | 72 | 9 |largest steamer of | | | | | 1820. | | | | | 1821 | _majestic_ | 345 | 100 | 10 |largest steamer of | | | | | 1821. | | | | | 1835 |_city of aberdeen_| ... | 200 | 12 |strongest steamer | | | | | of 1835. | | | | | 1836 | _jupiter_ | 439 | 210 | 13 |record speed | | | | | 1837 | _tagus_ | 709 | 286 | 10 |largest constructed | | | | | on clyde, 1837, | | | | | and an early | | | | | p. and o. liner. | | | | | 1839 | _india_ | 1206 | 320 | 10 |first steamer to | | | | | india _viâ_ the | | | | | cape and the first | | | | | indian liner. | | | | | 1841 | _dee_ | 1848 | 450 | 10 |first royal west | | | | | india mail liner. -----+------------------+--------+---------+-------+-----------------[a] it is difficult to determine in all cases the basis on which horse-power was computed. the figures given represent nominal horse-power, and in sennett and oram's "marine steam engine" (page 3), the indicated horse-power is, for this early period, recorded as 1.8 times the nominal horse-power. we enter now upon the period when iron took the place of timber as a constructional material. it was first used in part in the construction, on the banks of the monkland canal as far back as 1818, of a canal barge named the _vulcan_, a vessel which continued at work for over sixty years.[41] but the first vessel built entirely of iron was a small craft constructed in 1821 in england. it was not, however, until 1832 that the first sea-going vessel was built of this metal. progress in the adoption of iron was slow, largely because timber had proved so serviceable, and, with lessened restriction upon its importation, had become much cheaper. it was not until the higher strength and greater ductility of steel were demonstrated in the 'eighties that timber was finally superseded. the last wooden ship built by the scotts was completed in 1859. the firm built several of the early atlantic liners, and we reproduce on page 32, as a further step in the development of the steam engine, a drawing showing the double-gear engines constructed early in the 'fifties for an iron screw steamer of 1190 tons, built for the glasgow and new york service. this engine was pronounced at the time "the most compact specimen of its type then in existence,"[42] for although the power developed was 250 horse-power, and the ship was 260 ft. in length, only 12 ft. 6 in. of the fore-and-aft length was taken up by the machinery. "every weight was well balanced, the working parts were clear and open, and the combined whole was stable, firm, and well bound together." the cylinders were 52 in. in diameter, were arranged diagonally, and worked at right angles to each other, with a stroke of 3 ft. 9 in. the piston-rods projected through the lower covers, to allow of long return connecting-rods. each cylinder had two piston-rods, for greater steadiness, their outer ends in each case being keyed into a crosshead, fitted at each end with slide-blocks, working in a pair of inclined open guide-frames, bolted to the bottom cylinder cover, and supported beneath by projecting bracket-pieces, recessed and bolted down upon pedestal pieces on the engine sole-plate. from each end of this crosshead, immediately outside the guide-frame, a plain straight connecting-rod of round section passed up to actuate the main first-motion shaft. the upper ends of the connecting-rods were jointed to side-studs, or crank-pins, fixed in two opposite arms of a pair of large spur-wheels, which gave motion to the screw-shaft by means of a pair of corresponding spur-pinions, fixed on the shaft. [illustration: double-geared engine for early atlantic liner.] the main spur-wheels were 11 ft. 5-1/2 in. in diameter, and the pinions on the screw-shaft 4 ft. 6 in.; so that the screw propeller made 2-1/2 revolutions to each rotation of the engine. the arrangement ensured that each piston was directly coupled to both of the large wheels, and the increased length of the crossheads, which the plan involved, was counterbalanced by the effect of the double piston-rods, for by this division of the pressure the cross-strain leverage was proportionately diminished. the use of steam expansively in multiple-cylinder engines was, however, the most important factor in the development of the steamship during the latter half of the nineteenth century.[43] with low steam pressures and simple engines the coal consumption, even for moderate-sized ships, was a serious item in a long sea voyage; and, early in the 'fifties, engineers, recognising the economy which would result from a successful compounding of steam, tackled the problems of steam-generation plant to enable the necessary high initial pressure to be developed with safety. john elder had fitted several ships, but was, for a long time, content with an initial pressure of from 50 lb. to 60 lb. per square inch. the late john scott, c.b., was so convinced of the economy of steam at higher pressures in the compound system that he decided to build, largely at his own expense, a vessel which would enable him to put the system to a thorough test. this steamer, constructed of iron in 1858, was the _thetis_, which was, undoubtedly, an epoch-marking ship, as her machinery was operated at an initial pressure of 115 lb. to the square inch--exceptionally high for those days. for the first time, surface condensers were used in association with the compound marine engine. there were, as shown on plate xi., facing page 36, six cylinders, arranged in two groups, each with one highand two low-pressure cylinders. the three pistons of each group worked one crosshead, connecting-rod, and crank. each group had two slide-valves, one for the high-pressure and one for the low-pressure cylinders, and both were attached to one valve spindle and one reversing link.[44] the engines worked up to 51 revolutions per minute--equal to a piston speed of 255 ft. per minute--and the maximum indicated horse-power was 256. the engines were tried by the late professor macquorn rankine, f.r.s., who certified that the coal consumption on trial was 1.018 lb. per indicated horse-power per hour: an extraordinary result, even in the light of modern improvements.[45] a large part of this efficiency was due to the boilers, which were of the rowan water-tube type, and are illustrated on the opposite page. they had square vertical water-tubes, and through each of these there passed four hot-gas tubes. they evaporated 11 lb. of water per pound of coal, which was 30 per cent. higher than was attained with the best marine boilers of those days. the coal consumption at sea was about 1.86 lb. per indicated horse-power per hour. unfortunately, there soon developed small holes in the boiler-tubes, owing to erosion of the external surface, probably the consequence of the chemical action set up by the steam for cleaning the tubes mixing with the soot and other deposit.[46] although for this reason this early water-tube boiler did not succeed, there is no doubt that the performances suggested improvements which have since brought complete success to this system of boiler. at the same time, the efficiency of high steam pressures was completely established and resulted in very considerable progress in the size and power of steamships. [illustration: a pioneer in water-tube boilers.] another innovation which suggested future developments was the fitting at the base of the funnel in the _thetis_ of a series of water-tubes for the purpose of utilising the waste heat from the boilers to evaporate water for subsequent condensation to make up the boiler feed. the time was not ripe for such a utilisation of the waste gases--the heat was insufficient to generate the required steam--but now various schemes are applied for absorbing the waste heat in the uptake to heat air for furnace draught and to superheat steam. a number of water-tube boilers were made, and a set was fitted into a corvette built for the french navy. this vessel, completed in the early 'sixties, was the first ship in the french fleet to be driven by compound engines, and will fall to be described with other vessels in our next chapter, dealing with the work of a century for the navy. perhaps the most significant indication of the success of the scott compound engine is found in the results of its application to the early holt steamers. alfred holt commenced trading with the west indies in 1855, while his brother, george holt, became associated with lamport in the river plate trade in 1865. both lines continue among the most successful in british shipping. the holt steam line to china was commenced in 1865, and was the only one _viâ_ the cape of good hope which proved at once successful. built and engined by the scotts, the early holt liners, starting from liverpool, never stopped till they reached mauritius, a distance of 8500 miles, being under steam the whole way, a feat until then considered impossible.[47] thence the vessels proceeded to penang, singapore, hong kong, and shanghai. unaided by any government grants, they performed this long voyage with great regularity. [illustration: plate xi. high-pressure machinery in the "thetis."] the three vessels which inaugurated the very successful holt line were named _agamemnon_, _ajax_, and _achilles_, and were built of iron by the scotts in 1865-6. they were each 309 ft. in length between perpendiculars, 38 ft. 6 in. beam, and 29 ft. 8 in. in depth, with a gross tonnage of 2347 tons--dimensions which were then deemed too great for the china trade, but which experience soon proved to be most satisfactory. sails were fitted to the vessels, as shown in the engraving on the plate facing page 40. alfred holt was the first to apply the compound engine to long voyages, and his vessels were the earliest of the type built for the merchant service by the scotts. it is true the pacific company had compound engines fitted to one or two ships prior to this, but these were only used in the coasting trade. the engines of these holt liners are therefore of historical interest, and general drawings are reproduced on the next page and on plate xii. a feature in these liners was that the propeller was abaft the rudder, which worked in an aperture in the deadwood corresponding to that for the propeller in single-screw modern ships. a detailed description from the specification of the machinery may be reproduced, as it indicates the practice of the scotts for a considerable time. indeed, this type of compound engine, with slight modifications, was the standard engine for holt liners until the advent of the triple-expansion engine. the details follow:- the cylinders were: high-pressure, 30 in. in diameter; low-pressure, 62 in. in diameter, with 4 ft. 4 in. stroke, arranged vertically in tandem fashion, with the low-pressure cylinder on the top. there were two connecting-rods, but a common crosshead for the tandem cylinders, and a common crankpin. the crankshaft was 13-1/2 in. in diameter, with a bearing 30 in. long at the aft end of the bedplate, which took the propeller thrust. the propeller was three-bladed, 17 ft. in diameter, with 26 ft. 6 in. pitch; with 46 revolutions per minute the piston speed was 400 ft. per minute. to ensure smooth working with the single crank, a heavy flywheel was fitted, and the pump levers carried a massive weight to help to balance the weight of pistons and rods. [illustration: the machinery of the "achilles."] the condenser had 420 tubes 1-1/2 in. in diameter, giving a cooling surface of 1375 square feet. the tubes were arranged in three nests, the water circulating through the top one first and the bottom one last. the circulating pump, instead of forcing water through the tubes, as was usual in such case, sucked from the condenser and discharged directly overboard. there were: one air pump, 24 in. in diameter; one circulating pump, 24 in. in diameter; two feed pumps, 4-3/4 in. in diameter; and one bilge pump 7 in. in diameter: all the pumps were single-acting, with 17 in. stroke. the diameters of the principal pipes were: main steam, 7-1/2 in.; to low-pressure cylinder, 12 in.; circulating inlet, 10 in.; discharge, 12 in.; air-pump discharge, 10 in.; main feed, 3-3/4 in.; and waste steam, two at 6 in. in diameter. the two boilers were double-ended, of the locomotive type, with wet-bottomed furnaces. the centre was cylindrical, but the ends were rectangular with semi-cylindrical tops, the total weight, without water, being 78 tons. each boiler had a long receiver passing through the uptake to dry the steam. on the receiver was a deadweight safety-valve 6-1/4 in. in diameter, to suit a working pressure of 60 lb. per square inch. the grate surface was 112 square feet, and the total heating surface 4506 square feet, there being 328 iron tubes 4 in. in diameter. [illustration: plate xii. general arrangement of the machinery of the "achilles."] the three pioneer ships of the holt line--the _agamemnon_, _ajax_, and _achilles_--proved most economical. the _achilles_ came home from china in fifty-seven days eighteen hours, net steaming time, or, including the stoppages at ports, sixty-one days three hours. she travelled during this period a distance of 12,352 miles, on a consumption of coal which did not exceed 20 tons per day for all purposes,[48] equal to 2-1/4 lb. per unit of power per hour, which for those early days, with comparatively low steam pressures, must be regarded as a highly satisfactory result. the non-stop voyage between liverpool and mauritius was made as early as 1866 in thirty-seven days, equal to 10 knots, with a number of passengers and a fair cargo. the higher economy established for the compound engine on long voyages resulted in the ultimate supersession of the sailing ship.[49] thus the scotts, while still enjoying the credit of the splendid performance of the _lord of the isles_ in the early 'sixties, produced at their foundry the holt compound engine, which sounded the death-knell of the clipper. the compound system had at once an influence on the size of ships. up till 1862 no ship of over 4000 tons had been constructed, with the exception of the _great eastern_; by 1870 there were fifteen; by 1880, thirty-seven.[50] the scotts, aided by holt, continued their research towards higher economy, and a large fleet of steamers was built, with engines having flywheels which, it was found by experience, considerably improved the economy up to a certain stage, although with increased pressure the proportion of saving was not commensurate with the weight of the wheel, and the three-cylinder three-crank engine was ultimately adopted. the scotts throughout the century continued to have a close association with the china trade, constructing a long series of successful steamers for the holt company and for other lines, with services from britain to the far east, and carried out very extensive work in the building up of the coasting trade of asia and oceania. for the holt line alone there have been constructed by the scotts forty-eight steamers, aggregating 148,353 tons; while the propelling machinery of these represents 19,500 nominal horse-power. for the india and china services there have, in the past fifty years, been completed over one hundred and thirty steamers. the china navigation company, limited, was formed in 1873 by messrs. john swire and sons, of london, for trading in china, and the first steamers built for them by the scotts were two vessels of 1200 tons gross, completed in 1876. since then the scotts' yard has practically never been without a vessel for one or other branch of the eastern trade, and particularly for the china navigation company, which runs steamers from china as far south as australia, as far west as the straits, and as far north as vladivostock and the amur river. they also have ships trading up the yangtsze kiang to ichang, 1000 miles from the sea, where the rapids prevent navigation farther into the interior. for this service the twin-screw steamer was adopted in 1878, much earlier than in many other trades, largely owing to the strong advocacy of the late john scott, c.b. up to that time most of the yangtsze steamers were propelled by paddle-wheels driven by walking-beam engines. the first of the twin-screw steamers was built in 1878--a vessel of 3051 tons gross--and there has been constructed since then a long succession of very serviceable steamers. for this line alone, sixty-four vessels have been constructed by the scotts, the aggregate tonnage being 115,600 tons, while the nominal horse-power of the propelling machinery fitted to these vessels is 15,000 horse-power. [illustration: plate xiii. the "achilles" of 1865 off gravesend.] but having in our brief historical sketch come to times within the recollection of the reader, it may be more satisfactory to depart from the purely chronological review of the company's operations, and to offer rather an analysis of the progress made, deferring a description of typical modern steamers for a separate chapter. the direct-acting vertical engine, with inverted cylinders, almost as we know it to-day, and as illustrated in connection with the work of the twentieth century, was introduced in the late 'fifties. the compound engine, introduced in 1854, was developed into the triple-expansion system in 1882, and later into the quadruple-expansion type; but this latter has not been much adopted, only some 3 per cent. of the vessels registered at lloyds being so fitted. this is in a large measure due to the satisfactory economy attained with triple-expansion engines. as to the progress made, table ii., giving average results at different periods, is instructive.[51] table ii.--progress in the economy of the marine engine, 1872 to 1901. -------------------------------------------+-----+-----+------+----- |1872.|1881.|1890. | 1901. -------------------------------------------+-----+-----+------+----- boiler pressure in pounds per square inch |52.4 |77.4 |158.5 | 197 coal consumption in pounds per indicated | | | | horse-power per hour | 2.11| 1.83| 1.52 | 1.48 consumption on prolonged sea voyages in | | | | pounds per indicated horse-power per hour |... | 2 | 1.75 | 1.55 piston speed in feet per minute |376 |467 |529 | 654 -------------------------------------------+-----+-----+------+-----the advance of the century may be popularly expressed by stating that, whereas in the first coasting steamships built by the scotts the fuel consumed in carrying 1 ton of cargo for 100 miles was 224 lb., the expenditure to-day is from 4 lb. to 5 lb. the economy of the steam engine has accounted, as is shown in the table, for a considerable part of this improvement. but, at the same time, the growth in the size of ships has enabled the normal speed of 10 knots to be realised, with an addition to engine power of much less ratio than the increase in the capacity of the steamer. as to speed, recent progress has been most marked in the navy, and it is therefore fitting that here we should direct our attention to naval work. [illustration: decoration] [illustration: plate xiv. model of h.m.s. "prince of wales," 1803.] footnotes: [17] woodcroft's "steam navigation," page 20, etc. [18] woodcroft's "steam navigation," page 54. [19] deas' "treatise on the improvements and progress of trade on the river clyde" (1873), page 24. [20] muirhead's "life of watt," pages 428 and 429. [21] williamson's "clyde passenger steamers," pages 348 to 351. [22] james napier's "life of robert napier," page 21. [23] this was the second of the name--a favourite one after the duke of wellington's great victory, and gave rise to the following poetic effusion:- and now amid the reign of peace, art's guiding stream we ply; that makes our wheels, like whirling reels, o'er yielding water fly. as our heroes drove their foes that strove against the bonnets blue; on every side the waves divide before the _waterloo_. --millar's "clyde from source to sea," page 179. [24] millar in "lecture on naval architecture and marine engineering at glasgow exhibition, 1880-81," page 138. [25] "greenock advertiser," august 6th, 1819. [26] "steamboat companion" for 1820. [27] millar, "on the rise and progress of steam navigation." lectures at the glasgow exhibition (1880-81), page 138. [28] hodder's "life of sir george burns, bart.," page 161. [29] williamson's "clyde passenger steamers," page 32. [30] lindsay's "history of merchant shipping," vol. iii., pages 78 to 80. [31] weir's "history of greenock," page 89. [32] williamson's "memorials of james watt" (1856) page 228. [33] "greenock advertiser," july 5th, 1839. [34] "greenock advertiser," february 5th and may 25th, 1835. [35] fincham's "history of naval architecture," page 294. [36] sir thomas sutherland, in the "pocket book of the p. and o. company" (1890), page 15. [37] fincham's "history of naval architecture," page 235. [38] sir john ross's "steam communication to india by the cape of good hope" (1838), page 31. [39] "greenock advertiser," january 22nd, 1839. [40] fincham's "history of naval architecture," pages 320 and 321. [41] lindsay's "merchant shipping," vol. iv., page 86. [42] "practical mechanic's journal," vol. i., 1853. [43] the number of steam vessels belonging to the united kingdom in 1849 was only 1142, of 158,729 tons; sweden, which was second among the nations of the world, had only about one-tenth of this tonnage.--porter's "progress of the nation," page 626. [44] holmes' "marine engineering," page 74. [45] rankine's "steam engine," page 502. [46] "transactions of the institution of naval architects," vol. xxviii., page 141; and vol. xxx., page 278. [47] lindsay's "merchant shipping," vol. iv., page 434. [48] "proceedings of the institution of naval architects," vol. xi., page 152. [49] lindsay's "merchant shipping," vol. iv., page 435. [50] pollock's "modern shipbuilding, and the men engaged in it," page 199. [51] "proceedings of the institution of mechanical engineers" (1901), page 608. [illustration: decoration] a century's work for the navy. [illustration: decoration] the work for the navy by the scotts began with the building, in 1803, of a sloop-of-war named _the prince of wales_; a photograph from the model of this vessel is reproduced on plate xiv. since the construction of this ship the firm have carried out several important admiralty contracts, including the first machinery manufactured in scotland for a dockyard-built ship, the first steam frigate built in the north, and several later ships, with their engines; the most recent order being for the machinery of the armoured cruiser _defence_, of 14,600 tons displacement, and 27,000 indicated horse-power, to give a speed of 23 knots. the progress demonstrated by a contrast between the small sloop-of-war and this latest powerfully-armed and well-protected high-speed cruiser, is a record of research and invention, not only on the part of the naval architect, but also of the chemist, the metallurgist, and the engineer; the triumph is greater than that reviewed in the case of the merchant marine. great speed has been achieved, notwithstanding that the problems to be solved in its attainment have been intensified by the limitations in the size of the ship in order to minimise the target presented to the enemy's fire, and by the necessity of providing for heavy armour, armament, and ammunition in the displacement weight. when a comparison is made of the navy ships at the beginning of the nineteenth century with those of a hundred years earlier, it is found that little progress had been made, either in design or in gun-power. the largest vessel in 1700 was of 1809 tons burden, with a hundred guns. a century later, the size had increased only to 2600 tons, with a hundred and twenty guns.[52] but even this was an exceptionally large vessel. the british ships were, as a rule, smaller, and perhaps slower, than the french ships; but then--as now and always--skill in strategy, courage in combat, and devotion to duty were the most powerful factors in action. no fault in these respects could be found with the work of our navy in the various engagements which terminated in the epoch-marking victory in trafalgar bay. the peace following the napoleonic wars was not conducive to advancement, as there was little incentive to pursue the sciences which contributed to the development of destructive weapons. steam as a motive power and iron as a constructive material were not so readily adopted in the navy ship as in the merchant marine. progress in the utilisation of iron was not continuous. the first application of steam was belated, and its popularity was not unalloyed. [illustration: plate xv. _from an old engraving._ the launch of the first clyde-built steam frigate "greenock," 1849.] the admiralty ordered their first ship of iron in 1839--a small, non-fighting boat for the dover station--and there followed other vessels for the exploration of the river niger. but the first iron fighting ship was not built until 1843. in 1848-9 the scotts constructed the iron steam frigate _greenock_, the largest iron warship of her day, and the first steam frigate built on the clyde. the over-all length of this vessel was 213 ft., the beam 37 ft. 4 in., and the depth of hold 23 ft. she was of 1413 tons burden, and carried ten 32-pounder smooth-bore muzzle-loading guns. the illustration on plate xv. is a reproduction from an old engraving of the launch of the vessel. it is a noteworthy feature that the figure-head was a bust of john scott, the second of that name. this compliment by the naval authorities of the time was well merited, as he did much not only for the advance of naval architecture, but also for the development of greenock. as a writer of the day put it, this vessel was the _experimentum crucis_ of the principle of constructing fighting ships of iron.[53] by 1850 there were six large iron vessels, ranging downwards from the 1980 tons of the eighteen-gun ship _simoon_, with eleven smaller vessels; but they were all condemned, because it was found by experiment[54] that the 32-pounder gun at short range could perforate the side of the iron ship, and that the projectile carried its "cloud of langrage" with great velocity into the interior of the ship, so that men could not stand against it. tests were also made with sixteen wrought-iron plates superposed, to give a total thickness of 6 in., but these also were perforated by the 32-pounder projectiles at 400 yards range; so that the adoption of iron on the main structure of the ship was practically delayed until armour-plates were first rolled in 1859. the obstacle to the adoption of steam was the unsuitability of paddle-wheel machinery for fighting ships. the wheel was exposed to gun-fire, and the whole of the machinery could not be located below the water line. moreover, the side wheel limited the number of guns which could be utilised for broadside fire. the first steam craft ordered by the admiralty was a small vessel of 210 tons and 80 nominal horse-power, built in london in 1820.[55] several other non-fighting steamships followed. by 1837, the largest steam vessel in the fleet was a sloop of 1111 tons and 320 horse-power.[56] in 1839 five steam vessels were built, and two of them--the _hecate_ and _hecla_--were engined by the scotts. these wooden steamers were the first naval vessels sent to scotland to have their machinery fitted on board. they were of 817 tons and 250 horse-power. the paddle-wheels had a diameter of 25 ft. 1/2 in., and there were seventeen floats. the main engines, illustrated on page 29, represent the type adopted, not only in the naval, but in the merchant service of this time. the steam pressure was then about 3 lb. per square inch. on plate xvi. we illustrate the general arrangement of the machinery in the _hecate_ and _hecla_. there were four boilers of the rectangular type, each with two wet-bottomed furnaces at one end and large return flues at the other end. the uptakes passed up inside the boilers through the steam space, uniting in one funnel. smith's screw-propeller was tried experimentally in 1837, and ericsson's about the same time. the comparative trials of the _archimedes_ fitted with smith's screw against existing paddle-steamers did much to prove the efficiency of the new system.[57] the screw-ship excelled the performance of paddle-steamers on the service, and the screw-propeller was adopted by the admiralty in 1845; twin-screws followed twenty-five years later. [illustration: plate xvi. machinery of h.m.ss. "hecla" and "hecate," 1839.] the _greenock_, built in 1848, was the first war vessel by the scotts fitted with the screw-propeller. we have already referred to her construction in iron, and to her launch. she had a displacement of 1835 tons, and her engines were of 719 indicated horse-power. the speed realised on the trial was 9.6 knots. the _greenock's_ machinery, which is illustrated on the next page, is specially interesting, as it represents one of the earliest attempts to drive the screw-propeller by gearing. two horizontal cylinders were fitted, each 71 in. in diameter, with a stroke of piston of 4 ft. the gearing consisted of four sets of massive spur-wheels and pinions, in the ratio of 2.35 to 1, so that 42 revolutions per minute of the engines give 98.7 revolutions to the propeller-shaft. the propeller was 14 ft. in diameter, and was so fitted that it could be detached and raised to the deck. there were four rectangular brass-tube boilers, each with four wet-bottomed furnaces, and all the internal uptakes united in one funnel, which was telescopic, so that when it was lowered and the propeller raised out of the water, the vessel had the appearance, as well as the facility, of a sailing frigate. as will be seen from the drawings, both the engines and boilers were arranged very low in the hull, to be safe from the enemy's fire. the engine and boiler compartment occupied 72 ft. of the length of the ship--about one-third of the total length--and the seating for the machinery was specially constructed, with a very close pitch of frames which were only 1 ft. apart. for comparison with the drawings of the machinery in the _greenock_, we give on page 49 a similar drawing of the machinery of the _canopus_, of 12,956 tons displacement, seven times that of the _greenock_. to double the speed, the power of machinery had to be multiplied twenty times, and yet the space occupied is only about trebled. [illustration: machinery of h.m.s. "greenock," 1848.] [illustration: machinery of h.m.s. "canopus," 1900.] in 1850 the largest of the steam vessels in the navy[58] had a displacement of 3090 tons, but the most noted was the _dauntless_, of 2350 tons displacement, with engines of 1347 indicated horse-power to give a speed of 10 knots. it is true that there were three smaller vessels of greater speed, one of 196 tons steaming 11.9 knots; but this was the highest rate reached in the navy service. by this time some of the fast mail steamers made 13-1/2 knots. these latter were suited for war service, but we have already dealt with them. following the adoption of the screw-propeller in warships came the abandonment of gearing for the engines. for many years various forms of horizontal engine were used; first with return-connecting rods, and subsequently with direct-acting rods. steam pressures steadily increased, largely owing to stronger materials being available. it was, however, not until the 'seventies that the cylindrical boiler, the compound engine, and the surface condenser admitted of an increase to 60 lb. per square inch[59]--several years after these improvements had been introduced in the merchant marine. the scotts had worked steadily at the solution of the problem from their trials with the _thetis_ in 1858 (see page 34 _ante_). in 1860 the late john scott, c.b., laid before the admiralty a system of water-tube boilers and compound engines, but objection was raised to the system. the french naval authorities, with whom the scotts then had close business connection, took up the scheme, largely because of the favour with which it was viewed by m. dupuy de lôme, the head of the department. the first ship fitted was a corvette of 650 tons displacement; the boilers worked at a pressure of 140 lb., while the initial pressure at the compound three-cylinder engines was 120 lb. these were the first engines of the compound type in the french navy. [illustration: plate xvii. _from a photograph by symonds and co., portsmouth._ h.m.s. "thrush," 1889.] the scotts were at the time building engines for four corvettes under construction at the woolwich and deptford yards for the british navy; and the admiralty agreed to have fitted in one of them water-tube boilers and engines similar to those built for the french boats. the boilers may be said to have belonged to the same general type as the thornycroft and normand water-tube steam generators. it was subsequently found impossible, however, to ensure that the top of the boilers should be at least 1 ft. under the load-line--a condition then enforced in steam vessels for the navy--and the adoption of the water-tube boiler was deferred, the ordinary machinery of the period being fitted to work at 25-lb. pressure instead of 120-lb.[60] this was unfortunate, as it removed the incentive to continued research needed to make the water-tube boiler a really satisfactory steam generator. the scotts, however, continued to work for the successful application of high pressures, and it was this that brought them into contact with the late mr. samson fox, with whom they were closely identified for many years in connection with the development of the corrugated flue and the cylindrical steam boiler. opinion being adverse to the water-tube boiler, notwithstanding its acceptance by many foreign navies, there was a strong agitation fostered by engineers to induce the societies for the registry of shipping, and also the board of trade, to increase the ratio of the working to the test, pressure in boilers. the british admiralty allowed the boiler to be worked up to within 90 lb. of the test pressure, whereas in the merchant service the working pressure was limited to one-half of the test pressure. in 1888 the scotts, being convinced that the admiralty system afforded quite a satisfactory factor of safety, undertook the experiment of submitting a warship boiler, then being built by them to admiralty specification, to the highest possible pressure, even up to bursting-point. the boiler ultimately leaked to such an extent, after the pressure had been maintained for a long period at 620 lb. per square inch, that it was not considered necessary to proceed further. the stresses at this stage worked out to 48,130 lb. per square inch; and the result proved that there was some justification for a reduction in the minimum scantlings of the shells of marine boilers to, at least, the scale adopted by the admiralty.[61] these suggestive experiments were carried out in connection with the boilers constructed in 1888-9 for two war vessels built by the scotts. these vessels were the _sparrow_ and the _thrush_. at the same time, the scotts engined two other vessels of the same type, constructed at the royal dockyards. a view is given on plate xvii. of the _thrush_, which was commanded by h.r.h. the prince of wales on the north american and west indian stations in 1891. she was a vessel of composite build, of 805 tons displacement, with machinery of 1200 horse-power, to give a speed of 13 knots; but, as is shown by the illustration, she was fitted as a three-masted schooner, and utilised her sails when the wind was favourable. in this respect, she marks the transition stage between the days of the sailing craft and the modern ship, depending entirely on steam for propulsion. indication is afforded of the progress towards this transformation by table iii. on the opposite page, which shows the improvement in economy in the machinery of warships at various stages in their development. [illustration: plate xviii. engines of h.m.s. "thrush," 1889.] the figures in the table are average results rather than highest attainments during the periods. for 1890-95 we have taken the _barfleur_, the engines of which were constructed by the scotts in 1894; whilst the particulars for 1895-1900 refer to the _canopus_, engined by them in 1900. in 1902 they also supplied the machinery for the battleship _prince of wales_, and commenced the construction of the armoured cruiser _argyll_. but before referring in detail to these latter ships, we may briefly review the advances in applied mechanics, metallurgy and chemistry, which have contributed largely to the perfection of these modern fighting ships in respect of offensive and defensive qualities. table iii. progressive types of warship machinery, and their economy, 1840 to 1905. ------------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- |1840 to 1855.|1855 to 1875.|1875 to 1890. | | | ------------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- type of boiler | rectangular | rectangular | single-ended | box | box | cylindrical | | | steam pressure per | 3 lb. | 25 lb. | 90 lb. square inch | to 4 lb | | | | | coal consumption per | 7 lb. | 4 lb. | 2-1/2 lb. indicated horse-power | | to 5 lb. | per hour | | | | | | type of engine | geared | simple | three | screw | horizontal | cylinder | | surface | compound | | condensing | | | | piston speed in feet | 220 | 500 to 600 | 750 per minute | | | | | | weight of machinery per | 10 cwt. | 3 cwt. | 3 cwt. indicated horse-power | | to 5 cwt. | per minute | | | | | | speed of ship | 8 to 9 | 14 | 16 | knots | knots | knots ------------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- ------------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- |1890 to 1895. |1895 to 1900.|1900 to 1905. | [a] | [b] | [c] ------------------------+--------------+-------------+------------ type of boiler | single-ended | belleville | water-tube | cylindrical | water-tube | | | | steam pressure per | 155 lb. | 300 lb. | 300 lb. square inch | | | | | | coal consumption per | 2 lb. | 1.8 lb. | 1.8 lb. indicated horse-power | | | per hour | | | | | | type of engine | three | three | four | cylinder | cylinder | cylinder | triple | triple | triple | expansion | expansion | expansion | | | piston speed in feet | 840 | 918 | 1000 per minute | | | | | | weight of machinery per | 2-3/4 cwt. | 2 cwt. | 1.6 cwt. indicated horse-power | | | per minute | | | | | | speed of ship | 18 | 18.25 | 23 | knots | knots | knots ------------------------+--------------+-------------+------------[a] battleship, _barfleur_. [b] battleship, _canopus_. [c] armoured cruiser. the gun most in favour at the close of the eighteenth, and at the opening of the nineteenth, centuries was the cast-iron, smooth-bored, muzzle-loader: first the 32-pounder and later the 68-pounder. carronades were used for "smashing" rather than for penetrating the skin or structure of ships. although the 68-pounders were improved by a lining of wrought iron being inserted in the bore, whereby the energy at 1000-yards range was increased from 290 to 600 foot-tons, little progress was made until after the crimean war, when chemists undertook the investigation of the action of explosives and metallurgists sought to produce stronger metals. the general idea as regards the powder used as a propellant was that the ignition was instantaneous, and that the more violent the explosion the greater would be the velocity of the projectile. under such conditions short weapons naturally found favour; and indeed, with a light, spherical, ill-fitting projectile, there was very little advantage to be gained by lengthening the bore. but with the introduction of rifled cannon, much heavier and better-fitting shot became possible, and a rapid-burning powder gave rise to dangerous pressures in the gun. it was then realised that it was not an explosion that was wanted, but a continuous pressure acting on the base of a shot for a relatively considerable period. this needed a slow-burning explosive, and led to the manufacture of powder as pebbles or prisms; the enlargement in the late 'seventies of the chamber of the gun, and the provision of air spaces for the expansion of the powder, greatly added to the velocity with which the shot left the gun, and therefore augmented its carrying power.[62] gun-makers had meanwhile improved the strength of the weapon by a recognition of the fact that wrought iron was twice as strong in the direction of the fibre as across it; and thus in the 'sixties they began to coil the central tube, surrounding it by hoops, welded or shrunk on. the full advantages of fibre were thus secured for resisting circumferential strain. the bore was rifled to give the shot that rotatory motion which prevents irregularity in flight and conduces to accuracy of fire at long range. the smooth-bore gun was effective up to only 1000 yards range, as compared with the 6000 yards and 7000 yards for the modern weapon. breechloading was first introduced into the navy in the 'sixties, but discarded because the details for closing the breech end proved unsatisfactory. finally, it was reintroduced in 1878, a satisfactory mechanism having been devised. these various improvements gradually increased the power of the gun. the length and weight had enormously grown, as is shown by the particulars of successive large naval guns, shown in table iv. on the next page; but the increase in energy up till the 'eighties was not commensurate with the augmentation of the weights of the projectile and charge. the advance from the 38-ton gun of 1870 to the 110-1/2-ton gun in 1887 involved the multiplying by five of the charge of powder, which quadrupled the energy of the gun, but the carrying power of the shot was still deficient. the velocity had increased in twenty years from 1600 to 2000 ft. per second, slower-burning powder having been introduced. table iv. particulars of the successive large naval guns, 1800 to 1905. -----+--------+---------+-------+--------+-----+-----+--------+------ | | | | |weight of |penetra | | | | |projectile. |tion of | | | | | |weight of |wrought | | | | | |charge. |iron at | | | | | | |muzzle |1000 year.| type. | weight. |length.|calibre.| | |energy. |yards -----+--------+---------+-------+--------+-----+-----+--------+------ | |tons cwt.| in. | in. | lb. | lb. |ft.-tns.| in. 1800 |cast | 2 12 | 114 | 6.4 | 32 | 10 | 400 | - |iron | | | | | | | |smooth| | | | | | | |bore | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1842 |ditto | 4 15 | ... | 8.12 | 68 | 16 | 700 | - | | | | | | | | 1865 |woolwich| 4 10 | ... | 7 | 115 | 22 | 1400 | 7 |wrought-| | | | | | | |iron | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1870 |built-up| 38 0 | 200 | 12.50 | 810 | 200 | 13,900 | 17 |muzzle| | | | | | | |loader | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1880 | ditto | 80 0 | 321 | 16 |1700 | 450 | 27,960 | 22-1/2 | | | | | | | | 1887 |built-up| 110 10 | 524 | 16.25 |1800 | 960 | 54,390 | 32 |breech| | | | | | | |loader | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1895 |wire | 46 0 | 445.5 | 12 | 850 | ... | 33,940 | 34.6 |wound | | | | | | | |breech| | | | | | | |loader | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1900 |ditto | 51 0 | 496.5 | 12 | 850 | 210 | 36,290 | 35.4 | | | | | | | | 1905 |ditto | 58 0 | 540 | 12 | 850 | ... | 49,560 | 42 -----+--------+---------+-------+--------+-----+-----+--------+------attention was further directed to the improvement of explosives; and ultimately, instead of gunpowder having a potential energy of 480 foot-tons per pound, modified gun-cotton was introduced, with an energy of 716 foot-tons per pound, and still later there were evolved explosive compounds of which the potential energy per unit of weight was fourfold greater than in the case of gunpowder, namely, 1139 foot-tons per pound. finally, the explosive has taken the form of cordite, which ensures slow burning, great expansion, and, consequently, augmented propelling power behind the projectile, without material addition to the maximum strain upon the weapon. but in any case the constructional strength of the modern gun is enormously superior to the earlier built-up weapons, as around the inner tubes there is coiled something like 120 miles of wire, which itself has a breaking-strain of between 90 and 110 tons per square inch, and is put on under a tension of from 54 tons per square inch on the inner wires to 32 tons per square inch on the outer wires,[63] so that the ultimate resistance to strain consequent upon the firing of the gun is enormously increased. velocities of 2600 ft. per second are thus realised, and even more is quite feasible, so that penetration of wrought iron at 1000 yards range has now been increased to 42 in. if we compare the 12-in. gun to-day with the weapon of the same calibre of twenty years ago, when there was no widened chamber for the explosive, when prismatic powder of low expansive power was used, it is found, as shown in the table opposite, that the penetration at 1000 yards has been doubled, and the possible effective range multiplied fivefold. there has also been an enormous gain in quicker fire by improved breech mechanism and efficient hydraulic and electric mountings, whereby the gun and all its loading, elevating, and training machinery is rotated. the metallurgist has also been successfully occupied, and it is probable that the armour plate of to-day is still invulnerable. the earlier wrought-iron plates were increased from 4-1/2 in. in thickness on the _warrior_ of 1861, to the 24 in. on the _inflexible_ of 1881; the area protected being almost proportionately reduced. the artillerist with improved projectiles ultimately defeated this heavy cleading on the ships; but compound armour, first made in 1879, enabled the maximum thickness on the broadside to be reduced to 18 in., permitting a greater area to be covered for the same weight. at first the 80-ton gun failed in its attack, but heavier weapons, with improved projectiles, prevailed. the next step was the introduction of all-steel armour in 1890. two years later there was introduced the super-carburising and subsequent chilling of the face of plates made of an alloy of nickel steel. in 1897 the process of hardening was still further developed, and now the 9-in. plate on the modern battleship is equal in resistance to a 26-in. wrought-iron plate of the 'sixties, or a 20-in. compound-plate of the 'eighties, or a 13-in. plate of the early-hardened type. for the present, therefore, the armour seems to have secured the victory, as at 5000 yards range 9-in. armour can scarcely be defeated by even the 12-in. gun. with the increased resistance of armour and the consequent reduction in its thickness, the naval designer can spread his protecting plates over a much wider area, so that the whole broadside of ships like the _prince of wales_, or the cruisers _argyll_ and _defence_, is clad with armour of satisfactory resisting power. at the same time the gun-power and speed of ships have been greatly increased without making the displacement inordinately high. on the opposite page a table gives the main features of representative ships at different epochs, which will show this at a glance. the growth in the size of battleships has been steady, with the exception of the class represented by the _barfleur_ and _canopus_, both of which were engined by the scotts. these vessels are embodiments of a desire to check the advance in the size and cost of the battleship. the deficiency in the number and calibre of their guns was partly compensated by the introduction, for the first time in battleships, of quick-firing weapons of large calibre. the _barfleur_ had four 12 in. breechloaders and ten 4.7 in. quick-firers; while the _canopus_ had four 10 in. breechloaders and ten 6 in. quick-firers. but opinion has again strongly grown in favour of having in each british ship the best that can be achieved; and thus the _prince of wales_ has a displacement greater than any previous ship, while in the _king edward_ and the _lord nelson_ classes there has been a further growth in every element of power. the probabilities, too, are that we have not yet by any means seen the end of this advance. [illustration: plate xix. _from a photograph by west and son, southsea._ his majesty's battleship "prince of wales," 1902.] table v. size and fighting qualities of british battleships of different periods. ------------+-------------------------------------------------------- | date of completion. | +--------------------------------------------------- | | displacement. | | +----------------+------+---------+---------- | | | | | total | collective | | | | | weight | energy at | | | | | of shot | muzzle of name. | | | side armour. |speed.| in one | one round. | | | | | round. | ------------+----+------+----------------+------+---------+---------- | | tons | in. | knots| lb. | foot-tons | | | | | | _warrior_ |1861| 9,210| 4-1/2-in. |14-1/2| 3800 | 61,476 | | | wrought iron | | | | | | | | | _hercules_ |1868| 8,680| 9-in. to 6-in. |14 | 5400 | 70,200 | | | wrought iron | | | | | | | | | _alexandra_ |1877| 9,490| 12-in. to |15 | 5426 | 71,400 | | | 6-in. wrought | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _inflexible_|1881|11,880| 24-in. to |13 | 6936 | 123,120 | | | 16-in. wrought | | | | | | iron | | | | | | | | | _benbow_ |1888|10,600| 18-in. |16.75 | 4600 | 135,560 | | | compound | | | | | | | | | _royal |1892|14,150| 18-in. and |17.5 | 5800 | 159,610 sovereign_ | | | 5-in. compound | | | | | | | | | _barfleur_ |1894|10,500| 12-in. |18.5 | 2450 | 67,670 | | | compound | | | | | | | | | _canopus_ |1900|12,950| 6-in. hardened |18.25 | 4600 | 178,720 | | | steel | | | | | | | | | _prince of |1902|15,000| 9-in. |18.25 | 4600 | 194,400 wales_ | | | super-hardened | | | | | | steel | | | | | | | | | _king |1904|16,350| 9-in. |18.50 | 5920 | 270,040 edward vii._| | | super-hardened | | | | | | steel | | | | | | | | | _lord |1905|16,500| 10-in. |18.50 | 7960 | 413,900 nelson_ | | | super-hardened | | | | | | steel | | | ------------+----+------+----------------+------+---------+----------as to the machinery made by the scotts for these battleships, the _barfleur_ had three-cylinder, triple-expansion twin-screw engines, to run at 108 revolutions, and to develop 13,000 indicated horse-power. on her trials the power was 13,163 indicated horse-power. there are eight single-ended, return-tube, cylindrical boilers, working at 155 lb. pressure. other details are given in the table on page 53. the engines of the _canopus_ are illustrated on page 49 by a drawing taken from a paper read at the institution of civil engineers, by sir john durston and admiral h. j. oram.[64] this was the first type of british battleship fitted with water-tube boilers. she was followed soon after by the _prince of wales_.[65] the _argyll_, which was built and engined by the scotts, and the _defence_, which is being built in one of the royal dockyards, and is having its machinery constructed by the scotts, signalise progress in cruiser design. the hardening of armour, increasing its resistance, permits of a reduction in weight for a given measure of protection, so that it has been possible to effectively defend the modern cruiser, while at the same time giving an enormously increased gun-power and a speed far in excess of that possible ten years ago. the _argyll_ is a vessel of 10,850 tons displacement, being 450 ft. long, 68 ft. 6 in. beam, and having a draught of 25 ft.; while the _defence_ is a vessel of 14,600 tons displacement, having a length of 490 ft., a beam of 74 ft. 6 in., and a draught of 26 ft. in both ships the greater part of the broadside, from 5 ft. below the water-line to the upper deck, is armoured, and a very large proportion of the area thus clad has 6-in. hardened plates. [illustration: plate xx. propelling engines of h.m.s. "argyll."] in the late 'nineties it was assumed that quick-firing artillery was best suited to the work of a cruiser, and thus the 6-in. gun was exclusively adopted. but since then naval strategists have developed their ideas as to the function of armoured cruisers, and now anticipate their use in the line of battle; so that not only has the defensive quality been improved, but the offensive power has been materially increased. in the _defence_, and the other ships of the class, the 6-in. gun has been entirely discarded in favour of an installation of 9.2-in. and 7.5-in. weapons. owing to the perfection of the hydraulic and electric mountings, little has been forfeited in respect of rapidity of fire, while much has been gained in the striking energy at a given range of each projectile. thus, while the 6-in. gun five years ago had an energy equal to penetrating 6 in. of wrought iron at 3000 yards' range, the 7.5-in. weapon now may perforate 6-3/4 in., and the 9.2-in. gun 9 in. of the hardest armour at corresponding range. the total weight of projectiles fired from the present-day cruiser in a minute is double, and the muzzle energy quadruple, the results attained by the cruisers designed at the close of the nineteenth century.[66] the modern cruisers steam at 23 knots, the power of the machinery in the _argyll_ being 21,000 indicated horse-power, and in the _defence_ 27,000 indicated horse-power. the machinery of the _argyll_, which is typical, consists of four sets of triple-expansion engines, arranged in separate watertight compartments. the diameters of the cylinders are: high-pressure, 41-1/2 in.; intermediate-pressure, 65-1/2 in.; and the two low-pressure, each 73-1/2 in., all having a stroke of 42 in. at full power, developed with 138 revolutions, the piston speed is 966 ft. per minute. the cylinders are fitted with liners, and are steam-jacketed; forged steel is used for the liners of the highand intermediate-pressure cylinders, and cast-iron for those of the low-pressure cylinders. the cylinder covers and pistons are of cast steel, the latter being of conical form. the highand intermediate-pressure cylinders have piston valves, and the low-pressure cylinders flat valves. the cylinders are supported at the front by eight forged-steel columns, and at the rear by four cast-iron columns formed with guide-faces, and one forged steel column. the crankshaft is in four pieces, the highand intermediate-pressure parts being interchangeable with each other, and the two low-pressure parts with one another. the shafts are hollow, and three-bladed propellers of manganese bronze are fitted to each. the condensers are entirely separate, and independent air pumps are fitted. the _argyll_ had a combination of six cylindrical and sixteen water-tube boilers, but in the later ships, including the _defence_, the boilers are entirely of the water-tube type. the working pressure of the boiler is 275 lb., reduced at the engines to 250 lb. the trials of the _argyll_ were carried through most satisfactorily,[67] and the vessel, under the new admiralty conditions, was completed for commission by the builders. the fact that this armoured cruiser was so completed at the builder's yard is of itself evidence of the capacity and efficiency of the plant. [illustration: decoration] [illustration: plate xxi. the "erin," owned by sir thomas lipton, bart. (_see page 70._)] footnotes: [52] charnock's "history of marine architecture," vol. iii., page 245. [53] the "greenock telegraph," may 4th, 1849. [54] sir nathaniel barnaby's "naval development of the century," page 140. [55] sennett and oram's "marine steam engine," page 3. [56] fincham's "history of marine construction," page 332. [57] _ibid._, page 344. [58] sir nathaniel barnaby's "naval development of the nineteenth century," page 113. [59] sennett and oram's "marine steam engine," page 10. [60] "proceedings of the institution of naval architects," vol. xxx., page 278. [61] "proceedings of the institution of naval architects," vol. xxx., page 287. [62] "encyclopædia britannica" (1898 edition), vol. xi., page 288. [63] "engineering," vol. lxxix., page 577, may 5th, 1905. [64] see "proceedings of the institution of civil engineers" (1899), vol. cxxxviii., part 3. [65] "the engineer," vol. xcviii., page 15. [66] "engineering," vol. lxxx., page 415. [67] "engineering," vol. lxxx., page 420. [illustration: decoration] yachting and yachts. [illustration: decoration] yacht designers and builders, when votaries of the sport, produce much better results, and in this truism we have some explanation of the success of the scotts in the long series of yachts built during the past century. there are a few misty memories and time-worn traditions to the effect that yachting of a kind was indulged in on the clyde in the closing years of the eighteenth century; but there are no authentic records antecedent to the nineteenth century. from 1803 onwards the scotts have been closely identified with the pastime, and with the production in the early years of sailing yachts; and, later, of steam craft. the first notable clyde racing yacht, of which there is any record, was launched by the scotts in 1803, as already referred to on page 11 _ante_. she was a 45-1/2-ton cutter for colonel campbell, an argyllshire soldier, and the launching ceremony, the honours of which were done by lady charlotte campbell, was attended with military honours. for the twenty years immediately following the launch of this cutter, yachting made most pleasing progress, and in 1824 the royal northern yacht club was formed for the better organisation and encouragement of the pastime. the club had its origin in the north of ireland, and had jurisdiction over that district, as well as over the west of scotland up till 1838, when the irish section was disbanded. the royal northern gave regattas throughout the season, at almost every suitable port, from helensburgh on the clyde to oban. amongst the leaders of the clyde division was john scott, the second of the name, and a large number of the racing craft owned by the members were built by him. indeed, one of the most experienced writers on yachting in scotland, mr. j. d. bell, says that "among the old yachting families of the west of scotland, the scotts and the steeles filled the foremost place." among the best remembered of the yachts built by john scott were the cutters _hawk_ and _hope_, constructed for himself, and the _clarence_, built for his son-in-law, the late robert sinclair. the _hawk_ was a boat of about 30 tons, the _hope_ was rather smaller, and was used for cruising rather than for racing; and the _clarence_ was about 18 tons. the _hawk_ was a successful racer, and secured many cherished prizes, but the _clarence_ was her superior, and was the first of a long line of prize-winners which have brought renown to the clyde. indeed, in all she won over thirty challenge trophies, and in her best season never suffered defeat. robert sinclair, the owner, was himself a keen and accomplished yachtsman. [illustration: plate xxii. _from a painting at halkshill._ the "clarence": an early racing cutter.] in the races held in 1833-34--most prominent years--john scott, with the _hawk_, won the anglesey cup at dublin, and the oban and helensburgh cups; while robert sinclair, with the _clarence_, won the ladies' cup at oban, the kintyre cup at campbeltown, the dublin, adelaide, and booth cups at dublin, the stewart cup at greenock, the largs cup and the dunoon cup. these two yachts were indeed close rivals, although the principal honours rested with the _clarence_. on one occasion, however, the _hawk_ unexpectedly defeated the _clarence_ in an important race at dublin, and the owners were anxious to have the cup in greenock as soon as possible for a special reason. recognising that the _clarence_ was really the faster boat, they handed over the trophy to her crew to take to the clyde port; but the luck which enabled the _hawk_ to win the cup stood by her on the passage home, and she made the port a considerable time before her rival. the _clarence_ became a pilot boat, and was unfortunately run down off garroch head, while the _hawk_ was transferred to the fishing trade. in later years john scott, c.b., had the laudable desire to secure as a relic the vessel his grandfather had owned, but the negotiations failed; and the boat is probably still at work among the islands of scotland. the royal northern club's fleet in the 'thirties numbered about fifty, but there were no steam vessels on the list until 1855. among the principal boats in the club were the duke of portland's ketch, the _clown_, of 156 tons; the duke of buccleuch's cutter, the _flower of yarrow_, of 145 tons; mr. john scott's cutter, the _lufra_, of 81 tons; mr. robert meiklem's schooner, _crusader_, of 126 tons; and mr. lewis upton's cutter, _briton_, of 91 tons. the membership was about one hundred and fifty, the aggregate tonnage of the fleet about 2000 tons, and its cost, at a fairly generous estimate, about £20,000. what a contrast is suggested by a review of the fleet of yachts owned to-day by clyde yachtsmen! there are now eight clubs in the firth recognised by the yacht racing association, and one of the largest of these--the royal clyde--alone has over a thousand members, with a fleet of over three hundred and seventy yachts, of a collective tonnage of 26,000 tons, and of a first cost of a million sterling. the club-house at hunter's quay, which cost about £20,000, is representative of the best of its kind. many of the yachts--sailing and steam--are of considerable size, and have international repute for their excellence, either as racers, or as comfortable seaworthy cruisers. the origin of the royal clyde club in itself affords interesting suggestion of the development of the pastime on the clyde. owing to a rule enforced by the royal northern club during the earlier period of its existence, boats smaller than 8 tons could not be enrolled; many enthusiastic owners of small craft were thus debarred from membership, and in 1856 they decided to form a new club. this, first named the clyde model yacht club, became, a year later, the clyde yacht club; and, having grown immensely in influence, obtained, in 1872, queen victoria's sanction to the appellation of "royal." to-day the royal clyde yacht club is one of the most important in the kingdom. john scott (1752-1837) was long a prominent member of the royal northern club. his son, charles cuningham scott, was an original member, but did not take the same active part in the pastime, the claims of a quickly-developing industry being probably the reason. but the records of the family were again revived by his sons--john scott, c.b., robert sinclair scott, and colin william scott. they displayed a preference for steam craft, although the first-named owned several cutters, beginning with the _zingara_; later several beautiful yachts, each successive ship being named the _greta_, were built for him. the first of these, of 1876, and the last, of 1895, are illustrated on the plate facing this page. he was elected commodore of the royal clyde club in 1895 in acknowledgment of his services to the club and to yachting generally, and he occupied the post until his death in 1904. [illustration: plate xxiii. the "greta," of 1876.] [illustration: the "greta," of 1895.] these were exciting times in clyde yachting. it was then that lord dunraven and sir thomas lipton made their gallant but unsuccessful efforts to recover the america cup with clyde-built boats, while the performances of the _britannia_, owned by the then prince of wales, now his majesty the king, and of the _meteor_, belonging to the german emperor, gave a distinction to the sport which it had never enjoyed before. the mudhook yacht club was formed in 1873 by a few skilled yacht designers and yachtsmen, and included robert sinclair scott, colin william scott, and james reid. the membership was limited to forty, and the aim of the founders was to "encourage amateur yacht sailing." there were many inspirations connected with the founding of the club; there is a tradition that when a "mudhooker" was being initiated, he was usually confronted with a coil of rope, a small marlinspike, a chart and dividers, a forecastle bucket and other implements; and, before the hand of fellowship was extended to him, he was exercised, with more or less of solemnity, as to their uses. from the foundation of the club until his death in 1905, robert sinclair scott was admiral of the club. for twenty-nine years from the same period his brother, colin william scott, acted as honorary secretary, and his great services were recognised on the club attaining its majority in 1894, by the presentation by the members of a set of old candelabra and fruit dishes. the present honorary secretary is r. l. scott, son of john scott, c.b. although, as we have said, the scotts never owned racing yachts, they have built for themselves and for others a long succession of beautiful steam yachts, as recorded in the table on page 69. in all, seven yachts have been built in succession for the scotts themselves. each was named the _greta_, after a small stream which runs through the halkshill estate, excepting the last, which was called the _grianaig_, the gaelic for greenock. the last _greta_ is exactly double the length of the first, while the yacht tonnage is practically eightfold. the successive steps are marked. the _greta_ of 1876 was 76 ft. long, and of 53 tons, and she was at once purchased by a kilmarnock lady, miss finnie. the vessel built for john scott, c.b., in the following year was slightly larger, and she also was coveted and secured. in 1878 a still larger ship was built, and for many years this craft continued in the possession of its original owner, but in 1892 was displaced by a vessel of greater size, of 135 ft. 6 in. in length, and of 230 tons yacht displacement. other vessels followed at periods of three years, and the _greta_ of 1898 was 154 ft. long, and of 393 tons. many other notable vessels were constructed in the same period for other owners; and while it is not possible to refer to all of them, mention may be made of the _tuscarora_, built in 1897, for william clark, esq., of paisley. this vessel, which is illustrated on plate xxiv., is 170 ft. long, and of 775 tons. she had a bridge and promenade deck 104 ft. long; and there were ten state-rooms and large saloons for the owner and his guests. built for oversea cruising, she had a very complete installation of refrigerating machinery. the triple-expansion engines with which she was fitted developed 1030 horse-power when running at 150 revolutions, equal to a piston speed of 675 ft. per minute. steam was supplied by a single-ended boiler. a much larger vessel--indeed, the largest of the type constructed by the firm--was the _margarita_, constructed for a. j. drexel, esq., of philadelphia, to the designs of the late mr. g. l. watson, who did so much for the advance of the science of naval architecture as applied to sailing and steam yachts. this vessel is of 272 ft. in length, with a displacement of 2522 tons. for the owner and his guests there are thirteen large state-rooms, and the general saloons include dining, drawing, and smoking rooms, a boudoir, and a children's nursery. the yacht is equipped with all the accessories of the modern liner, including refrigerating appliances. it is propelled at a speed of over 17 knots by twin-screws, operated by two independent sets of triple-expansion, four-cylinder engines, balanced to obviate vibration. [illustration: plate xxiv. the "margarita."] [illustration: the "tuscarora."] table vi.--general particulars of principal steam yachts built by scotts' shipbuilding and engineering company, limited, greenock. -----------+---------+-------+--------+--------+---------+----- | | | | | | | date of | | | |displace-| |construc-| | | | ment in | name. | tion. |length.|breadth.| depth. | tons. |speed. -----------+---------+-------+--------+--------+---------+----- | |ft. in.| ft. in.|ft. in.| |knots. | | | | | | _greta_ | 1876 | 76 0 | 12 0 | 9 3 | 53 | 7.5 | | | | | | _greta_ | 1877 | 84 0 | 12 6 | 9 6 | 73 | 8.25 | | | | | | _greta_ | 1878 | 90 0 | 14 0 | 9 6 | 86 | 9.33 | | | | | | _ulva_ | 1879 |162 0 | 21 0 | 15 6 | 350 | 11.08 | | | | | | _griffin_ | 1879 |120 0 | 16 6 | 11 0 | 152 | 9.8 | | | | | | _eagle_ | 1879 | 84 0 | 12 6 | 9 6 | 77 | 7.7 | | | | | | | | | | | | _retriever_| 1884 |123 0 | 17 0 | 12 0 | 144 | 11 | | | | | | _alca_ | 1887 | 80 6 | 14 0 | 10 0 | 93 | 10 | | | | | | _santanna_ | 1887 |180 0 | 24 0 | 15 6 | 495 | 13.6 | | | | | | _foros_ | 1891 |236 0 | 30 6 | 20 6 | 1170 | 12.5 | | | | | | _greta_ | 1892 |135 6 | 18 6 | 12 0 | 230 | 11 | | | | | | _kittiwake_| 1893 |113 0 | 21 0 | 13 6 | 210 | 9.55 | | | | | | _lutra_ | 1894 |117 0 | 18 0 | 12 0 | 200 | 10.75 | | | | | | _greta_ | 1895 |145 0 | 22 0 | 13 5 | 338 | 11 | | | | | | _erin_ | 1896 |252 0 | 31 6 | 20 6 | 1330 | 15.6 | | | | | | _tuscarora_| 1897 |170 0 | 26 6 | 15 7 | 775 | 12.5 | | | | | | _greta_ | 1898 |154 0 | 22 9 | 13 6 | 393 | 12.25 | | | | | | _lutra_ | 1899 |140 0 | 21 0 | 13 0 | 348 | 11.65 | | | | | | _margarita_| 1900 |272 0 | 36 6 | 28 0 | 2522 | 17.1 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _waihi_ | 1900 | 82 0 | 14 6 | 10 0 | 102 | 10.3 | | | | | | _saevuna_ | 1901 | 76 4 | 14 6 | 9 3 | 95 | 8.4 | | | | | | _grianaig_ | 1904 |160 0 | 23 9 | 14 0 | 435 | 12.6 | | | | | | _beryl_ | 1904 |160 0 | 25 0 | 14 6 | 500 | 13.3 -----------+---------+-------+--------+--------+---------+----- ------------+------------------------+------+------+------------------ | |indi| | | |cated |boiler| | |horse-|pres| name. | type of engines. |power.|sure. | owner. -----------+------------------------+------+------+------------------ | | | lb. | | | | | _greta_ | compound | 58 | 74 |john scott, esq., | | | | c.b. | | | | _greta_ | " | 76 | 78 |john scott, esq., | | | | c.b. | | | | _greta_ | compound tandem | 105 | 78 |john scott, esq., | | | | c.b. _ulva_ | " " | 277 | 70 |f. a. hankey, esq. | | | | _griffin_ | " " | 130 | 78 |c. e. dashwood, esq. | | | | _eagle_ | compound | 74 | 75 |count stackleberg, | | | | st. petersburg. | | | | _retriever_| " | 215 | 90 |o. randall, esq. | | | | _alca_ | triple-expansion | 110 | 160 |colonel malcolm, | | | | poltalloch. | | | | _santanna_ | " " | 780 | 150 |m. louis prat, | | | | marseilles. | | | | _foros_ | " " | 960 | 160 |m. kousenzoff, | | | | moscow. | | | | _greta_ | " " | 280 | 160 |john scott, esq., | | | | c.b. | | | | _kittiwake_| " " | 185 | 160 |lord carnegie. | | | | _lutra_ | " " | 250 | 160 |colonel malcolm. | | | | _greta_ | " " | 340 | 170 |john scott, esq., | | | | c.b. | | | | _erin_ |triple-expansion, 4 cyl.| 2500 | 180 |sir thomas lipton, | | | | bart. | | | | _tuscarora_| " " " | 1030 | 170 |wm. clark, esq., | | | | paisley. | | | | _greta_ | " " " | 480 | 170 |john scott, esq., | | | | c.b. | | | | _lutra_ | " " " | 480 | 170 |lord malcolm of | | | | poltalloch. | | | | _margarita_| {twin-screw, triple} | 5200 | 200 |a. j. drexel, esq., | {expansion, four } | | | philadelphia, | {cylinders in each } | | | u.s.a. | {engine } | | | | | | | _waihi_ | triple-expansion | 130 | 170 |j. bulloch, esq. | | | | _saevuna_ | compound | 75 | 130 |maurice bernard | | | | byles, esq. | | | | _grianaig_ | triple-expansion | 740 | 190 |r. sinclair scott, | | | | esq. | | | | _beryl_ | " " | 910 | 200 |baron inverclyde. -----------+------------------------+------+------+------------------the _erin_, now owned by sir thomas lipton, bart., was designed and built in 1896 for a sicilian nobleman and was purchased later by the popular baronet and sporting yachtsman. one of the largest vessels of her time, she was 250 ft. long, and of 1330 tons displacement. the four-cylinder, carefully-balanced engines, of 2500 horse-power, gave her a sea speed of 15-1/2 knots. a view of this well-known yacht is given on plate xxi., facing page 63. much might be written about the decoration of these yachts; but it may suffice to give illustrations of the diningand drawing-rooms in the steam yacht _beryl_, owned by the right hon. baron inverclyde. the saloons are in the old-english style, and are treated with decorative freedom, but with strict simplicity. the walls in both cases are framed in solid figured white austrian wainscot oak, highly finished and polished. the drawing-room has silk tapestry panels, relieved with chaste carving on the window canopies, dado rail and mantelpiece, and divided with bevelled and carved pilasters, with carved corinthian capitals. in the dining-room, on the other hand, there is no tapestry, the whole being of oak, suitably carved. in the ports there are large plate-glass windows, fitted with greenwood springs. in each room there is a large cupola skylight, which, with its rich stained glass, gives a fine decorative effect. the drawing-room cupola is fitted with a brass mushroom ventilator. the ceiling in each case is of yellow pine, moulded, ribbed, and beamed in the tudor style, and painted flat white, picked out with gold. [illustration: plate xxv. the drawing room. the dining saloon.] [illustration: the steam yacht "beryl," owned by lord inverclyde.] the drawing-room has a slow-combustion grate having brass mounts, with richly-carved oak mantelpiece, marble jambs, tiled hearth, and fire-brasses and fender. the dining-room has a steam radiator enclosed in a cabinet with numidian marble top and brass-grilled front. the _beryl_ is a vessel of 160 ft. in length, with a displacement of 500 tons at slightly less than 12-ft. draught. she steams at 13.3 knots with the engines indicating 910 horse-power, steam being supplied from a large single-ended boiler with three furnaces. as typical of the engines adopted in the yachts built by the scotts, we give an illustration on plate xxvi., facing page 72, of the engines of the _grianaig_. in the thirty years that have elapsed since the first _greta_ was built, the ratio of horse-power to tonnage has increased from 1 to 1 to 2 to 1, the steam pressure from 74 lb. to 200 lb.; and the piston speed from about 300 ft. to 675 ft. per minute. the aim has been to ensure reliability by a steadyand easy-running engine. an effective appearance has always been aimed at, and the result has invariably been a highly-finish design. yachts' engines are invariably balanced, whether so specified or not, as the gain in comfort to all on board, owing to the absence of vibration, is so marked as to more than compensate for the extra cost involved. forced lubrication has also been applied, although the engines may be of the ordinary open type: the main bearings, crank-pins, cross-heads, eccentrics, valve gear, pump gear, etc., are all included in the system, which has given every satisfaction. the _grianaig's_ engines developed on trial 740 indicated horse-power at 148 revolutions per minute, with a boiler pressure of 190 lb. per square foot, and a condenser vacuum of 26.5 in. some of the details, being typical of the practice of the firm in respect of yacht machinery, are quoted from the specification on the next page. the arrangement of cylinders is as follows: h.p. 14 in. in diameter, i.p. 22 in. in diameter, l.p. 35 in. in diameter, stroke 24 in. the piston and connecting-rods are of steel; the guide-shoes for the crossheads are of cast iron, the ahead face having white metal, and the astern face being left plain. the back columns are of the usual cast-iron box type, the front columns, being steel, are turned. the high-pressure cylinder has a piston valve, and the intermediateand low-pressure cylinders flat slide-valves. none of the cylinders is provided with liners. a single-stroke reversing engine is situated at the back of the main engine, but is operated from the starting platform. the condenser is of the surface type with a circular cast-iron shell; the total cooling surface is 1300 square feet. steam is supplied to the main engine by one single-ended cylindrical boiler 13 ft. 9 in. in diameter by 10 ft. long, working at a pressure of 190 lb. per square inch. there are three furnaces, the mean internal diameter being 3 ft. 5-3/4 in. and the length 6 ft. 10 in. the grates are 6 ft. long, giving an aggregate area of 61.5 square feet. the boiler tubes are 3-1/4 in. in diameter and 6 ft. 10-3/4 in. long, the total heating surface being 1899 square feet. [illustration: decoration] [illustration: plate xxvi. engines of the yacht "grianaig."] [illustration: plate xxvii. dining saloon in a mail steamer. (_see page 81._) drawing room in the steam yacht "foros." (_see page 81._)] [illustration: decoration] the twentieth century. [illustration: decoration] prophecy has its allurements even in the domain of applied mechanics; and having reviewed progress during the past two centuries in naval architecture, as embodied in sailing ships, merchant steamers, warships, and yachts, there is a temptation to speculate on the prospects of the future. the possibilities of the steam turbine, for manufacturing which the scotts are laying down a special plant; the potentialities of the producer-gas engine as applied to the propulsion of ships; and even the solution of the problems which stand in the way of the application of the universally-desired oil turbine, are all topics which would prove interesting, even although no conclusion could be arrived at. it is enough, however, to say here, that each is having careful consideration by the firm. the historian is not, however, concerned with the future, and the only justification for the title given above is the intention here to briefly review the state of marine construction, as represented at the beginning of this new century by typical vessels built or being built by the scotts. it is difficult, where so many ships of distinctive design and equipment have been constructed, to select a few representative types. amongst the countries which have had new ships in recent years are france, russia, italy, denmark, holland, portugal, greece, india, the straits settlements, china, australia, new zealand, brazil and other south american republics, and the united states of america. this list of foreign _cliéntele_, however, is being diminished, owing to the influence of subsidies paid by foreign governments to shipowners or shipbuilders. taking account only of large vessels built during the past fifty years, there are one hundred and five of scotts' steamers now trading in china seas, twenty-six in the indian ocean, ten on the north atlantic, nine in the south african seas, thirty in south american waters, eighteen in the colonial service, and ninety-seven on the european coast; while in home waters there are many more. one of the gratifying features in connection with the commercial relationship of the scotts, too, is the continuance of confidence over a long period of years of several of our large steamship companies. this is, perhaps, the best indication of the satisfactory character of the work done. the holt line have had built for them within forty years, by the scotts, forty-eight vessels of 148,353 tons. the china navigation company have had a greater number of ships, namely, sixty-four, but as the size is smaller the total tonnage is less, namely, 115,600 tons. an important continental firm has had twenty-one vessels; while for a portuguese company five large vessels were built, and for the french trans-atlantic company eleven fast liners. other cases might be mentioned, but these suffice. [illustration: plate xxviii. the donaldson liner, "cassandra."] as regards fast steamers, the recent warships built and described in a previous chapter may be accepted as typical in so far as the problems of marine engineering are concerned. in each of these cases the design of the machinery has been prepared by the firm, and the difficulties were more complicated than in the case of merchant work. moreover, it must be remembered, that the maritime predominance of britain is due as much to that enormous fleet of moderate-speed intermediate and cargo ships, which maintain exceptionally long voyages with regularity and economy, as to the fast ships engaged on comparatively short routes. of the nine thousand odd british ships included in _lloyds' register_, less than 2-1/2 per cent. have a speed of over 16 knots: a fact which in itself proves that economy, rather than speed, is the primary consideration.[68] the new donaldson liner, now being constructed by the firm, may be accepted as representative of one of the most useful types of steamer in the british fleet. an illustration of this vessel is given on plate xxviii., facing page 74. while primarily intended for the atlantic passenger trade, she is of such moderate dimensions as to suit almost any service, having a length of 455 ft. between perpendiculars, a breadth of 53 ft., and a depth, moulded, of 32 ft.; the draught will not be more than 26 ft. with a displacement of 13,500 tons. while designed to carry 8000 tons of deadweight cargo in the four holds, the vessel has accommodation for a large number of passengers, who are afforded more room than on the larger and faster liners, with the same luxury and comfort. this latter fact accounts in large measure for the growing preference of a great proportion of the travelling public for the intermediate ship. the machinery has been designed with the view of attaining the highest economy. for driving the twin screws there are two separate three-cylinder triple-expansion engines, which are to indicate together 5500 horse-power when running at the moderate piston speed of 680 ft. per minute. the cylinders are respectively 26 in., 42 in., and 70 in. in diameter, the stroke being 48 in. there is a very complete installation of auxiliary machinery. in all, there are fifty-seven steam cylinders in the ship, each having its special function. steam for all of these is supplied at a pressure of 180 lb. per square inch, by two double-ended boilers 20 ft. long, and two single-ended boilers 11 ft. 6 in. long, the diameter in all cases being 15 ft. 9 in. the total heating surface is about 15,000 square feet, and the grate area 435 square feet. in the design and construction of the engines and boilers every consideration has been given to strength in order to ensure reliability. in dealing with the development of the steamship we had occasion to refer to the holt liners, which inaugurated the first regular steamship service to the far east, _viâ_ the cape of good hope. that was in 1865, and since then a long series of most successful steamships has been constructed by the scotts for the china trade of the ocean steamship company. as representative of the modern ship for this service we take four vessels just completed, three of them taking the names of the pioneer ships of the line--the _achilles_, _agamemnon_, and _ajax_, while the fourth is named _deucalion_; one of these is illustrated on plate xxix., facing this page. [illustration: plate xxix. the holt liner "achilles," of 1900.] throughout the forty years that have elapsed since the first vessels were built, each successive steamer of the forty-eight built by the scotts has marked an increase in size, and an improvement in economy. in the former respect the advance is not perhaps so striking as in some other trades; but it must always be remembered that a ship which is to steam for 12,000 or 13,000 miles without many opportunities of coaling cannot be of high speed; otherwise the bunker capacity would be so great as to seriously reduce the available cargo space; while the running expenses would be so heavy as to materially decrease the utility of the vessel as an aid to the development of commerce. there is ever the happy mean, which has here been realised with characteristic prudence and enterprise. the forty years' progress in the case of the holt liners has brought about an increase of 50 per cent. in the dimensions of the ship, the later scotts' vessels being 441 ft. between perpendiculars, 52 ft. 6 in. in breadth, and 35 ft. in depth moulded, with a gross register of 7043 tons. in respect of deadweight capacity, however, there has been considerable development, due to the adoption of mild steel having permitted a reduction in the weight of boilers and engines, and in the scantlings of the hull. the new vessels, with a draught of 26 ft. 6 in., carry 8750 tons of deadweight cargo--two and a-half times the weight carried by the earliest holt liners. in forty years the steam pressure in the holt liners has increased from 60 lb. to 180 lb.; and the piston speed from 400 ft. to 720 ft. per minute. the heating surface in the boilers has decreased from 6 square feet to 3 square feet per unit of power; and the condenser surface from 1.83 square feet to 1.3 square feet per unit of power. on the other hand, each square foot of grate gives now 14 horse-power, as compared with 6.6 horse-power formerly. as a result of increased steam pressures and greater efficiency of propulsion, it may be taken that, notwithstanding the increase in dimensions and capacity of the ship, and the consequent advance in engine power, the coal required for a voyage half way round the world has been reduced to one half that of 1865. another notable feature in the economy of the ship is that twenty-five derricks have been fitted for dealing rapidly with the cargo, and one of these has a lifting capacity of 35 tons, to take such heavy units of cargo as locomotive boilers and tenders. in addition, there are eighteen steam winches. the reduction in the time spent in port, because of the facilities thus provided, is another element in the economy of the modern ship. the largest oil steamer yet constructed, the _narragansett_, was completed by the scotts in 1903. this vessel, built for the anglo-american oil company, carries in her sixteen separate compartments, 10,500 tons of oil, at a speed of 11 knots, for a fuel consumption of 4.9 lb. of coal per 100 tons of cargo per mile. this result is deduced from steaming, in ordinary service, over nearly 24,000 miles, and is consequently as reliable as it is interesting. the _narragansett_, which is illustrated on plate xxx., facing this page, has a length between perpendiculars of 512 ft. and overall of 531 ft.; the beam is 63 ft. 3 in., and the depth, moulded, 42 ft. the deadweight carrying capacity on a draught of 27 ft. is 12,000 tons. the engines are of the triple-expansion type. interest in the machinery is associated principally with that fitted for the pumping of the oil cargo. there are two pump-rooms, one located conveniently for the oil in the eight compartments forward of the machinery space; the other in a corresponding situation for the same number of tanks abaft the propelling engines. the 10,500 tons of cargo can be loaded or discharged in less than twelve hours. while primarily for the atlantic trade, the vessel was designed to undertake, if required, the much longer voyage of the eastern service. [illustration: plate xxx. the largest oil-carrying steamer afloat, the "narragansett."] because of the uniformly good results with ordinary coal, we give the details as received from the superintending engineer of the owners:-table vii.--records of coal consumption of steamship "narragansett." --------------------------------------------------------------------- voyage no. +----------------------------------------------------------- | coal, indicated horse-power per hour. | +---------------------------------------------------- | | total coal on voyage. | | +--------------------------------------------- | | | coal for boilers only. | | | +-------------------------------------- | | | | sea miles on voyage. | | | | +----------------------------- | | | | | cargo carried. | | | | | +-------------------- | | | | | | average speed. | | | | | | +------------ | | | | | | | horse-power | | | | | | | on voyage. ---------+------+------+------+--------+--------+-------+------------ | lb. | tons | tons | miles | tons | knots | i.h.p. ---------+------+------+------+--------+--------+-------+------------ 15 | 1.60 | 918 | 822 | 3,447 | 10,298 | 10.85 | 3,713 | 1.58 | | | | | | 3,900 16 | 1.59 | 923 | 834 | 3,403 | 10,289 | 10.80 | 3,951 | 1.64 | | | | | | 3,775 | 1.63 | | | | | | 3,668 17 | 1.50 | 924 | 836 | 3,469 | 10,499 | 10.40 | 3,949 | 1.53 | | | | | | 3,796 18 | 1.50 | 847 | 775 | 3,441 | 10,563 | 11.10 | 3,937 | 1.50 | | | | | | 3,720 19 | 1.44 | 837 | 760 | 3,423 | 10,570 | 10.85 | 3,909 | 1.43 | | | | | | 3,813 20 | 1.50 | 780 | 707 | 3,312 | 10,641 | 11.50 | 4,107 | 1.32 | | | | | | 3,817 21 | 1.56 | 846 | 766 | 3,330 | 10,651 | 10.60 | 3,909 | 1.44 | | | | | | 3,870 | 1.46 | | | | | | 3,746 ---------+------+------+------+--------+--------+-------+------------ totals | | 6075 | 5500 | 23,825 | 73,511 | | averages | 1.51 | 868 | 786 | 3,404 | 10,501 | 10.87 | 3,848 ---------+------+------+------+--------+--------+-------+------------the china navigation company of london, for whom the scotts began building in 1875, have had in the thirty years sixty-four vessels, which have been an important factor not only in the development of trade in china, but also in the advancement of british interests in the far east. in an earlier chapter we referred to the extent of the service conducted by these vessels, and also to the company's continuous progressive spirit, which, for instance, induced them, on the suggestion of the scotts, to adopt twin-screws. the launch of one of these ships is illustrated on plate xxxi., facing this page, while the next plate, xxxii., illustrates the _fengtien_, which was built in 1905 in an exceptionally short period of time. the contract was made in the closing week of 1904, the first keel-plate was laid on the 15th january, 1905, the vessel was launched on the 20th april, and arrived in shanghai on the 14th july--less than twenty-six weeks from the date when the building was commenced. this performance indicates not only the satisfactory character of the organisation, but also of the equipment of the shipyard and marine engineering works. the _fengtien_ has a length between perpendiculars of 267 ft., a beam of 40 ft., and a depth, moulded, of 18 ft., with a deck-house having accommodation for thirty-three european first-class passengers; while on the top of this house there is, as shown in the engraving, a promenade for passengers. the accommodation provided for first-class passengers is exceptionally satisfactory, both in respect of state-rooms and of public saloons. fifty-six first-class chinese passengers are also carried, as well as seventy steerage native passengers. in addition to this considerable source of revenue, the ship carries 1720 tons of deadweight cargo on a draught of 14 ft. the _fengtien_ on her trial, when developing 2146 horse-power, attained a speed of 13-1/4 knots, which was considered highly satisfactory, in view of the unusual dimensions. the engines are of the triple-expansion, three-cylinder type, fitted with every accessory which experience has shown to ensure regularity of working, with the minimum of expense in respect of upkeep and working cost. steam at 190-lb. pressure is supplied by two boilers, 15 ft. in diameter and 11 ft. 6 in. long, having 5184 square feet of heating surface, and 121 square feet of grate area. [illustration: plate xxxi. the launch of a china steamer.] [illustration: plate xxxii. the china navigation company's t.-ss. "fengtien."] we have referred generally to the passenger accommodation in the ships built by the firm, and it may be interesting to refer here to the character of the work done and illustrated on plate xxvii., facing page 73. the first view shows the dining-room of one of four portuguese steamers. this room is designed in the jacobean style. the walls are framed and panelled in solid walnut, and all the mouldings, cornices, architraves, pilasters, columns, pediments, and also the furniture, are beautifully carved. the floor is laid in mosaic tiles, in geometrical patterns, with brussels carpet runners in the passage-ways. the ceiling is of yellow pine, moulded, ribbed, and broken up with carved panels, painted a flat white and relieved with gold. the dome skylight is in teak, with richly-carved beams and mouldings; and glazed with embossed plate glass, while the side windows are fitted with jalousie blinds, stout double-line teak shutters, and glass bull's-eyes in brass frames. the upholstery is in crimson utrecht velvet, and seating accommodation is provided for sixty-eight saloon passengers. the other view on plate xxvii. illustrates the drawing-room of the steam yacht _foros_, built for m. kousenzoff, of moscow. it is in the elizabethan style. the walls are framed in solid east indian satinwood, highly finished and french polished, with figured silk tapestry panels of a shade that harmonises and blends with the wood-work. neat and delicate carving in low relief is introduced where most effective. the ceiling, of yellow pine, has square panels of tynecastle tapestry, relieved with rich carving in cornices and beams. the room is lighted and ventilated by eight large round lights in the ship's side, each enclosed in a recess with a sliding screen of beautifully-stained and leaded glass. the large circular skylight in the centre of the room, finished to suit the ceiling, has large opening sashes, glazed with stained glass. the floor is laid with oak parquetry, with a parisian mat in the centre. the room is heated by a slow-combustion grate with rich brass mounts, tiled hearth, fire-brasses and fender. the mantelpiece and overmantel, in satinwood, is a beautiful piece of work--carved and relieved with colonnades and pilasters. this room is fitted with a complete installation of electric bells and lights, with two graceful electric candelabra, one on each side of the fireplace. the stained glazing is illumined at nights by electric lights on the outside. the drawing-room is completely and artistically furnished with high mirrors, fitments, writing-tables, card and occasional tables, and with a variety of beautifully upholstered chairs and sofas. all the metal-work is of ormolu. the british india steam navigation company is another of the old clients of the scotts. this company, originally formed in 1856, under the title of the calcutta and burmah steam navigation company, which was changed in 1862 to the title now known in all maritime countries, had its first steamship built by the scotts, and it is therefore interesting to illustrate the one recently built at the same works--the _bharata_. this vessel is of the intermediate type, carrying a large number of british and native passengers, and nearly 4000 tons of cargo. the length between perpendiculars is 373 ft., the beam 45 ft., and the depth, moulded, 29 ft. 6 in. the cargo carried on a draught of 24 ft. is 3940 tons, and this is handled by eight hydraulic cranes, some of them of high power. the passenger accommodation, in the centre part of the ship, includes state rooms and saloons for forty-two first-class and thirty-six second-class european travellers, while in the 'tween decks a large number of native passengers are accommodated. the machinery of the _bharata_ gives a speed of 16 knots, when the displacement is 5560 tons. the engines are of the triple-expansion type, and develop 6000 indicated horse-power. five single-ended boilers supply steam at 180 lb. pressure. this vessel in service carries her cargo of about 4000 tons and her passengers at a speed of 16 knots, for a consumption of ordinary coal of about 50 tons per day. [illustration: plate xxxiii. the british india company's steamship "bharata."] in our historical chapters it has been clearly shown that the scotts took a prominent part in the evolution of channel steamers, and reference may be made to the latest vessels of this class now being built at the company's works--two steamers for the old and successful firm of g. and j. burns, limited. these vessels, the dimensions of which are:--length 233 ft., breadth 33 ft., depth 24 ft., are to have a speed of 13 knots. they are to be employed on the service between glasgow and manchester, and are fitted for steerage passengers, and also for conveying cattle, horses and sheep. the machinery consists of three-cylinder triple-expansion engines of 1750 indicated horse-power, having cylinders 23 in., 36 in., and 58 in. in diameter respectively, with a stroke of 42 in. the boilers, of which there are two in each ship, are 14 ft. in diameter and 12 ft. 6 in. in length, with a heating surface of 4000 square feet, and a grate area of 120 square feet. they work under natural draught at a pressure of 175 lb. per square inch. we might continue almost indefinitely describing different types of ships, but will content ourselves with a reference to the fleet of thames passenger steamers built in 1905 for the london county council. of the thirty vessels constructed for the council, twenty had their boilers and engines from the scotts' works. ten of the steamers, in which this machinery was fitted, were built on the clyde by messrs. napier and miller; six at southampton, by messrs. john i. thornycroft and company; and four at greenwich, by messrs. g. rennie and company. these vessels are 130 ft. long, and of very light draught--2 ft. 10 in. when loaded. an idea of their proportions is given by the engraving on plate xxxiv., facing this page, showing one of the clyde-built vessels ready to steam from greenock to london. the engines for all of these vessels are of the compound, diagonal, surface-condensing type, the two cylinders being 16 in. and 31 in. in diameter, with a stroke of 3 ft. one set of engines is illustrated on plate xxxv., adjoining page 85. they have forged steel guide columns, to bind the cylinders to the three entablature frames. the crank-shaft is a solid steel forging, 6-5/8 in. in diameter, coupled to the steel paddle-shafts by flexible couplings. the surface-condenser, cylindrical in form and constructed of light brass sheets, is placed below the guide bars close to the cylinders. the water-ends are of cast brass, arranged for double circulation of the water. the air-pump, of the trunk type, is driven by bell-crank levers off the low-pressure connecting-rod. two independent feed-pumps are driven off the same crosshead. the auxiliary machinery includes a circulating pump with auxiliary air-pump attached, a direct-acting feed and bilge pump, a fan and engine for the forced draught, and an electric engine and dynamo. each steamer has one cylindrical steam boiler, 9 ft. in diameter by 9 ft. 3 in. long. the working steam pressure is 110 lb. the boilers are also illustrated on plate xxxv. the twenty sets of engines and boilers were completed in a remarkably short space of time. these steamers were designed for a service speed of 12 statute miles per hour, and a trial speed of 13 miles per hour, or 11.285 knots. the best trial performances were attained by the _fitzailwin_ and the _turner_, both built on the clyde; they attained a speed of 14.1 miles per hour, or 12-1/4 knots, with the engines making 69.8 revolutions per minute, and indicating 360 horse-power. this is nearly 1 sea mile per hour more than was required by the contract. [illustration: plate xxxiv. one of twenty thames steamers engined by the scotts.] [illustration: plate xxxv. engines of london county council steamers.] [illustration: boilers for london county council steamers.] we illustrate on plate xxxvi., facing page 86, a typical set of triple-expansion engines. the practice in respect of the design of engines and boilers is necessarily very varied. from the designs for a small steam launch to those for a first-class cruiser or battleship there is a wide range, and all classes of work, with not a few of special interest, come between those extremes. in connection with the three-crank triple-expansion engine, now generally adopted for merchant work, an arrangement well favoured for sizes up to about 1000 indicated horse-power is that in which the high-pressure cylinder is in the centre with a piston valve, the intermediate-pressure cylinder being forward, and the low-pressure cylinder aft, each with a slide valve at the extreme ends. this has been found to give a handy arrangement of gear, and to be easily accessible. with twin-screw engines of this power it is customary, and has been found very convenient, to lead all the hand-gear for both engines to a pedestal placed midway between the engines and ahead of the forward cylinders. a description of the types of engines built by the scotts for the china navigation company during the past thirty years would be practically a history of the progress of marine engineering during that period. the customary sequence of cylinders has in the main been adhered to in the design of these engines--viz., high-pressure cylinder forward and low-pressure cylinder aft in the case of compound engines: the intermediate-pressure cylinder, in the case of triple-expansion machinery, is placed between the highand low-pressure cylinders. indeed, this latter is the arrangement invariably adopted by the firm in the design of all large-size ordinary cargo steamer engines. the valve gear is forward of its cylinder in each case. this has also been the design adopted in the case of recent high-class passenger and mail steamers with three cylinders, and in the case also of steamers for special trades. twin-screw engines present little deviation from the above, and such as there is mainly affects pipe connections. all engines of whatever type up to about 1000 indicated horse-power are usually arranged with forged columns in front. the condenser is ordinarily designed to form part of the engine structure, having the columns cast on, and supporting the cylinders; but not infrequently it is entirely separate from the main engines, and is carried either on the back of the columns, or fitted in the wing of the ship. of engines for the navy nothing need be said beyond stating that they form quite a class by themselves, and all present the special features of design so characteristic of admiralty work referred to in an earlier chapter. the latest types of large-size engines for the admiralty are being fitted with a system of forced lubrication to main bearings and crank-pins. the scotts' practice with respect to paddle engines has been no less varied than that in the case of screw machinery, ranging as it does from the ponderous side-lever engine of past years to the stern-wheel engine of the shallow-draught steamers of the present day. oscillating and diagonal engines, both compound and triple-expansion, are also within the experience of the company, the three-stage expansion being the type now usually adopted. with respect to auxiliary machinery, the scotts invariably fit a separate centrifugal pump for circulating the water through the condenser for all classes of engines, excepting only those for the ordinary tramp steamer. the air, bilge, and sanitary pumps are usually worked from the main engine by levers. the feed pumps are generally independent. frequently, especially in yachts, all the pumps are entirely independent of the main engines. the scotts in some cases make all auxiliary machinery for their own engines: such as centrifugal pumps, fans, feed-heaters, auxiliary condensers, duplex feed and ballast pumps, etc. [illustration: plate xxxvi. typical propelling engines.] many varieties and types of boilers have been made. the old practice of having two or three rings in the length of the shell in ordinary cylindrical boilers has long since given place to one plate in the length. the boiler ends are seldom made in more than two plates; up to diameters of 11 ft. only one plate is used. the number of riveted seams is thereby reduced to a minimum, and the liability of the boiler to leak is minimised. the scotts also have a system of forced draught for supplying either cold or heated air to the furnaces, which is fitted largely to their ships, and gives every satisfaction. large installations of belleville and yarrow water-tube boilers for working under forced draught have also been made and fitted in h.m. ships, but they need no description here. a large installation for burning oil fuel has recently been completed and applied by the firm to the babcock and wilcox water-tube, and the cylindrical, boilers of h.m.s. _argyll_. footnotes: [68] from _lloyds' register_ we classify, according to speed, the numbers of british and foreign, and of oversea and channel, steamers, of over 16 knots. ---------------------+----------+----------++----------+--------- speed. | british. | foreign. || oversea. | channel. ---------------------+----------+----------++----------+--------- over 20 knots | 42 | 26 || 17 | 51 19 to 20 knots | 23 | 11 || 7 | 27 18 " 19 " | 38 | 14 || 15 | 37 17 " 18 " | 53 | 49 || 67 | 35 16 " 17 " | 70 | 56 || 77 | 49 +----------+----------++----------+--------- | 226 | 156 || 183 | 199 ---------------------+----------+----------++----------+---------[illustration: decoration] efficiency: design: administration. [illustration: decoration] having reviewed the history of the firm, and dealt briefly with the results obtained by some of the modern steamers constructed by them, we propose now to describe the works in order to indicate the measures adopted to secure efficiency in design and construction of all types of ships and machinery. organisation and administration are as important factors towards this end as the mechanical methods and appliances adopted, and it may be well, therefore, to deal first with these. the firm have been responsible for the design of almost every merchant ship constructed by them. success has been rendered more certain by the possession of carefully-collated records, the product of an organised system of working up all data, of tackling new problems, of making calculations regarding any scientific question, and of studying contemporaneous work as described in the technical press and in papers read at technical institutions. this continuous investigation produces a wealth of suggestion, which enables the chiefs of the respective departments to determine how far practice may be improved; and thus there is steady progress not only in design but in constructional methods. a well-selected technical library, from which the staff can borrow books, also contributes to the same end. [illustration: plate xxxvii. shipbuilding. (_see page 100._)] admiralty and merchant work is initiated in separate drawing-offices. the "printed instructions to draughtsmen" throws light on the general principles which influence design, and one or two quotations may be made:--"every machine or structure is designed with a certain object in view; therefore, in designing, keep that object always to the front. go straight to the point, and let the object be attained in as simple a manner as possible. avoid all curves and indirect lines, except those conceived to give uniform strength or stiffness, or required for some definite purpose. there should be a reason for the contour and shape of every detail. it should be remembered that designs made in this way, requiring least material for the work to be done, usually look best. besides keeping the object clearly to the front, it is necessary in designing to remember that certain facilities must be attended to for moulding, machining, and erecting. it is also necessary to keep in view the circumstances in which the structure or machine is to be used. every little detail should be definitely attended to on the drawings, and not left to the judgment of the men in the shops; remember that it is usually the unexpected which happens, and that even the want of a split pin may cause a breakdown. in making drawings or sketches for ordering material or for the shops, assume that those who have to interpret the instructions have no knowledge of, or information concerning, the work in question, except what is contained in the drawing or order you are making out. this will ensure that all information issuing from the drawing-office is complete, and that no work is done in the shops without drawing-office instructions." the draughtsman, in designing work, must so arrange details as to fully utilise, as far as is compatible with progress, the special machine tools available, the system of gauges, templates, and jigs extensively applied in the shops, and existing patterns. bonuses are paid for improvements in design whereby economy may be effected in machine operations, etc. there is a large estimating department, where records of costs, rates, wages, etc., are of the most complete description. the card system adopted is admirably suited for enabling references to be made at any time as to the cost of units in any contract. here also it is possible, by the simple process of comparison, to effectually check the economy of design and manufacture, without which a high premium is placed against efficiency. the staff in these departments is largely recruited from the shops, and thus there is an incentive to the willing apprentice to excel. the great majority of the vacancies in the technical staff are filled by apprentices who have spent three and a-half years in the shops, and who are chosen as a result of examination and of a satisfactory record in the shops. financial facilities are afforded to boys and to progressive workmen to attend special classes, not only in greenock but in glasgow. competitions are instituted at intervals to encourage expertness in some branch of work--for instance, in the use of the slide-rule, etc. thus in many ways the growth of an active _esprit de corps_ is encouraged, apart altogether from the influence which the historical and present-day success of the firm engenders. the same broad policy is pursued in the shops. payment by merit to the tradesman is adopted as far as possible. in the engine works the bonus system--first adopted in 1902--is extensively applied. the arrangement is satisfactory from the point of view of tradesman, employer, and client. [illustration: plate xxxviii. the launch of h.m.s. "argyll." (_see page_ 101.)] long experience has enabled the firm to set equitable standard times for many operations, and there was from the beginning the guarantee that this standard would not be altered unless entirely new machines were introduced to greatly influence the rate of production. now if a workman requires the full time, or more than the time set as a standard for a job, he is still paid his full-time wage as under the old conditions: but should he complete the work in less than the standard time, his rate of wage per hour is increased in direct proportion to the saving in time; the shorter the time taken, the greater the rate of bonus. the bonuses earned range as a rule from 20 to 30 per cent. over the time-rate wage. to quote actual cases, a workman who saves 26 hours on a job for which the standard time is 134 hours, increases his wage for the fortnight by 14s., while the money saved to the employer is only 2s. 9d. he who saves 30 per cent. on the time adds 21s. to his fortnight's wage. such reduction in the time taken is not attained at the expense of efficiency; the premium job is carefully inspected, and unless it is of the highest standard the bonus is forfeited; so that the workman is continuously careful to avoid any risk which will result in the loss of the reward for his extra work. the reduction in time taken is, in a large measure, due to the exercise of foresight and ingenuity on the part of the workman. he is ever on the alert to ensure that he will not be kept waiting for material to enable work to progress. the machine-man makes certain that before one unit is out of his machine the casting, forging, or bar for the next is alongside. this is further facilitated by a man in each shop whose only duty is to see that there is a supply of work for every tool. encouragement is always accorded to those who suggest modifications to increase the output from any machine. again, in the erecting of engines, considerable economy has been attained, owing to similar foresight being exercised to ensure that each unit is machined before it is wanted by the erector. to the employer also there is gain in the increased production, from a given number of machines and men, for a constant establishment expenditure--rent, rates, taxes, etc. while the wage paid to the men is increased, there is a reduction in the cost of production, which of itself encourages capital expenditure on improved methods and appliances. concurrently with the adoption of the bonus system there has been a great increase in the cutting speed of tools, which has also augmented the rate of production. this "speeding-up" is partly due to the fitting of new machines, to the substitution of forged steel machine-cut gear for cast spur-wheels, to the strengthening of lathe headstocks, to wider belts, to the application of reversible motors to some machines, and to quicker return speeds. some indication may be given of the increased economy resulting from the bonus system and from the "speeding-up" of tools, as compared with the former system, with slower speeds and piece-work rates. a typical job, which had formerly occupied eighty hours, was, after experience, given a standard time of sixty hours. when first carried out under the bonus system the time actually taken was forty-five hours, the labour cost being reduced from £2 13s. 4d. at piece-work rate to £1 17s. 6d. under the bonus system, while the wage of the worker was increased by 2d. per hour. subsequently, a repeat of this job was machined by the same man, who, having confidence that the time allowed would not be reduced, finished the work in thirty-nine hours, saving twenty-one hours on the standard time, reducing the cost to £1 15s. 0d., and increasing his rate of pay by 2.8d. per hour. other comparisons might be given to show the advantage over the piece-work. in successive fortnights after the introduction of the system, the percentage of time saved on the time taken on piece-work in one department steadily advanced from 16 per cent. to 47 per cent., and ultimately the pay of the men per hour was increased 75 per cent., while the saving to the employer was 50 per cent. [illustration: plate xxxix. engine construction. (_see page_ 108.)] the client profits, as the contract price is reduced without any diminution in the satisfactory character of the work done; indeed it is probable that this is improved because of the special inspection to ascertain if the bonus has been conscientiously earned. a lower contract price, therefore, is possible; and this places the firm, both directly and indirectly, in a better position in competition in shipbuilding. there is more work obtainable, more constant employment for the workmen, with the additional inducement of higher wages to capable and diligent men. [illustration: decoration] [illustration: decoration] the shipbuilding yard. [illustration: decoration] covering an area of 40 acres, the works have ten berths for the construction of ships of all sizes, with departments for producing all the accessories and machinery--engine and boiler works, steam-turbine factory, foundries, brass, copper, and sheet-iron shops, saw-mill and extensive wood-working department--and these give employment to four thousand workmen. the equipment has been greatly extended and modernised during the past few years. the building of the china steam navigation company's steamer _fengtien_ in nineteen weeks, from the laying of the keel to the trials, is one of several instances of rapid construction which might be enumerated. the plans of ships prepared in the designing department and drawing offices, to which reference has been made in the previous chapter, are passed to the moulding loft, where the work of construction is commenced. this loft is situated in a substantial four-storey building, accommodating practically all the wood-finishing departments. each floor has an area of 12,500 square feet; the ground and first floors are given up to the joiners and cabinet-makers, with their numerous machine tools, while the top floor is at present utilised for storing completed joiner work, etc. the moulding loft monopolises the third floor, and as the length is 240 ft. and the width 52 ft., there is ample space, as is shown on the engraving in plate xl., facing page 94, for laying down full size deck-plating, stringers, margin plates, deck girders, etc., so that moulds or templates may be prepared for the iron workers. armour-plates for warship belts, barbettes, and casemates are similarly prepared in template, to assist the makers to form them to the required curvature and size. [illustration: plate xl. the moulding loft.] [illustration: plate xli. beam shearing machine. bevelling machine. hydraulic joggling machine.] the ironworkers' department is extensive and important. when the material is delivered into the yard, it is discharged from the railway wagons by a 5-ton electric overhead travelling high-speed crane, which stacks the plates and bars in such a way that any piece can be readily removed by the same crane for conveyance to the furnaces. there are six furnaces suitable for heating shell plates of the largest size, and angles and bars for frames, etc., up to 60 ft. in length. adjacent to the furnaces are the screeve boards and the frame-bending blocks. the channel, bulb angle, or z bars, used so extensively now for framing in large ships, are bevelled as they pass from the furnace to the bending blocks. this is done in a special machine made by messrs. davis and primrose, leith, and illustrated on plate xli., adjoining this page. the bars, as delivered from the rolling mills, have flanges at an angle of 90 deg., which is not suitable for taking the skin plating of ships. one angle has therefore to be altered, so that while the inner flange may lie at right angles to the keel-plate, that to the outside will fit closely to the shell plating throughout the entire length of the frame from keel to shear stroke, which may be 50 ft. or 60 ft. as the bar passes through the machine, the web is carried on an ordinary flat roller, while bevelling rolls, set to the desired angle, work on each side of one of the flanges to give it the desired set. there are several of these machines in use, and they run on rails laid across the front of the furnace, so that the angles, z sections, or channels may be bevelled while passing out of the furnace on to the bending blocks. the manipulation of the plates from the furnace is by means of steam and electric winches. formerly, the turning of the frames to the required curvature against the pins on the bending blocks was carried out by hand. to suit the heavier scantlings of the larger ships of the present day, a portable hydraulic machine is now utilised. it is fixed at its base by pins, which fit into the ordinary holes in the blocks, and hydraulic pressure is supplied through a flexible pipe to work the ram-head against the angles, forcing them to take the desired form. the machine is a great labour economiser, as it ensures work on the heaviest of bulb angles being carried out in the minimum of time, and therefore at top heat. the bars are usually cut to length by a guillotine, but it was considered that this tended to twist the metal, and perhaps unduly fatigue it; and as a consequence the firm have fitted john's shearing and notching machine, as constructed by messrs. henry pels and co., of berlin. this new machine is illustrated on plate xli., adjoining page 95. the tool is shown in the act of cutting through a channel section. the cutting tool is seen immediately in front of the operator, and is actuated by gearing accommodated within the standards of the machine. when the cutting tool is brought down on the angle or beam to be sheared, and the shaft at the rear started, the rotation of an eccentric actuated by the shaft causes the point of the tool to slide idly a short distance to-and-fro on the bar. the hand lever on the right hand side of the machine is depressed, forcing the tool downwards, and the continued rotation of the eccentric causes the tool to pierce through the bar with a downward and inward motion. where there is a deep web with flanges, the beam is reversed on the anvil, to enable the other flange to be cut. the cutting of any bar in this machine is a matter of only a few seconds. [illustration: plate xlii. in one of the platers' sheds.] of the platers' shed, where the plates, angles, bulbs, bars, etc., are machined, two views are given on plates xlii. and xliii., facing pages 96 and 98 respectively. it may be said generally that the machines are designed to deal with plates up to 50 ft. in length, and with angles up to 60 ft. in length, and of corresponding sections. it follows that the straightening and bending rolls, edge-planers, and punching and shearing machines, are of great power. it is scarcely necessary to make detailed references to all of the tools for these and other purposes. all the tools are electrically driven. the plate-flattening rolls, which have 15 and 20 horse-power reversible motors, take plates 8 ft. wide, and the rolls are from 21-1/2 in. to 19 in. in diameter. the bending rolls are driven by a 20 horse-power motor. the plate-edge planers, shown to the left in the view, plate xlii., facing page 96, are operated by 16 horse-power motors, and the plate is held on the table by means of hydraulic rams as well as screw-jacks. for drilling and countersinking plates there are several modern tools, each actuated by an independent electric motor. one of these is a three-standard drill, to deal with plates of the largest size. the spindles have a rise and fall of 10 in., and are fitted with self-acting, as well as hand, feed, and with the usual rack arrangement for the traverse of the head. several radial countersinking machines, with 11-ft. jibs and spindles 2-1/2 in. in diameter, are driven by 10 horse-power motors. there are many heavy punching and shearing machines, nearly all of them having 42-in. gaps, so that they can punch holes at any part of the widest plates. as a rule, they are arranged to punch 1-1/2-in. holes through 1-1/2-in. plates at the rate of thirty holes per minute. the shears are of corresponding power. for dealing with angles and bars there are several interesting tools, in addition to shears and punches. some of the shears cut 8-in. by 4-in. angles, and are driven by 10 horse-power motors. there are channel-angle shearing machines, taking work 16 in. by 6 in., and operated by hydraulic pressure. these machines are made with revolving gear to suit almost any angle of flange. there is also an hydraulic stamping press for bending angles and tees to form knee-bars and other stiffening pieces, the cylinders being 14 in. in diameter, working at a pressure of 800 lb. per square inch, with a stroke of 18 in. the machine, which has been constructed by sir william arrol and company, limited, consists of an hydraulic cylinder mounted horizontally on a massive table. on the ram-head there are former blocks, while on the table in front there are corresponding dies. the bar is placed on the table between the blocks and dies, and as these are forced together by hydraulic pressure, the bar between them is squeezed into the exact shape required. not only is the operation expeditiously executed, but there is no uncertainty. the whole of the metal within the bar is retained inside the knee, which becomes thicker and broader, materially adding to its strength. as the moulds or dies can be made to suit any form, the machine can be utilised in the preparation of various details of structures, provided they are designed with a view to their production by aid of dies. the great economy resulting from the use of special machines is only realised when the designing staff remember that they must be kept employed. a specially powerful tool is provided for bending channel irons and beams, and for drilling horizontal holes in them. hydraulic manhole-punching and flanging machines are employed, each having a ram of 27 in. in diameter, and capable of punching a hole 42 in. by 16 in. through a plate 3/4 in. thick. there are provided dies for forming flanges 4 ft. 6 in. deep in the widest of plates. [illustration: plate xliii. punching and shearing.] the modern practice of joggling and of scarfing the laps and edges of plates is applied in many instances, and special hydraulic tools are provided to carry out this work. the firm were also early in adopting the practice of joggling frames, deck beams, etc. the frames and beams are joggled when cold, to suit each alternate inner strake of plating, in a special design of hydraulic press, of which there are several in the works. this tool, illustrated on plate xli., adjoining page 95, carries dies on the ram-head and on the anvil, to form between them the obverse and reverse sides of the dent or joggle desired. movable centre-pieces on the ram-head and anvil are traversed in all directions by screw thread to suit the position and width of the joggled part, and a gauge shows variations of 0.1 in. in the position of the joggled part of the frame. a 2 ft. length of angle can be joggled at each stroke. the machines are by messrs. hugh smith and co., limited, glasgow. the same machine joggles the lap or edge of a shell, inner bottom, or deckplate in a similar way. the whole length of the frame or plate can thus be worked in a very short time. a powerful jib crane, of 16 ft. radius, assists materially in the rapidity of the work turned out by these tools. the only slips required are at the ends of the vessel, where the bevel of the frames precludes the use of joggling. a special electrically-driven hammer is used for forming these taper slips. the angles, etc., to form the frames are assembled at the head of the building-berth, and when lying on skids are riveted to form the double bottom, frames and margin plates. hydraulic riveters are used wherever possible. there are about a score of these at work in the shipbuilding yard, with cylinders from 8 in. to 10-1/2 in. in diameter, a stroke of 7-1/2 in., and a gap of 55 in., so that heavy work can be done. some of them are specially designed for keel work, for closing rivets in beams, and for difficult parts. the frames thus riveted are conveyed down the berth by a simple and ingenious cableway, known in the works as the "switchback," from its resemblance to the well-known amusement railway. a derrick-post stands at the head of the berth adjacent to the skids on which the frames are riveted. the cable stretches from a small derrick at the foot of the shipbuilding berth over a pulley at the top of the large derrick-post, and thence, through a similar block at its base, to an electric winch. the frame or unit of the ship's structure is suspended on a running block on the cable, which is then made taut, partly by the working of the winch and partly by the large derrick post being inclined backwards. the running block with its load travels down the taut cable by gravity, under the guidance of the squad of fitters. the gradient of the cableway is only sufficient to enable the load to move slowly to its position in the shipbuilding berth. the double-bottom frames and margin plates are united with the keel-plate, and subsequently there are successively worked into the structure the tank top plates, side frames, the skin plates, beams, bulk-heads, and other units, portable hydraulic punches and riveters being largely used. pneumatic tools are also extensively employed for boring, drilling, riveting, chipping, caulking, etc. there are from 130 to 140 of these tools in use on vessels in course of construction. there are ten building berths ranging in length up to 700 ft.; but slight alterations would enable the firm to build vessels of still greater size. several of these are shown on the engraving on plate xxxvii., facing page 88. the launching ground is probably the finest in the river, the channel being here of great depth and very wide, as is shown on the engraving opposite. indeed, ordinary merchant vessels with full lines are launched without any check chains; the fine-ended ships--mail steamers and cruisers--are, as a precautionary measure, checked by drags in the usual way. the engraving on plate xxxviii., facing page 90, shows the launch of h.m.s. _argyll_. [illustration: plate xliv. the fitting-out dock.] [illustration: plate xlv. the graving dock.] the ships launched are completed in the fitting-out dock, constructed about two years ago, and illustrated on plate xliv. the engraving shows h.m.s. _argyll_ under the big jib-crane. this dock has a length of 560 ft. and a width of 172 ft., and opens directly into the channel of the clyde. the depth of water is never less than 28 ft., so that warships are afloat at all states of the tide. a prominent feature in the view is the crane, which was supplied by messrs. george russell and co., limited, of motherwell, and lifts 120 tons at a radius of 70 ft. it is carried on concrete foundations and piers, which rise 20 ft. above the level of the quay. in addition to the pier for carrying the mast of the crane, there are similar supports for each of the back legs through which the crane is anchored. one advantage of the derrick type is that the crane may be placed close to the edge of the quay; in this case the centre is only 7 ft. from the front of the wharf, so that the full load of 120 tons can be dealt with at an effective outreach of 63 ft. from the quay. the maximum radius of the heavy purchase with a load of over 60 tons is 90 ft., and of the light purchase gear, with a load of 10 tons, 98 ft. the minimum radius of the crane is 25 ft. there are four sets of gear: for lifting heavy loads, for raising light weights, for derricking the jib, and for slewing; a separate controller of the enclosed tramway type is provided for each. the main hoisting and derricking motors are of 50 horse-power, and the others of 35 horse-power. the speed of hoisting 120 tons is 5 ft. per minute, while a 10-ton load is raised at the rate of 40 ft. per minute. automatic brakes are fitted for the slewing motion, and powerful hand-brakes for the hoisting and derricking gears. all motions are controlled by one man in the steelhouse fixed to the mast of the crane 56 ft. above the quay level. there is on the opposite wharf of the dock a 20-ton travelling electric crane, and throughout the works there are many portable and hydraulic cranes, in addition to the hydraulic and other cranes commanding the machine tools. reference may here be made to the company's graving dock, illustrated on plate xlv., adjoining page 101. the length is 360 ft., and it is largely used for docking ships for repair, as well as for cleaning ships preparatory to trial. our view shows a torpedo-boat destroyer in the dock. the pumps for the emptying of the dock are electrically driven. we may return now to our narrative of the construction of a ship, and deal with the supplementary departments, including those of joiners, smiths, plumbers, sheet-iron, and other workers. wood-work forms a large and important item in most of scotts' ships, as many of them are for passenger service. we illustrate on plate xlvi. one of the saw-mills. it is self-contained, having its own power plant, including a compound engine, having cylinders 15-1/4 in. and 27-1/2 in. in diameter by 44-in. stroke. there are four vertical saw frames, the largest having a 36-in. frame, six rollers, and two bogies to take in the heaviest logs. in addition, there are circular saws, ranging up to 6 ft. in diameter, a swing cross-cut saw, special planing, moulding, and turning machines to do heavy work, and saw-sharpeners, grindstones, punching machines and anvils to carry out all repairs and fettling of the blades, etc. there are also large steam-heated drying stoves, and a timber-drying yard of about three acres in extent. the overhead travelling cranes range up to 5 tons capacity, and the rails on which they run are extended on columns across the yard. the saw-mill is the largest and best-equipped in the district, and does the sawing and planing of timber for three of the largest shipbuilding yards, as well as the general work for two other firms. [illustration: plate xlvi. the saw mill.] [illustration: plate xlvii. two views in the joiner shops.] the joiners' and cabinet-makers' shop, as we have already indicated, occupies two floors of a building 240 ft. long and 52 ft. wide; while the fourth floor is utilised for the french polishing work, as well as for storing the completed wood-work until the vessel is ready to receive it. provision is also made in the same building for the model-making department, in which replicas of nearly all ships are produced, and, being works of art, because of their completeness, accuracy, and beauty, have earned high awards at many exhibitions. in the joiners' shops, illustrated by two engravings on plate xlvii., adjoining this page, there is a complete equipment of wood-working machines for sawing, turning, planing, moulding, sand-papering, mortising, boring, tenoning, dovetailing, dowelling and joining. these are electrically driven, and are grouped at three places in the length of the shop on each floor, with benches around them, so that the joiners do not require to carry their jobs any distance in order to have them machined. there is also in use in connection with the department a portable electric circular saw, which is specially useful for carpenters and joiners, etc., on board the ship in the dock. an electric deck-planer, of the lawnmower form, has proved serviceable in reducing enormously the most laborious task experienced by carpenters and joiners. there are two large smithies convenient to the shipbuilding berths, and in both cases the finishing department adjoins. in one case there are fifty-four fires and eight hammers; in the other, forty fires, with five hammers, ranging up to 15 cwt. the fires are operated by mechanical blowers, and the smoke and waste gases are carried off by overhead ventilating pipes. extensive work is carried out by the smiths. die-stamping is largely adopted in connection with the making of eye-plates, cleats, stanchions, clips, etc. in each finishing shop there are band saws, radial and other drills, screwing machines, and grindstones. smiths' stores are arranged above the finishing shops. the plumbers' shop is fitted with a special machine for bending pipes when cold, as well as screwing and tapping machines, drills, saws, grinders, and fires. the sheet-iron department is equally well equipped, having straightening rolls, shearing, punching, chipping, drilling, and other tools, with various hammers; and here work is done in connection with ventilating and other light ironwork. in view of the warship contracts undertaken, the mechanics' shop, for work peculiar to the ship as distinct from the propeller machinery, etc., is extensive. the four lathes here range up to 27 ft. in length over all, with a 14-in. headstock and a 22-ft. bed. there is a useful shaping machine, a fair-sized planer, and several drills, all adequate for the work required, which is remarkable more, perhaps, for its great variety than for size. all the machinery in the yard, and in several departments in the engine and boiler works, is run from one central station, of which two views are given on plate xlviii., opposite. the electric generators occupy one side of the power station, and the air compressors and hydraulic pumps the other. steam at 200 lb. pressure is supplied by one marine cylindrical, and four babcock and wilcox water-tube, boilers, with superheater, coal conveyors, and mechanical stokers. [illustration: plate xlviii. electric generators in the power station. hydraulic pumps and air compressors in the power station.] there are three electric generating sets, with a total capacity of 1200 kilowatts, the voltage being 240. they are illustrated on plate xlviii., facing this page. the engines are of the high-speed, enclosed, forced lubrication, condensing type. the current is distributed from a switchboard in the power station by overhead mains, with three-way distributing panels in the various departments. the motors, of which there are about 130 in the shipbuilding department alone, are of the twoand four-pole type, partly or entirely enclosed, and mostly of 10 to 20 electric horse-power. arc lamps are used for lighting, but the shops and offices are also illumined by 16 and 32 candle-power incandescent lamps. plugs are arranged at various points throughout the yard for portable lights, and for connecting mains for lighting the various ships while being completed in the docks. hydraulic power at 800 lb. pressure is generated by two high-pressure pumps, with steam cylinders 15 in. in diameter, and rams 4 in. in diameter. there are separate accumulators for each. the pressure pipes are led underground throughout the works to the various hydraulic tools already referred to. there are two air compressors for supplying power for the pneumatic tools. the combined capacity is 1800 cubic feet of free air per minute. each has two steam cylinders 6 in. in diameter, working respectively highand low-pressure air cylinders 15-1/4 in. and 21-1/4 in. in diameter, the stroke being 18 in. the hydraulic pumps and the air compressors are illustrated on plate xlviii., facing page 104. as we have already stated, part of the power generated in this station is utilised at the engine works, to which we may now turn our attention. [illustration: decoration] [illustration: decoration] the engine and boiler works. [illustration: decoration] rapidity of construction has been characteristic of the engine and boiler works of the scotts to at least as great an extent as in the shipbuilding yard. several instances might be noted, beginning with six blockade-runners, built in a very short period, in 1864, and fitted with engines to give a speed of 12 knots at sea and 13-1/2 knots on trial. a recent and striking instance is the construction of boilers and engines for twenty of the passenger steamers built for traffic on the thames, to the order of the london county council, and described on pages 83 and 84, _ante_. the contract for this work was signed towards the end of november, 1904, and work was commenced about the beginning of december. the various parts of the engines were being machined and finished during the month of january and the beginning of february, 1905; and all of the twenty sets of engines and boilers were completed by the end of may. another noteworthy case is the construction of the machinery for the steamship _fengtien_, described on page 80, _ante_. work was commenced on the machinery in the middle of january, and finished about the end of april. the machinery was fitted in the ship and ready for the trials on the 29th may. the total time taken from the beginning of work was well under five months.[69] [illustration: plate xlix. view in main machine shop.] the pattern shop, where all work originates, is fitted with the usual pattern-making machinery, including a core-making machine. the iron foundry, which was begun in 1790,[70] and around which the large engineering establishment has since been raised step by step, continues to do sound work. there are four cupolas, of a combined capacity of about 20 tons, and cylinders up to 120 in. in diameter are cast. these facts suggest the satisfactory character of the equipment. the brass foundry is an equally important department, where first-class work is done. there are fifty-two crucible pots in use, varying in size up to 150 lb., and of a collective capacity of about 2 tons; also an air furnace capable of producing at one heat 12 tons of metal, for such heavy castings as are required for preparing shaft liners, large sea chests for naval ships, etc. the strength of admiralty gun metal made in this foundry is up to 18 tons per square inch, with 30 per cent. of elongation in a 2-in. length. the foundry is served by an electrically-operated jib crane. in the forge and smiths' shops a large amount of detail work is done, in units ranging up to 3 tons in weight. the hammers vary up to 15 cwt. power. a considerable amount of die-stamping is done in connection with auxiliary engine forgings, etc. all paddle-wheels are made in this department. the blast for the fires is got from an electrically-driven fan. the machine shop, which was one of the first constructed with a completely glazed roof, occupies a site on a steep slope, one side being formed by a heavy retaining wall, as shown in the engraving on plate xlix., facing page 106. at the level of the top of the wall, which is 25 ft. high, there is the light machine shop, while at the end of the bay and over the annexe situated to the left of the engraving, is the brass-finishing shop. there is a 2-ton hoist between the erecting-shop floor and the galleries, so that no inconvenience, so far as transport is concerned, is involved by this arrangement. originally a stream ran down the hill and over the site on which the works are located, and its waters have for many years been utilised as a source of power. a special 24-in. inward-flow turbine works in the conduit which conveys the water across the site, and this turbine develops continuously 80 horse-power. this serves to drive some of the machines in the boiler works. the turbine runs in parallel with a compound vertical engine, which drives the shafts actuating the groups of small machines in the engine shop. many of the larger tools, however, are electrically-driven by separate motors, the current being transmitted from the central station already described. the engravings on plates xxxix. and xlix., facing pages 92 and 106 respectively, illustrate the main machine shop, which has a width of 60 ft., and, with the adjoining bay, accommodates some of the finest marine engineering tools made. perhaps the best indication of their efficiency is the fact that three weeks suffice for the machining of the parts of a complete set of engines to develop 2000 horse-power. the shops are traversed by five overhead electric cranes, ranging up to 40 tons lifting capacity. [illustration: plate l. vertical planing machine.] [illustration: multiple spindle drilling machine.] [illustration: plate li. surface and boring lathe.] the leading dimensions and the principal work done by the more important tools afford an idea of the extent of the equipment. there are several planing and slotting machines, one of which is shown in the engraving on plate l., facing this page. there are two combined machines, to plane 21 ft. and to slot 18 ft., used in connection with the condensers, cylinders, large bearing frames and sole-plates of engines, while two other smaller tools are devoted to finishing the castings for bed-plates and columns. for machining eccentric-rod ends, etc., there is a 24-in. slotter with a circular table. there are two high-speed planers with two tool-boxes on the cross-slide, which take in pieces 10 ft. by 5 ft. by 5 ft., and one to take work 12 ft. by 3 ft. by 3 ft. in the driving of some of the heavier tools very good results have been attained by the application of a reversible motor, which in one case has dispensed with four belts, a pair of bevel wheels, and two countershafts, reducing enormously the frictional waste, and enabling higher speeds and quicker return strokes to be attained.[71] for drilling work there are several large tools. recently there has just been fitted a multiple machine which, while primarily intended for drilling the tube-holes in drums and water-pockets of yarrow water-tube boilers, is also utilised in connection with ordinary machine work. this tool, of which an engraving is given on plate l., facing page 108, was manufactured by messrs. campbells and hunter, limited, leeds. it has a massive cross-slide carrying four saddles, movable by a powerful screw, driven by spur-gearing and friction-clutch, controlled from one of the saddles. the steel spindles are balanced, and have a special self-acting, variable, rack-feed motion, as well as a quick vertical motion by hand for rapidly adjusting the drill through the jig. each spindle can be operated independently. the table has a sliding motion, directed by two straight screws coupled to the cross shaft and vertical shaft, and is carried by a straight bed with three bearing surfaces. this machine, which weighs 20 tons, is driven by a 30 brake-horse-power electric motor. there are two vertical boring mills used for cylinder work, one being capable of boring up to 120 in. in diameter, and the other to 94 in. in diameter. a combined boring and facing machine, with a table 4 ft. square, is usefully employed on propeller bosses, valve-chests, small cylinders, and built-up bed-plates, machine bearings, etc. the installation of high-speed lathes is specially noteworthy. in one, the face-plate can take in 12 ft. in diameter, and, as the length of bed is 30 ft., it is useful for large surfacing work, as well as for turning crankshafts of the larger sizes. there are two 12-in. double-geared lathes for surfacing and screw cutting. these are self-acting, and the lengths of bed are 19 ft. and 12 ft. respectively. for turning piston and connecting rods, two screw-cutting lathes of 16-1/4-in. centres are in use, the length of the bed being 22-1/2 ft. these have each a triple-gear headstock, and a chuck 48 in. in diameter; with rack motion and slide-rest feeds. a 20-in. centre lathe, with a bed 28 ft. 6 in. long, is fitted with two saddles and four slide-rests for shaft liners, etc. amongst others, there is a 27-in. centre lathe for shafting, the bed being 36 ft. long. one of the lathes is illustrated on plate li., adjoining page 109. this is a 48-in. surfacing and boring lathe, by messrs. john lang and sons, limited, johnstone. the two new features introduced are the variable speed drive and automatic speed-changing mechanism. the headstocks can be used for single or triple gear, and are so arranged that, even when running at the greatest speed, there is a reduction by gearing. with this arrangement the lathes have greater power when turning small diameters than when the belt is used driving direct to the main spindle. the spindles, which are hollow, with hexagonal turrets, are of crucible cast steel, and run in gun-metal bearings. by means of the speed-changing mechanism, the cutting speed of the tool is kept practically constant when surfacing. this means that any surface can be finished off in about one-half of the time taken by a lathe having the ordinary step-cone drive, where the workman will not change the position of the belt while surfacing. the self-acting feed-motions are positive. [illustration: plate lii. brass finishing shop.] milling is adopted in many instances in preference to planing or slotting, and this is especially so in connection with valve quadrants, columns, faces, etc. for the first-named there is a large vertical miller, and for the latter a horizontal tool with a vertical milling apparatus. for grinding bolts, etc., a machine having a separate head for grinding taps is used, the emery wheel being 18 in. in diameter and 1-1/2 in. broad. a shop, now in course of construction, is to be specially laid out for the manufacture of turbine machinery of the greatest power. it is to be 285 ft. long, with a span of 60 ft. heavy lifts will be taken by a 100-ton overhead crane, and ordinary work will be handled by a 40-ton electric crane. the heavy machine tools, while specially chosen for turbine work, are also adaptable for use in the manufacture of the heaviest reciprocating machinery. the principal tools are large lathes suitable for turbine rotors and crank-shafts; vertical boring machines which may be utilised for work on cylinders as well as on turbine casings; and a heavy planer, 10 ft. by 10 ft. by 25 ft. stroke. the necessary small machine tools for turbine work will be put down in this department, whence also some of the large tools will be removed from the existing shops, so that it will be fully equipped for the purpose intended. the brass-finishing shop, which is illustrated on plate lii., facing page 110, serves both for ship and engine work. it has only recently been laid out anew. the machines, according to the latest practice, are arranged down each side of the shop, and the benches occupy the centre. each alternate bench is utilised for the material to be operated upon, so that the working bench is not littered in a confused way, as is too often the case. there are representative types of the best makes of automatic tools, turret lathes, brass-finishers' lathes, and grinding machines with specially large discs. a considerable amount of work is done to limit gauge in all the shops which we have described. this practice has been considerably developed recently, and a specially equipped department has been organised, where gauges, templates, and cutting tools are made. this department is illustrated on plate liii., facing this page. a word may first be said as to the significance of this new department. where three or four ships have engines of the same type, a set of jigs and templates for the most important parts are at once made, so that a unit from an engine in one ship may be fitted to an engine in another. this simplifies the ordering of new parts, and greatly reduces the number of spare items which have to be kept in store by the owners, in order that repairs or refits may be effected at short notice. for some time the scotts have adopted this system, so that it was a simple matter to enforce it in connection with the machinery of the twenty thames steamers, and in recent naval work, where the practice is being applied in an extended form. in the recent admiralty work every part of an engine is made interchangeable and identical with the corresponding parts of other engines for the same type of ship, although built in different parts of the country; and this fact alone will indicate the extent and intricacy as well as the care and degree of accuracy necessary. this standardisation to ensure interchangeability has reached its highest exemplification in the case of the machinery for the armoured cruiser _defence_, of 27,000 indicated horse-power, to be completed in twenty-one months from the placing of the order by the admiralty. [illustration: plate liii. tool, gauge, template, and jig department.] then, as regards the tool-making and fettling--the other branch of work carried out in the tool room--it has been recognised that, to make the cutting tools efficient, it is necessary to utilise the most suitable steel for the tools working on various metals and alloys; and the selection of the tool steel for each metal has been systematised by the careful collation of data of actual work. in the manufacture of the tools special appliances are used and will be referred to presently. the workmen are encouraged to use only tools in sound condition. each machine-man in the shops has ten checks, and may borrow from the store a corresponding number of tools, but these must be returned as soon as possible for overhaul and re-grinding. the bonus system further induces the men to ensure that their tools are in good condition. the tool department is separate from the main structure, and in it all jigs, templates, and gauges, as well as tools, are constructed. standard gauges, as well as limit gauges, are used, and both are marked in metrical and english dimensions. the tool room is not only carefully maintained at a regular temperature, in order to prevent the templates and jigs from varying in the course of their manufacture, but the appliances adopted have been selected so as to get the most precise results. in connection with the manufacture of large boiler taps, drill gauges, milling cutters, etc., a specially designed gas furnace has been built, with a number of compartments which can be used separately or collectively, according to the size of the tool being made. the toolsmith's forge is on the down-draught principle, so that, in addition to carrying off all smoke and dust, it tends to keep the atmosphere pure. amongst the principal machines used in this tool-manufacturing department is an 8-in. whitworth self-acting, sliding-surfacing, and screw-cutting lathe, with a backing-off and taper-turning attachment. the milling, drilling, and grinding machines are all by the best makers. a 10-ft. machine is used for making the comparative measurements from existing standards. this machine, also of whitworth make, has a measuring screw in a fast headstock with a large dividing wheel, one division of the latter representing 0.0001-in. in the end movement of the spindle. all transverse and tensile testing of bars is done in this department. a check system is used in connection with the distribution of templates, tools, drawings, etc., and a separate store in the centre of the works is arranged for this purpose. [illustration: hydraulic plate-bending machine.] as to the boiler works, the fact that in 1905 the production was practically one boiler per week is, of itself, testimony to the nature of the plant adopted. the main boiler shop, together with its yard, has an area of 7000 square yards, and a height of 45 ft. to the crane rail, and is served by five overhead electric cranes, ranging in lifting power up to 100 tons, with numerous jib and other cranes associated with the various machine tools. [illustration: plate liv. in the boiler shop.] the machine tools fitted in the boiler works are all of a very powerful character; but only a few of these need here be referred to. there is a 13-ft. gap hydraulic plate-bending machine, which is entirely automatic in its action, and can be set to any radius to bend plates up to 2 in. thick when cold. the flanging for the front and back plates of boilers is done in an hydraulic machine, exerting a pressure of over 160 tons. this machine has four rams, two of which act downwards, one upwards, and the other horizontally. it is served by a special hydraulic jib-crane, capable of lifting the heaviest plates. there are also plate-edge planers and triple boring mills of corresponding power, while the vertical rolls take in plates up to 10-ft. wide. for the riveting of the boilers there is a 13-ft. gap hydraulic riveting machine, capable of exerting a load on each rivet of 200 tons. the weight of this riveting machine alone is about 60 tons, and it is served by an independent hydraulic jib-crane. all the valves in connection with the crane and riveter are led to a common platform, so that one man is able to manipulate the whole of the work. there is also a large installation of special plant for the manufacture of water-tube boilers, but it is scarcely necessary to describe this in detail. a large part of the boiler work, especially for warships, is galvanised, and a special department has been organised for this purpose. the tubes, in the first place, are thoroughly cleaned, then placed in a zinc bath, and coated by electrolysis to the desired extent; the object being to expose defects, as well as to protect the tubes from corrosion during manufacture. the amount of work done is, perhaps, the best indication of the equipment of this department, as well as of the water-tube department; and this will be realised when it is stated that over 24,000 tubes are required for the boilers of one cruiser, and that six months suffices for their construction. it would be possible to give other indications of the splendid equipment of the works, but enough has been said to show that there is directed towards the realisation of the best work in all departments--firstly, the advantages of accumulated experience, carefully collated throughout two hundred years; secondly, the benefits which the psychologists claim for hereditary influence--applicable here not only through the proprietors, but also through many of the workmen; and, thirdly, a sound progressive spirit, which recognises the necessity for continual improvement in administration and design, and in machine tools and methods of manufacture. [illustration: decoration] footnotes: [69] for further references to the rate of construction, see _engineering_, vol. lx., page 813, where it is noted that ten vessels, aggregating 26,000 tons, were built for the china navigation company in nine months. [70] see page 22, _ante_. [71] see _engineering_, vol. lxxx., page 418. printed at the bedford press, 20 and 21, bedfordbury, strand, london, w.c. victoria and albert museum science handbooks. ancient and modern ships. part i. [illustration] board of education, south kensington. victoria and albert museum. ancient and modern ships. part i. wooden sailing-ships. by sir george c. v. holmes, k.c.v.o., c.b., hon. member i.n.a., whitworth scholar. formerly secretary of the institution of naval architects with seventy-four illustrations. [illustration] (_revised._) london: printed for his majesty's stationery office, by wyman and sons, limited, fetter lane, e.c. 1906. to be purchased, either directly or through any bookseller from wyman & sons, ltd., fetter lane, london, e.c.; or oliver and boyd, edinburgh; or e. ponsonby, 116, grafton street, dublin; or on personal application at the catalogue stall, victoria and albert museum, s.w price one shilling and sixpence in paper wrapper, or two shillings and threepence in cloth. preface. an endeavour has been made in this handbook, as far as space and scantiness of material would permit, to trace the history of the development of wooden ships from the earliest times down to our own. unfortunately, the task has been exceedingly difficult; for the annals of shipbuilding have been very badly kept down to a quite recent period, and the statements made by old writers concerning ships are not only meagre but often extremely inaccurate. moreover, the drawings and paintings of vessels which have survived from the classical period are few and far between, and were made by artists who thought more of pictorial effect than of accuracy of detail. fortunately the carvings of the ancient egyptians were an exception to the above rule. thanks to their practice of recording and illustrating their history in one of the most imperishable of materials we know more of their ships and maritime expeditions than we do of those of any other people of antiquity. if their draughtsmen were as conscientious in delineating their boats as they were in their drawings of animals and buildings, we may accept the illustrations of egyptian vessels which have survived into our epoch as being correct in their main features. the researches now being systematically carried out in the valley of the nile add, year by year, to our knowledge, and already we know enough to enable us to assert that ship building is one of the oldest of human industries, and that there probably existed a sea borne commerce in the mediterranean long before the building of the pyramids. though the phoenicians were the principal maritime people of antiquity in the mediterranean, we know next to nothing of their vessels. the same may be said of the greeks of the archaic period. there is, however, ground for hope that, with the progress of research, more may be discovered concerning the earliest types of greek vessels; for example, during the past year, a vase of about the eighth century b.c. was found, and on it is a representation of a bireme of the archaic period of quite exceptional interest. as the greater part of this handbook was already in type when the vase was acquired by the british museum, it has only been possible to reproduce the representation in the appendix. the drawings of greek merchant-ships and galleys on sixth and fifth-century vases are merely pictures, which tell us but little that we really want to know. if it had not been for the discovery, this century, that a drain at the piræus was partly constructed of marble slabs, on which were engraved the inventories of the athenian dockyards, we should know but little of the greek triremes of as late a period as the third century b.c. we do not possess a single illustration of a greek or roman trireme, excepting only a small one from trajan's column, which must not be taken too seriously, as it is obviously pictorial, and was made a century and a half after many-banked ships had gone out of fashion. in the first eight centuries of our era records and illustrations of ships continue to be extremely meagre. owing to a comparatively recent discovery we know something of scandinavian boats. when we consider the way in which the norsemen overran the seaboard of europe, it seems probable that their types of vessels were dominant, at any rate in northern and western european waters, from the tenth to the twelfth century. from the time of the norman conquest down to the reign of henry viii. we have to rely, for information about ships, upon occasional notes by the old chroniclers, helped out by a few illustrations taken from ancient corporate seals and from manuscripts. from the time of henry viii., onwards, information about warships is much more abundant; but, unfortunately, little is known of the merchant vessels of the tudor, stuart, and early hanoverian periods, and it has not been found possible to trace the origin and development of the various types of merchant sailing-ships now in existence. the names of the authorities consulted have generally been given in the text, or in footnotes. the author is indebted to dr. warre's article on ships, in the last edition of the "encyclopædia britannica," and to mr. cecil torr's work, "ancient ships," for much information concerning greek and roman galleys, and further to "the royal navy," a history by mr. w. laird clowes, and the "history of marine architecture" by charnock, for much relating to british warships down to the end of the eighteenth century. 5, adelphi terrace, w.c., _january, 1, 1900_. contents. chapter i. page. introduction 1 chapter ii. ancient ships in the mediterranean and red seas 5 chapter iii. ancient ships in the seas of northern europe 55 chapter iv. mediæval ships 65 chapter v. modern wooden sailing-ships 112 appendix description of an archaic greek bireme 157 index 161 list of illustrations. fig. page *1. egyptian ship of the punt expedition. about 1600 b.c. _from dêr-bahari_ _frontispiece_ 2. the oldest known ships. about 6000 b.c. 10 3. egyptian boat of the time of the third dynasty 11 +4. egyptian boat of the time of the fourth dynasty 13 *5. nile barge carrying obelisks. about 1600 b.c. 20 6. battleship of ramses iii. about 1200 b.c. 24 7. portion of a phoenician galley. about 700 b.c. _from kouyunjik (nineveh)_ 27 8. greek unireme. about 500 b.c. 30 9. greek bireme. about 500 b.c. 31 10. fragment of a greek galley showing absence of deck. about 550 b.c. 32 11. galley showing deck and superstructure. about 600 b.c. _from an etruscan imitation of a greek vase_ 34 12. greek merchant-ship. about 500 b.c. 39 13. roman merchant-ship 40 +14. probable arrangement of oar-ports in ancient galleys 48 15. suggested arrangement of oar-ports in an octoreme 48 16. roman galley. about 110 a.d. 49 17. liburnian galley. conjectural restoration 50 18. stem and stern ornaments of galleys 52 19. bow of ancient war-galley 53 20. bow of ancient war-galley 54 21. anglo-saxon ship. about 900 a.d. 57 22-26. viking ship 60 27. one of william the conqueror's ships. 1066 a.d. 66 *28. sandwich seal. 1238 71 *29. dover seal. 1284 72 *30. poole seal. 1325 75 31. venetian galley. fourteenth century 78 32. cross-section of a venetian galleon 79 33. venetian galleon. 1564 80 34. italian sailing-ship. fifteenth century 81 35. english ship. time of richard ii. 81 36. english ship. time of henry vi. 83 37. english ship. latter half of fifteenth century 86 38. columbus' ship, the "santa maria." 1492 87 39. sail-plan of the "santa maria" 88 40. lines of the "santa maria" 91 41. the "henry grace à dieu." 1514. _pepysian library, cambridge_ 93 42. the "henry grace à dieu." _after allen_ 94 43. genoese carrack. 1542 96 44. spanish galleass. 1588 97 45. english man-of-war. about 1588 102 46. venetian galleass. 1571 103 47. the "prince royal." 1610 105 48. the "sovereign of the seas." 1637 109 49. the "royal charles." 1673 113 50. the "soleil royal." 1683 115 51. the "hollandia." 1683 116 52. british second-rate. 1665 119 53. midship section of a fourth-rate. end of seventeenth century 120 54. the "falmouth." east indiaman. launched 1752 124 55. the "royal george." 1746 127 56. the "commerce de marseille. 1792 130 57. british first-rate. 1794 132 58. " " " 133 59. heavy french frigate of 1780 134 60. " " " 135 61. the "howe." 1815 136 62. sir robert seppings' system of construction 138 63. " " " " " 139 64. " " " " " 140 65. the "waterloo" 141 66. the "queen" 143 *67. the "thames." east indiaman. 1819 144 *68. the "thetis." west indiaman 146 *69. free-trade barque 148 ++70. the "bazaar." american cotton-ship. 1832 149 ++71. the "sir john franklin." american transatlantic sailing-packet. 1840 151 ++72. the "ocean herald." american clipper. 1855 152 ++73. the "great republic." american clipper. 1853 154 74. archaic greek bireme. about 800 b.c. 158 the illustrations marked * are published by kind permission of the committee of the egypt exploration fund. those marked + are taken from "the history of merchant shipping and ancient commerce," and were kindly lent by messrs. sampson low, marston & co., ltd. those marked ++ are reproduced from "la marine française de 1792 à nos jours," by l'amiral paris. ancient and modern ships. part i. _wooden sailing-ships._ chapter i. introduction. a museum relating to naval architecture and shipbuilding is of the utmost interest to the people of great britain, on account of the importance to them of everything that bears on the carrying of their commerce. every englishman knows, in a general way, that the commerce of the british empire is more extensive than that of any other state in the world, and that the british sea-going mercantile marine compares favourably in point of size even with that of all the other countries of the world put together; but few are probably aware of the immense importance to us of these fleets of trading ships, and of the great part which they play in the maintenance of the prosperity of these isles. the shipping industry ranks, after agriculture, as the largest of our national commercial pursuits. there is more capital locked up in it, and more hands are employed in the navigation and construction of ships, their engines and fittings, than in any other trade of the country excepting the tillage of the soil. the following table gives the relative figures of the merchant navies of the principal states of the civilised world in the year 1898, and proves at a glance the immense interest to our fellow countrymen of all that affects the technical advancement of the various industries connected with shipping:- number and tonnage of sailing-vessels of over 100 tons net, and number and tonnage of steamers of over 100 tons gross, belonging to each of the countries named, as recorded in lloyds' register book. ----------------------------------------------------------------- | total no. of | total tonnage of flag. | steam and sailing | steam (gross) and of | vessels. | sailing-vessels (net). ----------------------+-------------------+---------------------- united kingdom | 8,973 | 12,926,924 colonies | 2,025 | 1,061,584 +-------------------+---------------------- total | 10,998 | 13,988,508 | | united states of }| | america, including }| 3,010 | 2,465,387 great lakes }| | | | danish | 796 | 511,958 french | 1,182 | 1,242,091 german | 1,676 | 2,453,334 italian | 1,150 | 875,851 japanese | 841 | 533,381 norwegian | 2,528 | 1,694,230 russian | 1,218 | 643,527 spanish | 701 | 608,885 swedish | 1,408 | 605,991 all other | | countries | 2,672 | 2,050,385 +-------------------+---------------------- total | 28,180 | 27,673,528 ----------------------+-------------------+----------------------the part played by technical improvements in the maintenance of our present position cannot be over-estimated; for that position, such as it is, is not due to any inherent permanent advantages possessed by this country. time was when our mercantile marine was severely threatened by competition from foreign states. to quote the most recent example, about the middle of last century the united states of america fought a well-contested struggle with us for the carrying trade of the world. shortly after the abolition of the navigation laws, the competition was very severe, and united states ships had obtained almost exclusive possession of the china trade, and of the trade between europe and north america, and in the year 1850 the total tonnage of the shipping of the states was 3,535,434, against 4,232,960 tons owned by great britain. the extraordinary progress in american mercantile shipbuilding was due, in part, to special circumstances connected with their navigation laws, and in part to the abundance and cheapness of excellent timber; but, even with these advantages, the americans would never have been able to run such a close race with us for the carrying trade of the world, had it not been for the great technical skill and intelligence of their shipbuilders, who produced vessels which were the envy and admiration of our own constructors. as a proof of this statement, it may be mentioned that, the labour-saving mechanical contrivances adopted by the americans were such that, on board their famous liners and clippers, twenty men could do the work which in a british ship of equal size required thirty, and, in addition to this advantage, the american vessels could sail faster and carry more cargo in proportion to their registered tonnage than our own vessels. it was not till new life was infused into british naval architecture that we were enabled to conquer the american competition; and then it was only by producing still better examples of the very class of ship which the americans had been the means of introducing, that we were eventually enabled to wrest from them the china trade. another triumph in the domain of technical shipbuilding, viz., the introduction and successful development of the iron-screw merchant steamer, eventually secured for the people of this country that dominion of the seas which remains with them to this day. among the great means of advancing technical improvements, none takes higher rank than a good educational museum; for it enables the student to learn, as he otherwise cannot learn, the general course which improvements have taken since the earliest times, and hence to appreciate the direction which progress will inevitably take in the future. here he will learn, for instance, how difficulties have been overcome in the past, and will be the better prepared to play his part in overcoming those with which he, in his turn, will be confronted. in such a museum he can study the advantages conferred upon the owner, by the successive changes which have been effected in the materials, construction, and the means of propulsion of ships. he can trace, for instance, the effects of the change from wood to iron, and from iron to steel, in the carrying capacity of ships, and he can note the effects of successive improvements in the propelling machinery in saving weight and space occupied by engines, boilers, and bunkers; and in conferring upon a ship of a given size the power of making longer voyages. here, too, he can learn how it was that the american clipper supplanted the old english sailing merchantman, and how the screw iron ship, fitted with highly economical engines, has practically driven the clipper from the seas. in fact, with the aid of a good museum the student is enabled to take a bird's-eye view of the whole chain of progress, in which the existing state of things constitutes but a link. signs are not wanting that the competition with which british shipowners had to contend in the past will again become active in the near future. the advantages conferred upon us by abundant supplies of iron and by cheap labour will not last for ever. there are many who expect, not without reason, that the abolition or even the diminution of protection in the united states will, when it comes to pass, have the same stimulating effect upon the american shipbuilding industry which the abolition of the old navigation laws had upon our own; and when that day comes englishmen will find it an advantage to be able to enter the contest equipped with the best attainable technical education and experience. chapter ii. ancient ships in the mediterranean and red seas. it is not difficult to imagine how mankind first conceived the idea of making use of floating structures to enable him to traverse stretches of water. the trunk of a tree floating down a river may have given him his first notions. he would not be long in discovering that the tree could support more than its own weight without sinking. from the single trunk to a raft, formed of several stems lashed together, the step would not be a long one. similarly, once it was noticed that a trunk, or log, could carry more than its own weight and float, the idea would naturally soon occur to any one to diminish the inherent weight of the log by hollowing it out and thus increase its carrying capacity; the subsequent improvements of shaping the underwater portion so as to make the elementary boat handy, and to diminish its resistance in the water, and of fitting up the interior so as to give facilities for navigating the vessel and for accommodating in it human beings and goods, would all come by degrees with experience. even to the present day beautiful specimens exist of such boats, or canoes, admirably formed out of hollowed tree-trunks. they are made by many uncivilized peoples, such as the islanders of the pacific and some of the tribes of central africa. probably the earliest type of _built-up_ boat was made by stretching skins on a frame. to this class belonged the coracle of the ancient britons, which is even now in common use on the atlantic seaboard of ireland. the transition from a raft to a flat-bottomed boat was a very obvious improvement, and such vessels were probably the immediate forerunners of ships. it is usual to refer to noah's ark as the oldest ship of which there is any authentic record. since, however, egypt has been systematically explored, pictures of vessels have been discovered immensely older than the ark--that is to say, if the date usually assigned to the latter (2840 b.c.) can be accepted as approximately correct; and, as we shall see hereafter (p. 25), there are vessels _now in existence in egypt which were built_ about this very period. the ark was a vessel of such enormous size that the mere fact that it was constructed argues a very advanced knowledge and experience on the part of the contemporaries of noah. its dimensions were, according to the biblical version, reckoning the cubit at eighteen inches; length, 450 feet; breadth, 75 feet; and depth, 45 feet. if very full in form its "registered tonnage" would have been nearly 15,000. according to the earlier babylonian version, the depth was equal to the breadth, but, unfortunately, the figures of the measurements are not legible. it has been sometimes suggested that the ark was a huge raft with a superstructure, or house, built on it, of the dimensions given above. there does not, however, appear to be the slightest reason for concurring with this suggestion. on the contrary, the biblical account of the structure of the ark is so detailed, that we have no right to suppose that the description of the most important part of it, the supposed raft, to which its power of floating would have been due, would have been omitted. moreover, the whole account reads like the description of a ship-shaped structure. shipbuilding in egypt. the earliest information on the building of ships is found, as might be expected, on the egyptian tombs and monuments. it is probable that the valley of the nile was also the first land bordering on the mediterranean in which ships, as distinguished from more elementary craft, were constructed. everything is in favour of such a supposition. in the first place, the country was admirably situated, geographically, for the encouragement of the art of navigation, having seaboards on two important inland seas which commanded the commerce of europe and asia. in the next place, the habitable portion of egypt consisted of a long narrow strip of densely peopled, fertile territory, bordering a great navigable river, which formed a magnificent highway throughout the whole extent of the country. it is impossible to conceive of physical circumstances more conducive to the discovery and development of the arts of building and navigating floating structures. the experience gained on the safe waters of the nile would be the best preparation for taking the bolder step of venturing on the open seas. the character of the two inland seas which form the northern and eastern frontiers of egypt was such as to favour, to the greatest extent, the spirit of adventure. as a rule, their waters are relatively calm, and the distances to be traversed to reach other lands are inconsiderable. we know that the ancient egyptians, at a period which the most modern authorities place at about 7,000 years ago, had already attained to a very remarkable degree of civilisation and to a knowledge of the arts of construction on land which has never since been excelled. what is more natural than to suppose that the genius and science which enabled them to build the pyramids and their vast temples and palaces, to construct huge works for the regulation of the nile, and to quarry, work into shape, and move into place blocks of granite weighing in some cases several hundreds of tons, should also lead them to excel in the art of building ships? not only the physical circumstances, but the habits and the religion of the people created a demand, even a necessity, for the existence of navigable floating structures. at the head of the delta of the nile was the ancient capital, the famous city of memphis, near to which were built the pyramids, as tombs in which might be preserved inviolate until the day of resurrection, the embalmed bodies of their kings. the roofs of the burial chambers in the heart of the pyramids were prevented from falling in, under the great weight of the superincumbent mass, by huge blocks, or beams, of the hardest granite, meeting at an angle above the chambers. the long galleries by which the chambers were approached were closed after the burial by enormous gates, consisting of blocks of granite, which were let down from above, sliding in grooves like the portcullis of a feudal castle. in this way it was hoped to preserve the corpse contained in the chamber absolutely inviolate. the huge blocks of granite, which weighed from 50 to 60 tons each, were supposed to be too heavy ever to be moved again after they had been once lowered into position, and they were so hard that it was believed they could never be pierced. now, even if we had no other evidence to guide us, the existence of these blocks of granite in the pyramids would afford the strongest presumption that the egyptians of that remote time were perfectly familiar with the arts of inland navigation, for the stone was quarried at assouan, close to the first cataract, 583 miles above cairo, and could only have been conveyed from the quarry to the building site by water. in the neighbourhood of memphis are hundreds of other blocks of granite from assouan, many of them of enormous size. the pyramid of men-kau-ra, or mycerinus, built about 3633 b.c., was once entirely encased with blocks from assouan. the temple of the sphinx, built at a still earlier date, was formed, to a large extent, of huge pieces of the same material, each measuring 15 × 5 × 3·2 feet, and weighing about 18 tons. the mausoleum of the sacred bulls at sakara contains numbers of assouan granite sarcophagi, some of which measure 13 × 8 × 11 feet. these are but a few instances, out of the many existing, from which we may infer that, even so far back as the fourth dynasty, the egyptians made use of the arts of inland navigation. we are, however, fortunately not obliged to rely on inference, for we have direct evidence from the sculptures and records on the ancient tombs. thanks to these, we now know what the ancient nile boats were like, and how they were propelled, and what means were adopted for transporting the huge masses of building material which were used in the construction of the temples and monuments. the art of reading the hieroglyphic inscriptions was first discovered about the year 1820, and the exploration of the tombs and monuments has only been prosecuted systematically during the last five-and-twenty years. most of the knowledge of ancient egyptian ships has, therefore, been acquired in quite recent times, and much of it only during the last year or two. this is the reason why, in the old works on shipbuilding, no information is given on this most interesting subject. knowledge is, however, now being increased every day, and, thanks to the practice of the ancient egyptians of recording their achievements in sculpture in a material which is imperishable in a dry climate, we possess at the present day, probably, a more accurate knowledge of their ships than we do of those of any other ancient or mediæval people. by far the oldest boats of which anything is now known were built in egypt by the people who inhabited that country before the advent of the pyramid-builders. it is only within the last few years that these tombs have been explored and critically examined. they are now supposed to be of libyan origin and to date from between 5000 and 6000 b.c. in many of these tombs vases of pottery have been discovered, on which are painted rude representations of ships. some of the latter were of remarkable size and character. fig. 2 is taken from one of these vases. it is a river scene, showing two boats in procession. the pyramid-shaped mounds in the background represent a row of hills. these boats are evidently of very large size. one of them has 58 oars, or more probably paddles, on each side, and two large cabins amidships, connected by a flying bridge, and with spaces fenced off from the body of the vessel. the steering was, apparently, effected by means of three large paddles on each side, and from the prow of one of the boats hangs a weight, which was probably intended for an anchor. it will be noticed that the two ends of these vessels, like the nile boats of the egyptians proper, were not waterborne. a great many representations of these boats have now been discovered. they all have the same leading characteristics, though they differ very much in size. amongst other peculiarities they invariably have an object at the prow resembling two branches of palm issuing from a stalk, and also a mast carrying an ensign at the after-cabin. [illustration: fig. 2.--the oldest known ships. between 5000 and 6000 b.c.] some explorers are of opinion that these illustrations do not represent boats, but fortifications, or stockades of some sort. if we relied only on the rude representations painted on the vases, the question might be a moot one. it has, however, been definitely set at rest by professor flinders petrie, who, in the year 1899, brought back from egypt very large drawings of the same character, taken, not from vases, but from the tombs themselves. the drawings clearly show that the objects are boats, and that they were apparently very shallow and flat-bottomed. it is considered probable that they were employed in over-sea trade as well as for nile traffic; for, in the same tombs were found specimens of pottery of foreign manufacture, some of which have been traced to bosnia. [illustration: fig. 3.--egyptian boat of the time of the third dynasty.] the most ancient mention of a ship in the world's history is to be found in the name of the eighth king of egypt after mena, the founder of the royal race. this king, who was at the head of the second dynasty, was called betou (boëthos in greek), which word signifies the "prow of a ship." nineteen kings intervened between him and khufu (cheops), the builder of the great pyramid at ghizeh. the date of this pyramid is given by various authorities as from about 4235 to 3500 b.c. as the knowledge of egyptology increases the date is set further and further back, and the late mariette pasha, who was one of the greatest authorities on the subject, fixed it at 4235 b.c. about five centuries intervened between the reign of betou and the date of the great pyramid. hence we can infer that ships were known to the egyptians of the dynasties sixty-seven centuries ago. fortunately, however, we are not obliged to rely on inferences drawn from the name of an individual; we actually possess pictures of vessels which, there is every reason to believe, were built before the date of the great pyramid. the boat represented by fig. 3 is of great interest, as it is by far the oldest specimen of a true egyptian boat that has yet been discovered. it was copied by the late mr. villiers stuart from the tomb of ka khont khut, situated in the side of a mountain near kâu-el-kebîr, on the right bank of the nile, about 279 miles above cairo.[1] the tomb belongs to a very remote period. from a study of the hieroglyphs, the names of the persons, the forms of the pottery found, and the shape, arrangement, and decoration of the tomb, mr. villiers stuart came to the conclusion that it dates from the third dynasty, and that, consequently, it is older than the great pyramid at ghizeh. if these conclusions are correct, and if mariette's date for the great pyramid be accepted, fig. 3 represents a nile boat as used about 6,300 years ago--that is to say, about fifteen centuries before the date commonly accepted for the ark. mr. villiers stuart supposes that it was a dug-out canoe, but from the dimensions of the boat this theory is hardly tenable. it will be noted that there are seven paddlers on each side, in addition to a man using a sounding, or else a punt, pole at the prow, and three men steering with paddles in the stern, while amidships there is a considerable free space, occupied only by the owner, who is armed with a whip, or courbash. the paddlers occupy almost exactly one-half of the total length, and from the space required for each of them the boat must have been quite 56 feet long. it could hardly have been less than seven feet wide, as it contained a central cabin, with sufficient space on either side of the latter for paddlers to sit. if it were a "dug-out," the tree from which it was made must have been brought down the river from tropical africa. there is no reason, however, to suppose anything of the sort; for, if the epoch produced workmen skilful enough to excavate and decorate the tomb, and to carve the statues and make the pottery which it contained, it must also have produced men quite capable of building up a boat from planks. [illustration: fig. 4.--egyptian boat of the time of the fourth dynasty.] the use of sails was also understood at this remote epoch, for it will be noticed that, on the roof of the cabin is lying a mast which has been unshipped. the mast is triangular in shape, consisting of two spars, joined together at the top at an acute angle, and braced together lower down. this form was probably adopted in order to dispense with stays, and thus facilitate shipping and unshipping. it is also worthy of note that this boat appears to have been decked over, as the feet of all those on board are visible above the gunwale. a representation of a very similar boat was found in the tomb of merâb, a son of khufu, of the fourth dynasty. the tombs of egypt abound in pictures of boats and larger vessels, and many wooden models of them have also been found in the sarcophagi. there is in the berlin museum a model of a boat similar in general arrangement to the one just described. it is decked over and provided with a cabin amidships, which does not occupy the full width of the vessel. fig. 4 is a vessel of later date and larger size than that found in the tomb of ka khont khut, but its general characteristics are similar. from the number of paddlers it must have been at least 100 feet in length. in this case we see the mast is erected and a square sail set. the bow and stern also come much higher out of the water. the roof of the cabin is prolonged aft, so as to form a shelter for the steersman and a seat for the man holding the ropes. similarly it is prolonged forward, so as to provide a shelter for the captain, or owner. the method of steering with oars continued in use for centuries; but in later and larger vessels the steering-oars, which were of great size, were worked by a mechanical arrangement. the illustration was taken originally from a fourth-dynasty tomb at kôm-el-ahmars. there are also extant pictures of egyptian cattle-boats, formed of two ordinary barges lashed together, with a temporary house, or cattle-shed, constructed across them. the history of egypt, as inscribed in hieroglyphs on the ancient monuments, relates many instances of huge sarcophagi, statues, and obelisks having been brought down the nile on ships. the tombs and monuments of the sixth dynasty are particularly rich in such records. in the tomb of una, who was a high officer under the three kings, ati, pepi i., and mer-en-ra, are inscriptions which shed a flood of light on egyptian shipbuilding of this period, and on the uses to which ships were put. in one of them we learn how una was sent by pepi to quarry a sarcophagus in a single piece of limestone, in the mountain of jurra, opposite to memphis, and to transport it, together with other stones, in one of the king's ships. in another it is related how he headed a military expedition against the land of zerehbah, "to the north of the land of the hirusha," and how the army was embarked in ships. in the reign of pepi's successor, mer-en-ra, una appears to have been charged with the quarrying and transport of the stones destined for the king's pyramid, his sarcophagus, statue, and other purposes. the following passage from the inscriptions on his tomb gives even the number of the ships and rafts which he employed on this work:[2]- "his holiness, the king mer-en-ra, sent me to the country of abhat to bring back a sarcophagus with its cover, also a small pyramid, and a statue of the king mer-en-ra, whose pyramid is called kha-nofer ('the beautiful rising'). and his holiness sent me to the city of elephantine to bring back a holy shrine, with its base of hard granite, and the doorposts and cornices of the same granite, and also to bring back the granite posts and thresholds for the temple opposite to the pyramid kha-nofer, of king mer-en-ra. the number of ships destined for the complete transport of all these stones consisted of six broad vessels, three tow-boats, three rafts, and one ship manned with warriors." further on, the inscriptions relate how stone for the pyramid was hewn in the granite quarries at assouan, and how rafts were constructed, 60 cubits in length and 30 cubits in breadth, to transport the material. the royal egyptian cubit was 20·67 inches in length, and the common cubit 18·24 inches. the river had fallen to such an extent that it was not possible to make use of these rafts, and others of a smaller size had to be constructed. for this purpose una was despatched up the river to the country of wawa-t, which brugsch considered to be the modern korosko. the inscription states- "his holiness sent me to cut down four forests in the south, in order to build three large vessels and four towing-vessels out of the acacia wood in the country of wawa-t. and behold the officials of araret, aam, and mata caused the wood to be cut down for this purpose. i executed all this in the space of a year. as soon as the waters rose i loaded the rafts with immense pieces of granite for the pyramid kha-nofer, of the king mer-en-ra." mr. villiers stuart found several pictures of large ships of this remote period at kasr-el-syad on the nile, about 70 miles below thebes, in the tomb of ta-hotep, who lived in the reigns of pepi i. and his two successors. these boats were manned with twenty-four rowers, and had two cabins, one amidships and the other astern.[3] the same explorer describes the contents of a tomb of the sixth dynasty at gebel abû faida, on the walls of which he observed the painting of a boat with a triple mast (presumably made of three spars arranged like the edges of a triangular pyramid), and a stern projecting beneath the water. between the sixth and the eleventh dynasties egyptian history is almost an utter blank. the monuments contain no records for a period of about 600 years. we are, therefore, in complete ignorance of the progress of shipbuilding during this epoch. it was, however, probably considerable; for, when next the monuments speak it is to give an account of a mercantile expedition on the high seas. in the valley of hamâmât, near coptos, about 420 miles above cairo, is an inscription on the rocks, dating from the reign of sankh-ka-ra, the last king of the eleventh dynasty (about 2800 b.c.), describing an expedition by sea to the famous land of punt, on the coast of the red sea. this expedition is not to be confounded with another, a much more famous one, to the same land, carried out by direction of queen hatshepsu of the eighteenth dynasty, about eleven centuries later. sankh-ka-ra's enterprise is, however, remarkable as being the first over-sea maritime expedition recorded in the world's history. it may be noted that it took place at about the date usually assigned to noah's ark. the town of coptos was of considerable commercial importance, having been at one end of the great desert route from the nile to the red sea port of kosseir, whence most of the egyptian maritime expeditions started. the land of punt, which was the objective of the expedition, is now considered to be identical with somaliland. the following extracts from the inscription give an excellent idea of the objects and conduct of the expedition, which was under the leadership of a noble named hannu, who was himself the author of the inscription:[4]- "i was sent to conduct ships to the land of punt, to fetch for pharaoh sweet-smelling spices, which the princes of the red land collect out of fear and dread, such as he inspires in all nations. and i started from the city of coptos, and his holiness gave the command that the armed men, who were to accompany me, should be from the south country of the thebaîd." after describing the arrangements which he made for watering the expedition along the desert route, he goes on to say:- "then i arrived at the port seba, and i had ships of burthen built to bring back products of all kinds. and i offered a great sacrifice of oxen, cows, and goats. and when i returned from seba i had executed the king's command, for i brought him back all kinds of products which i had met with in the ports of the holy land (punt). and i came back by the road of uak and rohan, and brought with me precious stones for the statues of the temples. but such a thing never happened since there were kings; nor was the like of it ever done by any blood relations who were sent to these places since the time (of the reign) of the sun-god ra." from the last sentence of the above quotation we may infer that previous expeditions had been sent to the land of punt. communication with this region must, however, have been carried on only at considerable intervals, for we read that hannu had to build the ships required for the voyage. unfortunately, no representations of these vessels accompany the inscription. between the end of the eleventh and the commencement of the eighteenth dynasty, the monuments give us very little information about ships or maritime expeditions. aahmes, the first king of the latter dynasty, freed egypt from the domination of the shepherd kings by means of a naval expedition on the nile and the mediterranean. a short history of this campaign is given in the tomb of another aahmes, near el kab, a place on the east bank of the river, 502 miles south of cairo. this aahmes was a captain of sailors who served under sequenen-ra, king aahmes, amenophis i., and thotmes i. king aahmes is supposed to have been the pharaoh of the old testament who knew not joseph. he lived about 1700 b.c. by far the most interesting naval records of this dynasty are the accounts, in the temple of dêr-el-bahari close to thebes, of the famous expedition to the land of punt, carried out by order of that remarkable woman queen hatshepsu, who was the daughter of thotmes i., half-sister and wife of thotmes ii., and aunt and step-mother of the famous king thotmes iii. she appears to have been called by her father during his lifetime to share the throne with him, and to have practically usurped the government during the reign of her husband and during the early years of the reign of her nephew. the expedition to the land of punt was evidently one of the most remarkable events of her reign. it took place about 1600 b.c.--that is to say, about three centuries before the exodus. the history of the undertaking is given at great length on the retaining wall of one of the terraces of the temple, and the various scenes and events are illustrated by carvings on the same wall, in as complete a manner as though the expedition had taken place in the present time, and had been accompanied by the artists of one of our pictorial newspapers. fortunately, the great bulk of the carvings and inscriptions remain to this day, and we possess, therefore, a unique record of a trading expedition carried out at this remote period. the carvings comprise representations of the ships going out. the landing at the "incense terraced-mountain," and the meeting with the princes and people of this strange land, are also shown. we have pictures of their pile dwellings, and of the trees and animals of the country, and also portraits of the king of punt, of his wife and children. lastly, we have representations of the ships returning to egypt, laden with the precious incense of the land and with other merchandise, and also of the triumphant reception of the members of the expedition at thebes. one of the inscriptions relates as follows:[5]- "the ships were laden to the uttermost with the wonderful products of the land of punt, and with the different precious woods of the divine land, and with heaps of the resin of incense, with fresh incense trees, with ebony, (objects) of ivory set in pure gold from the land of the 'amu, with sweet woods, khesit-wood, with ahem incense, holy resin, and paint for the eyes, with dog-headed apes, with long-tailed monkeys and greyhounds, with leopard-skins, and with natives of the country, together with their children. never was the like brought to any king (of egypt) since the world stands." the boast contained in the concluding sentence was obviously not justified, as we know the same claims were made in the inscription in the valley of hammamât, describing the previous expedition to punt, which took place eleven centuries earlier. from the frontispiece, fig. 1, we can form an accurate idea of the ships used in the red sea trade in the time of the eighteenth dynasty. they were propelled by rowers instead of by paddlers, as in all the previous examples. there were fifteen rowers on each side, and, allowing four feet for the distance between each seat, and taking account of the length of the overhanging portions at bow and stern, the length of each vessel could have been little short of a hundred feet. they were apparently decked over and provided with raised cabins at the two extremities. the projections marked along the sides may indicate the ends of beams, or they may, as some writers have supposed, have been pieces of timber against which the oars could be worked in narrow and shallow water. [illustration: fig. 5.--nile barge carrying obelisks. about 1600 b.c.] these vessels were each rigged with a huge square sail. the spars carrying the sail were as long as the boats themselves, and were each formed of two pieces spliced together in the middle. the stems and sterns were not waterborne. in order to prevent the vessel from hogging under the influence of the weights of the unsupported ends, a truss was employed, similar in principle and object to those used to this day in american river steamers. the truss was formed by erecting four or more pillars in the body of the vessel, terminating at a height of about six feet above the gunwale, in crutches. a strong rope running fore and aft was passed over these crutches and also round the mast, the two ends of the rope having been so arranged as to gird and support the stem and stern respectively. the temple of dêr-el-bahari contained also a most interesting illustrated account of the transport of two great obelisks down the nile in the reign of the same queen. unfortunately, parts of the description and of the carvings have been lost, but enough remains to give us a very clear idea of the vessels employed and of the method of transport. fig. 5 shows the type of barge employed to carry the obelisks, of which there were two. the dotted lines show the portions of the carving which are at present missing. the restoration was effected by monsieur edouard naville.[6] the restoration is by no means conjectural. the key to it was furnished by a hieroglyph in the form of the barge with the obelisks on deck. some of these obelisks were of very large size. there are two, which were hewn out of granite for queen hatshepsu, still at the temple of karnak. they may, very possibly, be the two which are referred to in the description at dêr-el-bahari. one of them is 98 feet and the other 105 feet in height. the larger of the two has been calculated to weigh 374 tons, and the two together may have weighed over 700 tons. to transport such heavy stones very large barges would have been required. unfortunately, the greater portion of the inscription describing the building of these boats has been lost, but what remains states that orders were given to collect "sycamores from the whole land (to do the) work of building a very great boat." there is, however, an inscription still intact in the tomb of an ancient egyptian named anna, who lived in the reigns of the three kings thotmes (and therefore also during that of queen hatshepsu), which relates that, having to transport two obelisks for thotmes i., he built a boat 120 cubits long and 40 cubits wide. if the royal cubit of 20·72 inches was referred to, the dimensions of the boat would have been 200 feet long by 69 feet wide. this is possibly the very boat illustrated on the walls of dêr-el-bahari; for, it having evidently been a matter of some difficulty to collect the timber necessary to build so large a vessel, it seems only natural to suppose that it would be carefully preserved for the future transport of similar obelisks. if, however, it was found necessary to construct a new boat in order to transport queen hatshepsu's obelisks, we may be fairly certain that it was larger than the one whose dimensions are given above, for the taller of her two obelisks at karnak is the largest that has been found in egypt in modern times. the obelisk of rose granite of thotmes i., still at karnak, is 35 feet shorter, being 70 feet, or exactly the same height as the one called cleopatra's needle, now on the thames embankment. the barge shown in fig. 5 was strengthened, apparently, with three tiers of beams; it was steered by two pairs of huge steering-oars, and was towed by three parallel groups, each consisting of ten large boats. there were 32 oarsmen to each boat in the two wing groups, and 36 in each of the central groups: there were, therefore, exactly one thousand oars used in all. the towing-cable started from the masthead of the foremost boat of each group, and thence passed to the bow of the second one, and so on, the stern of each boat being left perfectly free, for the purpose, no doubt, of facilitating the steering. the flotilla was accompanied by five smaller boats, some of which were used by the priests, while the others were despatch vessels, probably used to keep up communications with the groups of tugs. there are no other inscriptions, or carvings, that have as yet been discovered in egypt which give us so much information regarding egyptian ships as those on the temple at dêr-el-bahari. from time to time we read of naval and mercantile expeditions, but illustrations of the ships and details of the voyages are, as a rule, wanting. we know that seti i., of the nineteenth dynasty, whose reign commenced about 1366 b.c., was a great encourager of commerce. he felled timber in lebanon for building ships, and is said to have excavated a canal between the nile and the red sea. his successor, the famous ramses ii., carried on wars by sea, as is proved by the inscriptions in the temple at abû simbel in nubia, 762 miles above cairo. in the records of the reign of ramses iii., 1200 b.c., we again come upon illustrations of ships in the temple of victory at medînet habû, west thebes. the inscriptions describe a great naval victory which this king won at migdol, near the pelusiac mouth of the nile, over northern invaders, probably colchians and carians. fig. 6 shows one of the battleships. it is probably more a symbolical than an exact representation, nevertheless it gives us some valuable information. for instance, we see that the rowers were protected against the missiles of their adversaries by strong bulwarks, and the captain occupied a crow's nest at the masthead. ramses iii. did a great deal to develop egyptian commerce. his naval activities were by no means confined to the mediterranean, for we read that he built a fleet at suez, and traded with the land of punt and the shores of the indian ocean. herodotus states that, in his day, the docks still existed at the head of the arabian gulf where this red sea fleet was built. pharaoh nekau (necho), who reigned from 612 to 596 b.c., and who defeated josiah, king of judah, was one of the kings of egypt who did most to encourage commerce. he commenced a canal to join the pelusiac branch of the nile at bubastis with the red sea, but never finished it. it was under his directions that the phoenicians, according to herodotus, made the voyage round africa referred to on p. 27. when nekau abandoned the construction of the canal he built two fleets of triremes, one for use in the mediterranean, and the other for the red sea. the latter fleet was built in the arabian gulf. [illustration: fig. 6.--battleship of ramses iii. about 1200 b.c.] in later times the seaborne commerce of egypt fell, to a large extent, into the hands of the phoenicians and greeks. herodotus (484 to 423 b.c.) gives an interesting account of the nile boats of his day, and of the method of navigation of the river.[7] "their boats, with which they carry cargoes, are made of the thorny acacia.... from this tree they cut pieces of wood about two cubits in length, and arrange them like bricks, fastening the boat together by a great number of long bolts through the two-cubit pieces; and when they have thus fastened the boat together they lay cross-pieces over the top, using no ribs for the sides; and within they caulk the seams with papyrus. they make one steering-oar for it, which is passed through the bottom of the boat, and they have a mast of acacia and sails of papyrus. these boats cannot sail up the river unless there be a very fresh wind blowing, but are towed.... down stream they travel as follows: they have a door-shaped crate, made of tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, and also a stone of about two talents' weight, bored with a hole; and of these the boatman lets the crate float on in front of the boat, fastened with a rope, and the stone drag behind by another rope. the crate then, as the force of the stream presses upon it, goes on swiftly and draws on the ... boats, ... while the stone, dragging after it behind and sunk deep in the water, keeps its course straight." in connection with this account it is curious to note that, at so late a period as the time of herodotus, papyrus was used for the sails of nile boats, for we know that, for many centuries previously, the egyptians were adepts in the manufacture of linen, and actually exported fine linen to cyprus to be used as sailcloth. before concluding this account of shipbuilding in ancient egypt, it may be mentioned that, in the year 1894, the french egyptologist, monsieur j. de morgan, discovered several nile boats of the time of the twelfth dynasty (2850 b.c.) admirably preserved in brick vaults at dashûr, a little above cairo, on the left bank of the river. the site of these vaults is about one hour's ride from the river and between 70 and 80 feet above the plain. the boats are about 33 feet long, 7 to 8 feet wide, and 2-1/2 to 3 feet deep. as there were neither rowlocks nor masts, and as they were found in close proximity to some royal tombs, it is considered probable that they were funeral boats, used for carrying royal mummies across the river. they are constructed of planks of acacia and sycamore, about three inches thick, which are dovetailed together and fastened with trenails. there are floors, but no ribs. in this respect the account of herodotus is remarkably confirmed. the method of construction was so satisfactory that, although they are nearly 5,000 years old, they held rigidly together after their supports had been removed by monsieur de morgan. they were steered by two large paddles. the discovery of these boats is of extraordinary interest, for they were built at the period usually assigned to noah's ark. it is a curious fact that they should have been found so far from the river, but we know from other sources--such as the paintings found in papyrus books--that it was the custom of the people to transport the mummies of royal personages, together with the funeral boats, on sledges to the tomb. the famous galleys of the egypt of the ptolemies belonged to the period of greek and roman naval architecture, and will be referred to later. from the time of the ancient egyptian vessels there is no record whatever of the progress of naval architecture till we come to the period of the greeks, and even the early records relating to this country are meagre in the extreme. the phoenicians were among the first of the races who dwelt on the mediterranean seaboard to cultivate a seaborne commerce, and to them, after the egyptians, is undoubtedly due the early progress made in sea-going ships. this remarkable people is said to have originally come to the levant from the shores of the persian gulf. they occupied a strip of territory on the seaboard to the north of palestine, about 250 miles long and of the average width of only 12 miles. the chief cities were tyre and sidon. there are only three representations known to be in existence of the phoenician ships. they must have been of considerable size, and have been well manned and equipped, for the phoenicians traded with every part of the then known world, and founded colonies--the principal of which was carthage--at many places along the coast-line of the mediterranean. a proof of the size and seaworthiness of their ships was the fact that they made very distant voyages across notoriously stormy seas; for instance, to cornwall in search of tin, and probably also to the south coast of ireland. they also coasted along the western shores of africa. somewhere between the years 610 and 594 b.c. some phoenician ships, acting under instructions from pharaoh nekau, are said to have circumnavigated africa, having proceeded from the indian to the southern ocean, and thence round by the atlantic and through the pillars of hercules home. the voyage occupied more than two years, a circumstance which was due to the fact that they always landed in the autumn and sowed a tract of country with corn, and waited on shore till it was fit to cut. in the time of solomon the joint fleets of the israelites and phoenicians made voyages from the head of the red sea down the coasts of arabia and eastern africa, and even to persia and beluchistan, and probably also to india. the phoenicians were not only great traders themselves, but they manned the fleets of other nations, and built ships for other peoples, notably for the egyptians and persians. it is unfortunate that we have so few representations of the phoenician ships, but we are justified in concluding that they were of the same general type as those which were used by the greeks, the carthaginians, and eventually by the romans. the representations of their vessels known to be in existence were found by the late sir austin layard in the palace built by king sennacherib at kouyunjik, near nineveh, about 700 b.c. one of these is shown in fig. 7. though they were obviously rather symbols of ships than faithful representations, we can, nevertheless, gather from them that the warship was a galley provided with a ram, and fitted with a mast carrying a single square sail; there were also two banks of oars on each side. the steering was accomplished by two large oars at the stern, and the fighting troops were carried on a deck or platform raised on pillars above the heads of the rowers. [illustration: fig. 7.--portion of a phoenician galley. about 700 b.c. _from kouyunjik (nineveh)._] shipbuilding in ancient greece and rome. in considering the history of the development of shipbuilding, we cannot fail to be struck with the favourable natural conditions which existed in greece for the improvement of the art. on the east and west the mainland was bordered by inland seas, studded with islands abounding in harbours. away to the north-east were other enclosed seas, which tempted the enterprise of the early navigators. one of the cities of greece proper, corinth, occupied an absolutely unique position for trade and colonization, situated as it was on a narrow isthmus commanding two seas. the long narrow gulf of corinth opening into the mediterranean, and giving access to the ionian islands, must have been a veritable nursery of the art of navigation, for here the early traders could sail for long distances, in easy conditions, without losing sight of land. the gulf of ægina and the waters of the archipelago were equally favourable. the instincts of the people were commercial, and their necessities made them colonizers on a vast scale; moreover, they had at their disposal the experience in the arts of navigation, acquired from time immemorial, by the egyptians and phoenicians. nevertheless, with all these circumstances in their favour, the greeks, at any rate up to the fourth century b.c., appear to have contributed nothing to the improvement of shipbuilding.[8] the egyptians and phoenicians both built triremes as early as 600 b.c., but this class of vessel was quite the exception in the greek fleets which fought at salamis 120 years later. the earliest naval expedition mentioned in greek history is that of the allied fleets which transported the armies of hellas to the siege of troy about the year 1237 b.c. according to the greek historians, the vessels used were open boats, decks not having been introduced into greek vessels till a much later period. the earliest greek naval battle of which we have any record took place about the year 709 b.c., over 500 years after the expedition to troy and 1,000 years after the battle depicted in the temple of victory at thebes. it was fought between the corinthians and their rebellious colonists of corcyra, now called corfu. some of the naval expeditions recorded in greek history were conceived on a gigantic scale. the joint fleets of persia and phoenicia which attacked and conquered the greek colonies in ionia consisted of 600 vessels. this expedition took place in the year 496 b.c. shortly afterwards the persian commander-in-chief, mardonius, collected a much larger fleet for the invasion of greece itself. after the death of cambyses, his successor xerxes collected a fleet which is stated to have numbered 4,200 vessels, of which 1,200 were triremes. the remainder appears to have been divided into two classes, of which the larger were propelled with twenty-five and the smaller with fifteen oars a-side. this fleet, after many misfortunes at sea, and after gaining a hard-fought victory over the athenians, was finally destroyed by the united greek fleet at the ever-famous battle of salamis. the size of the persian monarch's fleet was in itself a sufficient proof of the extent of the naval power of the levantine states; but an equally convincing proof of the maritime power of another mediterranean state, viz., carthage, at that early period--about 470 b.c.--is forthcoming. this state equipped a large fleet, consisting of 3,000 ships, against the greek colonies in sicily; of these 2,000 were fighting galleys, and the remainder transports on which no less than 300,000 men were embarked. this mighty armada was partly destroyed in a great storm. all the transports were wrecked, and the galleys were attacked and totally destroyed by the fleets of the greek colonists under gelon on the very day, according to tradition, on which the persians were defeated at salamis. out of the entire expedition only a few persons returned to carthage to tell the tale of their disasters. [illustration: fig. 8.--greek unireme. about 500 b.c.] the foregoing account will serve to give a fair idea of the extent to which shipbuilding was carried on in the mediterranean in the fifth century before the christian era. we have very little knowledge of the nature of greek vessels previously to 500 b.c.[9] thucydides says that the ships engaged on the trojan expedition were without decks. according to homer, 1,200 ships were employed, those of the boeotians having 120 men each, and those of philoctetes 50 men each. thucydides also relates that the earliest hellenic triremes were built at corinth, and that ameinocles, a corinthian naval architect, built four ships for the samians about 700 b.c.; but triremes did not become common until the time of the persian war, except in sicily and corcyra (corfu), in which states considerable numbers were in use a little time before the war broke out. [illustration: fig. 9.--greek bireme. about 500 b.c.] fig. 8 is an illustration of a single-banked greek galley of the date about 500 b.c., taken from an athenian painted vase now in the british museum. the vessel was armed with a ram; seventeen oars a-side are shown. there is no space on the vase to show in detail the whole of the mast and rigging, but their presence is indicated by lines. fig. 9 is a representation of a greek bireme of about the date 500 b.c.--that is to say, of the period immediately preceding the persian war. it is taken from a greek vase in the [illustration: fig. 10.--fragment of a greek galley showing absence of deck. about 550 b.c.] british museum, which was found at vulci in etruria. it is one of the very few representations now in existence of ancient greek biremes. it gives us far less information than we could wish to have. the vessel has two banks of oars, those of the upper tier passing over the gunwale, and those of the lower passing through oar-ports. twenty oars are shown by the artist on each side, but this is probably not the exact number used. unfortunately the rowers of the lower tier are not shown in position. the steering was effected by means of two large oars at the stern, after the manner of those in use in the egyptian ships previously described. this is proved by another illustration of a bireme on the same vase, in which the steering oars are clearly seen. the vessel had a strongly marked forecastle and a ram fashioned in the shape of a boar's head. it is a curious fact that herodotus, in his history (book iii.), mentions that the samian ships carried beaks, formed to resemble the head of a wild boar, and he relates how the æginetans beat some samian colonists in a sea-fight off crete, and sawed off the boar-head beaks from the captured galleys, and deposited them in a temple in ægina. this sea-fight took place about the same time that the vases were manufactured, from which figs. 8 and 9 are copied. there was a single mast with a very large yard carrying a square sail. the stays are not shown, but homer says that the masts of early greek vessels were stayed fore and aft. it is impossible to say whether this vessel was decked. according to thucydides, the ships which the athenians built at the instigation of themistocles, and which they used at salamis, were not fully decked. that greek galleys were sometimes without decks is proved by fig. 10, which is a copy of a fragment of a painting of a greek galley on an athenian vase now in the british museum, of the date of about 550 b.c. it is perfectly obvious, from the human figures in the galley, that there was no deck. not even the forecastle was covered in. the galleys of figs. 8 and 9 had, unlike the phoenician bireme of fig. 7, no fighting-deck for the use of the soldiers. there was also no protection for the upper-tier rowers, and in this respect they were inferior to the egyptian ship shown in fig. 6. it is probable that athenian ships at salamis also had no fighting, or flying decks for the use of the soldiers; for, according to thucydides, gylippos, when exhorting the syracusans, nearly sixty years later, in 413 b.c., said, "but to them (the athenians) the employment of troops on deck is a novelty." against this view, however, it must be stated that there are now in existence at rome two grotesque pictures of greek galleys on a painted vase, dating from about 550 b.c., in which the soldiers are clearly depicted standing and fighting upon a flying deck. moreover, thucydides, in describing a sea-fight between the corinthians and the corcyreans in 432 b.c., mentions that the decks of both fleets were crowded with heavy infantry archers and javelin-men, "for their naval engagements were still of the old clumsy sort." possibly this last sentence gives us a clue to the explanation of the apparent discrepancy. the athenians were, as we know, expert tacticians at sea, and adopted the method of ramming hostile ships, instead of lying alongside and leaving the fighting to the troops on board. they may, however, have been forced to revert to the latter method, in order to provide for cases where ramming could not be used; as, for instance, in narrow harbours crowded with shipping, like that of syracuse. it is perfectly certain that the phoenician ships which formed the most important part of the persian fleet at salamis carried fighting-decks. we have seen already (p. 28) that they used such decks in the time of sennacherib, and we have the distinct authority of herodotus for the statement that they were also employed in the persian war; for, he relates that xerxes returned to asia in a phoenician ship, and that great danger arose during a storm, the vessel having been top-heavy owing to the deck being crowded with persian nobles who returned with the king. [illustration: fig. 11.--galley showing deck and superstructure. about 600 b.c. _from an etruscan imitation of a greek vase._] fig. 11, which represents a bireme, taken from an ancient etruscan imitation of a greek vase of about 600 b.c., clearly shows soldiers fighting, both on the deck proper and on a raised, or flying, forecastle. in addition to the triremes, of which not a single illustration of earlier date than the christian era is known to be in existence, both greeks and persians, during the wars in the early part of the fifth century b.c., used fifty-oared ships called penteconters, in which the oars were supposed to have been arranged in one tier. about a century and a half after the battle of salamis, in 330 b.c., the athenians commenced to build ships with four banks, and five years later they advanced to five banks. this is proved by the extant inventories of the athenian dockyards. according to diodoros, they were in use in the syracusan fleet in 398 b.c. diodoros, however, died nearly 350 years after this epoch, and his account must, therefore, be received with caution. the evidence in favour of the existence of galleys having more than five superimposed banks of oars is very slight. alexander the great is said by most of his biographers to have used ships with five banks of oars; but quintus curtius states that, in 323 b.c., the macedonian king built a fleet of seven-banked galleys on the euphrates. quintus curtius is supposed by the best authorities to have lived five centuries after the time of alexander, and therefore his account of these ships cannot be accepted without question. it is also related by diodoros that there were ships of six and seven banks in the fleet of demetrios poliorcetes at a battle off cyprus in 306 b.c., and that antigonos, the father of poliorcetes, had ships of eleven and twelve banks. we have seen, however, that diodoros died about two and a half centuries after this period. pliny, who lived from 61 to 115 a.d., increases the number of banks in the ships of the opposing fleets at this battle to twelve and fifteen banks respectively. it is impossible to place any confidence in such statements. theophrastus, a botanist who died about 288 b.c., and who was therefore a contemporary of demetrios, mentions in his history of plants that the king built an eleven-banked ship in cyprus. this is one of the very few contemporary records we possess of the construction of such ships. the question, however, arises, can a botanist be accepted as an accurate witness in matters relating to shipbuilding? the further question presents itself, what meaning is intended to be conveyed by the terms which we translate as ships of many banks? this question will be reverted to hereafter. in one other instance a writer cites a document in which one of these many-banked ships is mentioned as having been in existence during his lifetime. the author in question was polybios, one of the most painstaking and accurate of the ancient historians, who was born between 214 and 204 b.c., and who quotes a treaty between rome and macedon concluded in 197 b.c., in which a macedonian ship of sixteen banks is once mentioned. this ship was brought to the tiber thirty years later, according to plutarch and pliny, who are supposed to have copied a lost account by polybios. both plutarch and pliny were born more than two centuries after this event. if the alleged account by polybios had been preserved, it would have been unimpeachable authority on the subject of this vessel, as this writer, who was, about the period in question, an exile in italy, was tutor in the family of æmilius paulus, the roman general who brought the ship to the tiber. the romans first became a naval power in their wars with the carthaginians, when the command of the sea became a necessity of their existence. this was about 256 b.c. at that time they knew nothing whatever of shipbuilding, and their early war-vessels were merely copies of those used by the carthaginians, and these latter were no doubt of the same general type as the greek galleys. the first roman fleet appears to have consisted of quinqueremes. the third century b.c. is said to have been an era of gigantic ships. ptolemy philadelphos and ptolemy philopater, who reigned over egypt during the greater part of that century, are alleged to have built a number of galleys ranging from thirteen up to forty banks. the evidence in this case is derived from two unsatisfactory sources. athenæos and plutarch quote one callixenos of rhodes, and pliny quotes one philostephanos of cyrene, but very little is known about either callixenos or philostephanos. fortunately, however, callixenos gives details about the size of the forty-banker, the length of her longest oars, and the number of her crew, which enables us to gauge his value as an authority, and to pronounce his story to be incredible (see p. 45). whatever the arrangement of their oars may have been, these many-banked ships appear to have been large and unmanageable, and they finally went out of fashion in the year 31 b.c., when augustus defeated the combined fleets of antony and cleopatra at the battle of actium. the vessels which composed the latter fleets were of the many-banked order, while augustus had adopted the swift, low, and handy galleys of the liburni, who were a seafaring and piratical people from illyria on the adriatic coast. their vessels were originally single-bankers, but afterwards it is said that two banks were adopted. this statement is borne out by the evidence of trajan's column, all the galleys represented on it, with the exception of one, being biremes. augustus gained the victory at actium largely owing to the handiness of his liburnian galleys, and, in consequence, this type was henceforward adopted for roman warships, and ships of many banks were no longer built. the very word "trireme" came to signify a warship, without reference to the number of banks of oars. after the romans had completed the conquest of the nations bordering on the mediterranean, naval war ceased for a time, and the fighting navy of rome declined in importance. it was not till the establishment of the vandal kingdom in africa under genseric that a revival in naval warfare on a large scale took place. no changes in the system of marine architecture are recorded during all these ages. the galley, considerably modified in later times, continued to be the principal type of warship in the mediterranean till about the sixteenth century of our era. ancient merchant-ships. little accurate information as we possess about the warships of the ancients, we know still less of their merchant-vessels and transports. they were unquestionably much broader, relatively, and fuller than the galleys; for, whereas the length of the latter class was often eight to ten times the beam, the merchant-ships were rarely longer than three or four times their beam. nothing is known of the nature of phoenician merchant-vessels. fig. 12 is an illustration of an athenian merchant-ship of about 500 b.c. it is taken from the same painted vase as the galley shown on fig. 9. if the illustration can be relied on, it shows that these early greek sailing-ships were not only relatively short, but very deep. the forefoot and dead wood aft appear to have been cut away to an extraordinary extent, probably for the purpose of increasing the handiness. the rigging was of the type which was practically universal in ancient ships. fig. 13 gives the sheer draught or side elevation, the plan, elevations of the bow and stem, and a midship section of a roman vessel, which from her proportions and the shape of bow is supposed to have been a merchant-ship. the illustration is taken from a model presented to greenwich hospital by lord anson. the original model was of white marble, and was found in the villa mattei in rome, in the sixteenth century. we know from st. paul's experiences, as described in the acts of the apostles, that mediterranean merchant-ships must often have been of considerable size, and that they were capable of going through very stormy voyages. st. paul's ship contained a grain cargo, and carried 276 human beings. [illustration: fig. 12.--greek merchant-ship. about 500 b.c.] in the merchant-ships oars were only used as an auxiliary means of propulsion, the principal reliance being placed on masts and sails. vessels of widely different sizes were in use, the larger carrying 10,000 talents, or 250 tons of cargo. sometimes, however, much bigger ships were used. for instance, pliny mentions a vessel in which the vatican obelisk and its pedestal, weighing together nearly 500 tons, were brought from egypt to italy about the year 50 a.d. it is further stated that this vessel carried an additional cargo of 800 tons of lentils to keep the obelisk from shifting on board. lucian, writing in the latter half of the second century a.d., mentions, in one of his dialogues, the dimensions of a ship which carried corn from egypt to the piræus. the figures are: length, 180 ft.; breadth, nearly 50 ft.; depth from deck to bottom of hold, 43-1/2 ft. the latter figure appears to be incredible. the other dimensions are approximately those of the _royal george_, described on p. 126. [illustration: fig. 13.--roman merchant-ship.] details of the construction of greek and roman galleys. it is only during the present century that we have learned, with any certainty, what the ancient greek galleys were like. in the year 1834 a.d. it was discovered that a drain at the piræus had been constructed with a number of slabs bearing inscriptions, which, on examination, turned out to be the inventories of the ancient dockyard of the piræus. from these inscriptions an account of the attic triremes has been derived by the german writers boeckh and graser. the galleys all appear to have been constructed on much the same model, with interchangeable parts. the dates of the slabs range from 373 to 323 b.c., and the following description must be taken as applying only to galleys built within this period. the length, exclusive of the beak, or ram, must have been at least 126 ft., the ram having an additional length of 10 ft. the length was, of course, dictated by the maximum number of oars in any one tier, by the space which it was found necessary to leave between each oar, and by the free spaces between the foremost oar and the stem, and the aftermost oar and the stern of the ship. now, as it appears further on, the maximum number of oars in any tier in a trireme was 62 in the top bank, which gives 31 a side. if we allow only 3 ft. between the oars we must allot at least 90 ft. to the portion of the vessel occupied by the rowers. the free spaces at stem and stern were, according to the representations of those vessels which have come down to us, about 7/24th of the whole; and, if we accept this proportion, the length of a trireme, independently of its beak, would be about 126 ft. 6 in. if the space allotted to each rower be increased, as it may very reasonably be, the total length of the ship would also have to be increased proportionately. hence it is not surprising that some authorities put the length at over 140 ft. it may be mentioned in corroboration, that the ruins of the athenian docks at zea show that they were originally at least 150 ft. long. they were also 19 ft. 5 in. wide. the breadth of a trireme at the water-line, amidships, was about 14 ft., perhaps increasing somewhat higher up, the sides tumbled home above the greatest width. these figures give the width of the hull proper, exclusive of an outrigged gangway, or deck, which, as subsequently explained, was constructed along the sides as a passage for the soldiers and seamen. the draught was from 7 to 8 ft. such a vessel carried a crew of from 200 to 225, of whom 174 were rowers, 20 seamen to work the sails, anchors, etc., and the remainder soldiers. of the rowers, 62 occupied the upper, 58 the middle and 54 the lower tier. many writers have supposed that each oar was worked by several rowers, as in the galleys of the middle ages. this, however, was not the case, for it has been conclusively proved that, in the greek galleys, up to the class of triremes, at any rate, there was only one man to each oar. for instance, thucydides, describing the surprise attack intended to be delivered on the piræus, and actually delivered against the island of salamis by the peloponnesians in 429 b.c., relates that the sailors were marched from corinth to nisæa, the harbour of megara, on the athenian side of the isthmus, in order to launch forty ships which happened to be lying in the docks there, and that _each_ sailor carried his cushion and his oar, with its thong, on his march. we have, moreover, a direct proof of the size of the longest oars used in triremes, for the inventories of the athenian dockyards expressly state that they were 9-1/2 cubits, or 13 ft. 6 in. in length. the reason why the oars were arranged in tiers, or banks, one above the other was, no doubt, that, in this way, the propelling power could be increased without a corresponding increase in the length of the ships. to make a long sea-going vessel sufficiently strong without a closed upper deck would have severely taxed the skill of the early shipbuilders. moreover, long vessels would have been very difficult to manoeuvre, and in the greek mode of fighting, ramming being one of the chief modes of offence, facility in manoeuvring was of prime importance. the rowers on each side sat in the same vertical longitudinal plane, and consequently the length of the inboard portions of the oars varied according as the curve of the vessel's side approached or receded from this vertical plane. the seats occupied by the rowers in the successive tiers were arranged one above the other in oblique lines sloping upwards towards the stem, as shown in figs. 14 and 15. the vertical distance between the seats was about 2 ft. the horizontal gap between the benches in each tier was about 3 ft. the seats were some 9 in. wide, and foot-supports were fixed to each for the use of the rower next above and behind. the oars were so arranged that the blades in each tier all struck the water in the same fore and aft line. the lower oar-ports were about 3 ft., the middle 4-1/4 ft., and the upper 5-1/2 ft., above the water. the water was prevented from entering the ports by means of leather bags fastened round the oars and to the sides of the oar-ports. the upper oars were about 14 ft. long, the middle 10 ft., and the lower 7-1/2 ft., and in addition to these there were a few extra oars which were occasionally worked from the platform, or deck, above the upper tier, probably by the seamen and soldiers when they were not otherwise occupied. the benches for the rowers extended from the sides to timber supports, inboard, arranged in vertical planes fore and aft. there were two sets of these timbers, one belonging to each side of the ship, and separated by a space of 7 ft. these timbers also connected the upper and lower decks together. the latter was about 1 ft. above the water-line. below the lower deck was the hold which contained the ballast, and in which the apparatus for baling was fixed. in addition to oars, sails were used as a means of propulsion whenever the wind was favourable, but not in action. the athenian galleys had, at first, one mast, but afterwards, it is thought, two were used. the mainmast was furnished with a yard and square sail. the upper deck, which was the fighting-platform previously mentioned, was originally a flying structure, and, perhaps, did not occupy the full width of the vessel amidships. at the bow, however, it was connected by planking with the sides of the ship, so as to form a closed-in space, or forecastle. this forecastle would doubtless have proved of great use in keeping the ship dry during rough weather, and probably suggested ultimately the closed decking of the whole of the ship. there is no record of when this feature, which was general in ancient egyptian vessels, was introduced into greek galleys. it was certainly in use in the roman warships about the commencement of the christian era, for there is in the vatican a relief of about the date 50 a.d. from the temple of fortune at præneste, which represents part of a bireme, in which the rowers are all below a closed deck, on which the soldiers are standing. in addition to the fighting-deck proper there were the two side platforms, or gangways, already alluded to, which were carried right round the outside of the vessel on about the same level as the benches of the upper tier of rowers. these platforms projected about 18 to 24 in. beyond the sides of the hull, and were supported on brackets. like the flying deck, these passages were intended for the accommodation of the soldiers and sailors, who could, by means of them, move freely round the vessel without interfering with the rowers. they were frequently fenced in with stout planking on the outside, so as to protect the soldiers. they do not appear to have been used on galleys of the earliest period. we have no direct evidence as to the dimensions of ships of four and five banks. polybios tells us that the crew of a roman quinquereme in the first carthaginian war, at a battle fought in 256 b.c., numbered 300, in addition to 120 soldiers. now, the number 300 can be obtained by adding two banks of respectively 64 and 62 rowers to the 172 of the trireme. we may, perhaps, infer that the quinquereme of that time was a little longer than the trireme, and had about 3 ft. more freeboard, this being the additional height required to accommodate two extra banks of oars. three hundred years later than the above-mentioned date pliny tells us that this type of galley carried 400 rowers. we know no detailed particulars of vessels having a greater number of banks than five till we get to the alleged forty-banker of ptolemy philopater. of this ship callixenos gives the following particulars:--her dimensions were: length, 420 ft.; breadth, 57 ft.; draught, under 6 ft.; height of stern ornament above water-line, 79 ft. 6 in.; height of stem ornament, 72 ft.; length of the longest oars, 57 ft. the oars were stated to have been weighted with lead inboard, so as to balance the great overhanging length. the number of the rowers was 4,000, and of the remainder of the crew 3,500, making a total of 7,500 men, for whom, we are asked to believe, accommodation was found on a vessel of the dimensions given. this last statement is quite sufficient to utterly discredit the whole story, as it implies that each man had a cubic space of only about 130 ft. to live in, and that, too, in the climate of egypt. moreover, if we look into the question of the oars we shall see that the dimensions given are absolutely impossible--that is to say, if we make the usual assumption that the banks were successive horizontal tiers of oars placed one above the other. there were said to have been forty banks. now, the smallest distance, vertically, between two successive banks, if the oar-ports were arranged as in fig. 14, with the object of economizing space in the vertical direction to the greatest possible degree, would be 1 ft. 3 in. if the lowest oar-ports were 3 ft. above the water, and the topmost bank were worked on the gunwale, we should require, to accommodate forty banks, a height of side equal to 39 ft. × 1 ft. 3 in. + 3 ft. = 51 ft. 9 in. now, if the inboard portion of the 57 ft. oar were only one-fourth of the whole length, or 14 ft. 3 in., this would leave 57 ft. 14 ft. 3 in. = 42 ft. 9 in. for the outboard portion, and as the height of gunwale on which this particular length of oar was worked must have been, as shown above, 51 ft. 9 in. above the water, it is evident that the outboard portion of the oar could not be made to touch the water at all. also, if we consider the conditions of structural strength of the side of a ship honeycombed with oar-ports, and standing to the enormous height of 51 ft. 9 in. above the water-line, it is evident that, in order to be secure, it would require to be supported by numerous tiers of transverse horizontal beams, similar to deck-beams, running from side to side. the planes of these tiers would intersect the inboard portions of many of the tiers of oars, and consequently prevent these latter from being fitted at all. if we look at the matter from another point of view we shall meet with equally absurd results. the oars in the upper banks of athenian triremes are known to have been about 14 ft. in length. underneath them, were, of course, two other banks. if, now, we assume that the upper bank tholes were 5 ft. 6 in.[10] above the water-line, and that one-quarter of the length of the upper bank oars was inboard, and if we add thirty-seven additional banks parallel to the first bank, so as to make forty in all, simple proportion will show us that the outboard portion of the oars of the uppermost bank must have been just under 99 ft. long and the total length of each, if we assume, as before, that one quarter of it was inboard, would be 132 ft., instead of the 57 ft. given by callixenos. any variations in the above assumptions, consistent with possibilities, would only have the effect of bringing the oars out still longer. we are therefore driven to conclude, either that the account given by callixenos was grossly inaccurate, or else that the greek word, [greek: tessarakontêrês], which we translate by "forty-banked ship," did not imply that there were forty horizontal _superimposed_ tiers of oars. the exact arrangement of the oars in the larger classes of galleys has always been a puzzle, and has formed the subject of much controversy amongst modern writers on naval architecture. the vessels were distinguished, according to the numbers of the banks of oars, as uniremes, biremes, triremes, quadriremes, etc., up to ships like the great galley of ptolemy philopater, which was said to have had forty banks. now, the difficulty is to know what is meant by a bank of oars. it was formerly assumed that the term referred to the horizontal tiers of oars placed one above the other; but it can easily be proved, by attempting to draw the galleys with the oars and rowers in place, that it would be very difficult to accommodate as many as five horizontal banks and absolutely impossible to find room for more than seven. not only would the space within the hull of the ship be totally insufficient for the rowers, but the length of the upper tiers of oars would be so great that they would be unmanageable, and that of the lower tiers so small that they would be inefficient. the details given by ancient writers throw very little light upon this difficult subject. some authors have stated that there was only one man to each oar, and we now know that this was the case with the smaller classes of vessels, say, up to those provided with three, or four, to five banks of oars; but it is extremely improbable that the oars of the larger classes could have been so worked. the oars of modern venetian galleys were each manned by five rowers. it is impossible in this work to examine closely into all the rival theories as to what constituted a bank of oars. it seems improbable, for reasons before stated, that any vessel could have had more than five horizontal tiers. it is certain also that, in order to find room for the rowers to work above each other in these tiers, the oar-ports must have been placed, not vertically above each other, but in oblique rows, as represented in fig. 14. it is considered by mr. w. s. lindsay, in his "history of merchant shipping and ancient commerce," that each of the oblique rows of oars, thus arranged, may have formed the tier referred to in the designation of the class of the vessel, for vessels larger than quinqueremes. if this were so, there would then be no difficulty in conceiving the possibility of constructing galleys with even as many as forty tiers of oars like the huge alleged galley of ptolemy philopater. fig. 15 represents the disposition of the oar-ports according to this theory for an octoreme. [illustration: fig. 14.--probable arrangement of oar-ports in ancient galleys.] [illustration: fig. 15.--suggested arrangement of oar-ports in an octoreme.] it appears to be certain that the oars were not very advantageously arranged, or proportioned, in the old greek galleys, or even in the roman galleys, till the time of the early cæsars, for we read that the average speed of the athenian triremes was 200 stadia in the day. if the stadium were equal in length to a furlong, and the working day supposed to be limited to ten hours, this would correspond to a speed of only two and a half miles an hour. the lengths of the oars in the athenian triremes have been already given (p. 42); even those of the upper banks were extremely short--only, in fact, about a foot longer than those used in modern 8-oared racing boats. on account of their shortness and the height above the water at which they were worked, the angle which the oars made with the water was very steep and consequently disadvantageous. in the case of the athenian triremes, this angle must have been about 23.5°. this statement is confirmed by all the paintings and sculptures which have come down to us. it is proved equally by the painting of an athenian bireme of 500 b.c. shown in fig. 9, and by the roman trireme, founded on the sculptures of trajan's column of about 110 a.d., shown in fig. 16.[11] in fact, it is evident that the ancients, before the time of the introduction of the liburnian galley, did not understand the art of rowing as we do to-day. the celebrated liburnian galleys, which were first used by the romans, for war purposes, at the battle of actium under augustus cæsar, were said to have had a speed of four times that of the old triremes. the modern galleys used in the mediterranean in the seventeenth century are said to have occasionally made the passage from naples to palermo in seventeen hours. this is equivalent to an average speed of between 11 and 12 miles per hour. [illustration: fig. 16.--roman galley. about 110 a.d.] [illustration: fig. 17.--liburnian galley. conjectural restoration.] the timber used by the ancient races on the shores of the mediterranean in the construction of their ships appears to have been chiefly fir and oak; but, in addition to these, many other varieties, such as pitch pine, elm, cedar, chestnut, ilex, or evergreen oak, ash, and alder, and even orange wood, appear to have been tried from time to time. they do not seem to have understood the virtue of using seasoned timber, for we read in ancient history of fleets having been completed ready for sea in incredibly short periods after the felling of the trees. thus, the romans are said to have built and equipped a fleet of 220 vessels in 45 days for the purpose of resisting the attacks of hiero, king of syracuse. in the second punic war scipio put to sea with a fleet which was stated to have been completed in forty days from the time the timber was felled. on the other hand, the ancients believed in all sorts of absurd rules as to the proper day of the moon on which to fell trees for shipbuilding purposes, and also as to the quarter from which the wind should blow, and so forth. thus, hesiod states that timber should only be cut on the seventeenth day of the moon's age, because the sap, which is the great cause of early decay, would then be sunk, the moon being on the wane. others extend the time from the fifteenth to the twenty-third day of the moon, and appeal with confidence to the experience of all artificers to prove that timber cut at any other period becomes rapidly worm-eaten and rotten. some, again, asserted that if felled on the day of the new moon the timber would be incorruptible, while others prescribed a different quarter from which the wind should blow for every season of the year. probably on account of the ease with which it was worked, fir stood in high repute as a material for shipbuilding. the structure of the hulls of ancient ships was not dissimilar in its main features to that of modern wooden vessels. the very earliest types were probably without external keels. as the practice of naval architecture advanced, keels were introduced, and served the double purpose of a foundation for the framing of the hull and of preventing the vessel from making leeway in a wind. below the keel proper was a false keel, which was useful when vessels were hauled up on shore, and above the keelson was an upper false keel, into which the masts were stepped. the stem formed an angle of about 70° with the water-line, and its junction with the keel was strengthened by a stout knee-piece. the design of the stem above water was often highly ornate. the stern generally rose in a graceful curve, and was also lavishly ornamented. fig. 18 gives some illustrations of the highly ornamented extremities of the stern and prow of roman galleys. these show what considerable pains the ancients bestowed on the decoration of their vessels. there was no rudder-post, the steering having been effected by means of special oars, as in the early egyptian vessels. into the keel were notched the floor timbers, and the heads of these latter were bound together by the keelson, or inner keel. beams connected the top timbers of the opposite branches of the ribs and formed the support for the deck. the planking was put on at right angles to the frames, the butting ends of the planks being connected by dovetails. the skin of the ship was strengthened, in the athenian galleys, by means of stout planks, or waling-pieces, carried horizontally round the ship, each pair meeting together in front of the stem, where they formed the foundations for the beaks, or rams. the hulls were further strengthened by means of girding-cables, also carried horizontally round the hull, in the angles formed by the projection of the waling-pieces beyond the skin. these cables passed through an eye-hole at the stem, and were tightened up at the stern by means of levers. it is supposed that they were of use in holding the ship together under the shock of ramming. the hull was made water-tight by caulking the seams of the planking. originally this was accomplished with a paste formed of ground sea-shells and water. this paste, however, not having much cohesion, was liable to crack and fall out when the vessel strained. a slight improvement was made when the shells were calcined and turned into lime. pitch and wax were also employed, but were eventually superseded by the use of flax, which was driven in between the seams. flax was certainly used for caulking in the time of alexander the great, and a similar material has continued to be employed for this purpose down to the present day. in addition to caulking the seams, it was also customary to coat over the bottom with pitch, and the romans, at any rate, used sometimes to sheath their galleys with sheet lead fastened to the planking with copper nails. this was proved by the discovery of one of trajan's galleys in lake riccio after it had been submerged for over thirteen centuries. [illustration: fig. 18.--stem and stern ornaments of galleys.] [illustration: fig. 19.--bow of ancient war-galley.] [illustration: fig. 20.--bow of ancient war-galley.] the bows of the ancient war galleys were so constructed as to act as rams. the ram was made of hard timber projecting beyond the line of the bow, between it and the forefoot. it was usually made of oak, elm, or ash, even when all the rest of the hull was constructed of soft timber. in later times it was sheathed with, or even made entirely of, bronze. it was often highly ornamented, either with a carved head of a ram or some other animal, as shown in figs. 8 to 11; sometimes swords or spear-heads were added, as shown in figs. 19 and 20. a relic of this ancient custom is found to this day in the ornamentation of the prows of the venetian gondolas. originally the ram, or rostrum, was visible above the water-line, but it was afterwards found to be far more effective when wholly immersed. in addition to the rams there were side projections, or catheads, above water near the bow. the ram was used for sinking the opposing vessels by penetrating their hulls, and the catheads for shattering their oars when sheering up suddenly alongside. roman galleys were fitted with castles, or turrets, in which were placed fighting men and various engines of destruction. they were frequently temporary structures, sometimes consisting of little more than a protected platform, mounted on scaffolding, which could be easily taken down and stowed away. the use of these structures was continued till far into the middle ages. chapter iii. ancient ships in the seas of northern europe. outside the mediterranean it is known that some of the northern nations had attained to very considerable skill in the arts of shipbuilding and navigation. cæsar gives a general description of the ships of the veneti, who occupied the country now known as brittany, and who had in their hands the carrying trade between gaul and britain.[12] as might be expected from the stormy nature of the atlantic, the veneti were not able to place any reliance on oars as a means for propulsion. according to cæsar's account, they trusted solely to sails. their vessels were built entirely of oak of great thickness. he also mentions that the beams were as much as 12 in. in depth. the bottoms of these vessels were very flat, so as to enable them the better to be laid up on the beach. the hulls had considerable sheer, both at the stem and stern. the sails were of dressed hide, and the cables were iron chains. it is evident from this cursory description that the ships of the veneti were not based upon mediterranean models, and it is highly probable that they, rather than the oar-propelled galleys, may be regarded as the prototypes of the early sea-going vessels of northern europe. although the art of ship construction had attained to great importance amongst the veneti, their neighbours, the britons, were still very backward in this respect at the time of the first roman invasion. cæsar states that their vessels were of very slight construction, the framework being made of light timber, over which was stretched a covering, or skin, of strong hides. sometimes the framework was of wicker. the ancient saxons, who were notorious as pirates on the north sea, made use of boats similar to those of the ancient britons. at the time of their invasion of britain, however, their vessels must have been larger and of more solid construction, though we must dismiss, as an obvious absurdity, the statement that the first invading army of 9,000 men was carried to this country in three ships only. it is much more probable that the expedition was embarked in three fleets. the saxon kings of england often maintained very considerable fleets for the purpose of protecting the coast from the danes. alfred the great is generally regarded as the founder of the english navy. he designed ships which were of a better type and larger size than those of his enemies, the danes. they were said to have been twice as long as the vessels which they superseded. the saxon chronicle says, "they were full twice as long as the others; some had sixty oars, and some had more; they were swifter and steadier, and also higher than the others; they were shaped neither like the frisian, nor the danish, but so as it seemed to him they would be most efficient." in 897 alfred met and defeated a danish squadron, in all probability with his new ships. edgar (959 to 975) is stated to have kept at sea no less than 3,600 vessels of various sizes, divided into three fleets, and the old historian william of malmesbury tells us that this king took an active personal interest in his navy, and that in summer time he would, in turn, embark and cruise with each of the squadrons. [illustration: fig. 21.--anglo-saxon ship. about 900 a.d.] fig. 21 is an illustration of an anglo-saxon ship taken from an old saxon calendar, which is, or was, in the cottonian library, and which is supposed to have been written about half a century before the norman conquest. it is reproduced in strutt's "compleat view of the manners, customs, arms, habits, etc., of the inhabitants of england, from the arrival of the saxons till the reign of henry viii.," published in 1775. the proportions of the boat as represented are obviously impossible. the sketch is, however, interesting, as showing the general form and mode of planking of the vessel, and the nature of the decorations of the bow and stern. we see that the vessel was a warship, as the keel prolonged formed a formidable ram. we also may notice that the sail was relied on as a principal means of propulsion, for there are apparently no notches or rowlocks for oars. the steering was effected by two large oars, in a similar manner to that adopted by the ancient egyptians and other mediterranean peoples. the extraordinary character of the deck-house will be observed. it is, of course, purely symbolical, and may, at most, be interpreted as meaning that the vessel carried some sort of structure on deck. in the seventh and eighth centuries of the christian era the scene of maritime activity was transferred from the mediterranean to the north of europe. the norsemen, who overran the whole of the european seaboard at one time or another, were the most famous navigators of the period immediately preceding the middle ages. any record connected with their system of ship-construction is necessarily of great interest. the fleets of the norsemen penetrated into the mediterranean as far as the imperial city of the eastern emperors. in the north they discovered and colonized iceland, and even greenland; and there are good grounds for believing that an expedition, equipped in iceland, founded a colony in what are now the new england states five centuries before columbus discovered the west indies. unfortunately, the written descriptions extant of the norse ships are extremely meagre, and if it had not been for the curious custom of the norsemen of burying their great chiefs in one of their ships and heaping earth over the entire mass, we should now know nothing for certain of the character of their vessels. many of these ship-tombs have been discovered in modern times, but it happened in the majority of instances that the character of the earth used was unsuited to their preservation, and most of the woodwork was found to be decayed when the mounds were explored. fortunately, however, in two instances the vessels were buried in blue clay, which is an excellent preserver of timber, and, thanks to the discovery of these, we have now a tolerably complete knowledge of the smaller classes of vessels used by the vikings. one of them was discovered, in 1867, at haugen, but by far the most important was found in 1880, at gogstad, near sandefjord, at the entrance of the fjord of christiania. though this vessel is comparatively small, she is, probably, a correct representative of the larger type of ships made use of by the renowned adventurers of the north in their distant expeditions. in view of the great interest attaching to this find, a detailed description of the vessel is given. the illustrations (figs. 22 to 26), showing an end elevation, longitudinal and cross-sections, and the half-plan with her lines, are taken from the "transactions of the institution of naval architects."[13] the boat was clinker-built and wholly of oak. her principal dimensions are: length, 77 ft. 11 in.; extreme breadth, 16 ft. 7 in.; and depth, from top of keel to gunwale, 5 ft. 9 in. the keel is 14 in. deep, the part below the rabbet of the garboard or lowest strakes of the planking, being 11 in. deep, and 4-1/2 in. thick at the bottom. the width across the rabbet is 3 in., while the portion above the rabbet and inboard is 7 in. wide. the keel and stem and stern-posts run into each other with very gentle curves. the keel itself is 57 ft. long, and to it are connected, by vertical scarves and a double row of iron rivets, the forefoot and heel-pieces, which latter are fastened in a similar manner to the stem and stern-post. these posts are 15 in. deep at the scarf, gradually tapering upwards. the framing of the bottom is formed of grown floors resting on the top of the keel, and extending in one piece, from shelf to shelf, as shown on the transverse section (fig. 23). there are nineteen of these floors in all, spaced in the body of the boat, on the average 3 ft. 3 in. apart. they are 4 in. in diameter at the garboard strake, and taper in both dimensions, so that they are less than 3 in. at the shelf. they are not fastened to the keel. the planking is put on clinker fashion. there are sixteen strakes a side, the breadth of each, amidships, being on the average 9-1/2 in., including the land of 1 in., and the length of planks varies from 8 ft. to 24 ft. the thickness is generally 1 in. the tenth plank from the keel is, however, 1-3/4 in. thick, and forms a kind of shelf for the beam-ends. the third plank from the top is 1-1/4 in. thick, and is pierced with 4-in. holes for the oars, of which there are sixteen on each side. the two upper strakes are only 3/4 in. thick, and inside the top one is placed the gunwale, which is 3 × 4-1/2. the planks are fastened together by iron rivets spaced from 6 in. to 8 in. apart. the heads of the rivets are 1 in. in diameter, and the riveting plates 1/2 in. square. the planks are worked down from thicker slabs, and a ledge 1 in. in height is left on the inboard surface of the middle of each plank. the planks bear against each floor at two points, viz. the upper edge and the projecting ledge. fig. 24 shows a section of a floor and of the plank, with its projecting ledge. the fastenings of the planking to the floors are very peculiar. two holes are bored transversely in the ledge, one on either side of each floor. there is a corresponding hole running fore and aft through the floor, and through these holes are passed ties made of the tough roots of trees barely 1/4 in. in diameter, crossed on the ledge and passing once through each hole. the only iron fastening between the planking and the floors is at the extreme ends of the latter, where a single nail is driven through each, and riveted at the ends of the floors. the beams rest on the shelf strake and on the tops of the floor-ends. they are 7 in. deep and 4 in. wide. they are connected with the planking by knees (see the section, fig. 23), fastened to their upper faces and to the side of the ship as far up as the oar-strake, or "mainwale," by means of oak trenails. the knees are not so wide as the beams, and consequently a ledge, or landing, is left on each side of the latter which supports the flooring, or bottom boards. the top strakes are connected to the body of the vessel by short timbers, shown in the section, fig. 23. these are placed in the spaces between the knees. the beams are supported in the middle by short pillars resting on the throats of the floors. [illustration: fig. 22. fig. 25. fig. 26. fig. 24. fig. 23. viking ship.] the vessel was propelled by sails as well as oars. it was fitted with a single mast; the arrangements for stepping and raising and lowering the latter were peculiar. a beam of oak, 11 ft. long, 19 in. wide, and 14 in. deep, formed the step. a side elevation of this is shown at _s_, in the longitudinal section, fig. 25, and a cross-section in fig. 23. the step, as may be seen, is countersunk over the throats of the floors; it is tapered towards the ends, and a piece (_c_) nearly 12 in. thick, immediately forward of the mast, rises vertically out of it. this piece is fastened to a huge log of oak, 16 ft. long, 38 in. broad, and 14 in. deep in the middle, marked _f_ (figs. 25 and 26), which rests on a sole-piece about 4 in. thick. the sole-piece is countersunk over the beams. the large log is called by mr. colin archer the "fish," partly because its ends are fashioned to represent the tails of two whales, and partly because the mast partners of modern ships, which take the place of this heavy piece, are to this day called _fisken_ in norway. the fish contains a slot (_h_) nearly 6 ft. long, and the same width as the mast, 12-1/2 in. the mast goes through the forward end of the slot, and when it is in use the slot is filled up with a heavy slab. when the mast is lowered for going into action, or when going against a head-wind, the slab is removed, and the fore-stay slacked off, thus permitting the mast to fall aft. the sail used was a solitary square one. the rudder resembles a short oar. it is hung by a rope passing through a perforated conical chock on the starboard side of the ship. there is an iron eyebolt near the bottom edge, through which a rope probably passed for the purpose of raising the rudder when not in use. the rudder was worked by means of a tiller fitted into the socket at the upper end. unfortunately, the two extreme ends of the ship have decayed away, so that it is not possible to determine with accuracy what was the appearance of the bow and stern. it is, however, probable, from the direction taken by the planking towards the ends, that the vessel possessed very considerable sheer. as may be seen from the plan, the character of the lines was extremely fine, and it is probable that the boat was capable of high speed. the remains of the ropes which have been discovered prove that they were made from the bark of trees. this vessel may be considered as a connecting link between the ancient and mediæval types of ships. her proportions and scantlings prove that her builders had a large experience of shipbuilding, that they fully understood how to work their material and to adapt it properly to the duty it had to fulfil, and also that they understood the art, which was subsequently lost, to be revived only in modern times, of shaping the underwater portion of the hull so as to reduce the resistance to the passage of the vessel through the water. the only part of the structural design to which any serious exception can be taken is the very slight character of the connection between the top sides and the body of the boat, and even this defect was probably not very serious when we take into account the lightness of the loading, and the fact that it probably consisted chiefly of live cargo, so that there was little dead weight to cause serious straining. vessels of the type of the viking ships were built in denmark at a very early date. in 1865 three boats were discovered buried in a peat bog in jutland. danish antiquaries consider that they were built about the fifth century of our era. the largest is 70 ft. in length and of such an excellent type that boats of somewhat similar form and construction are in universal use to this day all round the coasts of norway. such an instance of persistency in type is without parallel in the history of shipbuilding, and is a wonderful proof of the skill of the norsemen in designing and building vessels. the boat in question is clinker-built, the planks having the same peculiarities as those of the viking ship just described. it is of the same shape at both ends, and has great sheer at both stem and stern. the rowlocks, of which there are thirty, prove that the vessel was intended to be rowed in either direction. this also is a peculiarity of the modern norwegian rowboat. the steering was effected by means of a large oar, or paddle. there is no trace of a mast, nor of any fitting to receive one; nor was the vessel decked. the internal framing was admirably contrived. in fact, it would be difficult, even at the present time, to find a vessel in which lightness and strength were better combined than in this fifteen-hundred-year-old specimen of the shipbuilder's art. chapter iv. mediæval ships. in the times of the norman kings of england both the war and the mercantile navies of the country were highly developed. william the conqueror invaded this island without the assistance of a war navy. he trusted to good luck to transport his army across the channel in an unprotected fleet of small vessels which were built for this purpose, and which were burnt by his order when the landing had been effected. we possess illustrations of these transport vessels from a contemporary source--the bayeux tapestry, which was, according to tradition, the work of queen matilda, the conqueror's consort. fig. 27 represents one of these vessels. it is obviously of scandinavian type, resembling in some of its features the viking ship shown in figs. 22 to 26. apparently, oars were not used in this particular boat; the propulsion was effected by means of a single square sail. the mast unshipped, as we know from other illustrations on the same piece of tapestry. the steering was effected by a rudder, or steering-board, on the starboard-side. in all the illustrations of ships in this tapestry the main sheet was held by the steersman, a fact which shows that the normans were cautious navigators. another ship is represented with ten horses on board. we possess confirmatory evidence that the ship shown in fig. 27 represents a type that was prevalent on our coasts in the eleventh and two following centuries, for very similar boats are shown in the transcript of matthew paris's "history of the two kings of offa" (now in the cottonian library), the illustrations in which are supposed to have been drawn by matthew paris himself. the history is that of two saxon princes who lived in the latter half of the eighth century, and was written in the first half of the thirteenth. we may fairly suppose that the illustrations represented the types of vessels with which the historian was familiar. they were all of the type depicted in the bayeux tapestry. they are of the same shape at both ends, just like the viking ship, and it may be added, like the boats to this day in common use along the coasts of norway. [illustration: fig. 27.--one of william the conqueror's ships. 1066 a.d.] it must not be supposed that the art of building ships of larger size, which was, as we have seen, well understood by the romans, about the commencement of our era, was forgotten. on the contrary, though, no doubt, the majority of ships of the eleventh and twelfth centuries were of small dimensions, yet we occasionally meet with notices of vessels of comparatively large size. such an one, for instance, was _la blanche nef_, built in the reign of henry i., and lost on the coast of normandy in the year 1120 a.d. this ship was built for prince william, the son of the king, and he was lost in her, together with 300 passengers and crew. this number proves that the vessel was of considerable size. _la blanche nef_ was a fifty-oared galley. long before her time, at the end of the tenth century, when ethelred the unready was king of england, the viking olaf tryggvesson built, according to the norwegian chroniclers, a vessel 117 ft. in length. it may here be mentioned that galleys continued to be used, along with sailing ships, in the various european navies till the seventeenth century. another instance of the loss of a large twelfth-century ship occurred in the reign of henry ii., half a century later than the wreck of _la blanche nef_, when a vessel engaged in transport work foundered with 400 persons. in the reign of richard coeur de lion a great impetus was given to shipbuilding and to maritime adventure in this country by the expedition which the king undertook to the holy land. a fleet of about 110 vessels, according to peter langtoft, sailed from dartmouth in april, 1190 a.d. it was reinforced considerably in the mediterranean; for, according to matthew paris, richard was accompanied on his voyage to palestine by 13 buccas, 100 "ships of burthen," and 50 triremes, and according to vinesauf, the fleet consisted of about 230 vessels. the buccas, or busses, or dromons, were ships of the largest size, with triple sails. there were two sorts of galleys; some were propelled by oars alone, and others by oars and sails: the latter were the larger, and, according to matthew paris, sometimes carried 60 men in armour, besides 104 rowers and the sailors. he also states that some of them had triple banks of oars like the ancient galleys; but, according to vinesauf, the majority had not more than two banks of oars, and carried the traditional flying deck above the rowers for the use of the soldiers; they were low in the water compared to the sailing-ships, and they carried beaks, or rams, which, as narrated subsequently, they used to some purpose. the larger type of sailing-ships carried a captain and fifteen sailors, forty knights with their horses, an equal number of men-at-arms, fourteen servants, and complete stores for twelve months. there were, moreover, three much larger vessels in the fleet which carried double the complement mentioned above. as an instance of the very large size to which vessels occasionally attained in those days in the levant, we may refer to a saracen vessel which was attacked by richard's fleet near beirut in syria, in 1191. it was described by many of the old chroniclers. this ship had three masts, and is alleged to have had 1,500 men on board at the time of the fight. the attack was carried out with great difficulty, on account of the towering height of the sides of the saracen vessel, and it was not till ramming tactics were tried by the galleys charging in line abreast, that her hull was stove in, in several places, and she went down with nearly all hands, only thirty-five, or, according to other accounts forty-six, having been saved. these large ships appear to have been used by other mediterranean powers towards the end of the twelfth century. for instance, a great venetian ship visited constantinople in 1172 a.d., of which it was stated that "no vessel of so great a bulk had ever been within that port." this vessel is mentioned by cinnamis, marino, and filiasi, and others, but her dimensions are not given. it is, however, known that she had three masts. cinnamis, who was at constantinople at this very time, states that she received from 1,500 to 2,000 venetian refugees on board, and conveyed them to the adriatic. the venetians are said to have employed another very large ship at the siege of ancona in 1157 a.d. on account of its size it was named _il mondo_. the republic of venice was, during the time of which we are writing, and for a long subsequent period, the foremost maritime power of the world. it is highly probable that many of the improvements which found their way into mediæval ships owed their origin to its great naval arsenal, which was famed for its resources and for the technical skill of its employés. at one time this arsenal employed 16,000 workmen, and during the great struggle of the republic with the turks at the end of the sixteenth century it turned out a completed and fully equipped galley every day for a hundred days in succession. during the crusades, venice and the rival republic of genoa secured between them the great bulk of the business involved in transporting troops and stores to the east, and they frequently hired out their war and merchant ships to other powers. shortly after the crusade of richard coeur de lion the trade and shipping of england appear to have undergone great expansion. in the reign of henry iii. (1216 to 1272) the historian, matthew of westminster, writes of them in a strain which might almost apply to our own day:- "oh england, whose antient glory is renowned among all nations, like the pride of the chaldeans; the ships of tarsis could not compare with thy ships; they bring from all the quarters of the world aromatic spices and all the most precious things of the universe: the sea is thy wall, and thy ports are as the gates of a strong and well-furnished castle." in another place the same historian writes of the english trade as follows:- "the pisans, genoese, and venetians supply england with the eastern gems, as saphires, emeralds, and carbuncles; from asia was brought the rich silks and purples; from africa the cinnamon and balm; from spain the kingdom was enriched with gold; with silver from germany; from flanders came the rich materials for the garments of the people; while plentiful streams of wine flowed from their own province of gascoigny; joined with everything that was rich and pretious from every land, wide stretching from the hyades to the arcturian star." no doubt this expansion was due, in part, to the very large participation which the english fleet took in the crusade. great numbers of english mariners were thus enabled to penetrate into seas that were new to them, and had opportunities of studying the commercial needs of the countries which bordered on those seas. another cause which powerfully contributed to the development of navigation, and consequently of shipbuilding, was the introduction of the mariner's compass into western europe during the first half of the thirteenth century. the english war navy, also at the commencement of the reign of henry ii., appears to have been in a very efficient condition. matthew paris gives a description of a great naval fight off the south foreland, in the year 1217, between a cinque ports fleet under the famous hubert de burgh, who was at the time governor of dover castle, and a large french fleet under a monk of the name of eustace, who was one of the most skilful naval commanders of his day. the english fleet consisted of forty vessels, of which only sixteen were large and manned with trained sailors. the french fleet, which was endeavouring to carry a strong invading army to england, was made up of eighty large vessels, besides numerous galleys and smaller craft. the account of the battle is most interesting, because it throws a flood of light upon the naval tactics and the weapons of offence of the day. the english commander manoeuvred for the wind, and having got it, he bore down on the french fleet, and attacked their rear ships with flights of arrows carrying phials of unslaked lime, which being scattered and carried by the wind, blinded the frenchmen; boarding was then attempted with perfect success, the rigging and halyards of the french ships were cut away, causing the sails to fall upon their crews. a hand-to-hand combat then took place, which resulted in fearful slaughter of the would-be invaders: several of the french ships were rammed and sunk by the english galleys, and in the end the whole of the hostile fleet, with the exception of fifteen vessels, was taken or sunk. this was one of the most momentous naval battles in english history, and is memorable as having furnished the first recorded instance of a battle having been preceded by manoevres to obtain the weather-gauge. [illustration: fig. 28. sandwich seal. 1238.] [illustration: fig. 29.--dover seal. 1284.] we have, unfortunately, very few illustrations of the thirteenth-century ships, and those which we do possess are taken from the corporate seals of some of the cinque ports and other southern seaport towns. fig. 28 is a representation of the seal of sandwich, and dates from the year 1238. the circular form of a seal is not very favourable for the representation of a masted ship, but we can at least make out that the vessel in question is of the scandinavian type used by william i. and his successors. it also appears to have been an open boat, and contains the germs of the castellated structures fore and aft, which, as we shall see afterwards, attained to the most exaggerated dimensions. in the case of the sandwich ship these castles were not incorporated with the structure of the vessel; they were merely elevated positions for the use of the archers and men-at-arms, and were mounted on columns, and were probably removable. we can also learn from the engraving that the practice of furling sails aloft was practised at that time. fig. 29 is the seal of dover, and dates from the reign of edward i. (1284 a.d.). it does not show much progress over the sandwich boat of nearly fifty years earlier, but we may notice that the castles are more developed and of a more permanent character. this vessel also possesses a bowsprit. it was about the middle of this century that cabins appear to have been introduced into english ships. the first mention of them occurs in 1242, when orders were given that "decent chambers" were to be constructed in a ship in which the king and queen were to voyage to gascony. there are records in existence of the dimensions of some vessels which were built for louis ix. of france in the year 1268 a.d. at venice and genoa. they are published in jal's "archéologie navale." the venetian ship which was named the _roccafortis_ appears to have been the largest. her dimensions are given as follows: length of keel, 70 ft.; length over all, 110 ft.; width at prow and poop, 40 ft. this latter dimension is hardly credible. the _roccafortis_ had two covered decks, and a castle or "bellatorium" at each end, and also several cabins. the crew numbered 110. the genoese ships were smaller. two of them were of identical dimensions, viz. length of keel, 49-1/2 ft.; length over all, 75 ft.; beam, 10 ft. the figure given for the beam appears to be too small in this case, if the dimensions of the mast, 70-1/2 ft., are correct, for such a long mast could hardly have been carried in so narrow a boat. these vessels had two decks, and are said to have had stabling for fifty horses each; but this latter statement cannot be true if the dimensions are accurately given. we have very little information about the ships of the end of the thirteenth and commencement of the fourteenth centuries. there is a list in existence of cinque ports ships which were fitted out in 1299 to take part in the war against scotland. they were thirty in number. more than half of them had complements of two constables and thirty-nine mariners, and the smallest had one constable and nineteen mariners. there is also a statement of the tonnage and complements of ships intended for an expedition to guienne in the year 1324, which throws some light on the size of the vessels employed in the scottish expedition. from it we learn that a ship of 240 tons had 60 mariners and officers; one of 200 tons, 50; vessels between 160 and 180 tons, 40; of 140 tons, 35; of 120 tons, 28; of 100 tons, 26; of 80 tons, 24; and of 60 tons, 21. from the above we may infer that the largest vessels in the cinque ports' squadron of 1,299 were from 160 to 180 tons. the measure of a ton in those early days was probably the cubic space occupied by a tun of wine of 252 gallons in the hold of a ship. we possess one representation of an english ship of the date of this expedition to guienne. it was engraved on the seal of the port of poole in the year 1325 (fig. 30). it is remarkable as the earliest known instance of an english ship fitted with a rudder at the stern instead of the side-rudder, or paddle, which had been in use from the very earliest times. we also notice in this ship a further development of the stern and forecastles, which, however, were not as yet fully incorporated with the structure of the hull. the reign of edward iii., which commenced in 1327, was, in consequence of the wars with scotland and france, one of great naval activity. after some years of desultory naval warfare in the channel, a famous sea fight took place at sluys, in dutch flanders, about ten miles north-east of blankenberghe, in the year 1340. the english fleet consisted of about 200 ships under the personal command of edward iii. the allied french and genoese fleet numbered, according to the english king, 190, and was composed of ships, galleys, and barges, while some of the chroniclers have put its numbers at as many as 400 sail, but this would probably include many small craft. the battle resulted in the capture, or destruction, of nearly the whole french fleet. the english are said to have lost 4,000 men killed, and the french 25,000. in one vessel, named the _jeanne de dieppe_, captured by the earl of huntingdon, no fewer than 400 dead bodies were found. the latter figure shows that some very large vessels were used at this battle. [illustration: fig. 30.--poole seal. 1325.] edward iii. caused a gold noble to be struck in 1344 bearing the representation of a ship almost precisely similar to the vessel on the seal of poole, of about twenty years earlier (fig. 30). it is fitted with a rudder at the stern, and we may therefore conclude that at this period the side-rudder, or clavus, had disappeared from all important vessels. the fore and stern castles were, in most cases, temporary additions to merchant ships, to adapt them for purposes of warfare. in fact, nearly all the sailing-ships used in naval warfare down to, and even after the fourteenth century, appear to have been employed as merchant vessels in time of peace; and this remark applies even to the king's ships. it was, no doubt, the introduction of artillery that first caused the sailing warship to be differentiated from the merchantman. although gunpowder for military purposes is said to have been used on land as early as 1326, and although iron and brass cannon are mentioned amongst the stores of three of the king's ships in 1338, nevertheless, the battle of sluys and the subsequent naval engagements in the reign of edward iii. appear to have been fought without artillery. it was not till the last quarter of the fourteenth century that guns became at all common on board ship. in the year 1345 edward iii. invaded france, and was accompanied by a fleet of from 1,000 to 1,100 ships, besides small craft. two hundred of these vessels were employed after the king's landing in ravaging the northern coasts of france and destroying the hostile shipping. in the year 1347 edward organised another great naval expedition against france, this time in order to give him the command of the sea during his siege of calais. the fleet was drawn from all the ports of the kingdom, and small contingents came from ireland, flanders, spain, and the king's own possession of bayonne. there are two lists in existence of the numbers of ships and men contributed by each port to this expedition. they agree very closely. according to one of them, the united fleet consisted of 745 ships, and 15,895 mariners, or an average of about twenty mariners to each ship. this figure, of course, does not include the fighting men. about fifty of these vessels were fighting ships fitted with castles, and the remainder were barges, ballingers (which appear to have been a kind of large barge), and transports. the largest contingents, by far, came from yarmouth, which contributed 43 ships and 1,950 men; fowey sent 47 ships and 770 men; and dartmouth supplied 32 ships and 756 men; while london, independently of the king's own vessels, sent only 25 ships manned with 662 men. in 1350 edward iii. and the black prince fought a famous naval battle off winchelsea against a fleet of forty spanish ships. the battle is generally known by the name of l'espagnols-sur-mer. edward was victorious, though he lost his own ship, through its springing a leak when colliding with one of the spanish vessels. the tactics of the english consisted chiefly of boarding, while the spaniards, whose vessels were much the higher, attacked with cross-bows and heavy stones; the latter they hurled from their fighting-tops into their adversaries' ships. from the foregoing, we can infer that the naval resources of england in the first half of the reign of edward iii. were very great. during the latter half of his reign he neglected his navy, and the french and spaniards, in spite of all their previous losses, rapidly gained the upper hand at sea, and ravaged the english coasts. in 1372 the spanish fleet assisting the french inflicted a severe defeat upon an inferior english squadron which had been sent to the relief of la rochelle. this battle is memorable because it was, probably, the first sea-fight in which artillery was employed, the spanish ships having been partly armed with the new weapon. the venetians are usually credited with having been the first people to employ naval guns; but we do not find them using artillery against the genoese till the year 1377. the introduction of cannon as the armament of ships of war was the cause of several modifications in the construction of their hulls. most of the early vessels fitted with cannon were of the galley type, the guns being mounted on the upper deck, and fired over the bulwarks, _en barbette_. afterwards portholes were cut through the bulwarks. fig. 31 represents a venetian galley of the fourteenth century, as given by charnock, with a single gun mounted in the bow. [illustration: fig. 31.--venetian galley. fourteenth century.] the new form of armament of ships involved a considerable raising of the height of side, and in order to counteract the effect of the high topside, carrying the weight of guns aloft, the beam of the vessel relatively to its length had to be much increased. the venetians were, however, afraid to make the transverse section wide throughout, lest the weight of the guns near the sides of the vessel should cause the connection of the sides with the beams to strain; hence they gave the sides considerable "tumble home," or fall inboard, as represented by fig. 32, which shows the cross-section of a venetian galleon. it will be noticed that the width of the upper deck is only about half that of the greatest beam. this practice was afterwards carried to an absurd extent by the venetians and their imitators, even in cases where guns were not carried aloft, as may be seen from the sketch of a galleon given in fig. 33. hence it is evident that the introduction of ordnance on board ship accounted for a complete revolution in the proportions of hulls hitherto in vogue. the rig of ships also underwent a considerable development about this period. the old single mast of the galley was supplemented by two and in some cases by three others. the sails were still square sails carried on spars, and the practice of reefing the sails to the spars aloft, instead of lowering spars and sails together on deck, had now become common. [illustration: fig. 32.--cross-section of a venetian galleon.] two years after the action off la rochelle we find the french commencing the construction of a royal navy at rouen. this step was taken in consequence of the strong opinion held by jean de vienne, who was appointed admiral of france in 1373, that vessels built specially for the purposes of war would have a great advantage over the hired merchantmen which had to be adapted for fighting each time they were impressed. it is highly probable that the latter half of the fourteenth century witnessed many improvements in ships built in the mediterranean. this was no doubt due, in part, to the intense commercial rivalry that existed at that time between venice and the other italian republics. fig. 34 is taken from a ms. virgil in the riccardi library, reproduced in m. jal's[14] work. it represents an italian two-masted sailing-ship of this period. this is one of the earliest illustrations of a ship with a permanent forecastle forming part of the structure of the vessel. the stern castle also appears to have a permanent, though not a structural character. ships of somewhat similar type were used in england in the reign of richard ii. at the end of the fourteenth century. fig. 35 represents one of them, the original being in an illustrated manuscript in the harleian library. it was written by a frenchman of the name of francis de la marque in richard's reign. there are illustrations in manuscripts still in existence written about this period, which confirm the fact that this type of ship was then prevalent. [illustration: fig. 33.--venetian galleon. 1564.] the reign of henry v. (1413 to 1422) was one of great naval development. the king himself took a most ardent interest in the royal navy, and frequently inspected the ships during their construction. under his auspices some very large vessels were built for the fleet. lists of this king's ships are still in existence. they are classified under the names great ships, cogs, carracks, ships, barges, and ballingers. the largest of the great ships was the _jesus_, of 1,000 tons; the _holigost_, of 760; the _trinity royal_, of 540; and the _christopher spayne_, of 600; the last-mentioned was a prize captured by the earl of huntingdon. the majority of the ships were, however, from 420 to 120 tons. the carracks were apparently not english-built ships, as all those in the king's navy were prizes captured in 1416 and 1417. the three largest were of 600, 550, and 500 tons respectively. the barges are given as of 100 tons, and the ballingers ranged from 120 to 80 tons. the total strength of the royal navy about the year 1420, as given in the list compiled by w. m. oppenheim from the accounts of the keepers of the king's ships, is 38; of these 17 were ships, 7 carracks, 2 barges, and 12 ballingers. it is worthy of notice that there were no galleys included in the list. [illustration: fig. 34.--italian sailing ship. 15th century.] [illustration: fig. 35.--english ship. time of richard ii.] henry invaded france in 1415 with a fleet of 1,400 vessels, which had been raised by impressing every british ship of 20 tons and upwards. the home supply not being sufficient for his purpose, henry sent commissioners to holland and zealand to hire additional vessels. in all 1,500 ships were collected and 1,400 utilised. these figures give us a fair idea of the resources of this country in shipping at that time. this was the invasion which resulted in the victory of agincourt and the capture of harfleur. in the year following (1416) france was again invaded and the fleet was stated by some to have numbered 300, and by others 400 ships. a naval battle was fought off harfleur. it resulted in a complete victory for henry. the old tactics and the old weapons seem to have been used. although, as we have seen, guns had been used in sea-fights nearly forty years previously, there is no mention of their having been employed on either side at this battle. in 1417 the king again collected 1,500 vessels at southampton for a fresh invasion of france. having first obtained the command of the sea by a naval victory over the french and genoese, a landing was duly effected near harfleur. several vessels, including four large carracks, were captured in the sea-fight, and were added to the king's navy. during the reign of henry v. the mercantile marine of england made no progress. commerce was checked in consequence of the state of war which prevailed, and the improvements in shipbuilding seem to have been confined to the royal navy. it seems probable, however, that the experience gained in the construction and navigation of the very large ships which the king added to the navy had its effect, ultimately, in improving the type of merchant-vessels. [illustration: fig. 36.--english ship. time of henry vi.] during the forty years of the reign of henry vi. england was so greatly exhausted and impoverished by war with france and by internal dissensions at home, that commerce and shipbuilding made little progress. we possess a sketch of a ship of the early part of the reign of henry vi. it is contained in a manuscript in the harleian library of the date, probably, of 1430 to 1435. it is reproduced in fig. 36, and differs from the ship of the reign of richard ii. shown in fig. 35, chiefly in having the poop and forecastle more strongly developed. while england was steadily declining in power from the time of the death of henry v., a new maritime nation was arising in south-western europe, whose discoveries were destined to have a most marked effect on the seaborne commerce, and consequently on the shipbuilding of the world. in the year 1417 the portuguese, under the guidance of prince henry the navigator, commenced their exploration of the west coast of africa, and they continued it with persistency during the century. in 1418 they discovered, or rather re-discovered, the island of madeira, for it is extremely probable that it was first visited by an englishman of the name of machin. the portuguese prince firmly believed that a route could be opened round africa to the indies. to reach these regions by sea seems to have been the goal of the great explorers of the fifteenth century, and the portuguese were stimulated in their endeavours by a grant from pope martin v. of all territories which might thenceforward be discovered between cape bojador and the east indies. in 1446 an expedition consisting of six caravels was fitted out, and made a voyage to guinea; it resulted in the discovery of the cape verde islands. the caravel was a type of ship much used by the countries of southern europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. a description of a spanish vessel of this type is given on pages 87 to 89. in 1449 the azores were discovered. in 1481 a lucrative trade was opened up between portugal and the natives of guinea. six years afterwards the cape of good hope was reached by bartholomew diaz, and in 1497 it was doubled by vasco da gama. during a great part of the period in which the portuguese were thus occupied in extending their commerce and in paving the way for great discoveries, the condition of england, owing to the french war and to the subsequent wars of the roses, was passing from bad to worse. nevertheless, the spirit of commercial enterprise was not wholly extinguished. a few merchants seem to have made fortunes in the shipping trade, and among them may be mentioned the famous william canynge of bristol, who was probably the greatest private shipowner in england at the end of the reign of henry vi. and during the time of edward iv. (1461 to 1483). canynge traded to iceland, finland, and the mediterranean. he is said to have possessed ships as large as 900 tons, and it is recorded on his monument, in the church of st. mary redcliffe, in bristol, that he at one time lent ships, to the extent of 2,670 tons, to edward iv. it is also related of him that he owned ten ships and employed 800 sailors and 100 artisans. it was not till the year 1475, upon the conclusion of peace between edward and the french king, louis, that affairs quieted down in england, and then trade and commerce made most marvellous progress. the king himself was one of the leading merchants of the country, and concluded treaties of commerce with denmark, brittany, castile, burgundy, france, zealand, and the hanseatic league. in the reign of edward's successor, richard iii., english seaborne trade obtained a firm footing in italy and other mediterranean countries. we, fortunately, possess drawings which show that an enormous advance was made in shipbuilding during the period under discussion, or that, at any rate, the advance had by that time reached england. fig. 37 illustrates a large ship of the latter half of the fifteenth century. it is taken from a manuscript in the cottonian library, by john rous, the celebrated warwickshire antiquary and historian. this manuscript records the life and history of richard beauchamp, earl of warwick, who was born in 1381, and died in 1439. the author of the manuscript, however, lived till 1491, in the early part of the reign of henry vii., and we may therefore conclude that the illustrations represent ships of the latter half of the fifteenth century. the vessel shown in fig. 37 was used for war purposes, as four guns were mounted on the broadside. there were also four masts and a bowsprit, and a strongly developed forecastle, which formed part of the structure of the ship. there was apparently very luxurious accommodation provided for passengers and officers in a large deck-house at the poop. the mainsail was of very large dimensions, and was emblazoned with the arms of the earl of warwick. in this illustration we see an early approach to the modern type of sailing-ship. there are several other drawings of ships in the same manuscripts, and most of them have the same general characteristics as fig. 37. [illustration: fig. 37.--english ship. latter half of fifteenth century.] the reign of henry vii. (1485 to 1509) was a memorable one in the annals of navigation and commerce. two years after he came to the throne, the portuguese sent the expedition, previously referred to, to discover a route to the indies round africa. the expedition never reached its destination, but diaz succeeded in discovering the cape of good hope. [illustration: fig. 38.--columbus' ship, the _santa maria_, 1492.] a few years later, in 1492, christopher columbus made his famous attempt to reach the indies by sailing west. this expedition, as is well known, resulted in the discovery of the west indian islands, and, shortly afterwards, of the mainland of america. the ships which columbus took with him on his voyage were three in number, and small in size. as spain had possessed many large vessels for a century and a half before the time of columbus, it is probable that he was entrusted with small ships only, because the government did not care to risk much capital in so adventuresome an undertaking. [illustration: fig. 39.--sail-plan of the _santa maria_.] fortunately, we have a fairly exact knowledge of the form and dimensions of the caravel _santa maria_, which was the largest of the three vessels. she was reconstructed in 1892-93 at the arsenal of carraca, by spanish workmen, under the superintendence of señor leopold wilke, for the chicago exhibition of 1893. señor wilke had access to every known source of information. figs. 38 to 40 give a general view, sail-plan and lines, of this ship as reconstructed. the following were her leading dimensions:- length of keel 60·68 feet length between perpendiculars 74·12 " extreme length of ship proper 93 " length over all 128·25 " breadth, extreme 25·71 " displacement fully laden 233 tons weight of hull 90·5 " the _santa maria_, like most vessels of her time, was provided with an extensive forecastle, which overhung the stem nearly 12 ft. she had also an enormous structure aft, consisting of half and quarter decks above the main deck. she had three masts and a bowsprit. the latter and the fore and main masts were square-rigged, and the mizzen was lateen-rigged. the outside of the hull was strengthened with vertical and longitudinal timber beams. the _santa maria_, as reproduced, was sailed across the atlantic from spain by captain d. v. concas and a spanish crew in the year 1893. the course taken was exactly the same as that followed by columbus on his first voyage. the time occupied was thirty-six days, and the maximum speed attained was about 6-1/2 knots. the vessel pitched horribly. in 1497 the first english expedition was made to america under john cabot. we have no particulars of the ship in which cabot sailed, but it could not have been a large one, as it is known that the crew only numbered eighteen. the expedition sailed from bristol in the month of may, and land, which was probably cape breton, was sighted on june 24. bristol was reached on the return journey at the end of july. in the following year cabot made another voyage, and explored the coast of north america from cape breton to as far south as cape hatteras. many other expeditions in the same direction were fitted out in the last years of the fifteenth and the first years of the sixteenth centuries. [illustration: fig. 40.--lines of the _santa maria_.] while cabot was returning from his first voyage to north america, one of the most famous and most epoch-making expeditions of discovery of modern times was fitted out in portugal. on july 24, 1497, vasco da gama set sail from the tagus in the hope of reaching india _via_ the cape of good hope. his squadron consisted of three ships, named the _san gabriel_, the _san raphael_, and the _birrio_, together with a transport to carry stores. there is a painting in existence at lisbon of the _san gabriel_, which is supposed to be authentic. it represents her as having a high poop and forecastle, very like the caravel _santa maria_. she had four masts and a bowsprit. the latter and the fore and main masts were square-rigged. the _san gabriel_ was, however, a much larger vessel than the _santa maria_. she is said to have been constructed to carry 400 pipes of wine. this would be equivalent to about 400 tons measurement, or, from 250 to 300 tons register.[15] the other two ships selected were of about the same dimensions, and of similar equipment and rig, in order that, in the event of losses, or accidents, each of the ships might make use of any of the spars, tackle, or fittings belonging to the others. it may here be mentioned that the ships reached quilimane, on the east coast of south africa, on january 22, 1498. after many visits to east african ports, during which they satisfied themselves that the arts of navigation were as well understood by the eastern seamen as by themselves, they set sail for india early in august, and after a voyage of twenty, or, as some say, twenty-three days, they sighted the coast, and shortly afterwards arrived in calicut, nearly fourteen months after they started from lisbon. about this time the memlook sultans of egypt absolutely cut off the trade which had been carried on for centuries between the italian republics and the malabar coast of india _via_ the overland route and the red sea. it was this fact that gave the discovery of the sea-route to india such enormous importance, and, ultimately, it was one of the causes of the commercial downfall of the italian republics. the cape route became the great high-road of commerce to the east, and remained so down to the present reign, when the re-establishment of the overland route, and, eventually, the successful cutting of the suez canal, restored commerce to its old paths. the discoveries of columbus, vasco da gama, john cabot, and their successors, had an enormous influence upon shipbuilding, as they not only widened the area of seaborne commerce, but offered strong inducements to navigators to venture on the great oceans, far from land, in craft specially adapted for such voyages. hitherto, sailors had either navigated the great inland seas of europe or had engaged in the coasting trade, and the longest voyages undertaken before the end of the fifteenth century were probably those which english merchants made between bristol and iceland, and between our eastern ports and bergen. henry vii. not only encouraged commerce and voyages of discovery, but also paid great attention to the needs of the royal navy. he added two warships to his fleet, which were more powerful vessels than any previously employed in this country. one of them, named the _regent_, was copied from a french ship of 600 tons, and was built on the rother about 1490. she carried four masts and a bowsprit, and was armed with 225 small guns, called serpentines. the second ship was named the _sovereign_, and it is remarkable, as showing the connection at that time between land and naval architecture, that she was built under the superintendence of sir reginald bray, who was also the architect of henry vii.'s chapel at westminster abbey, and of st. george's chapel, windsor. the _sovereign_ carried 141 serpentines. the _regent_ was burnt in an action off brest in the reign of henry viii., in the year 1512. she caught fire from a large french carrack, called the _marie la cordelière_, which she was attacking. both ships were utterly destroyed. the _marie la cordelière_ was probably the largest warship of her time. she is said to have carried 1,200 men, and to have lost 900 killed in the action. she was built at morlaix at the sole cost of anne of brittany, then queen of france. [illustration: fig. 41.--the _henry grace à dieu_. _pepysian library, cambridge._] the _regent_ was replaced by a very famous ship called the _henry grace à dieu_, otherwise known as the _great harry_. as a consequence, most probably, of the size and force of some of the french ships, as revealed in the action off brest, the _henry grace à dieu_ was a great advance on any previous british warship. she was built at erith, and was probably launched in june, 1514. her tonnage is given in a manuscript in pepys' "miscellanies" as 1,500; but it is generally believed that she did not in reality exceed 1,000 tons. [illustration: fig. 42.--the _henry grace à dieu_. _after allen._] there are more drawings than one in existence, supposed to represent this famous warship. one of them, shown in fig. 41, is from a drawing in the pepysian library, in magdalene college, cambridge. another, shown in fig. 42, is from an engraving by allen of a picture ascribed to holbein. the two illustrations differ in many important respects and cannot both represent the same ship. there is very little doubt that fig. 41 is the more correct representation of the two, because it is confirmed in all essential respects by volpe's picture of the embarkation of henry viii. at dover in 1520 on this very ship. volpe's picture is now at hampton court palace, and shows four other ships of the royal navy, which were all built in the same style as the pepysian drawing of fig. 41, with enormous forecastles and poops. the vessel represented in the picture ascribed to holbein appears to belong to a later date than 1520, and is, in fact, transitional between the ships of this period and those of the reign of elizabeth. one of the warships of the latter period is shown in fig. 45. according to a manuscript, in the pepysian collection, the _henry grace à dieu_ was armed with twenty-one guns and a multitude of smaller pieces. the numbers of the various guns and the weights of their shot are given in the following table:- +---------------+---------+-----------+ | | | weight of | | name of gun. | number. | shot. | +---------------+---------+-----------+ | | | lbs. | | cannon | 4 | 60 | | demi-cannon | 3 | 32 | | culverin | 4 | 18 | | demi-culverin | 2 | 8 | | saker | 4 | 6 | | cannon perer | 2 | 26 | | falcon | 2 | 2 | +---------------+---------+-----------+ the sizes of the guns of this time are pretty accurately known, because one of the ships of henry viii., called the _mary rose_, built in 1509, went down off portsmouth in 1545, and several of her guns have been recovered, and are still in existence. the portholes were circular, and so small in diameter that no traverse could have been given to the guns. this practice continued to prevail till the time of the commonwealth. there were five masts in this, as in all other first-rates henceforth down to the time of charles i. one of the masts was inclined forward, like a modern bowsprit. each mast was made in one piece, the introduction of separate topmasts having been a more modern improvement. [illustration: fig. 43--genoese carrack. 1542.] the highest development in the art of shipbuilding at this period was reached in the large merchant-ships called carracks. the competition between the great trading republics of italy, viz. venice and genoa, and the rivalry of portugal probably accounted for the marked improvement in the character of merchant-ships in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. fig. 43 gives a representation of a large genoese carrack of the sixteenth century. it will be noticed that this vessel had four masts, and was square-rigged, the foremost mast having been inclined forward somewhat after the fashion of the modern bowsprit. in the sixteenth century the carrack often attained the size of 1,600 tons. towards the latter half of this century a portuguese carrack captured by the english was, in length, from the beakhead to the stern, 165 ft.; beam, 47 ft.; length of keel, 100 ft.; height of mainmast, 121 ft.; circumference at partners, 11 ft.; length of mainyard, 106 ft.; burthen, 1,600 tons. this vessel carried 32 pieces of brass ordnance--a very necessary addition to the merchant-ship of the period--and accommodated between 600 and 700 passengers. the most important maritime event in the sixteenth century was, undoubtedly, the fitting out by spain, in 1588, of the gigantic expedition intended to invade this country in the reign of queen elizabeth. an account of the fleets on either side may therefore be interesting. [illustration: fig. 44.--spanish galleass. 1588.] the great armada consisted of no less than 132 vessels, of which only four were galleys, and four galleasses.[16] of the remainder, 30 were under 100 tons, and 94 were between 130 and 1,550 tons. the total tonnage of the ships, less the galleys and galleasses, was 59,120. the armament consisted of 2,761[17] guns. the seamen numbered 7,865 and the soldiers 20,671. the fleet was divided into ten squadrons. the largest vessel was the flagship of the levant squadron, and was of 1,249 tons, and carried 30 guns. the crew consisted of 80 sailors and 344 soldiers. the next largest was of 1,200 tons and carried 47 guns, but the greater number of the vessels were much smaller. the popular belief as to their incredible size and unwieldiness must therefore be dismissed as baseless, for even the largest ships were far exceeded in size by some of the carracks, or merchant vessels, of that day. on the average the spanish vessels mounted 22 guns apiece, and carried crews of 231 sailors and soldiers. fig. 44 is a sketch, taken from the tapestry of the old house of lords, of one of the galleasses of the fleet. it will be noticed that she carried her guns extremely high, a peculiarity which was common to many of the spanish vessels; for we read that their fire did more harm to the rigging than to the hulls of the english vessels. the fleet mustered by elizabeth was far more numerous, but its tonnage did not amount to one-half of that of the armada. the total number of vessels sailing under the english flag was 197, of which, however, only 34 belonged to the royal navy. the remainder were merchant vessels, hastily fitted out and adapted for purposes of war by their owners, or by the ports to which they belonged. of the royal ships the largest was the _triumph_, built in 1561. she was commanded by sir martin frobisher, and was only exceeded in size by four of the spanish vessels. the _triumph_ was between 1,000 and 1,100 tons, but there were only seven ships in the english navy of between 600 and 1,000 tons, whereas the spaniards had no fewer than 45. the crew of the _triumph_ numbered 500, of whom 300 were sailors, 40 gunners, and 160 soldiers. the _triumph_ carried 42 guns, of which 4 were cannon, 3 demi-cannon, 17 culverins, 8 demi-culverins, 6 sakers, and 4 small pieces. the greatest number of guns carried by any ship in the fleet was 56, mounted on board the _elizabeth jones_, of 900 tons, and built in 1559. the flagship of the lord high admiral, lord howard of effingham, the _ark_, was the most modern of the english warships, having been built in 1587. she was of 800 tons, carried a crew of 430, and mounted 55 guns. of the merchant auxiliaries the two largest were the _galleon leicester_ and the _merchant royal_, each of 400 tons, and each carried a crew of 160 men. in the former of these the explorer cavendish afterwards made his last voyage. another of the merchant-ships, the _edward bonaventure_, belonged to the levant company, and in the years 1591 to 1593 was distinguished as the first english ship that made a successful voyage to india. the size of a large number of the merchant-ships was under 100 tons. the total number of the crews of the entire english fleet was 15,551; of these 6,289 belonged to the queen's ships. as a general rule, the english ships in the reign of queen elizabeth, both in the royal navy and in the mercantile marine, were much inferior in size to the vessels belonging to the great maritime republics of italy and to spain and portugal. hitherto the practice had been general of hiring genoese and venetian carracks for mercantile purposes. it is stated that about the year 1578, or twenty years after queen elizabeth's accession to the throne, there were only 24 ships in the royal navy and 135 of above 100 tons burthen in the whole kingdom, and but 656 that exceeded 40 tons. nevertheless, in this reign there was a great development of mercantile activity, in which the sovereign as well as her people participated. many trading expeditions were sent out to the west indies and to north america, and warlike descents on the spanish ports were frequently carried out, and were attended with great success. in elizabeth's time the first british colony, virginia, was founded in north america, and sir francis drake undertook his memorable and eventful voyage round the world in a squadron, which consisted, at the commencement, of five vessels, whereof the largest, the _pelican_, was of only 100 tons burthen, and the smallest a pinnace of 15 tons. so great was the progress made about this time in english maritime trade that, only four years after the date above mentioned, there were said to have been no less than 135 english commercial vessels of above 500 tons in existence. in the year 1587 drake, in his famous marauding expedition in the spanish seas, captured a great carrack called the _san felipe_, which was returning home from the east indies. the papers found in her revealed the enormous profits which the spaniards made out of their trade with india, and afforded such valuable information that the english merchant adventurers were incited to cut in and try to secure some share of this trade for themselves. this led, ultimately, to the founding of the celebrated east india company, and to the conquest of india by the british. in 1589 certain merchants petitioned the queen to grant them a licence to trade with the east indies; but elizabeth, fearing the resentment of the spanish and portuguese, would not grant their request for many years, and it was not till the last day of the year 1599 that she gave a charter of incorporation to the earl of cumberland and 215 knights and merchants for fifteen years, and thus founded the first east india company. english adventurers, however, did not wait for a charter before commencing their trading operations with the east, for in 1591 an expedition consisting of three ships was sent out under the command of james lancaster. only one of the three--the _edward bonaventure_, which, as already mentioned, had been a merchant auxiliary in the english fleet that opposed the armada--ever reached the east indies in safety. a few weeks after the charter had been granted lancaster led another expedition to the east. his fleet consisted of five ships; the largest, the _dragon_, was of 600 tons, and had a crew of 202. after an adventurous voyage the fleet returned to england in september, 1602, having been absent two years and eight months. there is abundant evidence to show that foreign merchant ships in elizabeth's reign were often much larger than any built in this country. the following are examples. in 1592 a portuguese carrack called the _madre de dios_ was captured and brought home. she was of 1,600 tons burthen, 165 feet long from stem to stern, and had seven decks, including the numerous half and quarter decks which formed the poop. in 1594 a spanish carrack was destroyed which had 1,100 men on board. when cadiz was taken in 1596 two spanish galleons of 1,200 tons were captured, and the flagship, the _san felipe_, of 1,500 tons, was blown up. in 1602 a portuguese carrack of 1,600 tons was captured at cezimbra. she was named the _san valentino_, and was worth, with her cargo, a million ducats. the system of striking topmasts appears to have been introduced into the english navy in the reign of queen elizabeth. it is mentioned by sir walter raleigh as a recent improvement and "a wonderful ease to great ships, both at sea and in the harbour." amongst the other novelties mentioned by the same authority was the use of chain-pumps on board ship; they lifted twice the amount of water that the old-fashioned pumps could raise; studding, top-gallant, sprit and topsails were also introduced, and the weighing of anchors by means of the capstan. he also alludes to the recent use of long cables, and says that "by it we resist the malice of the greatest winds that can blow." the early men-of-war, pierced with portholes, carried their lower guns very near the water. in some cases there were only fourteen inches from the lower sill of the portholes to the water-line. this practice led to many accidents; amongst others may be mentioned the loss of the _mary rose_, one of the largest ships in the royal navy in the time of henry viii. sir walter raleigh mentions that, in his time, the practice was introduced of raising the lower tier of ports. nevertheless, this improvement did not become general till the time of the restoration of charles ii. fig. 45 is a representation of an english ship of war of the time of queen elizabeth, supposed to be of the date 1588. it is copied from the tapestries of the old house of lords. it shows clearly the recently introduced topmasts alluded to by sir walter raleigh. it is certainly a much more ship-shaped and serviceable craft than the vessels of henry viii. there is also in existence a drawing of a smaller elizabethan warship in the rawlinson mss. in the bodleian library; in essential particulars, it confirms fig. 45. both of these show that the forecastles and poops had been considerably modified. [illustration: fig. 45.--english man-of-war. about 1588.] [illustration: fig. 46.--venetian galleass. 1571.] another great naval war was waged in the latter half of the sixteenth century, about sixteen years before the defeat of the spanish armada. the scene was the adriatic sea, and the combatants were venice, with her allies, spain and the papal states, on the one hand, and the turks on the other. it culminated in the complete defeat of the latter at lepanto in 1571. the site of the battle of lepanto is very near to that of actium, and it is a remarkable circumstance that twice in history a decisive naval battle between the west and east should have been decided at the same spot. the allies possessed a fleet consisting of 208 galleys and 6 galleasses. the venetians introduced the latter type of vessel in order to meet the turks on even terms. it was an improved form of galley with three masts, carrying several guns on the broadside, most of them mounted on the upper deck. fig. 46 represents one of the venetian galleasses as used at the battle of lepanto, to the winning of which engagement they are said to have contributed materially. the galleass was essentially a mediterranean warship. it was never generally adopted by the western powers, but four neapolitan vessels of this category, carrying each 50 guns, formed a part of the great armada sent by spain to effect the conquest of england. the galleass represented in fig. 46 had a circular forecastle in which were mounted several guns, to be used in end-on attack. it is impossible to read the accounts of the battle of lepanto and of the defeat of the spanish armada without noticing the great contrast between the ships used in the two wars at about the same period. in the mediterranean the single-banked galley was still the prevailing type, while in the western and northern seas the bulk of the spanish and the whole of the british fleets were sailing-ships. it does not appear that any further novelties, or improvements, worth alluding to were introduced into the practice of shipbuilding till the accession of the house of stuart in 1603. all the monarchs of this family paid particular attention to the development of the royal navy. king james i. had in his service an educated naval architect of the name of phineas pett, who was a master of arts of emmanuel college, cambridge, and a member of a famous family of shipbuilders who had been employed for two centuries previously, from father to son, as officers and architects in the royal navy. some time after the accession of james, a royal commission inquired into the general state and management of the navy, and issued a report in 1618, which was in effect "a project for contracting the charge of his majesty's navy, keeping the coast of england and ireland safely guarded, and his majesty's ships in harbour as sufficiently guarded as now they are, provided that the old debts be paid, ... and certain assignments settled for the further payment of the navy quarterly." at the time the report was issued there were only seventeen vessels in the navy which had been built during the reign of james. the most important of these was the _prince royal_, built in 1610, and, at the time, considered to be one of the finest men-of-war in the world. fig. 47 is an illustration of a man-of-war of the period, which, there is strong evidence for believing, was this very vessel. it was designed and built under the superintendence of phineas pett at woolwich dockyard, and was given by the king to his son henry, prince of wales, in honour of whom it was named the _prince royal_. it was in many respects a remarkable departure from the prevailing practice of the times, and, if stripped of its profuse carved work, was very similar in outline to the men-of-war built as recently as the commencement of the last century. the designer was bold enough to abandon some of the time-honoured features of ship construction, such as the beak, or prow, derived from the old galleys, and the square buttock, or tuck. the latter feature, however, continued to appear in the ships of most other european countries for some time afterwards. the length of keel of this vessel was 114 ft., and the beam 44 ft. the reputed burthen was 1,400 tons, and the vessel was pierced for 64 guns, whereof she carried 55, the vacant portholes being filled in action from the opposite side, a custom which prevailed down to the last century and was adopted in order to lessen the dead weight carried aft. the great difference between the shape of the quarter galleries and forecastle in this ship and in the earlier types will be noted. the armament of the _prince royal_ consisted of the following guns: on the lower deck six 32-pounders, two 24-pounders, and twelve 18-pounders. the bow and aftermost ports were empty, and in case of necessity the former was filled by an 18-pounder from the opposite side, and the latter by a 24-pounder from the stern-ports. the upper deck was armed with 9-pounders, the aftermost port being vacant, and filled up when required. the quarter-deck and forecastle were provided with 5-pounders. [illustration: fig. 47.--the _prince royal_. 1610.] the building of this ship aroused many apprehensions, and a commission was appointed to report on the design while it was being constructed. it certainly seems that gross errors were made in the calculations. for instance, it was estimated that 775 loads of timber would be required for her construction, whereas 1,627 loads were actually used. the timber also was so unseasoned that the ship only lasted fifteen years, and had then to be rebuilt. many complaints were made about this time of the incapacity and ignorance of english shipbuilders. sir walter raleigh laid down the following as the principal requirements of warships: strong build, speed, stout scantling, ability to fight the guns in all weathers, ability to lie to easily in a gale, and ability to stay well. he stated that in all these qualities the royal ships were deficient. he also called attention to the inferiority of our merchant-ships, and pointed out that, whereas an english ship of 100 tons required a crew of thirty hands, a dutch vessel of the same size would sail with one-third of that number. another authority of the time complained that- "he could never see two ships builded of the like proportion by the best and most skilful shipwrights ... because they trust rather to their judgment than their art, and to their eye than their scale and compass." the merchant navy of england languished during the early years of the reign of james i. owing, however, to the patronage and assistance extended by the king to the east india company, and also in no small measure to the stimulus caused by the arrival of some large dutch merchantmen in the thames, the merchants of london abandond the practice of hiring ships from foreigners and took to building for themselves. in the year 1615 there were not more than ten ships belonging to the port of london with a burthen in excess of 200 tons, but, owing to the sudden development of shipbuilding, the port of newcastle in the year 1622 owned more than 100 ships exceeding the above-mentioned tonnage. in the year 1609 the king granted a new charter to the east india company, and in the following year a vessel, called the _trade's increase_, was sent out. this ship was the largest merchantman built up to that time in england. her career, however, was not fortunate. she was careened at bantam, in order that some repairs to her hull might be effected, but she fell over on her side and was burnt by the javanese. before the year 1613 british merchants had made altogether twelve voyages to the east indies, for the most part in ships of less than 500 tons. in that year, however, all the merchants interested in the oriental trade joined together to form the united east india company. the first fleet fitted out by the re-organised company consisted of four ships, of 650, 500, 300, and 200 tons burthen respectively. it had to fight its way with the portuguese before it could commence to trade. the portuguese considered that they were entitled to a monopoly of the trade with the east, and jealously resented the intrusion of the english merchantmen, whom they attacked with a fleet of six galleons, three ships, two galleys, and sixty smaller vessels. they were, however, ignominiously defeated, and the english merchants were enabled to accomplish their purpose. during the last five years of the reign of james i. the strength of the royal navy was increased twenty-five per cent. his son and successor, charles i., through all the troubles of his eventful reign, never neglected this branch of the national defences, and during his reign the mercantile marine grew to such an extent that, at the time of the outbreak of the civil war, the port of london alone was able to furnish 100 ships of considerable size, all mounting cannon and fitted up in every respect for the operations of war. [illustration: fig. 48.--the _sovereign of the seas_. 1637.] the _sovereign of the seas_, illustrated in fig. 48, may be taken as a sample of the largest type of warship built by charles. like the _prince royal_, she was designed by pett, and was considered to be the most powerful man-of-war in europe of her time. her construction must have been a great improvement on that of the _prince royal_; for, whereas the latter ship was declared to be no longer fit for service fifteen years after her launch, the _sovereign of the seas_, though engaged in most of the naval battles of the seventeenth century, remained in good condition for a period of sixty years, and was then accidentally burnt at chatham when about to be rebuilt. she was the first three-decker in the royal navy, but as she proved somewhat crank, she was cut down to a two-decker in the year 1652. at the restoration she was renamed the _royal sovereign_. this very remarkable vessel was of 1,683 tons burthen. her length of keel was 128 ft.; length over all, 167 ft.; beam, 48 ft. 4 in.; and depth from top of lanthorn to bottom of keel, 76 ft. she was built with three closed decks, a forecastle, a half-deck, a quarter-deck, and a round-house. she carried in all 102 or 104 guns, and was pierced for thirty guns on the lower, thirty on the main, and twenty-six on the upper deck; the forecastle had twelve, and the half-deck fourteen ports. she also carried ten chasers forward, and as many aft. she was provided with eleven anchors, of which one weighed two tons. the _royal sovereign_ may fairly be taken as representing the commencement of a better school of ship construction. her merits were due to the talents of phineas pett, who, though not uniformly successful in his earlier designs, was a great innovator, and is generally regarded as the father of the modern school of wooden shipbuilding. very little is known, unfortunately, of the character and rig of the smaller classes of trading vessels of the end of the sixteenth and the commencement of the seventeenth centuries. it is, however, tolerably certain that cutter-rigged craft were used in the coasting and irish trades as far back as 1567; for there is a map of ireland of that date in existence on which are shown two vessels rigged in this manner. with the description of the _royal sovereign_ we close the account of mediæval naval architecture. thanks to the fostering care of charles i., to the genius of pett, and to the great natural advantages conferred by the superiority of english oak to other european timbers, england at this period occupied a high place in the art of shipbuilding. the position thus gained was maintained and turned to the best advantage in the period of the commonwealth, when successful naval wars were undertaken against the dutch and other european states. these wars eventually resulted in establishing england, for a time, as the foremost maritime power in europe. chapter v. modern wooden sailing-ships. the naval wars which followed the establishment of the commonwealth contributed in a very large degree to the progress of shipbuilding. in 1652 war broke out with the united provinces, headed by the dutch, who were, prior to that period, the foremost naval and mercantile power in the world. the struggle lasted about two years, and during its continuance the british fleet increased from fifty-five first, second, and third rates, to eighty-eight vessels of corresponding classes, while a proportionately larger increase was made in ships of smaller denominations, and, in addition, the vessels lost in the war were replaced. the war with the dutch was an exceptionally severe struggle, and ended in the complete victory of this country, which then stepped into holland's place as foremost naval power. in addition to this war, cromwell undertook an expedition to the mediterranean, to punish the piratical states of algiers, tunis, and tripoli. the fleet was commanded by blake, and was completely successful in its operations, which resulted in a security for british commerce with the levant that had never been known before. admiral penn was at the same time entrusted with the command of a powerful expedition to the spanish west indies. the annexation of jamaica followed, and british commerce in the west increased. in fact, with the progress of the national navy the commerce of the country also extended itself, and the increased experience thus obtained in shipbuilding, both for the war and trading fleets, necessarily resulted in great improvements in the art. [illustration: fig. 49.--the _royal charles_. 1673.] the expenditure on the navy in the time of the commonwealth was enormous relatively to the total national revenue. in the year 1656-57 four-fifths of the income of the country was devoted to the sea service, in the following year two-thirds, and in 1658-59 nearly three-fifths. these are figures which have never been approached at any other period. the ships built during this time were of moderate dimensions. only four were of 1,000 tons. these were the _dunbar_, of 1,047 tons and 64 guns, built in 1656; the _london_, built in the same year, of the same tonnage and number of guns, though of different dimensions; the _richard_, of 1,108 tons and 70 guns, built in 1658; and the _naseby_, built in 1655, of 1,229 tons and 80 guns. all four were renamed at the restoration. charles ii. and his brother, the duke of york, afterwards james ii., both possessed in an eminent degree the fondness for the navy which distinguished all the members of the stuart dynasty, though, unfortunately, after the first naval war waged by charles against holland, the condition of the fleet was allowed to deteriorate very rapidly. as a sample of the type of warship of the first class built in this reign, we give, in fig. 49, the _royal charles_, which was constructed at portsmouth dockyard in 1673, by sir anthony deane, to carry 100 guns. this illustration and that of the _sovereign of the seas_ are after pictures by vandevelde. this ship was the largest in the navy, excepting always the famous old _sovereign of the seas_ and the _britannia_. the latter was built at chatham, by pett, in 1682, and carried 100 guns, and measured 1,739 tons. the _royal charles_ created as much sensation in its day as did the famous ship built for charles i. there is a beautiful model of the _royal charles_ in the museum. [illustration: fig. 50.--the _soleil royal_. 1683.] the following table gives the leading dimensions of the _royal charles_ and the _britannia_:- --------------+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------- | | | | | name of ship. | length. | breadth. | depth of | draught. | complement. | | | hold. | | --------------+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------- | ft. | ft. in. | ft. in. | ft. in. | royal charles | 136 | 46 0 | 18 3 | 20 6 | 780 britannia | 146 | 47 4 | 19 7-1/2| 20 0 | 780 --------------+---------+----------+----------+----------+-----------fig. 50 is an illustration after vandevelde of a famous french first-rate of the same period, named the _soleil royal_, of 106 guns. she was destroyed in cherbourg bay the day after the battle of cape la hogue, in 1692. fig. 51 is a dutch first-rate, named the _hollandia_, of 74 guns. she was built in 1683, and took part in the battle of beachy head as flagship of admiral cornelis evertsen. [illustration: fig. 51.--the _hollandia_. 1683.] the chief difference between the british and foreign builds of warship of the latter half of the seventeenth century was that the english vessels were always constructed with the rounded tuck before mentioned, as introduced by pett, while the continental ships all had the old-fashioned square tuck, which is well illustrated in fig. 51. the dutch ships in one respect excelled all others, in that they were the first in which the absurd practice of an exaggerated "tumble home," or contraction of the upper deck, was abandoned. this fashion was still carried out to a very great extent by the english, and to a less extent by the french and spaniards. the chain-plates in the english vessels were also fixed extremely low, while the dutch fixed them as high as the sills of the upper-deck ports would allow. in consequence of the shallowness of the dutch harbours, the draught of their ships was also considerably less than that of the english vessels of corresponding force. most of the ships in a seventeenth-century fleet deemed fit to take their station in the line of battle were third-rates. the first and second rates were exceptional vessels, and were only employed in particular services. a comparative table of the dimensions and armament of the various rates, or classes in the year 1688, is annexed:- ------------+------+---------+---------+---------+-------+---------+------ | | | | | | guns | |length| | depth | draught | | on war | designation.| of | breadth.| of | of | tons. | service | crew. | keel.| | hold. | water. | | at home.| ------------+------+---------+---------+---------+-------+---------+------ | feet.| feet. | feet. | feet. | | | 1st rate |128 to| 40 to | 17.9 to | 20 to |1100 to| 90 to | 600 to | 146 | 48 | 19.8 | 23.6 | 1740 | 100 | 815 2nd rate |121 to| 37 to | 17 to | 16 to |1000 to| 82 to | 540 to | 143 | 45 | 19.8 | 21 | 1500 | 90 | 660 3rd rate |115 to| 34 to | 14.2 to | 16 to | 750 to| 60 to | 350 to | 140 | 40 | 18.3 | 18.8 | 1174 | 74 | 470 4th rate | 88 to| 27 to | 11.2 to | 12.8 to | 342 to| 32 to | 180 to | 280 | 34 | 15.6 | 17.8 | 680 | 50 | 230 5th rate | 72 to| 23.6 to | 9.9 to | 11.6 to | 211 to| 26 to | 125 to | 81 | 27 | 11 | 13.2 | 333 | 30 | 135 ------------+------+---------+---------+---------+-------+---------+------the first so-called frigate was designed by peter pett, and built at chatham in 1646. she was named the _constant warwick_. her dimensions were: length of keel, 85 ft.; breadth, 26 ft. 5 in.; depth, 13 ft. 2 in.; tonnage, 315; guns, 32; crew, 140. she worked havoc amongst the privateers of the time. the bomb-ketch was originally introduced by a famous french naval architect named bernard renan, about 1679. this class of warship was first employed by louis xiv. in the bombardment of algiers, where it produced an enormous effect. bomb-ketches were of about 200 tons burthen, very broad in proportion to their length, and built with great regard to strength, on account of the decks having to bear the downward recoil of the mortars. the latter were placed in the fore-part of the vessel, which was purposely left unencumbered with rigging. the hold between the mortars and keel was closely packed with old cables, cut into lengths. the yielding elastic qualities of the packing assisted in taking up the force of the recoil. the bombs weighed about 200 pounds, and the consternation and terror produced by them may readily be realized when it is remembered that, up to that time, the most dangerous projectile which a warship could discharge at a land fortification was a thirty-two pound shot. these vessels were fitted with two masts, one in the middle and the other in the stern. while referring to this invention of bernard renan, it should be mentioned that france rose to the rank of a great naval power in the reign of louis xiv., under the famous minister colbert, in the latter half of the seventeenth century. when louis succeeded to the throne the french navy was practically non-existent, as it consisted only of four, or five, frigates. in 1672 he had raised the strength of the fleet to fifty line-of-battle ships and a corresponding number of frigates and smaller vessels. nine years afterwards, the french marine numbered 179 vessels of all classes, exclusive of galleys. in 1690 the french fleet in the channel alone numbered sixty-eight ships, while the combined british and dutch squadrons consisted only of fifty-six, and suffered a defeat at beachy head, in which the english lost one vessel and their allies six. this defeat was, however, amply revenged two years afterwards, when the allies succeeded in opposing the enormous number of ninety-nine ships of the line, besides thirty-eight frigates and fireships, to tourville's fleet of forty-four ships of the line and thirteen smaller vessels, and defeated it off cape la hogue, inflicting on it a loss of fifteen line-of-battle ships, including the famous _soleil royal_, of 108 guns, illustrated in fig. 50. from the time of louis xiv. down to the present date french naval architects have always exercised a most important influence on the design of warships, a circumstance which was largely due to the manner in which colbert encouraged the application of science to this branch of construction. it may be truly said that, during the whole of the eighteenth century, the majority of the improvements introduced in the forms and proportions of vessels of the royal navy were copied from french prizes. [illustration: fig. 52. british second-rate. 1665.] [illustration: fig. 53.--midship section of a fourth-rate.] in order to complete the illustrations of british warships of the latter half of the seventeenth century views of a second-rate are given in fig. 52, and a cross-section of a fourth-rate in fig. 53. it would be impossible in the present work to notice in detail all the alterations in size and structure of ships which took place during the eighteenth century. a few of the leading changes may, however, be mentioned. in the year 1706 an attempt was made to systematize the dimensions of the various rates, and the figures as given in the following table were fixed:- --------------+-------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+---------+------------ number of | | | | | | guns. | 90 | 80 | 70 | 60 | 50 | 40 --------------|-------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+---------+------------ length of | | | | | | gun-deck | 162 ft. | 156 ft. | 150 ft. | 144 ft. | 130 ft. | 118 ft. | | | | | | extreme | | | | | | breadth | 47 ft. | 43 ft. 6 in. | 41 ft. | 38 ft. | 35 ft. | 32 ft. | | | | | | depth of hold |18 ft. 6 in. | 17 ft. 8 in. | 17 ft. 4 in. | 15 ft. 8 in. | 14 ft. | 13 ft. 6 in. | | | | | | tonnage | 1552 | 1283 | 1069 | 914 | 705 | 532 --------------+-------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+---------+------------when the figures were compared with those of contemporary french ships of the same rates, it was found that the british vessels of every class were of inferior dimensions. whenever british men-of-war were captured by the french, the number of their guns was reduced. it was universally admitted that the french ships were superior in sailing qualities; so much so was this the case that, whenever a french squadron was chased, the english-built ships in it were the first to be overtaken. the subject of the superiority in size of the french ships was constantly coming to the front, and in 1719 a new establishment was made for the dimension of ships in our royal navy, according to the following scale:- --------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+---------- number of guns. | 90 | 80 | 70 | 60 | 50 | 40 --------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+---------- increase of length | 2 ft. | 2 ft. | 1 ft. | 0 | 4 ft. | 6 ft. increase of breadth | 2 in. | 1 ft. | 6 in. | 1 ft. | 1 ft. | 1 ft. 2 in. increase of tonnage | 15 | 67 | 59 | 37 | 51 | 63 --------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+----------in addition to the increase in dimensions, much improvement was made in the same year in the interior arrangements, and in the preservation of the timber of which ships were constructed. up till this period both thick stuff and planks were prepared by charring the inner surface while the outer surface was kept wet, and this process was continued till the plank was brought to a fit condition for bending to the shape it was required to take. in this year, however, the process of stoving was introduced. it consisted in placing the timber in wet sand and subjecting it to the action of heat for such time as was necessary in order to extract the residue of the sap and to bring it to a condition of suppleness. in the year 1726 the process was favourably reported on by two of the master shipwrights in their report on the state of the planking on the bottom of the _falkland_. some of the planking had been charred by the old process, some stoved by the new, and the remainder had been neither stoved nor charred. the stoved planks were found to be in a good state of preservation, while many of the others were rotten. the process remained in use till 1736, when it was superseded by the practice of steaming the timber. the steaming and the kindred process of boiling remained in vogue during the whole of the remainder of the era of wooden shipbuilding. in 1771 the rapid decay of ships in the royal navy once more caused serious attention to be paid to the subject of the preservation of timber. it was, in consequence, arranged that larger stocks of timber should be kept in the dockyards, and that line-of-battle ships should stand in frame for at least a year, in order to season before the planking was put on. similarly, frigates were to stand in frame for at least six months, and all thick stuff and planking was to be sawn out a year before it was used and stacked, with battens between the planks, so as to allow of the free circulation of the air. similar regulations were put in force for the beam pieces, knees, and other portions of the ships. much trouble was caused by the injurious effects of bilge-water and foul air in the holds of ships, and various remedies were devised from time to time. in 1715 structural improvements were devised to allow of the bilge-water flowing more freely to the pumps, and trunks were fitted to the lower decks to convey air to the holds. in 1719 it was proposed that the holds of ships should have several feet of water run into them in the early spring in order to cool them, and that it should not be pumped out till august; but this remedy was never extensively practised. in 1753 dr. s. hales proposed a system of ventilation by means of windmills and hand-pumps, which produced excellent results. it was noticed that the accumulation of carbonic acid gas and foul damp air in the holds, not only set up rapid decay in the ship, but also most injuriously affected the health of the crews. dr. hales' system was employed in the _prince_ from 1753 to 1798, and it was considered that the durability of this vessel had been greatly increased. it was also reported by lord halifax that the mortality on the non-ventilated ships on the coast of nova scotia was twelve times as great as on those vessels which were fitted with dr. hales' appliances. there are not many records in existence of the merchant-vessels of this period. fig. 54 is a representation of an armed east indiaman which was launched at blackwall in 1752. her length of keel was 108 ft. 9 in.; breadth, 34 ft.; and burthen, 668 tons. she was named the _falmouth_, and was constructed by the famous shipbuilder, john perry, of blackwall yard. she was commenced almost exactly two years before the date of her launch. like all her class, she was heavily armed. [illustration: fig. 54.--the _falmouth_. east indiaman. launched 1752.] at the close of the war against france and spain, which lasted from 1744 to 1748, great complaints were made of the weakness of our warships at sea. it was also found that the establishment of 1719 had not been adhered to, and the dimensions of ships were not fixed in accordance with any particular standard. the first defect was remedied by the placing of as many standards of wood, or iron, on the different decks as could be conveniently arranged, so as not to interfere with the guns, and by the use of larger bolts than had hitherto been employed, as high up as possible in the throats of the hanging knees. also the beams of the quarter-deck and round-house were supported with lodging knees, and in some instances with hanging knees of wood, or iron. various other pieces, such as the stem, were also strengthened and the weights of the taffrails and quarter-pieces were reduced. the advice of the master shipwrights of the various dockyards was sought, in order to fix a new establishment of dimensions, but great difficulties were found in introducing the much-needed reforms, and for some time afterwards the ships of the british navy were at a disadvantage with those of foreign countries by reason of their contracted dimensions and inferior forms. the capture, with great difficulty, of a spanish ship of seventy guns, named the _princessa_, in 1740, by three british men-of-war of equal rating, but far inferior dimensions, was one of the events that first opened the eyes of the admiralty to the defects of their vessels. the first attempt towards introducing a better type of ship was made in 1746, when the _royal george_, famous for her size, her services, her beauty and misfortunes, was laid down. she was not launched till 1756. the following were her principal dimensions:- length of keel for tonnage 143 ft. 5-1/2 in. length of gun-deck 178 ft. extreme breadth 51 ft. 9-1/2 in. depth of hold 21 ft. 6 in. tonnage 2047 number of guns 100 crew 750 men. fig. 55 is an illustration of this ship. she rendered great services to the country under the orders of admiral lord hawke, especially in the memorable defeat of the french navy off the island of belle-isle in 1759. she was lost at spithead in 1782, when being inclined in order to have some repairs to her bottom executed. she capsized, and went under, 900 men, women, and children being drowned in her. the _royal george_ was followed by several others of various rates and improved dimensions, notably by the _blenheim_ (90) and the _princess amelia_ (80). the latter was one of the most famous ships of her day, and was constantly employed as long as she continued fit for service. in 1747 a french ship of seventy-four guns named the _invincible_ was captured, and was found to be such an excellent vessel that her dimensions were adopted for the _thunderer_, laid down about 1758. one of the most interesting models in the museum is of the _triumph_ (74), also built on the lines of the _invincible_ in 1764. her length of gun-decks was 171 ft. 3 in.; breadth, 49 ft. 9 in.; depth of hold, 21 ft. 3 in. in the following year was built the _victory_, 100 guns, famous as nelson's flagship at trafalgar, and still afloat in portsmouth harbour. her dimensions are: length of gun-deck, 186 ft.; breadth, 52 ft.; depth of hold, 21 ft. 6 in.; tonnage, 2,162. [illustration: fig. 55.--the _royal george_. 1746.] the following table gives the dimensions of typical ships of war constructed about the middle of the eighteenth century:- ---------------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+------- number of | 100 | 90 | 80 | 74 | 64 | 50 guns. | | | | | | ---------------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+------- length of | 178 ft. | 176 ft. | 165 ft. | 171 ft. | 159 ft. | 146 ft. gun-deck | | 1 in. | | 3 in. | 4 in. | | | | | | | length of keel | 143 ft. | 142 ft. | 133 ft. | 138 ft. | 130 ft. | 120 ft. for tonnage | 6 in. | 7 in. | | 8 in. | 9-1/2 in.| 8-1/2 in. | | | | | | extreme | 51 ft. | 49 ft. | 47 ft. | 49 ft. | 44 ft. | 40 ft. breadth |9-1/2 in.| 1 in. | 3 in. | 9 in. | 6-1/2 in.| 4-1/2 in. | | | | | | depth of hold | 21 ft. | 21 ft. | 20 ft. | 21 ft. | 18 ft. | 17 ft. | 6 in. | | | 3 in. | 9-3/4 in.| 2 in. | | | | | | tonnage | 2,047 | 1,827 | 1,580 | 1,825 | 1,380 | 1,046 | | | | | | ---------------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+-------the genuine frigate--that is to say, a large cruiser, of relatively high speed, carrying its main armament on one deck--was introduced into the royal navy in 1741, when the _adventure_ was built. she carried thirty-two guns, of which twenty-two were 12-pounders. the first british 36-gun frigates were the _brilliant_ and _pallas_, built in 1757. their main armament also consisted of 12-pounders. french frigates of the same date were of larger dimensions, as is proved by the following table which compares the principal measurements of the _brilliant_ and of the french frigate _aurore_:- ----------+-----------+-----------+--------------------------------- name of | length of | breadth. | depth of | tonnage. | complement. ship. | gun-deck. | | hold. | | ----------+-----------+-----------+----------+----------+----------- | ft. in. | ft. in. | ft. in. | | | | | | | brilliant | 128 4 | 35 8 | 12 4 | 718 | 240 aurore | 144 0 | 38 8-1/2 | 15 2 | 946 | 250 | | | | | ----------+-----------+-----------+----------+----------+-----------in the year 1761 a most important improvement was introduced, which greatly increased the usefulness of ships. this was the discovery of the value of copper plates as a material for sheathing their bottoms. previously to this period lead was the metal used for sheathing purposes, and even it was only employed occasionally. in other cases the bottoms of vessels were paid over with various compositions, the majority of which fouled rapidly. the first vessel in the navy that was copper-sheathed was the _alarm_, a 32-gun frigate. at first the use of copper caused serious oxidation of the iron bolts employed in the bottom fastenings, and copper bolts were substituted for them. about the year 1788 the dimensions of the various rates were again increased in order to keep pace with the improved french and spanish ships. in the year 1780 the 38-gun frigate founded on a french model was introduced into the navy, and continued to be much used throughout the great wars at the close of the eighteenth and the commencement of the nineteenth century. the first british frigate of this rating was the _minerva_, which measured 141 ft. in length of gun-deck; 38 ft. 10 in. width of beam; 13 ft. 9 in. depth of hold, and 940 tons--figures which were evidently based on those of the _aurore_, captured in 1758 (see p. 128). in 1781 and 1782 two very large french frigates were captured. their names were the _artois_ and _aigle_, and they exceeded in size anything in this class that had yet been built. the length of gun-deck measured 158 ft.; width, 40 ft. 4 in.; depth of hold, 13 ft. 6 in.; tonnage, 1,152; they each carried 42 guns and 280 men. again, in 1790, the force of new ships of the various rates was much increased. the largest line-of-battle ship then built was the _hibernia_, of 110 guns. she was the first of her class introduced into the navy. her dimensions were as follows:--length on gun-deck, 201 ft. 2 in.; extreme breadth, 53 ft. 1 in.; depth of hold, 22 ft. 4 in.; burthen in tons, 2,508. the armament consisted of thirty 32-pounders on the lower deck, thirty 24-pounders on the middle, and thirty-two 18-pounders on the upper decks, while eighteen 12-pounders were mounted on the forecastle and quarter-deck. it is worthy of remark that, for some time previously, the large line-of-battle ships carried 42-pounders on the lower deck, but it was found that the 32-pounders could be loaded much more quickly, and that a great advantage arose in consequence. [illustration: fig. 56.--the _commerce de marseille_. captured 1792.] in the year 1792 the first 40-gun frigate, the _acasta_, was built. this type of vessel was intended to replace the old 44-gun two-decker. the _acasta_ measured 150 ft. on deck; 40 ft. 9-1/2 in. extreme breadth; 14 ft. 3 in. depth of hold; with a burthen of 1,142 tons. her armament consisted of thirty 18-pounders on the main deck, and ten 9-pounder long guns on quarter-deck and forecastle. [illustration: fig. 57.--british first-rate. 1794.] during the whole of our naval history down to comparatively recent times, improvements in the dimensions and forms of our ships were only carried out after they had been originally adopted by the french, or spaniards, or more recently by the people of the united states of america. thus, we find that, shortly after war had been declared against the french revolutionary government in 1792, admiral hood took possession at toulon, amongst other vessels, of a french first-rate called the _commerce de marseille_, which was larger and mounted more guns than any vessel in the service of great britain. fig. 56 is an illustration of this fine man-of-war, which was 208 ft. 4 in. long on the lower deck, 54 ft. 9-1/2 in. broad, of 25 ft. depth of hold, and of 2,747 tons burthen. as an instance of the progress in size, as related to armament, made during the century, we may compare the dimensions of this french first-rate with those of the _royal anne_, an english 100-gun ship built in 1706. the length of gun-deck of the latter ship was 171 ft. 9 in., and tonnage 1,809, the more recent vessel showing an increase of nearly fifty per cent. in tonnage for an increased armament of twenty guns. as further examples of the naval architecture of this period, in figs. 57 and 58 are given views of an english first-rate of the year 1794, and in figs. 59 and 60 corresponding views of a heavy french frigate of about the year 1780. one of the greatest improvements made at the end of the eighteenth century was the raising of the lower battery further above the water, so as to enable the heavy guns to be fought in all weathers. it was frequently observed that the old british men-of-war of seventy-four guns when engaging a hostile vessel to leeward were, on account of the crankness of the ship and the lowness of the battery, obliged to keep their lower ports closed; whereas the french ships, which were comparatively stiff, and carried their lower guns well above the water, were enabled to fight with the whole of their battery in all weathers. [illustration: fig. 58.--british first-rate. 1794.] after the capture of the _commerce de marseille_, an english first-rate, named the _caledonia_, to carry 120 guns, was ordered to be laid down. she was not, however, commenced till 1805. her dimensions and proportions closely approximated to those of her french prototype, and need not, therefore, be more particularly referred to. she was the first 120-gun ship built in this country. [illustration: fig. 59.--heavy french frigate of 1780.] in the year 1812 the united states declared war against great britain. the struggle was memorable for several naval duels between the frigates of the two nations. when the war broke out the united states possessed some frigates of unusual dimensions and armament. the british cruisers were quite overmatched, and in several instances were captured. in consequence of these disasters a new and improved class of frigate was introduced into the royal navy. what had happened in the case of the frigates took place also in regard to the sloops employed as cruisers. they were completely outmatched by the american vessels of corresponding class, and many of them were taken. [illustration: fig. 60.--heavy french frigate of 1780.] in 1815, on the conclusion of the long wars with france, there was, of course, a marked diminution in the number of ships built for purposes of war. the _howe_, of 120 guns (fig. 61), is given as an illustration of a first-rate of this period. during the earlier years of the present century great improvements were introduced by sir robert seppings and others into the structural arrangements of ships. during the long wars abundant experience had been gained as to the particular kinds of weakness which ships exhibited when exposed to the strains produced by waves. it had been felt for many years that the system of building was very defective, and the life of a man-of-war was consequently short, only fifteen years for a ship built of english oak in the royal dockyards, and about twelve years for similar vessels built in private yards. amongst the greatest defects was the absence of longitudinal strength to enable a ship to resist the effects of hogging and sagging strains in a sea-way. [illustration: fig. 61.--the _howe_. 1815.] when a ship at sea is so placed that the crest of a large wave is passing about the midship section, the two ends may happen to be in the hollows between the waves, and in this case are to a great extent unsupported by the water, and consequently have a tendency to droop. the result is that the ship tends to arch up in the centre like a hog's back, and the upper decks are put into a state of tension, while the bottom of the vessel, on the contrary, undergoes compression. the strains set up in this way are called hogging strains. when the position of the waves is exactly reversed so that the two ends are supported by the crests, while the hollow between them passes under the middle, the latter part of the ship has a tendency to droop or sag, and the bottom is consequently extended, while the upper works are put into a state of compression. it will be noticed, on referring to the illustration of the _royal george_ (fig. 55), that the framework of ships built on the old system consisted of a series of transverse ribs which were connected together in the longitudinal direction by the outside planking and by the ceiling. as there was no filling between the ribs, the latter tended alternately to come closer together, or recede further apart, according as they experienced the influence of hogging or sagging stresses. the french during the eighteenth century had at various times proposed methods of overcoming this defect. one was to cross the ceiling with oblique iron riders. another was to lay the ceiling itself and the outside planking diagonally. sometimes the holds were strengthened with vertical and sometimes with diagonal riders, but none of these plans gave lasting satisfaction. the means adopted by sir robert seppings were as follows:-firstly, the spaces between the frames were filled in solid with timber (fig. 62). in this way the bottom of the ship was transformed into a solid mass of timber admirably adapted to resist working. at the same time the customary interior planking below the orlop beams was omitted. [illustration: fig. 62.--sir robert seppings' system of construction.] secondly, the beams were connected with the sides of the ship by means of thick longitudinal timbers below the knees running fore and aft, called shelf-pieces, _a_, _a_ (fig. 63), and similar pieces above the beams, _b_, _b_ (fig. 63), called waterways. these not only added to the longitudinal strength of the ship, but formed also very convenient features in the connection between the deck-beams and the ship's sides. [illustration: fig. 63.--sir robert seppings' system of construction.] thirdly, a trussed frame was laid on the inside of the transverse frames in the hold of the ship. this frame consisted of diagonal riders making an angle of about 45° with the vertical, together with trusses crossing them, and longitudinal pieces, as shown in fig. 62. this trussed frame was firmly bolted through the transverse frames and the planking of the ship. fourthly, it was proposed to lay the decks diagonally; but this system does not appear to have ever come into general use. it should here be mentioned that the use of shelf-pieces and thick waterways in connection with the ends of the beams was first adopted by the french in very small vessels; also the system of fillings between the frames was an extension of a method which had been in use for some time, for it was customary to fill in the spaces as far as the heads of the floors, in order to strengthen the ship's bottom against the shocks and strains due to grounding. [illustration: fig. 64.--sir robert seppings' system of construction.] sir robert seppings further introduced many minor improvements into the details of the construction and the forms of ships. amongst these may be mentioned the method of combining the frame-timbers. the old method of shaping the heads and heels of these timbers and of combining them with triangular chocks is shown on the left-hand side of fig. 64. in the new method the heads and heels were cut square, and combined with circular coaks, as shown on the right-hand side in the same fig.] [illustration: fig. 65.--the _waterloo_.] the principal alterations in the forms of ships introduced by sir robert seppings, were connected with the shapes of the bow and stern. hitherto the bow was cut straight across at the cathead, so as to form a vertical wall extending down to the level of the upper deck portsills, and formed of thin boarding and stanchions. the old shape of the bow is clearly shown in figs. 52 and 55. the disadvantage of this arrangement was that it exposed the ship to the raking fire of an enemy. the old form of bow was also deficient in structural strength, and was liable to cause leakage. sir robert seppings carried the rounding of the bow right up to the upper deck, and made it as strong as any other part of the ship to resist either shot or stresses. this alteration also enabled him to provide for firing several guns in a line with the keel. the old square stern was also abolished and a circular one introduced, which enabled a more powerful battery to be carried aft. in order to bring up the account of british sailing line-of-battle ships to the period when they were superseded by the adoption of steam-power in the royal navy, we give illustrations of a first-rate launched in the reign of william iv., called the _waterloo_ (fig. 65), of 120 guns, and of the _queen_ (fig. 66), of 110 guns: the latter was the first three-decker launched in the reign of queen victoria. a comparison of these illustrations with those representing the largest men-of-war in the time of the stuart sovereigns, will do more than any verbal description to show the great alterations in form and size which had taken place during two centuries. the _waterloo_ had a length on deck of 205 ft. 6 in., extreme breadth of 54 ft. 9 in., and a tonnage of 2,718; while the corresponding dimensions of the _queen_ were 204 ft. 2-1/2 in., 55 ft. 2-1/2 in., and 3,104 tons. [illustration: fig. 66.--the _queen_.] [illustration: fig. 67.--the _thames_. east indiaman. 1819.] during the epoch covered in this chapter the chronicles of the british mercantile marine were extremely meagre. the seaborne commerce of the country had increased enormously since the time of the restoration. it had, in fact, kept pace with the development of the royal navy, and, in proportion as the naval power of the country was increased so was her commerce extended and her mercantile marine increased. in the year 1801 the total amount of british mercantile shipping was about 1,726,000 tons; in 1811 it had increased to 2,163,094 tons, and in 1816 to 2,489,068; while in 1846 it had reached 3,220,685 tons. the east india company was by far the largest mercantile shipowner and ship-hirer in the country. in the year 1772 the company employed 33 ships of the aggregate burthen of 23,159 tons, builders' measurement. it was about this period that the company commenced the construction of a larger type of vessel for their own use. these vessels afterwards became famous for their exploits, and were called east indiamen. fig. 67 is an illustration of one of them named the _thames_, built in 1819, of 1,360 tons register. she carried 26 guns, and had a crew of 130 men. east indiamen were designed to serve simultaneously as freight-carriers, passenger-ships and men-of-war. in the latter capacity they fought many important actions and won many victories. having had to fill so many purposes, they were naturally expensive ships both to build and work. their crews were nearly four times as numerous as would be required for modern merchant sailing-ships of similar size. at the close of the great wars in the early part of this century commercial pursuits naturally received a strong impetus. great competition arose, not only between individual owners, but also between the shipowning classes in various countries. this caused considerable attention to be paid to the improvement of merchant-ships. the objects sought to be attained were greater economy in the working of vessels and increased speed combined with cargo-carrying capacity. the trade with the west indies was not the subject of a monopoly as that with the east had been. it was consequently the subject of free competition amongst shipowners, and the natural result was the development of a class of vessel much better adapted to purely mercantile operations than were the ships owned or chartered by the east india company. fig. 68 is a late example of a west indiaman, of the type common shortly after the commencement of the nineteenth century. the capacity for cargo of ships of this type was considerably in excess of their nominal tonnage, whereas in the case of the east indiamen the reverse was the case. also, the proportion of crew to tonnage was one-half of what was found necessary in the latter type of vessel. while possessing the above-named advantages, the west indiamen were good boats for their time, both in sea-going qualities and in speed. [illustration: fig. 68.] when the trade with the east was thrown open an impetus was given to the construction of vessels which were suitable for carrying freight to any part of the world. these boats were known as "free traders." an illustration of one of them is given in fig. 69. they were generally from 350 to 700 tons register. the vessels of all the types above referred to were very short, relatively, being rarely more than four beams in length. to the americans belongs the credit of having effected the greatest improvements in mercantile sailing-ships. in their celebrated baltimore clippers they increased the length to five and even six times the beam, and thus secured greater sharpness of the water-lines and improved speed in sailing. at the same time, in order to reduce the cost of working, these vessels were lightly rigged in proportion to their tonnage, and mechanical devices, such as capstans and winches, were substituted, wherever it was possible, for manual labour. the crew, including officers, of an american clipper of 1,450 tons, english measurement, numbered about forty. the part played by the americans in the carrying trade of the world during the period between the close of the great wars and the early fifties was so important that a few illustrations of the types of vessels they employed will be interesting. fig. 70 represents an american cotton-ship, which also carried passengers on the route between new york and havre in the year 1832. in form she was full and bluff; in fact, little more than a box with rounded ends. [illustration: fig. 69.--free-trade barque.] [illustration: fig. 70.--the _bazaar_. american cotton-ship. 1832.] in 1840, when steamers had already commenced to cross the atlantic, a much faster and better-shaped type of sailing-packet was put upon the new york-havre route. these vessels were of from 800 to 1,000 tons. one of them, the _sir john franklin_, is shown in fig. 71. they offered to passengers the advantages of a quick passage, excellent sea-going qualities, and, compared with the cotton-ships, most comfortable quarters. the americans had also about this time admirable sailing-packets trading with british ports. in the early fifties the doom of the sailing-packet on comparatively short voyages, such as that between new york and western european ports, had been already sealed; but, for distant countries, such as china and australia, and for cargo-carrying purposes in many trades, the sailing-ship was still able to hold its own. fig. 72 represents an american three-masted clipper called the _ocean herald_, built in the year 1855. she was 245 ft. long, 45 ft. in beam, and of 2,135 tons. her ratio of length to breadth was 5.45 to 1. fig. 73 is an illustration of the _great republic_, which was one of the finest of the american clippers owned by messrs. a. law and co., of new york. she was 305 ft. long, 53 ft. beam, 30 ft. depth of hold, and of 3,400 tons. she was the first vessel fitted with double topsails. her spread of canvas, without counting stay-sails, amounted to about 4,500 square yards. she had four decks, and her timber structure was strengthened from end to end with a diagonal lattice-work of iron. the speed attained by some of these vessels was most remarkable. in 1851 the _nightingale_, built at portsmouth, new hampshire, in a race from shanghai to deal, on one occasion ran 336 knots in twenty-four hours. in the same year the _flying cloud_, one of donald mckay's american clippers, ran 427 knots in twenty-four hours in a voyage from new york to san francisco. this performance was eclipsed by that of another vessel belonging to the same owner, the _sovereign of the seas_, which on one occasion averaged over eighteen miles an hour for twenty-four consecutive hours. this vessel had a length of keel of 245 ft., 44 ft. 6 in. beam, and 25 ft. 6 in. depth of hold. she was of 2,421 tons register. [illustration: fig. 71.--the _sir john franklin_. american transatlantic sailing-packet. 1840.] [illustration: fig. 72.--the _ocean herald_. american clipper. 1855.] english shipowners were very slow to adopt these improvements, and it was not till the year 1850, after the abolition of the navigation laws, that our countrymen really bestirred themselves to produce sailing-ships which should rival and even surpass those of the americans. the legislation in question so affected the prospects of british shipping, that nothing but the closest attention to the qualities of vessels and to economy in their navigation could save our carrying trade from the effects of american competition. mr. richard green, of the blackwall line, was the first english shipbuilder to take up the american challenge. in the year 1850 he laid down the clipper ship the _challenger_. about the same time, messrs. jardine, matheson, and co. gave an order to an aberdeen firm of shipbuilders, messrs. hall and co., to build two sharp ships on the american model, but of stronger construction. these vessels were named the _stornoway_ and _chrysolite_, and were the first of the celebrated class of aberdeen clippers. they were, however, only about half the dimensions of the larger american ships, and were, naturally, no match for them in sailing powers. the _cairngorm_, built by the same firm, was the first vessel which equalled the americans in speed, and, being of a stronger build, delivered her cargo in better condition, and consequently was preferred. in 1856 the _lord of the isles_, built by messrs. scott, of greenock, beat two of the fastest american clippers in a race to this country from china, and from that time forward british merchant vessels gradually regained their ascendency in a trade which our transatlantic competitors had almost made their own. [illustration: fig 73.--the _great republic_. american clipper. 1853.] it was not, however, by wooden sailing-ships that the carrying trade of great britain was destined to eclipse that of all her rivals. during a portion of the period covered in this chapter, two revolutions--one in the means of propulsion, and the other in the materials of construction of vessels--were slowly making their influence felt. about twelve years before the close of the eighteenth century the first really practical experiment was made on dalswinton loch, by messrs. miller and symington, on the utilization of steam as a means of propulsion for vessels. an account of these experiments, and of the subsequent application and development of the invention, are given in the "handbook on marine engines and boilers," and need not, therefore, be here referred to at greater length. the other great revolution was the introduction of iron instead of wood as the material for constructing ships. the history of that achievement forms part of the subject-matter of part ii. during the first half of the nineteenth century, good english oak had been becoming scarcer and more expensive. shortly after the restoration the price paid for native-grown oak was about £2 15_s._ a load, this being double its value in the reign of james i. the great consumption at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the last century had so diminished the supply, that in 1815, the year in which the great napoleonic wars terminated, the price had risen to £7 7_s._ a load, which was, probably, the highest figure ever reached. in 1833 it sank to £6, and then continued to rise till, in 1850, it had reached £6 18_s._ per load. in consequence of the scarcity of english oak many foreign timbers, such as dantzic and italian oak, italian larch, fir, pitch pine, teak, and african timbers were tried with varying success. in america timber was abundant and cheap, and this was one of the causes which led to the extraordinary development of american shipping in the first half of the nineteenth century, and it is probable that, but for the introduction of iron, which was produced abundantly and cheaply in this country, the carrying trade of the world would have passed definitely into the hands of the people of the united states. the use of iron and steel as the materials for construction have enabled sailing ships to be built in modern times of dimensions which could not have been thought of in the olden days. these large vessels are chiefly employed in carrying wheat and nitrate of soda from the west coast of south america. their structural arrangements do not differ greatly from those of iron and steel steamers which are described in part ii. appendix. description of a greek bireme of about 800 b.c. during the year 1899 the british museum acquired a new vase of the dipylon class, which was found near thebes in boeotia, and dates from about 800 b.c. on one side of the vase are represented chariots and horses, apparently about to start for a race. on the other side is a painting of a complete bireme, which, on account of its antiquity and the peculiarities of its structure is of extraordinary interest. the galley in question, fig. 74, is reproduced from an illustration, traced direct from the vase, and published in the "journal of hellenic studies," vol. xix. (1899). the chief peculiarity of the construction is that the rowers are seated upon a two-storied open staging, erected upon a very shallow hull and extending from an elevated forecastle to an equally raised structure at the stern. the stage, or platform, on which the lower tier of oarsmen is seated, is supported by vertical struts rising out of the body of the boat. the platform for the upper stage is also supported by vertical struts, which rise, not from the boat itself, but from an intermediate stage, situated between the two tiers of rowers. in the absence of a plan it is not possible to say if these platforms were floored decks, with openings cut in them, where necessary, for the legs of the rowers; or if they were simply composed of longitudinal beams connected by cross-pieces which served as seats, or benches. the latter arrangement appears to be the more probable. there are twenty oarsmen a-side, on the lower tier, and, apparently, nineteen on the upper. no attempt is made by the artist to show more than the rowers on one side, and, to avoid confusion, those on the two tiers have their oars on the opposite sides of the galley, and only one of the blades of the far side is shown. the men of the lower tier rest their feet against supports fixed to the vertical struts which support their platform, while those of the upper tier rest theirs, apparently, upon the intermediate stage. the vessel is provided with a large and a small ram, and is steered by means of two large paddles. the prow ornament resembles a snake. in some of its features, notably in the shape of the ram, the shallowness of the hull, and the height and number of the stages, this galley resembles the phoenician boat of a somewhat later date, described on page 28. the arrangement of the rowers is, however, totally different in the two cases, those in the phoenician vessel being all housed in the hull proper, while those in the greek galley are all placed on the stages. it is a curious coincidence that the two specimens of galleys of the eighth and seventh centuries b.c., of which we possess illustrations, should both be provided with these lofty open stages. [illustration: fig. 74.--archaic greek bireme. about 800 b.c.] this greek bireme, with its shallow hull and lofty, open superstructure, could hardy have been a seaworthy vessel. the question arises, what purpose could it have been intended to serve? the rams, of course, suggest war; but the use of rams appears to have been pretty general, even in small greek rowing-boats, and has survived into our own day in the venetian gondola. the late dr. a. s. murray, keeper of the greek and roman antiquities at the british museum, who wrote an account of the vase in the "journal of hellenic studies," is of opinion that both the subjects on this vase represent processions, or races, held at the funeral ceremonies of some prominent citizen, and that, in fact, all the subjects on dipylon vases seem to refer to deceased persons. he points out that virgil mentions in the _æneid_ that games, held in honour of the deceased, commenced with a race of ships, and that he could hardly have done this if there were no authority for the practice. the large figures at the stern seem to point to the bireme of fig. 74 being about to be used for racing purposes. the man who is going to step on board is in the act of taking leave of a woman, who holds away from him a crown, or prize, for which he may be about to contend. if this view be correct we have, at once, an explanation of the very peculiar structure of this bireme, which, with its open sides and small freeboard, could only have been intended for use in smooth water and, possibly, for racing purposes. there are several other representations of greek galleys, or of fragments of them, in existence. nearly all have been found on eighth-century dipylon vases, but, hitherto, no other specimen has been found in which all the rowers are seated on an open stage. in the collection of dr. sturge there is a vase of this period, ornamented with a painting of a bireme, which is as rakish and elegant in appearance as fig. 74 is clumsy. it also is propelled by 78, or perhaps 80, rowers. those of the lower tier are seated in the body of the boat, while those of the upper bank on what appears to be a flying deck connecting the forecastle and poop, and about 3 ft. to 3 ft. 6 in. above the seats of the lower tier. in the museum of the acropolis there are also some fragments of dipylon vases, on which are clearly visible portions of biremes. the rowers of the lower bank are here again, seated in the hull of the galley and appear to be working their oars in large square portholes, while the upper row are seated on a flying deck, the space between which and the gunwale of the hull is partly closed in by what appear to be patches of awning or light fencing. the portholes above referred to are in fact merely open intervals between the closed-in spaces. similar lengths of fencing may be seen in the representation of a phoenician galley (fig. 7, p. 27). from the above description it is not difficult to see how the galley, with two tiers of oars, came to be evolved from the more primitive unireme. first, a flying deck was added for the accommodation of the upper tier of rowers. it formed no part of the structure of the ship, but was supported on the latter by means of struts, or pillars. the spaces between the hull and the flying deck at the two ends of the galley were closed in by a raised forecastle and poop. these additions were necessary in order to keep the vessel dry, and attempts were no doubt made to give protection to the remainder of the sides by means of the patches of light awning mentioned above. the step from this to carrying the structure of the sides up bodily, till they met the upper deck, and of cutting portholes for the lower tier of oars, would not be a long one, and would produce the type of bireme illustrated on p. 31 (fig. 9). footnotes: [1] this illustration is taken from mr. villiers stuart's work, "nile gleanings." [2] "a history of egypt under the pharaohs," by dr. henry brugsch bey. translated and edited from the german by philip smith, b.a. [3] "nile gleanings," p. 309. [4] the inscription is taken from the "history of egypt under the pharaohs," by dr. henry brugsch bey. translated and edited by philip smith, b.a. second edition, pp. 137, 138. [5] "a history of egypt under the pharaohs," by dr. henry brugsch bey. translated and edited from the german by philip smith, b.a. second edition, p. 358. [6] egypt exploration fund: _archæological report_, 1895-1896. edited by f. l. griffith, m.a. [7] "the history of herodotus," translated by g. c. macaulay, m.a. 1890. vol. i. p. 157. (ii. 96 is the reference to the greek text.) [8] in appendix, p. 157, will be found an account of an eighth-century greek bireme, recently discovered. [9] for latest information on greek vessels of archaic period, _see_ appendix. [10] this figure is obtained by adding the height of the lowest oar-port above the water, viz. 3 ft., to 2 ft. 6 in., which is twice the minimum vertical interval between successive banks. [11] this illustration is taken from charnock's "history of marine architecture." it is copied by charnock from basius, who, in his turn, has evidently founded it on the sculptures on trajan's column. [12] "cæsar, de bello gallico," bk. iii. chap. 13. [13] vol. xxii., p. 298. paper by mr. colin archer. [14] "archéologie navale." [15] w. s. lindsay, "history of merchant shipping and ancient commerce," vol. ii. p. 4. [16] the details, as related by various authorities, differ slightly. [17] according to some accounts there were 1,497 bronze and 934 iron guns of all calibres. index. a aberdeen clippers, 153 _acasta_, first english 40-gun frigate, 131 _adventure_, first genuine english frigate, 128 _alarm_, first copper-sheathed frigate, 128 alfred the great founds english navy, 56 american clipper, the _great republic_, 1853..150 ----, ----, the _ocean herald_, 1855..150 ----, clippers, speeds attained by, 150 ----, cotton-ship, the _bazaar_, 148, 149 ----, frigates, superiority of, in 1812..133 ----, transatlantic sailing-packet the _sir john franklin_, 1840..148 anchors, first use of capstans for weighing, 101 _ark_, elizabethan warship, 98 ark, noah's, account of, 6 armada, spanish, account of, 97 artillery, effect of introduction on designs of ships, 77 ----, first use of, by venetians on board ship, 77 ----, first use of, in naval warfare, 76, 77. _see also_ guns _artois_ and _aigle_, french frigates of 1781, dimensions of, 129 athenian docks, dimensions of, 41 _aurore_, french frigate of 1757, dimensions of, 128 b baltimore clippers, 147 barge, egyptian, used for transporting obelisks down nile, 21 _bazaar_, american cotton-ship, 148, 149 bireme, greek, of about 500 b.c., 31 ----, ----, of about 800 b.c., 157. ----, roman, 44 _see also_ galleys boat, egyptian, of the third dynasty, 12 ----, ----, of the fourth dynasty, 14 boats, egyptian, in time of herodotus, 24 ----, ----, of the sixth dynasty, 14 ----, ----, of the twelfth dynasty now in existence, 25 ----, of the ancient britons, 55 bomb-ketches, introduction of, 118 _brilliant_, english frigate of 1757, dimensions of, 128 _britannia_, warship of charles ii., 114, 116 britons, boats of, 55 buccas, or busses, 67 c cabins, first mention of, on english ships, 73 cables, use of, for girding ancient ships, 52 cabot's voyages to america, 89 _cairngorm_, clipper, 153 _caledonia_, english first-rate of 1805..133 canynge of bristol, shipowner of the fifteenth century, 84 capstans first used for weighing anchors, 101 caravels, 84, 88, 91 carracks in the fifteenth century, 81 ----, in the sixteenth century, 96 ----, spanish and portuguese, end of the sixteenth century, 101 carthaginian naval expedition against greek colonies, 30 caulking of ancient galleys, 53 chain-pumps, introduction of, 101 _challenger_, first english clipper, 153 charles i., warships of, 108 charles ii., warships of, 114 classification of ships in time of henry v., 80 clipper, american, the _great republic_, 1853..150 ----, ----, the _ocean herald_, 1855..150 ----, the _cairngorm_, 153 ----, the _lord of the isles_, 153 clippers, aberdeen, 153 ----, american, speeds attained by, 150 ----, baltimore, 147 ----, english, 153 _et seq_. columbus' ships, 87 _et seq_. _commerce de marseille_, french first-rate of 1792, particulars of, 131 commerce of england in reign of henry iii., 69 ----, ----, in reign of edward iv., 85 commonwealth, naval expenditure under, 114 ----, naval wars of, 112 ----, warships of, 114 competition between great britain and the united states for the world's carrying trade in 1850, 2 ----, for the world's carrying trade, probable renewal of, 4 _constant warwick_, english frigate, 1646..117 construction of greek and roman galleys, 40 construction of viking ship, 59 ----, of wooden battleships, 125, 135 copper-plating ships' bottoms, introduction of, 128 crews of english ships, end of the twelfth century, 67 ----, ----, ----, early fourteenth century, 73 ----, ----, ----, reign of elizabeth, 98 ----, ----, ----, seventeenth century, 117 ----, of greek triremes, 42 ----, of roman quinqueremes, 44 cutters, earliest notice of, 111 d danish ship, description of ancient, 63 decks, use of, in egyptian ships, 14, 20 ----, ----, in greek galleys, 33, 34, 43, 44, 157, 160 ----, ----, in phoenician galleys, 28 dêr-el-bahari, maritime records on the temple of, 18 dimensions of american clippers, 150 ----, of athenian docks, 41 ----, of columbus' ship, 89 ----, of east indiaman of 1752..123 ----, of english warships, 106, 110, 116, 117, 121, 126, 128, 129, 131, 142 ----, of greek triremes, 41 ----, of italian ships built for france in the thirteenth century, 73 ----, of sixteenth century carrack, 96 dover seal, ship on, 72 drake circumnavigates globe, 99 dromons, 67 e east india company, early voyages of, 100, 108 ----, ----, ----, elizabeth grants charter to, 100 ----, ----, ----, james i. grants charter to, 108 ----, ----, ----, origin of, 100 ----, ----, ----, in 1772..145 east indiaman of 1752..123, 124 ----, ----, of 1819 (the _thames_), 144, 145 _edward bonaventure_, elizabethan merchant-ship, 99, 100 edward iii.'s fleet in 1347..76 edward iii., naval wars of, 74 ----, ships of, 76 edward iv., english commerce in reign of, 85 egypt, favourable situation of, for development of shipbuilding, 7 ----, transport of granite blocks down nile, 9, 14, 15 egyptian barge for transporting obelisks down nile, 22 ----, boat of the third dynasty, 12 ----, ----, of the fourth dynasty, 14 ----, ----, of the sixth dynasty, 14 ----, boats in time of herodotus, 24 ----, ----, of the twelfth dynasty, now in existence, 25 ----, maritime expeditions to the land of punt, 16, 18 ----, naval expedition against the shepherd kings, 18 ----, religion, influence of, on the development of shipbuilding, 7 ----, ships used in hatshepsu's expedition to punt, 18 ----, warships of ramses iii., 23 _elizabeth jones_, elizabethan warship, 98 elizabethan fleet, 98, 102 ----, maritime expeditions, 99 ----, merchant-shipping, 98, 99 english clippers, 153 _et seq._ ----, commerce in the reign of henry iii., 69 ----, ----, ----, of edward iv., 85 ----, first-rate of 1637, _sovereign of the seas_, 110 ----, ----, of 1673, _royal charles_, 114, 116 ----, ----, of 1706, _royal anne_, 131 ----, ----, of 1746, _royal george_, 125, 127 ----, ----, of 1790, _hibernia_, 129 ----, ----, of 1794..131 _et seq._ ----, ----, of 1805, _caledonia_, 133 ----, ----, of 1815, _howe_, 135 ----, ----, time of william iv., _waterloo_, 141, 142 ----, ----, beginning of queen victoria's reign, _queen_, 142, 143 ----, fourth-rate, end of the seventeenth century, 121 ----, mercantile marine in time of james i., 107 ----, ----, ----, in first half of the nineteenth century, 142 ----, second-rate, end of the seventeenth century, 121 ----, shipbuilding, excellence of, in time of charles i., 111 ----, ships, sir walter raleigh's criticisms on, 107 ----, warships in the reign of henry vii., 92 ----, ----, ----, of henry viii., 93 ----, ----, ----, of elizabeth, 98 ----, ----, ----, of james i., 104 _et seq._ ----, ----, ----, of charles i., 110 ----, ----, in the commonwealth, 114 ----, ----, in the reign of charles ii., 114, 117 ----, ----, ----, of anne, 121 ----, ----, ----, of george ii., 128 ----, ----, ----, of george iii., 129 _et seq._ ----, ----, ----, of william iv., 142 ----, ----, ----, of victoria, 142 ----, ----, increase of size of various rates in 1788..129 ----, ----, of the middle of the eighteenth century, defects of, 123 f _falmouth_, east indiaman of 1752, 124, 125 fleet of richard coeur de lion for invasion of palestine, 67 fleet of edward iii. for invasion of france in 1347, 76 ----, of henry v. for invasion of france, 82 ----, of queen elizabeth to oppose armada, 98, 102 fleets of the saxon kings of england, 56 forecastles, developments of, 72, 73, 75, 80, 83, 85, 89, 95, 102 frigate, french, of 1780, 129, 131, 134, 135 frigates, _brilliant_ and _aurore_, of 1757, dimensions of, 128 ----, introduction of, 117, 128 ----, of thirty-eight guns, introduced 1780, 129 ----, of forty guns, introduced 1792, 131 ----, superiority of american in 1812, 133 "free traders," 147 french first-rate of 1792, particulars of, 131 ----, frigates of 1780, 129, 131, 134, 135 ----, naval architects, influence of, 118, 120 ----, ----, power under louis xiv., 118 ----, navy, foundation of, 79 g galleasses, spanish, 1588, 97 ----, venetian, end of the sixteenth century, 103 galleon, venetian, of the sixteenth century, 78 galley, archaic greek, about 800 b.c., 157 ----, greek, without deck, 33 ----, of eleven banks, alleged to have been built in cyprus, 35 ----, of sixteen banks, brought to rome by æmilius paulus, 36 ----, phoenician, of the seventh century, 27 ----, ptolemy philopater's, criticism of account of, 45 ----, venetian, of the fourteenth century, 77 galleys, ancient, caulking of, 53 ----, ----, structural arrangements of, 51 _et seq._ ----, ----, timber used in construction of, 50 ----, arrangement of rowers in, 43, 47 ----, greek and roman, details of construction of, 40 _et seq._ ----, greek, rams of, 31, 52, 53 ----, liburnian, 37 ----, many-banked, arrangement of oars in, 47 ----, ----, disused after actium, 37 ----, ----, use of, by ptolemies, 37 ----, ----, use of, in greece, 35 ----, reasons for arrangement of oars in banks, 42 ----, roman, use of lead sheathing in, 53 ----, ----, use of turrets in, 54 ----, ----, used against carthaginians, 36 ----, speeds of, 48, 50 ----, use of decks in, 28, 34, 36, 43, 44, 157, 160 ----, use of sails in, 43 ----, used by alexander the great, 35 ----, venetian, number of rowers to oars of, 47 ----, with four banks of oars, use of, by athenians, 35 ----, with five banks of oars, use of, by athenians and syracusans, 35 _see also_ uniremes, biremes, triremes, quinqueremes, penteconters genoese ship built for france, 1268, 73 _great republic_, american clipper, 1853, 150 greece, ancient, shipbuilding in, 28 ----, favourable geographical situation of, for navigation, 28 greek bireme of about 800 b.c., 157 ----, bireme of about 500 b.c., 31 ----, galley without deck, 33 ----, galleys, rams of, 31, 52, 53 greek merchant-ship of about 500 b.c., 38 ----, penteconters, 35 ----, triremes, crews of, 42 ----, ----, details of, 41 ----, unireme of about 500 b.c., 31 greeks (ancient), naval expeditions of, 29 guns, naval, time of henry viii., 95 _see also_ artillery, naval guns h hatshepsu's expedition to the land of punt, 18 _henry grace a dieu_, warship of henry viii., 93 henry v., classification of ships of, 81 ----, fleet of, for invasion of france, 82 ----, naval development in reign of, 80 henry vi., ship of reign of, 83 henry vii., naval development in reign of, 92 henry viii., naval guns in time of, 95 ----, warships of, 93 herodotus, account of egyptian boats by, 24 _hibernia_, battleship of 1790, particulars of, 129 _hollandia_, dutch warship of 1683..116 _howe_, english first-rate of 1815..135 i _invincible_, french warship of 1747..126 italian fifteenth century ship, 79 j james i. appoints commission to inquire into state of navy, 104 ----, development of merchant shipping under, 108 ----, warships of, 104 _et seq._ l _la blanche nef_, loss of, 67 lancaster's expedition to east indies, 100 la rochelle, naval battle of, in 1372..77 lead-sheathing, use of, in roman galleys, 53 lepanto, naval battle of, 103 l'espagnols-sur-mer, naval battle of, 77 liburnian galleys, 37 _lord of the isles_, greenock clipper, 153 libyan boats in ancient egypt, 9 m _madre de dios_, portuguese carrack, 101 _marie la cordelière_, french warship, 1512..93 maritime expedition round africa sent out by nekau, 24 ----, ----, to land of punt, 16, 18 ----, ----, elizabethan, 99 _see also_ naval expeditions, naval wars masting of warships in tudor period, 95 masts of ancient egyptian boats, 13 mediæval ships, 65 _et seq._ mercantile marine of great britain in first half of the nineteenth century, 145 merchant shipping, development of, under james i., 108 ----, ----, foreign, end of the sixteenth century, 101 ----, ships, ancient, 38 ----, ----, elizabethan, 99, 100 ----, ----, greek, of about 500 b.c., 38 ----, ----, roman, 38 _minerva_, first english 38-gun frigate, 129 museums, technical, value of, 3 n naval battle at lepanto, 103 ----, ----, at sluys, 74 naval battle of la rochelle in 1372..77 ----, ----, of l'espagnols-sur-mer, 77 ----, ----, off south foreland in 1217..70 ----, expedition, carthaginian, against greek colonists, 30 ----, expeditions of the ancient greeks, 29 ----, ----, persian, against greece, 29 ----, expenditure under the commonwealth, 114 ----, guns in time of henry viii., 95 ----, power of france under louis xiv., 118 ----, war with united states in 1812..133 ----, wars of the commonwealth, 112 ----, ----, of edward iii., 74 navigation, early notions of, 5 nekau's attempt to make a red sea and nile canal, 23 ----, expedition round africa, 24 noah's ark, account of, 6 norman ships, 65 norsemen, ships of, 58 o oars, arrangement of, in galleys of many banks, 47 ----, of greek triremes, length of, 42 ----, of venetian galleys, number of rowers to, 47 obelisk, transport of, to rome in 50 a.d., 39 obelisks, size and weight of, 21 ----, transport of, down nile, 21 ocean herald, american clipper, 1855..150 olaf tryggvesson, large ship built by, 67 overland route to india, closing of, in the fifteenth century, 92 p penteconters, greek, 35 persian naval expeditions against greece, 29 pett, phineas, 104, 110, 111, 114 phoenician galley of seventh century, 28 phoenicians, commerce of, 26 ----, origin of, 26 poole seal, ship on, 74 portholes of warships in tudor period, 95, 101 ----, raising of lower deck at end of the eighteenth century, 131 portuguese, discoveries of, in the fifteenth century, 84 _prince royal_, warship of james i., 104 et seq. ptolemies, use of many-banked galleys by, 36 ptolemy philopater's galley, criticism of account of, 45 punt, first recorded maritime expedition to the land of, 16 ----, queen hatshepsu's expedition to the land of, 18 q _queen_, english first-rate, time of queen victoria, 142 quinqueremes, roman, crews of, 44 ----, use of, by alexander the great, 35 ----, use of, by romans, 36, 44 r raleigh's criticisms on english ships, 107 rams of greek galleys, 31, 52, 53 ramses iii., warships of, 23 _regent_, warship built 1490..92 renan, bernard, 118 richard coeur de lion, fleet of, 67 richard ii., ship of reign of, 80 rigging, improvements introduced in fourteenth century, 78 ----, improvements in, end of the sixteenth century, 101 roman galleys, use of lead sheathing in, 53 ----, ----, use of turrets in, 54 ----, ----, used against carthaginians, 36, 44 ----, merchant ships, 38 ----, naval power, origin of, 36 ----, quinqueremes, crews of, 44 _royal anne_, english first-rate of 1706..131 _royal charles_, warship of charles ii., 114 _royal george_, particulars of, 126 rudders, first use of, in english ships, 74 s sailcloth, linen, made by ancient egyptians, 25 sailing-ships, excellence of american, in the middle of the nineteenth century, 3, 147 sails, early use of, in egypt, 13 ----, papyrus used for, by ancient egyptians, 25 ----, use of, in galleys, 43 sandefjord ship, description of, 58 sandwich seal, ship on, 71 _santa maria_, caravel of columbus, 88 _et seq._ saracen ship of the twelfth century, 68 saxon kings of england, fleets of, 56 ----, ships, 56 seppings, sir robert, improvements introduced by, in naval construction, 135 _et seq._ shelf-pieces, introduction of, in shipbuilding, 139 ship, description of ancient danish, 63 ----, description of viking, 59 ----, genoese, built for france, 1268..73 ----, greek merchant, 38 ----, roman merchant, 38 ----, italian, of fifteenth century, 79 ----, of columbus, 87 et seq. ----, of edward iii., 76 ----, of reign of richard ii., 80 ----, ----, of henry vi., 83 ----, on dover seal, 72 ----, on poole seal, 74 ----, on sandwich seal, 71 ----, saracen, of the twelfth century, 68 ----, venetian, built for france, 1268..73 ----, venetian, of the twelfth century, of great size, 68 ships, classification of, early fifteenth century, 81 ----, earliest mention of, in history, 11 ----, egyptian, used in hatshepsu's expedition to punt, 19 ----, english, of the end of the fifteenth century, 85 ----, mediæval, 65 _et seq._ ----, norman, 65 ----, of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, improvements in, 79, 80 ----, of the fourteenth century, crews of, 74 ----, of the norsemen, 58 ----, of the saxons, 56 ----, of the veneti, 55 ----, of vasco da gama, 91 ----, the most ancient known, 9 ----, used in trojan expedition, 31 see also merchant-ships, east indiamen, warships, west indiamen shipbuilding, cost of timber for, in the nineteenth century, 155 ----, improvements introduced by sir robert seppings, 135 _et seq._ ----, in ancient greece, 28 _et seq._ ----, introduction of shelf-pieces and waterways, 139 shipping statistics of the principal maritime powers, 1 _sir john franklin_, american transatlantic sailing-packet, 1840..148 sluys, battle of, 74 _soleil royal_, french warship, end of the seventeenth century, 116 _sovereign_, english warship, time of henry vii., 92 _sovereign of the seas_, warship of charles i., 110 spanish armada, account of, 97 speeds attained by american clippers, 150 ----, of galleys, 48, 50 square buttocks, abandonment of, in english warships, 106 steam navigation, introduction of, 155 stern castles, development of, 72, 73, 75, 79, 83, 89, 95, 102 _stornoway_ and _chrysolite_, first aberdeen clippers, 153 strains, hogging and sagging, on ships, 135 structural arrangements of ancient galleys, 51 _et seq._ stuart kings, fondness of for navy, 104, 108, 114 t _thames_, east indiaman, of 1819, 145 _thetis_, west indiaman, 146, 147 timber for shipbuilding, cost of, in the nineteenth century, 155 ----, ----, superstitions of ancients regarding, 50 ----, for warships, methods of treating in the eighteenth century, 122 ----, used in construction of ancient galleys, 50 topmasts, introduction of striking, 101 _trade's increase_, jacobean merchantman, 108 triremes, first use of, in greece, 29 ----, greek, crews of, 42 ----, ----, dimensions of, 39 ----, ----, length of oars of, 42 _see also_ galleys _triumph_, elizabethan warship, 98 trojan expedition, ships used in, 31 "tumble home," why introduced, 78 turrets, use of, in roman galleys, 54 u unireme, greek, of about 500 b.c., 31. _see also_ galleys v vasco da gama, ships of, 91 ----, voyages of, 91 veneti, ships of, 55 venetian galleasses, end of the sixteenth century, 103 ----, galleon of the sixteenth century, 78 ----, galley of the fourteenth century, 77 ----, galleys, number of rowers to oars of, 47 ----, ship, built for france, 1268, 73 ----, twelfth century ship of great size, 68 venetians, first use of naval artillery by, 77 ----, skill of, in shipbuilding, 69 ventilation of warships, middle of the eighteenth century, 123 viking ship, description of, 59 voyages of vasco da gama, 91 w warships of ramses iii., 23 ----, ventilation of, middle of the eighteenth century, 123 _see also_ english warships, english first-rates, frigates, fleets, galleys, ships, french first-rates _waterloo_, english first-rate, time of william iv., 141, 142 waterways, introduction of, in shipbuilding, 139 west indiaman, the _thetis_, 146 end of part i. printed by wyman and sons, limited, london and reading. generously made available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see 44228-h.htm or 44228-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44228/44228-h/44228-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44228/44228-h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/boatbuildingboat00bear transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). a carat character is used to denote superscription. a character enclosed by curly brackets following the carat is superscripted [example: a^{1}]. boat-building and boating [illustration: bound for a good time] boat-building and boating by d. c. beard with many illustrations by the author new york charles scribner's sons 1931 copyright, 1911, by charles scribner's sons printed in the united states of america special notice all the material in this book, both text and cuts, is original with the author and invented by him; and warning is hereby given that the unauthorized printing of any portion of the text and the reproduction of any of the illustrations or diagrams are expressly forbidden. [illustration: the scribner press] affectionately dedicated to the memory of tom and hi preface this is not a book for yacht-builders, but it is intended for beginners in the art of boat-building, for boys and men who wish to make something with which they may navigate the waters of ponds, lakes, or streams. it begins with the most primitive crafts composed of slabs or logs and works up to scows, house-boats, skiffs, canoes and simple forms of sailing craft, a motor-boat, and there it stops. there are so many books and magazines devoted to the higher arts of ship-building for the graduates to use, besides the many manufacturing houses which furnish all the parts of a sail-boat, yacht, or motor-boat for the ambitious boat-builder to put together himself, that it is unnecessary for the author to invade that territory. many of the designs in this book have appeared in magazines to which the author contributed, or in his own books on general subjects, and all these have been successfully built by hundreds of boys and men. many of them are the author's own inventions, and the others are his own adaptations of well-known and long-tried models. in writing and collecting this material for boat-builders from his other works and placing them in one volume, the author feels that he is fulfilling the wishes of many of his old readers and offering a useful book to a large audience of new recruits to the army of those who believe in the good old american doctrine of: "if you want a thing done, do it yourself." and by doing it yourself you not only add to your skill and resourcefulness, but, what is even more important, you develop your own self-reliance and manhood. no one man can think of everything connected with any one subject, and the author gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness to several sportsmen friends, especially to his camp-mate, mr. f. k. vreeland, and his young friend, mr. samuel jackson, for suggestions of great value to both writer and reader. dan beard. flushing, l. i., _sept., 1911._ contents chapter page i. how to cross a stream on a log 3 ii. home-made boats 8 iii. a raft that will sail 18 iv. canoes 25 v. canoes and boating stunts 33 vi. the birch-bark 48 vii. how to build a paddling dory 69 viii. the landlubber's chapter 74 ix. how to rig and sail small boats 96 x. more rigs of all kinds for small boats 111 xi. knots, bends, and hitches 123 xii. how to build a cheap boat 139 xiii. a "rough-and-ready" boat 154 xiv. how to build cheap and substantial house-boats 163 xv. a cheap and speedy motor-boat 184 boat-building and boating [illustration: fig. 1.--the logomaran.] boat-building and boating chapter i how to cross a stream on a log how to build a logomaran there is a widespread notion that all wood will float on water, and this idea often leads to laughable errors. i know a lot of young backwoods farmers who launched a raft of green oak logs, and were as much astonished to see their craft settle quietly to the bottom of the lake as they would have been to see the leaden sinkers of their fish-lines dance lightly on the surface of the waves. the young fellows used a day's time to discover what they might have learned in a few moments by watching the chips sink when they struck the water as they flew from the skilful blows of their axes. the stream which cuts your trail is not always provided with bridges of fallen trees. it may be a river too deep to ford and too wide to be bridged by a chance log. of course it is a simple matter to swim, but the weather may be cold and the water still colder; besides this, you will probably be encumbered with a lot of camp equipage--your gun, rod, and camera--none of which will be improved by a plunge in the water. or it may so happen that you are on the shores of a lake unsupplied with boats, and you have good reasons for supposing that big fish lurk in some particular spot out of reach from the shore. a thousand and one emergencies may arise when a craft of some kind will be not only a great convenience, but almost a necessity. under these circumstances a logomaran may be constructed in a very short time which can bear you and your pack safely to the desired goal (fig. 1). [illustration: fig. 2.--the notch.] [illustration: fig. 3.--top view of logomaran.] in the rocky, cascade, and selkirk mountains, the lakes and streams have their shores plentifully supplied with "whim sticks," logs of fine dry timber, which the freshets have brought down from the mountain sides and which the rocks and surging torrents have denuded of bark. these whim sticks are of all sizes, and as sound and perfect as kiln-dried logs. even in the mountains of pennsylvania, where the lumberman's axe years ago laid waste the primeval forest, where the saw-mills have devoured the second growth, the tie-hunter the third growth, the excelsior-mills and birch-beer factories the saplings, i still find good sound white pine-log whim sticks strewn along the shores of the lakes and streams, timber which is suitable for temporary rafts and logomarans. in the north woods, where in many localities the original forest is untouched by the devouring pulp-mills, suitable timber is not difficult to find; so let the green wood stand and select a log of dry wood from the shore where the floods or ice have deposited it. cut it into a convenient length, and with a lever made of a good stout sapling, and a fulcrum of a stone or chunk of wood, pry the log from its resting-place and roll it into the shallow water. notch the log on the upper side, as shown by fig. 2, making a notch near each end for the cross-pieces. [illustration: fig. 4.--flattened joint.] [illustration: fig. 5. fig. 6. matched joints.] the two side floats may be made of pieces split, by the aid of wooden wedges, from a large log, or composed of small whim sticks, as shown by fig. 3. the floats, as may be seen by reference to figs. 1 and 3, are shorter than the middle log. it is impracticable to give dimensions, for the reason that they are relative; the length of the middle log depends, to some extent, upon its diameter, it being evident that a thick log will support more than a thin one of the same length; consequently if your log is of small diameter, it must be longer, in order to support your weight, than will be necessary for a thicker piece of timber. the point to remember is to select a log which will support you and your pack, and then attach two side floats to balance your craft and prevent it from rolling over and dumping its load in the water. an ordinary single shell-boat without a passenger will upset, but when the oarsman takes his seat and grasps his long spoon oars, the sweeps, resting on the water, balance the cranky craft, and it cannot upset as long as the oars are kept there. this is the principle of the logomaran, as well as that of the common catamaran. the cross-pieces should be only thick enough to be secure and long enough to prevent the log from wabbling and wetting your feet more than is necessary. [illustration: fig. 7.--the saw-buck crib.] [illustration: fig. 8.--the staked crib.] if you have an auger and no nails the craft may be fastened together with wooden pegs cut somewhat larger than the holes bored to receive them, and driven in with blows from your axe. if you have long nails or spikes the problem is a simple one; but if you have neither auger, nails, nor spikes you must bind the joints with rope or hempen twine. if you have neither nails, auger, nor rope, a good substitute for the latter can be made from the long, fibrous inner bark of a dead or partly burned tree. for experiment i took some of the inner bark of a chestnut-tree which had been killed by fire and twisted it into a rope the size of a clothes-line, then i allowed two strong men to have a tug-of-war with it, and the improvised rope was stronger than the men. how to make a fibre rope take one end of a long, loose strand of fibres, give the other end to another person, and let both twine the ends between the fingers until the material is well twisted throughout its entire length; then bring the two ends together, and two sides of the loop thus made will twist themselves into a cord or rope half the length of the original strand. if you nail or peg the parts, use your axe to flatten the joints by striking off a chip, as in fig. 4. if you must lash the joints together, cut them with log-cabin notches, as in figs. 5 and 6. if you have baggage to transport, make a dunnage crib by driving four stakes in cuts made near the end of the centre log and binding them with rope or fibre (figs. 7 and 8), or by working green twigs basket-fashion around them, or make the rack saw-buck fashion, as shown by fig. 7, and this will keep your things above water. a couple of cleats nailed on each side of the log will be of great assistance and lessen the danger and insecurity of the footing. a skilfully made logomaran will enable you to cross any stream with a moderate current and any small lake in moderate weather. it is not an especially dry craft, but it won't sink or upset, and will take one but a short time to knock it together. chapter ii home-made boats birth of the "man-friday" catamaran--the crusoe raft and chump rafts not so very many years ago i remember visiting, in company with my cousin tom, a small lake at the headwaters of the miami. high and precipitous cliffs surround the little body of water. so steep were the great weather-beaten rocks that it was only where the stream came tumbling down past an old mill that an accessible path then existed. down that path tom and i scrambled, for we knew that large bass lurked in the deep, black holes among the rocks. we had no jointed split-bamboo rods nor fancy tackle, but the fish there in those days were not particular and seldom hesitated to bite at an angle-worm or grasshopper though the hook upon which the bait squirmed was suspended by a coarse line from a freshly cut hickory sapling. even now i feel the thrill of excitement and expectancy as, in imagination, my pole is bent nearly double by the frantic struggles of those "gamy" black bass. after spending the morning fishing we built a fire upon a short stretch of sandy beach, and cleaning our fish and washing them in the spring close at hand, we put them among the embers to cook. while the fire was getting our dinner ready for us we threw off our clothes and plunged into the cool waters of the lake. inexpert swimmers as we were at that time, the opposite shore, though apparently only a stone's throw distant, was too far off for us to reach by swimming. many a longing and curious glance we cast toward it, however, and strong was the temptation that beset us to try the unknown depths intervening. a pair of brown ears appeared above the ferns near the water's edge, and a fox peeped at us; squirrels ran about the fallen trunks of trees or scampered up the rocks as saucily as though they understood that we could not swim well enough to reach their side of the lake; and high up the face of the cliff was a dark spot which we almost knew to be the entrance to some mysterious cavern. [illustration: fig. 8½.--the man-friday.] how we longed for a boat! but not even a raft nor a dugout could be seen anywhere upon the glassy surface of the water or along its rocky border. we nevertheless determined to explore the lake next day, even if we should have to paddle astride of a log. the first rays of the morning sun had not reached the dark waters before my companion and i were hard at work, with axe and hatchet, chopping in twain a long log we had discovered near the mill. we had at first intended to build a raft; but gradually we evolved a sort of catamaran. the two pieces of log we sharpened at the ends for the bow; then we rolled the logs down upon the beach, and while i went into the thicket to chop down some saplings my companion borrowed an auger from the miller. we next placed the logs about three feet apart, and marking the points where we intended to put the cross-pieces, we cut notches there; then we placed the saplings across, fitting them into these notches. to hold them securely we bored holes down through the sapling cross-pieces into the logs; with the hatchet we hammered wooden pegs into these holes. for the seat we used the half of a section of log, the flat side fitting into places cut for that purpose. all that remained to be done now was to make a seat in the stern and a pair of rowlocks. at a proper distance from the oarsman's seat we bored two holes for a couple of forked sticks, which answered admirably for rowlocks; across the stern we fastened another piece of log similar to that used for the oarsman's seat (fig. 8½). with the help of a man from the mill our craft was launched; and with a pair of oars made of old pine boards we rowed off, leaving the miller waving his hat. our catamaran was not so light as a row-boat, but it floated, and we could propel it with the oars, and, best of all, it was our own invention and made with our own hands. we called it a "man-friday," and by its means we explored every nook in the length and breadth of the lake; and ever afterward when we wanted a boat we knew a simple and inexpensive way to make one--and a safe one, too. the crusoe raft is another rustic craft, but it is of more ambitious dimensions than the "man-friday." instead of being able to float only one or two passengers, the "crusoe," if properly built, ought to accommodate a considerable party of raftsmen. of course the purpose for which the raft is to be used, and the number of the crew that is expected to man it, must be taken into consideration when deciding upon the dimensions of the proposed craft. all the tools that are necessary for the construction of a good stout raft are an axe, an auger, and a hatchet, with some strong arms to wield them. the building material can be gathered from any driftwood heap on lake or stream. for a moderate-sized raft collect six or seven logs, the longest not being over sixteen feet in length nor more than a foot in diameter; the logs must be tolerably straight. pick out the longest and biggest for the centre, sharpen one end, roll the log into the water, and there secure it. select two logs as nearly alike as possible, to lie one at each side of the centre log. measure the centre log, and make the point of each side log, not at its own centre, but at that side of it which will lie against the middle log, so that this side point shall terminate where the pointing of the middle log begins (see fig. 9). [illustration: fig. 9.--plan of crusoe raft.] after all the logs needed have been trimmed and sharpened in the manner just described, roll them into the water and arrange them in order (fig. 9). fasten them together with "cross-strips," boring holes through the strips to correspond with holes bored into the logs lying beneath, and through these holes drive wooden pegs. the pegs should be a trifle larger than the holes; the water will cause the pegs to swell, and they will hold much more firmly than iron nails. [illustration: fig. 10.--skeleton of crusoe raft.] [illustration: fig. 11.--crusoe with cabin covered.] the skeleton of the cabin can be made of saplings; such as are used for hoop-poles are the best. these are each bent into an arch, and the ends are thrust into holes bored for that purpose. over this hooping a piece of canvas is stretched, after the manner of old-fashioned country wagons (figs. 10 and 11). erect a "jack-staff," to be used as a flag-pole or a mast to rig a square sail on. a stout stick should be erected at the stern, and a similar one upon each side of the raft near the bow; these sticks, when their ends are made smaller, as shown in the illustration (fig. 10), serve as rowlocks. [illustration: fig. 12.--sweeps.] for oars use "sweeps"--long poles, each with a piece of board for a blade fastened at one end (fig. 12). holes must be bored through the poles of the sweeps about three feet from the handle, to slip over the pegs used as rowlocks, as described above. these pegs should be high enough to allow the oarsman to stand while using the sweeps. a flat stone or earth box placed at the bow will serve as a fireplace. if the cracks between the logs under the cabin are filled up to prevent the water splashing through, and the cabin is floored with cross-sticks, a most comfortable bed at night can be made of hay, by heaping it under the canvas cover in sufficient quantities. the crusoe raft has this great advantage over all boats: you may take a long trip down the river, allowing the current to bear you along, using the sweeps only to assist the man at the helm (rear sweep); then, after your excursion is finished you may abandon your raft and return by steam-boat or train. a very useful thing to the swimmers, when they are skylarking in the water, is the chump's raft its construction is simple. four boards, each about six feet long, are nailed together in the form of a square, with the ends of the boards protruding, like the figure drawn upon a school-boy's slate for the game of "tit, tat, toe" (fig. 13). [illustration: fig. 13.--the chump's raft.] all nail-points must be knocked off and the heads hammered home, to prevent serious scratches and wounds on the bather's body when he clambers over the raft or slips off in an attempt to do so (fig. 14). beginners get in the middle hole, and there, with a support within reach all around them, they can venture with comparative safety in deep water. the raft, which i built as a model fifteen years ago, is still in use at my summer camp, where scores of young people have used it with a success proved by their present skill as swimmers. but many camps are located in a section of the country where boards are as scarce as boarding-houses, but where timber, in its rough state, exists in abundance. the campers in such locations can make a chump's raft of logs [illustration: fig. 14.--a beginner in a chump's raft.] [illustration: fig. 15.--looking down on a chump's raft in motion.] [illustration: fig. 16.--side view of chump's log raft.] such a float consists of two dried logs fastened together at each end by cross-slabs, so as to form a rude catamaran. these rafts can be towed through deep water by a canoe or row-boat, with the tenderfoot securely swung in a sling between the logs, where he may practice the hand-and-foot movement with a sense of security which only the certainty that he is surrounded by a wooden life-preserver will give him. fig. 15 shows a top view of the new chump's raft. in fig. 16 the two logs are connected fore and aft by cross-slabs; two more upright slabs are nailed securely to the side of the logs; notches having been cut in the top ends of these slabs, a stout cross-piece is securely nailed to them and the towel or rope sling suspended from the middle of the cross-piece. in regard to the dimensions of the raft it is only necessary to say that it should be wide and long enough to allow free movement of the arms and legs of the pupil who is suspended between the logs. in almost every wilderness stream there can be found piles of driftwood on the shore where one may select good, dried, well-seasoned pine or spruce logs from which to make rafts. if such heaps of driftwood are not within reach, look for some standing dead timber and select that which is of sufficient dimensions to support a swimmer, and be careful that it is not hollow or rotten in the core. rotten wood will soon become water-logged and heavy. fig. 17 shows the position of the swimmer supported by the chump's sling. if your raft has a tendency to work so that one log pulls ahead of the other, it may be braced by cross-pieces, such as are shown at j and k in fig. 18. this figure also shows supports for a suspension pole made by nailing two sticks to each side and allowing the ends to cross so as to form a crotch in which the supporting rod rests and to which it is securely fastened by nails, or by being bound there by a piece of rope, as in a, fig. 19. b, fig. 19, shows the crotch made by resting l in a fork on the m stick and then nailing or binding it in place. c, fig. 19, shows the two sticks, l and m, joined by notches cut log-cabin fashion before they are nailed in place. [illustration: fig. 17.--learning to swim by aid of a chump sling.] [illustration: fig. 19.--details of saw-buck supports.] although many summers have rolled around since the author first made his advent on this beautiful earth, he still feels the call of the bathing pool, the charm of the spring-board, almost as keenly as he did when he was wont to swim in blue hole at yellow springs, ohio, or dive from the log rafts into the ohio river, or slide down the "slippery" made in the steep muddy banks of the licking river, kentucky. [illustration: fig. 18.--another way to rig a chump.] chapter iii a raft that will sail the raft is just the thing for camp life--pleasurable occupation for a camping party where wood is plentiful--you will need axes and hatchets and a few other civilized implements first we will select two pine logs of equal length, and, while the water is heating for our coffee, we will sharpen the butt, or larger end, of the logs on one side with the axe, making a "chisel edge," as shown in fig. 20. this gives us an appetite for breakfast and makes the big fish in the lake, as they jump above the water, cast anxious looks toward our camp. breakfast finished, we will cut some cross-pieces to join our two logs together, and at equal distances apart we will bore holes through the cross-pieces for peg-holes (figs. 21, 22, and 23). while one of the party is fashioning a number of pegs, each with a groove in one side, like those shown in fig. 24, the others will roll the logs into the water and secure them in a shallow spot. shoes and stockings must be removed, for most of the work is now to be done in the water. of course, it would be much easier done on land, but the raft will be very heavy and could never be launched unless under the most favorable circumstances. it is better to build the craft in the element which is to be its home. cut two long saplings for braces, and after separating the logs the proper distance for your cross-pieces to fit, nail your braces in position, as represented by fig. 20. [illustration: fig. 20.] [illustration: fig. 25.] [illustration: fig. 26.] [illustration: fig. 21.] [illustration: fig. 22.] [illustration: fig. 23.] [illustration: fig. 27.] [illustration: fig. 28.] [illustration: parts of man-friday sailing-raft. 20.--logs in place with braces. figs. 21, 22, and 23.--struts. fig. 24.--pegs. fig. 25.--raft with middle and stern strut in place. fig. 26.--springs for dry deck. fig. 27.--dry deck. fig. 28.--dry deck in place.] this holds the logs steady, and we may now lay the two cross-pieces in position, and mark the points on the logs carefully where the holes are to be bored to correspond with the ones in the cross-pieces. bore the holes in one log first; make the holes deep enough and then fill them with water, after which drive the pegs through the ends of the cross-pieces and into the log. the grooves in the pegs (fig. 24) will allow the water to escape from the holes and the water will cause the peg to swell and tighten its hold on the log and cross-pieces. now bore holes in the other log under those in the cross-pieces and fill them with water before driving the pegs home, as you did in the first instance. fig. 25 is a man-friday raft. the deck before placing the bow in position we must go ashore and make a dry deck. selecting for the springs two long green ash or hickory poles, trim the ends off flat on one side, as shown by fig. 26. this flat side is the bottom, so roll them over, with the flat side toward the ground, and if you can find no planks or barrel staves for a deck, split in half a number of small logs and peg or nail them on the top side of the springs, as in fig. 27. now all hands must turn out and carry the deck down to the raft and place it in position, with the flattened sides of the springs resting on top of the logs at the bow. prop it up in this position, and then bore holes through the springs into the logs and peg the springs down. over the flat ends place the heavy bow cross-piece, bore the peg-holes, and fasten it in position (fig. 28). in the centre of the bow cross-piece bore several holes close together and chip out the wood between to make a hole, as square a one as possible, for the mast to fit or "step" in. with the wood from a packing-box or a slab from a log make the bench for the mast. bore a hole through the bench a trifle astern of the step, or hole, for the mast below. it will cause the mast to "rake" a little "aft." you have done a big day's work, but a couple of days ought to be sufficient time to finish the craft. the sail [illustration: fig. 29.--sail for man-friday.] turn over the raw edges of the old sail-cloth and stitch them down, as in fig. 29--that is, if you have the needle and thread for the purpose; if not, trim the cloth to the proper form and two inches from the luff (the side next to the mast). cut a number of holes; these should be stitched like button-holes, if possible, but if the sail-cloth is tough and we have no needle, we shall have to let them go unstitched. a small loop of rope must be sewed or fastened in some other manner very securely to each corner of the sail. from spruce pine or an old fishing-pole make a sprit, and of a good, straight piece of pine manufacture your mast somewhat longer than the luff of the sail (fig. 29). through the eyelets lace the luff of the sail to the mast, so that its lower edge will clear the dry deck by about a foot. [illustration: fig. 30.--scudding before the wind.] through the hole made for the purpose in the bench (fig. 30) thrust the mast into the step, or socket, that we have cut in the bow cross-piece. tie to the loop at the bottom corner of the sail a strong line about twelve feet long for a sheet with which to control the sail. trim the upper end of the sprit to fit in the loop at the upper outer corner of the sail, and make a notch in the lower end to fit in the loop of the line called the "snotter." now, as you can readily see, when the sprit is pushed diagonally upward the sail is spread; to hold it in place make a loop of line for a "snotter" and attach the loop to the mast, as in figs. 29 and 30. fit the loop in the notch in the lower end of the sprit, and the sail is set. the keelig we need anchors, one for the bow and one for the stern. it takes little time to make them, as you only need a forked stick, a stone, and a piece of plank, or, better still, a barrel stave. figs. 35 to 39 show how this is made. down east the fishermen use the "keelig" in preference to any other anchor. [illustration: fig. 31.] [illustration: fig. 32.] [illustration: fig. 33.] [illustration: fig. 34.] [illustration: fig. 37.] [illustration: fig. 35.] [illustration: fig. 36.] [illustration: fig. 38.] [illustration: fig. 39.] make fast your lines to the "keelig" thus: take the end of the rope in your right hand and the standing part (which is the part leading from the boat) in your left hand and form the loop (a, fig. 31). then with the left hand curve the cable from you, bringing the end through the loop, as in b, fig. 32; then lead it around and down, as in c, fig. 33. draw it tight, as in d, fig. 34, and you have the good, old-fashioned knot, called by sailors the "bow-line." to make it look neat and shipshape you may take a piece of string and bind the standing part to the shaft of your anchor or keelig--keelek--killick--killeck--kelleck--kellock--killock, etc., as you may choose to spell it. a paddle to steer with and two pegs in the stern cross-piece to rest it in complete the craft; and now the big bass had better use due caution, because our lines will reach their haunts, and we are after them! chapter iv canoes the advantages of a canoe--how to make the slab canoe and the dugout--how to make a siwash and a white man's dugout there are many small freak crafts invented each year, but none of them has any probabilities of being popularly used as substitutes for the old models. folding canoes, as a rule, are cranky, but the writer has found them most convenient when it was necessary to transport them long distances overland. they are not, however, the safest of crafts; necessarily they lack the buoyant wooden frame and lining of the ordinary canvas canoe, which enables it to float even when filled with water. the author owes his life to the floating properties of his canvas canoe. on one occasion when it upset in a driving easterly storm the wind was off shore, and any attempt upon the canoeist's part to swim toward shore would have caused him to have been suffocated by the tops of the waves which the wind cut off, driving the water with stinging force into his face so constantly that, in order to breathe at all, he had to face the other way. he was at length rescued by a steamer, losing nothing but the sails and his shoes. nevertheless, the same storm which capsized his little craft upset several larger boats and tore the sails from others. the advantages of a good canoe are many for the young navigators: they can launch their own craft, pick it up when occasion demands and carry it overland. it is safe in experienced hands in any weather which is fit for out-door amusement. when you are "paddling your own canoe" you are facing to the front and can see what is ahead of you, which is much safer and more pleasant than travelling backward, like a crawfish. [illustration: fig. 40.] the advance-guard of modern civilization is the lumberman, and following close on his heels comes the all-devouring saw-mill. this fierce creature has an abnormal appetite for logs, and it keeps an army of men, boys, and horses busy in supplying it with food. while it supplies us with lumber for the carpenter, builder, and cabinet-maker, it at the same time, in the most shameful way, fills the trout streams and rivers with great masses of sawdust, which kills and drives away the fish. but near the saw-mill there is always to be found material for a slab canoe which consists simply of one of those long slabs, the first cut from some giant log (fig. 43). these slabs are burned or thrown away by the mill-owners, and hence cost nothing; and as the saw-mill is in advance of population, you are most likely to run across one on a hunting or fishing trip. near one end, and on the flat side of the slab (fig. 40), bore four holes, into which drive the four legs of a stool made of a section of a smaller slab (fig. 41), and your boat is ready to launch. from a piece of board make a double or single paddle (fig. 42), and you are equipped for a voyage. an old gentleman, who in his boyhood days on the frontier frequently used this simple style of canoe, says that the speed it makes will compare favorably with that of many a more pretentious vessel. see fig. 43 for furnished boat. the dugout although not quite as delicate in model or construction as the graceful birch-bark canoe, the "dugout" of the indians is a most wonderful piece of work, when we consider that it is carved from the solid trunk of a giant tree with the crudest of tools, and is the product of savage labor. [illustration: fig. 41.] few people now living have enjoyed the opportunity of seeing one built by the indians, and, as the author is not numbered among that select few, he considers it a privilege to be able to quote the following interesting account given by mr. j. h. mallett, of helena. how to build a siwash canoe "while visiting one of the small towns along puget sound, i was greatly interested in the way the indians built their canoes. it is really wonderful how these aborigines can, with the crudest means and with a few days' work, convert an unwieldy log into a trim and pretty canoe. [illustration: fig. 42.] [illustration: fig. 43.--slab canoe.] "one monday morning i saw a buck building a fire at the base of a large cedar-tree, and he told me that this was the first step in the construction of a canoe that he intended to use upon the following saturday. he kept the fire burning merrily all that day and far into the night, when a wind came up and completed the downfall of the monarch of the forest. the next day the man arose betimes, and, borrowing a cross-cut saw from a logger, cut the trunk of the tree in twain at a point some fifteen feet from where it had broken off, and then with a dull hatchet he hacked away until the log had assumed the shape of the desired canoe. in this work he was helped by his squaw. the old fellow then built a fire on the upper part of the log, guiding the course of the fire with daubs of clay, and in due course of time the interior of the canoe had been burned out. half a day's work with the hatchet rendered the inside smooth and shapely. "the canoe was now, i thought, complete, though it appeared to be dangerously narrow of beam. this the indian soon remedied. he filled the shell two-thirds full of water, and into the fluid he dropped half a dozen stones that had been heating in the fire for nearly a day. the water at once attained a boiling point, and so softened the wood that the buck and squaw were enabled to draw out the sides and thus supply the necessary breadth of beam. thwarts and slats were then placed in the canoe and the water and stones thrown out. when the steamed wood began to cool and contract, the thwarts held it back, and the sides held the thwarts, and there the canoe was complete, without a nail, joint, or crevice, for it was made of one piece of wood. the siwash did not complete it as soon as he had promised, but it only took him eight days." [illustration: fig. 44.--the dugout.] in the north-eastern part of our country, before the advent of the canvas canoe, beautiful and light birch-bark craft were used by the indians, the voyagers, trappers, and white woodsmen. but in the south and in the north-west, the dugout takes the place of the birch-bark. among the north-western indians the dugouts are made from the trunks of immense cedar-trees and built with high, ornamental bows, which are brilliantly decorated with paint. on the eastern shore of maryland and virginia the dugout is made into a sail-boat called the buck-eye, or bug-eye. but all through the southern states, from the ohio river to the gulf of mexico and in mexico, the dugout is made of a hollowed log after the manner of an ordinary horse trough, and often it is as crude as the latter, but it can be made almost as beautiful and graceful as a birch-bark canoe. how to make a white man's dugout canoe to make one of these dugout canoes one must be big and strong enough to wield an axe, but if the readers are too young for this work, they are none too young to know how to make one, and their big brothers and father can do the work. since the dugout occupies an important position in the history of our country, every boy scout should know how it is made. [illustration: fig. 45.] [illustration: fig. 48.] [illustration: fig. 49.] [illustration: fig. 50.] fig. 44 shows one of these canoes afloat; fig. 45 shows a tall, straight tree suitable for our purpose, and it also shows how the tree is cut and the arrangement of the kerfs, or two notches, so that it will fall in the direction of the arrow in the diagram. you will notice along the ground are shown the ends of a number of small logs. these are the skids, or rollers, upon which the log will rest when the tree is cut and felled. the tree will fall in the direction in which the arrow is pointed if there is no wind. if you have never cut down a tree, be careful to take some lessons of a good woodsman before you attempt it. when the log is trimmed off at both ends like fig. 46, flatten the upper side with the axe. this is for the bottom of the canoe; the flat part should be about a foot and a half wide to extend from end to end of the log. now, with some poles for pryers, turn your log over so that it will rest with the flat bottom on the skids, as in fig. 46. [illustration: fig. 46.] [illustration: fig. 47.] next take a chalk-line and fasten it at the two ends of the log, as shown by the dotted line in figs. 46, 47, 48, 49. snap the line so that it will make a straight mark as shown by the dotted line; then trim off the two ends for the bow and stern, as shown in fig. 47. next cut notches down to the dotted line, as illustrated in fig. 48; then cut away from the bow down to the first notch, making a curved line, as shown in fig. 49 (which is cut to second notch). do the same with the stern, making duplicates of the bow and stern. the spaces between the notches amidships may now be split off by striking your axe along the chalk-line and then carefully driving in wooden wedges. when this is all done you will have fig. 50. you can now turn the log over and trim off the edges of the bow and stern so that they will slope, as shown in fig. 44, in a rounded curve; after which roll the canoe back again upon its bottom and with an adze and axe hollow out the inside, leaving some solid wood at both bow and stern--not that you need the wood for strength, but to save labor. when you have decided upon the thickness of the sides of your canoe, take some small, pointed instrument, like an awl, for instance, and make holes with it to the required depth at intervals along the sides and bottom of the canoe. then take some small sticks (as long as the canoe sides are to be thick), make them to fit the holes, blacken their ends, and drive them into the holes. as soon as you see one from the inside, you will know that you have made the shell thin enough. use a jack-plane to smooth it off inside and out; then build a big fire and heat some stones. next fill the canoe with water and keep dumping the hot stones in the water until the latter is almost or quite to boiling point. the hot water will soften the wood so that the sides will become flexible, and you can then fit in some braces at the bow, stern, and centre of the canoe. make the centre brace or seat some inches wider than the log, so that when it is forced in place it will spread the canoe in the middle. chapter v canoes and boating stunts how to build a war canoe--how to build a canvas canoe--how to build an umbrella canoe--how old shells can be turned into boys' boats--cause of upsets--landing from, and embarking in, a shell--how to mend checks and cracks in making canoes the indians used birch bark for the cover, rock maple for the cross-bars, and white cedar for the rest of the frame. we will substitute canvas for the birch bark and any old wood that we can for the rock maple and the white cedar. _real woodcraft is best displayed in the ability to use the material at hand._ david abercrombie, the outfitter, some time ago presented andrew j. stone, the arctic explorer and mighty hunter, with a small piece of light, water-proof cloth to use as a shelter tent in bad weather. but stone, like the hunter that he was, slept unprotected on the mountain side in the sleet and driving storms, and used the water-proof cloth to protect the rare specimens he had shot. one day a large, rapid torrent lay in his path; there was no lumber large enough with which to build a raft, and the only wood for miles around was small willow bushes growing along the river bank. at his command, his three indians made a canoe frame of willow sticks, tied together with bits of cloth and string. stone set this frame in the middle of his water-proof cloth, tied the cloth over the frame with other pieces of string, and using only small clubs for paddles, he and his men crossed the raging torrent in this makeshift, which was loaded with their guns, camera, and specimens that he had shot on the trip. after reading the above there is no doubt the reader will be able to build a war canoe with barrel-hoop ribs and lattice-work slats. in the writer's studio is a long piece of maple, one and one-half inches wide and one-quarter inch thick, which was left by the workmen when they put down a hard-wood floor. if you can get some similar strips, either of oak, maple, or birch, from the dealers in flooring material, they will not be expensive and will make splendid gunwales for your proposed canoe. there should be four such strips. the hard-wood used for flooring splits easily, and holes should be bored for the nails or screws to prevent cracking the wood when the nails or screws are driven home. fig. 51 shows the framework (side view) of the canoe; fig. 52 shows an end view of the same canoe; fig. 53 shows the middle section, and fig. 54 shows the form of the bow and stern sections. this boat may be built any length you wish, and so that you may get the proper proportions, the diagrams from one to five are marked off in equal divisions. to make patterns of the moulds, figs. 53 and 54, take a large piece of manila paper, divide it up into the same number of squares as the diagram, make the squares any size you may decide upon, and then trace the line, 1-h-10, as it is in the diagrams. this will give you the patterns of the two moulds (figs. 53 and 54). while you are looking at these figures, it may be well to call your attention to the way bow and stern pieces are made. in fig. 63 the pieces y and x are made from pieces of a packing-box, notched and nailed together with a top piece, u, and a brace, v. [illustration: fig. 53. fig. 54. fig. 51. fig. 52. fig. 57. fig. 58. fig. 56. fig. 59. fig. 55.] [illustration: fig. 62. fig. 60. fig. 61. conventional bow, but made of barrel-heads.] the other end of the same canoe is, as you may see, strengthened and protected by having a barrel-hoop tacked over the stem-pieces, y, x, u. in fig. 64 we use different material; here the stem-piece is made of a broken bicycle rim, u, braced by the pieces of packing-box, y, v, and w. the left-hand end of fig. 64 is made with pieces of head of a barrel, x and u. the bottom of the stem-piece y is made of the piece of a packing-box. the two braces v are parts of the barrel-stave. fig. 60 shows the common form of the bow of a canoe. the stem-pieces x, y are made of the parts of the head of a barrel, as shown in fig. 62. to make a stem from a barrel-head, nail the two pieces x and y, fig. 56, together as shown in this particular diagram. now take another piece of barrel-head, fig. 57, and saw off a piece, a´, d´, c´, so that it will fit neatly over a, c, d, on fig. 56. nail this securely in place, and then in the same manner cut another piece to fit over the part e, c, b, and nail that in place. use small nails, but let them be long enough so that you may clinch them by holding an axe or an iron against the head while you hammer the protruding points down, or drive the nail a little on the bias and holding the axe or iron on the side it is to come through and let it strike the nail as it comes out and it will clinch itself. to fasten the stem-piece to the keel use two pieces of packing-box or board, cut in the form of fig. 58, and nail these securely to the bow-piece as in z, in fig. 60. then from the bottom side of the keel h, nail the keel-pieces firmly to the keel as in fig. 61. also drive some nails from z to the top down to the keel, as shown by the dotted lines in fig. 60. the end view, fig. 59, shows how the two z pieces hug and support the stem-piece on the keel h. fig. 55 shows a half of the top view of the canoe gunwales; the dimensions, marked in feet and inches, are taken from an indian birch-bark canoe. you see by the diagram that it is eight feet from the centre of the middle cross-piece to the end of the big opening at the bow. it is also three feet from the centre of the middle cross-piece to the next cross-piece, and thirty inches from the centre of that cross-piece to the bow cross-piece, which is just thirty inches from the eight-foot mark. the middle cross-piece in a canoe of these dimensions is seven-eighths of an inch thick, and thirty inches long between the gunwales; the next cross-piece is three-quarters of an inch thick and twenty-two and one-half inches long. the next one is half an inch wide, two inches thick and twelve inches between the gunwales. these cross-pieces can be made of the staves of a barrel. of course, this would be a canoe of sixteen feet inside measurement, not counting the flattened part of the bow and stern. now, then, to build the canoe. first take the keel-piece, h, which is in this case a piece of board about six inches wide and only thick enough to be moderately stiff. lay the keel on any level surface and put the stem-pieces on as already described, using packing-box for x, u, v, y, and z, and bracing them with a piece of packing-box on each side, marked w in diagram (fig. 51). then make three moulds, one for the centre (fig. 53), and two more for the bow and stern (fig. 54). notch the bottom of these moulds to fit the keel and with wire nails make them fast to the keel, leaving the ends of the nails protruding far enough to be easily withdrawn when you wish to remove the moulds. in nailing the laths to the moulds (fig. 51) leave the heads of the nails also protruding so that they may be removed. place the moulds in position, with the middle one in the exact centre, and the two ends located like those in figs. 63 and 64. place and nail gunwale, l, on as in fig. 51, tacking it to the bow and stern and bending it around to fit the moulds; tack the lattice slats m, n, o, p on to the bow, stern, and moulds, as shown in fig. 51. if your barrel-hoops are stiff and liable to break while bending and unbending, let them soak a couple of days in a tub of water, then before fitting them to the form of the canoe make them more pliable by pouring hot water on them. the barrel-hoop s, r, at the bow of the canoe, is nailed to the top-piece u, to the inside of the slats l, m, n, o, p, and to the outside of h. the next three ribs on each side are treated in the same manner; repeat this at the other end of the canoe and nail the intervening ribs to the top of h and to the inside of the slats, following the model of the boat. put the ribs about four inches apart and clinch the nails as already described. in the diagrams there is no temporary support for the canoe frame except the wooden horses, as in fig. 51. these supports have been purposely omitted in the drawing, as it is desirable to keep it as simple as possible. some temporary support will be necessary to hold the bow and stern-piece in fig. 51. these supports can be nailed or screwed temporarily to the canoe frame so as to hold it rigid while you are at work on it. after the ribs are all in place and the framework completed, turn the canoe upside down upon the wooden horses--for a canoe as large as the one in the first diagram you will need three horses, one at each end and one in the middle. for a canoe of the dimensions marked in fig. 55, that is, sixteen feet inside measurement, you would need about seven yards of ten-ounce cotton canvas, of sufficient width to reach up over the sides of your canoe. take a tape-measure or a piece of ordinary tape or a long strip of manila paper and measure around the bottom of the boat at its widest part in the middle from one gunwale (top of side) to the other, and see that your cloth is fully as wide as your measurement. fold the canvas lengthwise so as to find its exact centre and crease it. with two or three tacks fasten the cloth at its centre line (the crease) to the stem-piece of the canoe. stretch the canvas the length of the boat with the crease of centre-line along the centre of the keel; pull it as taut as may be and again tack the centre line to the stem at this end of the craft. if this has been done carefully the cloth will hang an equal length over each side of the canoe. now begin amidships and drive tacks about two inches apart along the gunwale, say an inch below the top surface. after having tacked it for about two feet, go to the other side of the boat, pull the cloth taut and in the same manner tack about three feet. continue this process first one side and then the other until finished. while stretching the cloth knead it with the hand and fingers so as to thicken or "full" it where it would otherwise wrinkle; by doing this carefully it is possible to stretch the canvas over the frame without the necessity of cutting it. the cloth that extends beyond the frame may be brought over the gunwale and tacked along the inside. use four-ounce tinned or copper tacks. the canvas is now stretched on every part except on the high, rolling bow and stern. with a pair of shears slit the canvas from the outer edge of the bow and stern within a half inch of the ends of the keel. [illustration: fig. 63.] [illustration: fig. 64. high bows framework made of packing-box and barrel-heads.] fold the right-hand flap thus made at the left-hand end around the bow and stern and, drawing tight, tack it down, then fold the left-hand flap over the right-hand side and tack it in a similar manner, trimming off the remaining cloth neatly. the five braces, three of which are shown in fig. 55, may be nailed to the gunwales of the canoe, as the temporary moulds are removed. the braces should be so notched that the top ends of the braces will fit over the top edge of the gunwale and their lower edges will fit against the sides. give the boat at least three good coats of paint and nail the two extra gunwale strips on the outside of the canvas for guards. when it is dry and the boat is launched you may startle the onlookers and make the echoes ring with: "wo-ach! wo-ach! ha-ha-ha-hack--wo-ach!" which is said to be the identical war cry with which the indians greeted the landing of our pilgrim fathers. the reader must not suppose that barrel-hoops are the best material for ribs; they are but a makeshift, and although good-looking, servicable canoes have been built of this material from the foregoing descriptions, better ones may be made by using better material, such, for instance, as is described in the making of the birch-bark canoe. old shells where there are oarsmen and boat-clubs, there you will find beautiful shell boats of paper or cedar, shaped like darning-needles, so slight in structure that a child can knock a hole in them, and yet very seaworthy boats for those who understand how to handle them. the expensive material and skilled labor necessary to build a racing shell puts the price of one so high that few boys can afford to buy one; but where new shells are to be found there are also old ones, and when they are too old to sell they are thrown away. many an old shell rots on the meadows near the boat-houses or rests among the rafters forgotten and unused, which with a little work would make a boat capable of furnishing no end of fun to a boy. checks or cracks can be pasted over with common manila wrapping-paper by first covering the crack with a coat of paint, or, better still, of varnish, then fitting the paper smoothly over the spot and varnishing the paper. give the paper several coats of varnish, allowing it to dry after each application, and the paper will become impervious to water. the deck of a shell is made of thin muslin or paper, treated with a liberal coat of varnish, and can be patched with similar material. there are always plenty of slightly damaged oars which have been discarded by the oarsmen. the use of a saw and jack-knife in the hands of a smart boy can transform these wrecks into serviceable oars for his patched-up old shell, and if the work is neatly done, the boy will be the proud owner of a real shell boat, and the envy of his comrades. the cause of upsets a single shell that is very cranky with a man in it is comparatively steady when a small boy occupies the seat. put on your bathing clothes when you wish to try a shell, so that you may be ready for the inevitable upset. every one knows, when he looks at one of these long, narrow boats, that as long as the oars are held extended _on the water_ it cannot upset. but, in spite of that knowledge, every one, when he first gets into a shell, endeavors to balance himself by _lifting the oars_, and, of course, goes over in a jiffy. the delights of a shell it is an error to suppose that the frail-looking, needle-like boat is only fit for racing purposes. for a day on the water, in calm weather, there is, perhaps, nothing more enjoyable than a single shell. the exertion required to send it on its way is so slight, and the speed so great, that many miles can be covered with small fatigue. upon referring to the log-book of the nereus club, where the distances are all taken from the united states chart, the author finds that twenty and thirty miles are not uncommon records for single-shell rows. during the fifteen or sixteen seasons that the author has devoted his spare time to the sport he has often planned a heavy cruising shell, but owing to the expense of having such a boat built he has used the ordinary racing boat, and found it remarkably well adapted for such purposes. often he has been caught miles away from home in a blow, and only once does he remember of being compelled to seek assistance. he was on a lee shore and the waves were so high that after once being swamped he was unable to launch his boat again, for it would fill before he could embark. so a heavy rowboat and a coachman were borrowed from a gentleman living on the bay, and while the author rowed, the coachman towed the little craft back to the creek where the nereus club-house is situated. in the creek, however, the water was calmer, and rather than stand the jeers of his comrades, the writer embarked in his shell and rowed up to the boat-house float. he was very wet and his boat was full of water, but to the inquiry of "rough out in the bay?" he confined himself to the simple answer--"yes." then dumping the water from his shell and placing it upon the rack he put on his dry clothes and walked home, none the worse for the accident. after ordinary skill and confidence are acquired it is really astonishing what feats can be accomplished in a frail racing boat. [illustration: fig. 65. a fig. 66. b fig. 67. c fig. 68. d fig. 69. e fig. 70. f fig. 71. fig. 72. fig. 73. fig. 74. fig. 75. parts of the umbrella canoe. a = plank. b = rib } c = rib } d = rib } in process of construction. e = rib } f = rib } g, g´ = thimbles. h = plank. j and k = stretcher unfinished and finished.] it is not difficult to stand upright in a shell if you first take one of your long stockings and tie the handles of your oars together where they cross each other in front of you. the ends will work slightly and the blades will keep their positions on the water, acting as two long balances. now slide your seat as far forward as it will go, slip your feet from the straps and grasp the straps with your hand, moving the feet back to a comfortable position. when all ready raise yourself by pulling on the foot strap, and with ordinary care you can stand upright in the needle-shaped boat, an apparently impossible thing to do when you look at the narrow craft. how to land where there is no float when for any reason you wish to land where there is no float, row into shallow water and put one foot overboard until it touches bottom. then follow with the other foot, rise, and you are standing astride of your boat. how to embark where there is no float wade out and slide the shell between your extended legs until the seat is underneath you. sit down, and, with the feet still in the water, grasp your oars. with these in your hands it is an easy task to balance the boat until you can lift your feet into it. ozias dodge's umbrella canoe mr. dodge is a yale man, an artist, and an enthusiastic canoeist. the prow of his little craft has ploughed its way through the waters of many picturesque streams in this country and europe, by the river-side, under the walls of ruined castles, where the iron-clad warriors once built their camp-fires, and near pretty villages, where people dress as if they were at a fancy-dress ball. when a young man like mr. dodge says that he has built a folding canoe that is not hard to construct, is inexpensive and practical, there can be little doubt that such a boat is not only what is claimed for it by its inventor, but that it is a novelty in its line, and such is undoubtedly the case with the umbrella canoe. how the canoe was built the artist first secured a white-ash plank (a, fig. 65), free from knots and blemishes of all kinds. the plank was one inch thick and about twelve feet long. at the mill he had this sawed into eight strips one inch wide, one inch thick, and twelve feet long (b and c, figs. 66 and 67). then he planed off the square edges of each stick until they were all octagonal in form, and looked like so many great lead-pencils (d, fig. 68). [illustration: fig. 76.--frame of umbrella canoe.] mr. dodge claims that, after you have reduced the ash poles to this octagonal form, it is an easy matter to whittle them with your pocket-knife or a draw-knife, and by taking off all the angles of the sticks make them cylindrical in form (e, fig. 69); then smooth them off nicely with sand-paper, so that each pole has a smooth surface and is three-quarters of an inch in diameter. [illustration: fig. 77.--umbrella canoe.] after the poles were reduced to this state he whittled all the ends to the form of a truncated cone--that is, like a sharpened lead-pencil with the lead broken off (f, fig. 70)--a blunt point. he next went to a tinsmith and had two sheet-iron cups made large enough to cover the eight pole-ends (g and g´, figs. 71 and 72). each cup was six inches deep. after trying the cups, or thimbles, on the poles to see that they would fit, he made two moulds of oak. first he cut two pieces of oak plank two feet six inches long by one foot six inches (h, fig. 74), which he trimmed into the form shown by j, fig. 75, making a notch to fit each of the round ribs, and to spread them as the ribs of an umbrella are spread. he made two other similar moulds for the bow and stern, each of which, of course, is smaller than the middle one. after spreading the ribs with the moulds, and bringing the ends together in the tin cups, he made holes in the bottom of the cups where the ends of the ribs came, and fastened the ribs to the cups with brass screws, fitted with leather washers, and run through the holes in the tin and screwed into the ends of the poles or ribs. [illustration: fig. 78.--canoe folded for transportation. canoe in water in distance.] a square hole was then cut through each mould (k, fig. 75), and the poles put in place, gathered together at the ends, and held in place by the tin thimbles. the square holes in the moulds allow several small, light floor planks to form a dry floor to the canoe. the canvas costs about forty-five cents a yard, and five yards are all you need. the deck can be made of drilling, which comes about twenty-eight inches wide and costs about twenty cents a yard. five yards of this will be plenty. fit your canvas over the frame, stretch it tightly, and tack it securely to the two top ribs only. fasten the deck on in the same manner. when mr. dodge had the canoe covered and decked, with a square hole amidship to sit in, he put two good coats of paint on the canvas, allowed it to dry, and his boat was ready for use (fig. 77). he quaintly says that "it looked like a starved dog, with all its ribs showing through the skin," just as the ribs of an umbrella show on top through the silk covering. but this does not in any way impede the progress of the boat through the water. where the moulds are the case is different, for the lines of the moulds cross the line of progress at right angles and must necessarily somewhat retard the boat. but even this is not perceptible. the worst feature about the moulds is that the canvas is very apt to be damaged there by contact with the shore, float, or whatever object it rubs against. with ordinary care the umbrella canoe will last for years and is a good boat for paddling on inland streams and small bodies of water; and when you are through with it for the night, all that is necessary is to remove the stretchers by springing the poles from the notches in the spreaders, roll up the canvas around the poles, put it on your shoulder, and carry it home or to camp, as shown in fig. 78. to put your canoe together again put in the moulds, fit the poles in their places, and the umbrella is raised, or, rather, the canoe is, if we can use such an expression in regard to a boat. chapter vi the birch-bark how to build a real birch-bark canoe or a canvas canoe on a "birch-bark" frame--how to mend a birch-bark although the indian was the first to build these simple little boats, some of his white brothers are quite as expert in the work. but the red man can outdo his white brother in navigating the craft. the only tools required in building a canoe are a knife and awl, a draw-shave and a hammer. an indian can do all of his work with a knife. several years ago canvas began to be used extensively in canoe-building, instead of birch bark, and it will eventually entirely supersede birch, although nothing can be found that bends so gracefully. there are several canvas-canoe factories in maine, and the canoes made of canvas have both the symmetry and the durability of the birches. they are also a trifle cheaper, but if the real thing and sentiment are wanted, one should never have anything but a bark craft. if properly handled, a good canoe will safely hold four men. canoes intended for deep water should have considerable depth. those intended for shoal water, such as trout-fishers use, are made as flat as possible. up to the time when canoeing was introduced the materials for building craft of this kind could be found all along the rivers. big birch-trees grew in countless numbers, and clear, straight cedar was quite as plentiful within a few feet of the water's edge. now one must go miles back into the dense forests for such materials, and even then seldom does it happen that two suitable trees are found within sight of one or the other. cedar is more difficult of the two to find. the tree the tree is selected, first, for straightness; second, smoothness; third, freedom from knots or limbs; fourth, toughness of bark; fifth, small size of eyes; sixth, length (the last is not so important, as two trees can be put together), and, seventh, size (which is also not so important, as the sides can be pieced out). dimensions the average length of canoe is about 19 feet over all, running, generally, from 18 to 22 feet for a boat to be used on inland waters, the sea-going canoes being larger, with relatively higher bows. the average width is about 30 inches inside, measured along the middle cross-bar; the greatest width inside is several inches below the middle cross-bar, and is several inches greater than the width measured along said cross-bar. the measurements given below are those of a canoe 19 feet over all: 16 feet long inside, measured along the curve of the gunwale; 30 inches wide inside. the actual length inside is less than 16 feet, but the measurement along the gunwales is the most important. bark bark can be peeled when the sap is flowing or when the tree is not frozen--at any time in late spring, summer, and early fall (called summer bark); in winter during a thaw, when the tree is not frozen, and when the sap may have begun to flow. difference in the bark summer bark peels readily, is smooth inside, of a yellow color, which turns reddish upon exposure to the sun, and is chalky-gray in very old canoes. winter bark adheres closely, and forcibly brings up part of the inner bark, which on exposure turns dark red. this rough surface may be moistened and scraped away. all winter-bark canoes must be thus scraped and made smooth. sometimes the dark red is left in the form of a decorative pattern extending around the upper edge of the canoe, the rest of the surface being scraped smooth. process of peeling the tree should be cut down so that the bark can be removed more easily. a log called a skid (fig. 79) is laid on the ground a few feet from the base of the tree, which will keep the butt of the tree off the ground when the tree is felled. the limbs at the top will keep the other end off the ground. a space is cleared of bushes and obstructions where the tree is to fall. [illustration: fig. 79.--showing how the butt is kept off the ground.] [illustration: fig. 80.] [illustration: fig. 81.] after the tree has been cut down, a cut is made in a straight line (a, b, fig. 79), splitting the bark from top to bottom, and a ring cut at a and b (fig. 79). when sap is flowing, the bark is readily removed; but in winter the edges of the cut are raised with a knife, and a thin, pliant hard-wood knife or "spud" is pushed around under the bark. toasting after the bark has dropped upon the ground the inside surface is warmed with a torch, which softens and straightens it out flat. the torch is made of a bundle of birch bark held in a split stick (fig. 81). it is then rolled up like a carpet, with inside surface out, and tightly bound, generally with cedar bark when the latter can be procured (fig. 80). if the tree is long enough, a piece is taken off at least nineteen feet in length, so that the ends of the canoe may not be pieced out. a few shorter pieces are wrapped up with the bundle for piecing out the sides. the roll is taken on the back in an upright position, and is carried by a broad band of cedar bark, passing under the lower end of the roll and around in front of the breast and shoulders (fig. 82). [illustration: fig. 82.--mode of carrying roll.] effects of heat it is laid where the sun will not shine on it and harden it. the first effect of heat is to make it pliant. long exposure to heat or to dry atmosphere makes it hard and brittle. the woodwork is as follows: five cross-bars of rock-maple (figs. 83, 85, and 91). all the rest is of white cedar, taken from the heart. the sap-wood absorbs water, and would make the canoe too heavy, so it is rejected. the wood requires to be straight and clear, and it is best to use perfectly green wood for the ribs. two strips 16½ feet long, 1½ inch square, tapering toward either end, the ends being notched (fig. 83 a) is a section of the 16½ foot strip. each strip is mortised for the cross-bars (see fig. 85). the lower outside edge is bevelled off to receive the ends of the ribs. the dimensions of the cross-bars (fig. 85) are 12 x 2 x ½ inch, 22½ x 2 x ¾ inch, and 30 x 2 x 7/8 inch. the cross-bars are placed in position, and the ends of the gunwales are tied with spruce roots after being nailed together to prevent splitting. each bar is held in place by a peg of hard wood. [illustration: figs. 83 and 83½.--showing section of canoe amidship and section and shape of gunwale and top view.] for stitching and wrapping, long, slender roots of spruce, or sometimes of elm, are peeled and split in two. black ash splits are rarely used except for repairing (figs. 86, 87, 88). next we need (b, fig. 83) two strips 1 or 1¼ inch by ½ inch, a little over 19 feet long, to go outside of gunwales, and (c, fig. 83) two top strips, same length, 2 inches wide in middle, tapering to 1 inch at either end, 1½ inch thick. [illustration: fig. 86. fig. 87. fig. 88. fig. 89. fig. 90. fig. 91. fig. 84. fig. 85. details of sticking and framework of canoe.] ribs about fifty in number (figs. 91, 92) are split with the grain (f, fig. 92), so that the heart side of the wood will be on the inner side when the rib is bent. the wood bends better this way. they must be perfectly straight-grained and free from knots. ribs for the middle are four inches wide, ribs for the ends about three inches wide (fig. 91 and g, fig. 92), and are whittled down to a scant half an inch (fig. 93). green wood is generally used, and before it has had any time to season. the ribs may be softened by pouring hot water on them, and should be bent in pairs to prevent breaking (fig. 90). they are held in shape by a band of cedar bark passed around outside. the ribs are of importance in the shaping of the canoe. the sides bulge out (figs. 91, 92). the shape of the ribs determines the depth and stability of the canoe. lining strips other strips, an eighth of an inch thick, are carefully whittled out, with straight edges. they are a little over eight feet long, and are designed to be laid inside on the bark, edge to edge, between the bark and the ribs. these strips lap an inch or two where they meet, in the middle of the canoe, and are wider here than at the ends, owing to the greater circumference of the canoe in the middle. seasoning all the timber is carefully tied up before building and laid away. the ribs are allowed to season perfectly, so that they will keep their shape and not spring back. [illustration: fig. 92. fig. 93. details of ribs, indian knives and method of using them.] the bed next the bed is prepared on a level spot, if possible shaded from the sun. a space is levelled about three and a half feet wide and a little longer than the canoe. the surface is made perfectly smooth. the middle is one or two inches higher than either end. building the frame is laid exactly in the middle of the bed. a small post is driven in the ground (fig. 94), on which each end of the frame will rest. stakes, two or three feet long and about two inches in diameter, are whittled flat on one side, and are driven with the flat side toward the frame at the following points, leaving a space of about a quarter of an inch between the stake and the frame (fig. 94): one stake an inch or two on either side of each cross-bar, and another stake half way between each cross-bar. this makes eleven stakes on each side of the frame. twelve additional stakes are driven as follows: one pair facing each other, at the end of the frame; another pair, an inch apart, about six inches from the last pair, measuring toward the ends of the canoe; and another pair, an inch apart, a foot from these. these last stakes will be nine and a half feet from the middle of the frame, and nineteen feet from the corresponding stakes at the other end. next, these stakes are all taken up, and the frame laid aside. [illustration: fig. 94.--showing stakes supporting bark sides; note stones on the bottom.] to soften the bark next the bark is unrolled. if it has laid until it has become a little hardened, it is placed in the river or stream for a day or two. it is spread out flat, and laid upon the bed with the gray or outside surface up. the inside surface is placed downward, and becomes the outside of the canoe. the frame is replaced upon the bark, so that it will be at the same distance from each side and end of the bed that it was before. at each cross-bar boards are laid across the frame, and heavy stones are laid upon them to keep the frame solid and immovable upon the bark (fig. 85, c). the edges of the bark are next bent up in a perpendicular position, and in order that it may bend smoothly slits are made in the bark in an outward direction, at right angles to the frame. a cut is made close to the end of each cross-bar, and one half way between each bar, which is generally sufficient to allow the bark to be bent up smoothly. as the bark is bent up, the large stakes are slipped back in the holes which they occupied before, and the tops of each opposite pair are connected with a strip of cedar bark which keeps the stakes perfectly perpendicular. at each end it is necessary to take out a small triangular piece or gore, so that the edges may come together without overlapping. next twenty-two pieces of cedar, one to two feet long, and about ½ or ¾ inch thick, are split out, and whittled thin and flat at one end. this sharpened edge is inserted between the outside edge of the frame and the bent-up bark, opposite each large stake. the other end of the chisel-shaped piece is tightly tied to the large stake outside. by means of the _large outside stake_ and the inside "_stake_," so-called, the bark is held in a perfectly upright position; and in order to keep the bent-up part more perfectly flat and smooth, the strips of cedar are pushed in lengthwise between the stakes and the bark, on each side of the bark, as shown in sectional views (fig. 85, c, d). sometimes, in place of having temporary strips to go on outside of the bark, the long outside strip (b, fig. 83), is slipped in place instead. it may now be seen if the bark is not wide enough. if it is not, the sides must be pieced out with a narrow piece, cut in such a way that the eyes in the bark will run in the same direction as those of the large piece. as a general rule, from the middle to the next bar the strip for piecing is placed on the inside of the large piece, whose upper edge has previously been trimmed straight, and the two are sewed together by the stitch shown in fig. 86, the spruce root being passed over another root laid along the trimmed-off edge of the large piece of bark to prevent the stitches from tearing out. from the second bar to the end of the canoe, or as far as may be necessary, the strip is placed outside the large piece, and from the second to the end bar is sewed as in fig. 87, and from the end bar to the end of the canoe is stitched as in fig. 88. next, the weights are taken off the frame, which is raised up as follows, the bark remaining flat on the bed as before: a post eight inches long is set up under each end of middle cross-bar (fig. 85, d), one end resting on the bark and the other end supporting either end of the middle cross-bar. another post, nine inches long, is similarly placed under each end of the next cross-bar. another, twelve inches long, is placed under each end of the end cross-bar; and another, sixteen and a half or seventeen inches, supports each end of the frame. as the posts are placed under each cross-bar, the weights are replaced; and as these posts are higher at the ends than in the middle, the proper curve is obtained for the gunwales. the temporary strips, that have been placed outside the bent-up portion of the bark, are removed, and the long outside strip before mentioned (b, fig. 83) is slipped in place between the outside stakes and the bark. this strip is next nailed to the frame with wrought-iron nails that pass through the bark and are clinched on the inside. this outside strip has taken exactly the curve of the frame, but its upper edge, before nailing, was raised so as to be out an eighth of an inch (or the thickness of the bark) higher than the top surface of the frame, so that when the edges of the bark have been bent down, and tacked flat to the frame, a level surface will be presented, upon which the wide top strip will eventually be nailed. formerly the outer strip was bound to the frame with roots every few inches, but now it is nailed. the cross-bars are now lashed to the frame, having previously been held only by a peg. the roots are passed through holes in the end of the bars, around the outside strip (see right-hand side of fig. 85). a two-inch piece of the bark, which has been tacked down upon the frame, is removed at the ends by the cross-bars, where the spruce roots are to pass around, and the outside strip is cut away to a corresponding extent, so that the roots, when wrapped around, will be flush with the surface above. [illustration: fig. 95.--shows how to describe arc of circle for bow, also ornamentation of winter bark.] all the stakes are now removed, and laid away to be ready for the next canoe that may be built, and the canoe taken upside down upon two horses or benches, that will keep the craft clear of the ground. the shape of the bow is now marked out, either by the eye or with mechanical aid, according to the following rule: an arc of a circle, with a radius of seventeen inches, is described (fig. 95) having as a centre a point shown in diagram. the bark is then cut away to this line. bow-piece to stiffen the bow, a bow-piece of cedar, nearly three feet long (fig. 96), an inch and a half wide, and half an inch thick on one edge, bevelled and rounded off toward the other edge, is needed. to facilitate bending edgeways it is split into four or five sections (as in fig. 98) for about thirty inches. the end that remains unsplit is notched on its thicker edge (fig. 96) to receive the lower end of an oval cedar board (fig. 97) that is placed upright in the bow underneath the tip of the frame. it is bent to correspond with the curve of the boat, with the thin edge toward the outside of the circle, and wrapped with twine, so that it will keep its shape. the bow-piece is placed between the edges of the bark, which are then sewed together by an over-and-over stitch, which passes through the bow-piece. a pitch is prepared of rosin and grease, in such proportions that it will neither readily crack in cold water nor melt in the sun. one or the other ingredient is added until by test it is found just right. patching and pitching the canoe is now placed on the ground, right side up, and all holes are covered on the inside with thin birch bark that is pasted down with hot pitch. a strip of cloth is saturated with hot pitch, and pressed into the cracks on either side of the bow-piece inside, between the bark and the bow-piece (fig. 99). [illustration: figs. 97-100.--show details of canoe bow.] the thin longitudinal strips are next laid in position, edge to edge, lapping several inches by the middle; they are whittled thin here so as to lap evenly. the ribs are next tightly driven in place, commencing at the small end ones and working toward the middle. the end ribs may be two or three inches apart, being closer toward the middle, where, in many cases, they touch. usually, they are about half an inch apart in the middle. each rib is driven into place with a square-ended stick and a mallet. the ends are stuffed with shavings (fig. 100 and "section" fig. 100½), and an oval cedar board is put in the place formerly occupied by the post that supported the end of the frame. the lower end rests in the notch of the bow-piece, while the upper is cut with two shoulders that fit underneath each side of the frame; fig. 97 shows the cedar board. [illustration: fig. 100½. fig. 101. canoe paddles.] the top strip is next nailed on to the frame. almost always a piece of bark, a foot or more long, and nine or ten inches wide, is bent and slipped under, between both top and side strips and the bark. the ends of this piece hang down about three inches below the side strips. the loose ends of the strips are bound together, as in diagram, and the projecting tips of both strips and bow-piece are trimmed off close. next the canoe is turned upside down. if winter bark has been used, the surface is moistened and the roughness scraped off with a knife. generally the red rough surface is left in the form of a decorative pattern several inches wide around the upper edge (fig. 95). sometimes the maker's name and date are left in this way. finally, a strip of stout canvas, three or four inches wide, is dipped in the melted pitch and laid on the stitching at the ends, extending up sufficiently far above the water-line. all cracks and seams are covered with pitch, laid on with a small wooden paddle. while still soft, a wet finger or the palm of the hand is rubbed over the pitch to smooth it down before it hardens. leaks water is placed inside, and the leaky places marked, to be stopped when dry. a can of rosin is usually carried in the canoe, and when a leak occurs, the canoe is taken out of the water, the leak discovered by sucking, the place dried with a torch of wood or birch bark, and the pitch applied. [illustration: fig. 101½.--from photograph of indian building a birch-bark canoe.] paddles are made of rock maple, and sometimes of birch and even cedar. bow paddles are usually longer and narrower in the blade than stern paddles (fig. 101). bottom protection sometimes the canoe is shod with "shoes," or strips of cedar, laid lengthwise and tied to the outside of the bark with ash splits that pass through holes in the cedar shoes, and are brought up around the sides of the canoe and tied to each cross-bar. this protects the bottom of the boat from the sharp rocks that abound in some rapid streams. all canoes are of the general shape of the one described, though this is considerably varied in different localities, some being built with high rolling bows, some slender, some wider, some nearly straight on the bottom, others decidedly curved. besides the two paddles the canoe should carry a pole ten feet long, made of a slender spruce, whittled so as to be about one and three-fourths inch in diameter in the middle and smaller at either end, and having at one end either a ring and a spike or else a pointed cap of iron. the pole is used for propelling the canoe up swift streams. this, says tappan adney, "is absolutely indispensable." the person using the pole stands in one end, or nearer the middle if alone, and pushes the canoe along close to the bank, so as to take advantage of the eddies, guiding the canoe with one motion, only to be learned by practice, and keeping the pole usually on the side next the bank. where the streams have rocky and pebbly bottoms poling is easy, but in muddy or soft bottoms it is tiresome work; muddy bottoms, however, are not usually found in rapid waters. a canvas canoe can be made by substituting canvas in the place of birch bark; and if it is kept well painted it makes not only a durable but a very beautiful boat. the writer once owned a canvas canoe that was at least fifteen years old and still in good condition. about six yards of ten-ounce cotton canvas, fifty inches wide, will be sufficient to cover a canoe, and it will require two papers of four-ounce copper tacks to secure the canvas on the frame. the boat should be placed, deck down, upon two "horses" or wooden supports, such as you see carpenters and builders use. fold the canvas lengthwise, so as to find the centre, then tack the centre of one end of the cloth to top of bow-piece, or stem, using two or three tacks to hold it securely. stretch the cloth the length of the boat, pull it taut, with the centre line of the canvas over the keel line of the canoe, and tack the centre of the other end of the cloth to the top of the stern-piece. if care has been taken thus far, an equal portion of the covering will lap the gunwale on each side of the boat. begin amidships and drive the tacks, about two inches apart, along the gunwale and an inch below the deck (on the outside). tack about two feet on one side, pull the cloth tightly across, and tack it about three feet on the other side. continue to alternate, tacking on one side and then the other, until finished. with the hands and fingers knead the cloth so as to thicken or "full" it where it would otherwise wrinkle, and it will be possible to stretch the canvas without cutting it over the frame. the cloth that projects beyond the gunwale may be used for the deck, or it may be cut off after bringing it over and tacking upon the inside of the gunwale, leaving the canoe open like a birch-bark. to paddle a canoe no one can expect to learn to paddle a canoe from a book, however explicit the directions may be. there is only one way to learn to swim and that is by going into the water and trying it, and the only proper way to learn to paddle a canoe is to paddle one until you catch the knack. in the ordinary canoe, to be found at the summer watering places, there are cane seats and they are always too high for safety. a top load on any sort of a boat is always dangerous, and every real canoeist seats his passengers on the bottom of the boat and kneels on the bottom himself while paddling. of course, one's knees will feel more comfortable if there is some sort of a cushion under them, and a passenger will be less liable to get wet if he has a pneumatic cushion on which to sit. no expert canoeist paddles alternately first on the one side, and then on the other; on the contrary, he takes pride in his ability to keep his paddle continuously on either side that suits his convenience. the indians of the north woods are probably the best paddlers, and from them we can take points in the art. it is from them we first learned the use of the canoe, for our open canvas canoes of to-day are practically modelled on the lines of the old birch-barks. [illustration: from photographs taken especially for this book by mr. f. k. vreeland, camp fire club of america. fig. 102.--beginning of stroke. paddle should not be reached farther forward than this. it is immersed _edgewise_ (not point first) with a slicing motion. note the angle of paddle--rear face of blade turned _outward_ to avoid tendency of canoe to turn. staff of paddle is 6 inches too short. left hand should be lower. fig. 102_a_.--a moment later. right hand pushing forward, left hand swinging down. left hand should be lower on full-sized paddle. fig. 103.--putting the power of the body in the stroke by bending slightly forward. left hand held stationary from now on, to act as fulcrum. the power comes from the right arm and shoulders. fig. 103_a_.--the final effort, full weight of the body on the paddle. the right arm and body are doing the work, the left arm (which is weak at this point) acting as fulcrum. note twist of the right wrist to give blade the proper angle. fig. 104.--end of stroke. arms relaxed and body straightening. fig. 104_a_.--beginning of recovery. paddle slides out of water gently. note that blade is perfectly flat on the surface. no steering action is required. if the canoe tends to swerve it is because the _stroke_ was not correct. only a duffer _steers_ with his paddle after the stroke is over. the left hand now moves forward, the right swinging out and back, moving paddle forward horizontally. fig. 104_b_.--turning to right. the latter part of a broad sweep outward, away from the canoe. the blade is now being swept toward the canoe, the left hand pulling in, the right pushing out. position of right wrist shows that blade has the opposite slant to that shown in the straightaway stroke--_i. e._, the near face of blade is turned _inward_. blade leaves water with _outer_ edge up. wake of canoe shows sharpness of turn. fig. 104_c_.--turning to left. the last motion of a stroke in which the paddle is swept close to the canoe with the blade turned much farther outward than in the straightaway stroke. at end of stroke blade is given an outward sweep and leaves the water with the _inner_ edge up. _this is not a steering_ or dragging motion. it is a powerful sweep of the paddle. note swirl in wake of canoe showing sharp turn.] when you are standing upright and your paddle is in front of you with the blade upon the ground, the handle should reach to your eye-brows. (see figs. 101, 102, 103, etc.) kneel with the paddle across the canoe and not farther forward than the knees. then dip the blade _edgewise_ (not point first) by raising the upper hand without bending the elbow. swing the paddle back, keeping it close to the canoe, and give a little twist to the upper wrist to set the paddle at the proper angle shown in the photos. the exact angle depends upon the trim of the boat, the wind, etc., and must be such that the canoe does not swerve _at any part_ of the stroke, but travels straight ahead. the lower arm acts mainly as a fulcrum and does not move back and forth more than a foot. the power comes from the upper arm and shoulder, and the body bends forward as the weight is thrown on the paddle. the stroke continues until the paddle slides out of the water endwise, flat on the surface. then for recovery the blade is brought forward by a swing from the shoulder, _not_ lifting it vertically, but swinging it horizontally with the blade parallel to the water and the upper hand low. when it reaches a point opposite the knee it is slid into the water again, edgewise, for another stroke. the motion is a more or less rotary one, like stirring cake, not a simple movement back and forth. to carry a canoe to pick up a canoe and carry it requires not only the knack but also muscle, and no undeveloped boy should make the attempt, as he might strain himself, with serious results. but there are plenty of young men--good, husky fellows--who can learn to do this without any danger of injury if they are taught _how_ to lift by a competent physical instructor. to pick up a canoe for a "carry," stoop over and grasp the middle brace with the right arm extended, and a short hold with the left hand, as shown in fig. 105. when you have a secure hold, hoist the canoe up on your legs, as shown in fig. 106. without stopping the motion give her another boost, until you have the canoe with the upper side above your head, as in fig. 107. in the diagram the paddles are not spread apart as far as they should be. if the paddles are too close together a fall may break ones neck. [illustration: fig. 106.] [illustration: fig. 105.] [illustration: fig. 107.] [illustration: fig. 108.] [illustration: fig. 109.] [illustration: fig. 110.--northern quebec indians crossing the "ladder portage."] now turn the canoe over your head and slide your head between the paddles (which are lashed to the spreaders, as shown in fig. 105), and twist your body around as you let the canoe settle down over your head (fig. 108). if you have a sweater or a coat, it will help your shoulders by making a roll of it to serve as a pad under the paddles, as in fig. 109. i have seen an indian carry a canoe in this manner on a dog-trot over a five-mile portage without resting. i also have seen indians carry canoes over mountains, crossing by the celebrated ladder portage in western quebec, where the only means of scaling a cliff is by ascending a ladder made of notched logs. for real canoe work it is necessary that a man should know how to carry his craft across country from one body of water to another. all through the lakelands of canada, and also the lake st. john district, up to hudson bay itself, the only trails are by water, with portage across from one stream or lake to the other. chapter vii how to build a paddling dory a simple boat which any one can build--the cheapest sort of a boat to construct this craft it is, of course, necessary that we shall have some lumber, but we will use the smallest amount and the expense will come within the limits of a small purse. first we must have two boards, their lengths depending upon circumstances and the lumber available. the ones in the diagram are supposed to be of pine to measure (after being trimmed) 18 feet long by 18 inches wide and about 1 inch thick. when the boards are trimmed down so as to be exact duplicates of each other, place one board over the other so that their edges all fit exactly and then nail each end of the two boards together for the distance of about six inches. turn the boards over and nail them upon the opposite side in the same manner, clamping the nail ends if they protrude. do this by holding the head of a hammer or a stone against the heads of the nails while you hold a wire nail against the protruding end, and with a hammer bend it over the nail until it can be mashed flat against the board so that it will not project beyond its surface. after you have proceeded thus far, take some pieces of tin (fig. 112) and bend the ragged edges over, so as to make a clean, straight fold, and hammer it down flat until there are no rough or raw edges exposed. now tack a piece of this tin over the end of the boards which composed the sides of the boat, as in fig. 114. make the holes for the tacks first by driving the pointed end of a wire nail through the tin where you wish the tacks to go and then tack the tin snugly and neatly on, after which tack on another piece of tin on both bow and stern, as in fig. 116. this will hold the two ends of the boards securely together so that they may be carefully sprung apart in the middle to receive the middle mould which is to hold them in shape until the bottom of the boat is nailed on, and the permanent thwarts, or seats, fastened inside. when the latter are permanently fixed they will keep the boat in shape. [illustration: fig. 111.--parts of dory.] to make the mould, which is only a temporary thing, you may use any rough board, or boards nailed together with cleats to hold them. the mould should be 2 feet 6 inches long and 1 foot 4 inches high. fig. 111 will show you how to cut off the ends to give the proper slant. the dotted lines show the board before it is trimmed in shape. by measuring along the edge of the board from each end 10.8 inches and marking the points, and then, with a carpenter's pencil ruling the diagonal lines to the other edge and ends of the board, the triangles may be sawed off with a hand saw. [illustration: fig. 113. fig. 114. fig. 112. fig. 115. fig. 116. the simple details of the dory.] fig. 111 shows where the mould is to be placed in the center of the two side boards. as the boards in this diagram are supposed to be on the slant, and consequently in the perspective, they do not appear as wide as they really are. the diagram is made also with the ends of the side boards free so as to better show the position of the mould. but when the side boards are sprung apart and the mould placed in position (fig. 113), it will appear as in fig. 116 or fig. 117. fig. 115 shows the shape of the stem-posts to be set in both bow and stern and nailed securely in place. [illustration: fig. 118. top views of dory and parts of dory.] when you have gone thus far fit in two temporary braces near the bow and stern, as shown in fig. 117. these braces are simply narrow pieces of boards held in position by nails driven through the outside of the boat, the latter left with their heads protruding, so that they may be easily drawn when necessary. now turn the boat over bottom up and you will find that the angle at which the sides are bent will cause the bottom boards to rest upon a thin edge of the side boards, as shown in fig. 119. with an ordinary jack-plane trim this down so that the bottom boards will rest flush and snug, as in fig. 120. [illustration: fig. 118½.] how to calk a boat so that it won't leak if you wish to make a bottom that will never leak, not even when it is placed in the water for the first time, plane off the boards on their sides, so that when fitted together they will leave a triangular groove between each board, as shown in fig. 118½. these grooves will show upon the inside of the boat, and not upon the outside, and in this case the calking is done from the inside and not from the outside. they are first calked with candlewick, over which putty is used, but for a rough boat it is not even necessary to use any calking. when the planks swell they will be forced together, so as to exclude all water. to fasten the bottom on the boat put a board lengthwise at the end, as shown in fig. 121. one end shows the end board as it is first nailed on, and the other end shows it after it has been trimmed off to correspond with the sides of the boat. now put your short pieces of boards for the bottom on one at a time, driving each one snug up against its neighbor before nailing it in place and leaving the rough or irregular ends of each board protrude on each side, as shown at the right-hand end of fig. 121. [illustration: fig. 117.] [illustration: fig. 119.] [illustration: fig. 120.] [illustration: fig. 121. top view with sides in place, also reversed view showing how bottom boards are laid.] when all the boards are nailed in place (by beginning at one end and fitting them against each other until the other end is reached) they may be trimmed off with a saw (fig. 121) and your boat is finished with the exception of the thwarts, or seats. if you intend to propel this with paddles like a canoe, you will need a seat in the centre for your passenger, and this may be placed in the position occupied by the form (figs. 111 and 117) after the latter is removed. to fit a seat in it is only necessary to cut two cleats and nail them to the sides of the boat for the seat to rest upon and saw off a board the proper length to fit upon the cleats. it would be well now to fasten the braces in the bow and stern permanently, adjusting them to suit your convenience. the seat should be as low as possible for safety. with this your paddling dory is finished, and may be used even without being painted. a coat of paint, however, improves not only the looks but the tightness and durability of any boat. we have now advanced so far in our boat-building that it becomes necessary that the beginner should learn more about boats and boating, and since this book is written for beginners, we will take it for granted that they know absolutely nothing about the subject and will give all the rudimentary knowledge for landlubbers in the next chapter. chapter viii the landlubber's chapter common nautical terms and expressions defined--how to sail a boat--boat rigs--rowing-clothes--how to make a bathing-suit--how to avoid sunburn there are a few common terms with which all who venture on the water should be familiar, not only for convenience, but for prudential reasons. accidents are liable to happen to boats of all descriptions, and often the safety of property and life depend upon the passengers' ability to understand what is said to them by the officers or sailors in charge of the craft. to those who are familiar with the water and shipping it may seem absurd to define the bow and stern of a boat, but there are people who will read this book who cannot tell the bow from the stern, so we will begin this chapter with the statement that =the bow= is the front end of the boat, and =the stern= is the rear end of the boat. =for'ard= is toward the bow of the boat. =aft= is toward the stern of the boat. both terms are used by sailors as forward and backward are used by landsmen. =the hull= is the boat itself without masts, spars, or rigging. a skiff and a birch-bark canoe are hulls. =the keel= is the piece of timber running along the centre of the bottom of the hull, like the runner of a skate, and used to give the boat a hold on the water, so that she will not slide sideways. when you are sitting in the stern of a boat, facing the bow, the side next to your right hand is the right-hand side of the boat, and the side next to your left hand is the left-hand side of the boat. but these terms are not used by seamen; they always say =starboard= for the right-hand side of the boat, and =port= for the left-hand side of the boat. formerly the left-hand side was called the larboard, but this occasioned many serious mistakes on account of the similarity of the sound of larboard and starboard when used in giving orders. [illustration: fig. 122.--top view of small boat.] red and green lights after dark a red light is carried on the port side and a green light on the starboard side of all vessels in motion. if you can remember that port wine is red, and that the port light is of the same color, you will always be able to tell in which direction an approaching craft is pointing by the relative location of the lights. "when both lights you see ahead, port your helm and show your red! green to green and red to red, you're all right, and go ahead!" if you are a real landlubber, the verse quoted will be of little service, because you will not know how to port your helm. in fact, you probably will not know where to look for the helm or what it looks like; but only a few of our readers are out-and-out landlubbers, and most of them know that the helm is in some way connected with the steering apparatus. =the rudder= is the movable piece of board at the stern of the boat by means of which the craft is guided. the rudder is moved by a lever, ropes, or a wheel. =the tiller= is the lever for moving the rudder, or the ropes used for the same purpose (fig. 123). [illustration: fig. 123.--helm--lever, or stick, for tiller.] =the wheel= is the wheel whose spokes end in handles on the outer edge of the rim, or felly, and it is used for moving the rudder (fig. 124). =the helm= is that particular part of the steering apparatus that you put your hands on when steering. =the deck= is the roof of the hull. =the centreboard= is an adjustable keel that can be raised or lowered at pleasure. it is an american invention. the centreboard, as a rule, is only used on comparatively small vessels. the inventor of the centreboard is mr. salem wines, who kept a shop on water street, near market slip, and, when alive, was a well-known new york boat-builder. his body now lies in greenwood cemetery, and upon the headstone of his grave is the inscription, "the inventor of the centreboard." for sailing, the boat, or hull, is rigged with masts and spars for spreading the sails to catch the wind. =the masts= are the upright poles, or sticks, that hold the sails. [illustration: fig. 124.--helm--the wheel.] =the yards= are the poles, or sticks, at right angles with the masts that spread the sails. =the boom= is the movable spar at the bottom of the sail. =the gaff= is the pole, or spar, for spreading the top, or head, of the sail (fig. 125). =the sail= is a big canvas kite, of which the boom, gaff, and masts are the kite-sticks. you must not understand by this that the sail goes soaring up in the air, for the weight of the hull prevents that; but if you make fast a large kite to the mast of a boat it would be a sail, and if you had a line long and strong enough, and should fasten any spread sail to it, there can be no doubt that the sail would fly. =the spars= are the masts, bowsprit, yards, and gaffs. =the bowsprit= is the stick, or sprit, projecting from the bow of the boat (fig. 161, sloop). =the foremast= is the mast next to the bow--the forward mast (fig. 159, ship). =the mainmast= is the second mast--the mast next to the foremast. =mizzen-mast= is the mast next to and back of the mainmast (fig. 159, ship). [illustration: fig. 125.--a sail.] =the rigging= of a boat consists of the ropes, or lines, attached to its masts and sails, but a boat's rig refers to the number of masts as well as to the shape of its sails. =stays= are strong ropes supporting the masts, fore and aft. =shrouds= are strong ropes reaching from the mastheads to the sides of the vessel; supports for the masts, starboard and port. =ratlines= are the little ropes that form the steps, or foot ropes, that run crosswise between the shrouds. =the painter= is the rope at the bow of a small boat, used for the same purpose as is a hitching-strap on a horse. =the standing rigging= consists of the stays and shrouds. =the running rigging= consists of all the ropes used in handling yards and sails. =the sheets= are the ropes, or lines, attached to the corners of sails, by which they are governed (fig. 126). =the main sheet= is the rope that governs the mainsail. =the jib-sheet= is the rope that governs the jib-sail. =the gaskets= are the ropes used in lashing the sails when furled. =the braces= are the ropes used in swinging the yards around. =the jib-stay= is the stay that runs from the foremast to the bowsprit. =the bob-stay= is practically an extension of the jib-stay and the chief support of the spars. it connects the bow of the boat with the bowsprit and prevents the latter from bobbing up and down. besides the port and starboard sides of a boat there are the windward and leeward sides. do not understand by this that the boat has four sides, like a square. windward may be the port or the starboard side, according to the direction the wind blows; because =windward= means the side of the boat against which the wind blows--the side where the wind climbs aboard; or it may mean the direction from which the wind comes. the opposite side is called =leeward=--that is, the side of the boat opposite to that against which the wind blows, where the wind tumbles overboard, or the side opposite to windward. when you are sailing you may be near a =lee shore=--that is, the shore on your lee side against which the wind blows; or a =windward shore=--that is, the land on your windward side from which the wind blows. all seamen dread a lee shore, as it is a most dangerous shore to approach, from the fact that the wind is doing its best to blow you on the rocks or beach. but the windward shore can be approached with safety, because the wind will keep you off the rocks, and if it is blowing hard, the land will break the force of the wind. in a canoe or shell the boatman sits either directly on the bottom, or, as in the shell, very close to it, and the weight of his body serves to keep the boat steady, but larger crafts seldom rely upon live weights to steady them. they use =ballast=--that is, weights of stone, lead, iron, or sand-bags, used to balance the boat and make her steady. as has been said before in this chapter, the sail is a big canvas kite made fast to the boat and called a sail, but the ordinary kite has its covering stretched permanently on rigid sticks. the sail, however, can be stretched to its full extent or only partially, or it may be rolled up, exposing nothing but the masts to the force of the wind. to accomplish all this there are various ropes and attachments, all of which are named. [illustration: fig. 126.--sail and sheet.] [illustration: fig. 127.--parts of sail.] it is quite important that the beginner should know the names of all the parts of a sail =luff.=--that part of the sail adjoining the mast--the front of the sail (fig. 127). =leach.=-that part of the sail stretched between the outer or after end of the boom and the outer end of the gaff--the back part of the sail (fig. 127). =head.=--that part of the sail adjoining the gaff--the top of the sail. =foot.=--that part of the sail adjoining the boom--the bottom of the sail (fig. 127). =clews.=--a general name for the four corners of the sail. =clew.=--the particular corner at the foot of the sail where the leach and boom meet (fig. 127). =tack.=--the corner of the sail where boom and mast meet (fig. 127). =throat, or nock.=--the corner of the sail where gaff and mast meet (fig. 127). =peak.=--corner of the sail where the leach and gaff meet (fig. 127). [illustration: fig. 128.--starboard helm.] [illustration: fig. 129--port helm.] how to steer a boat when you wish your boat to turn to the right push your helm to the left. this will push the rudder to the right and turn the boat in that direction. when you wish your boat to turn to the left push your helm to the right. in other words, starboard your helm and you will turn to the port (fig. 128). port your helm and you will turn to the starboard (fig. 129). from a reference to the diagram you may see that when you =port your helm= you move the tiller to the port side of the boat, and when you =starboard your helm= you move your tiller to the starboard side of the boat (fig. 128), but to =ease your helm= you move your helm toward the centre of the boat--that is, amidships. how to sail a boat if you fasten the bottom of a kite to the ground, you will find that the wind will do its best to blow the kite over, and if the kite is fastened to the mast of a toy boat, the wind will try to blow the boat over. in sailing a boat the effort of the wind apparently has but one object, and that is the upsetting of the boat. the latter, being well balanced, is constantly endeavoring to sit upright on its keel, and you, as a sailor, are aiding the boat in the struggle, at the same time subverting the purpose of the wind to suit your own ideas. it is an exciting game, in which man usually comes out ahead, but the wind gains enough victories to keep its courage up. every boat has peculiarities of its own, and good traits as well as bad ones, which give the craft a personal character that lends much to your interest, and even affects your sensibilities to the extent of causing you to have the same affection for a good, trustworthy craft that you have for an intelligent and kind dog or horse. a properly balanced sail-boat, with main sheet trimmed flat and free helm, should be as sensitive as a weathercock and act like one--that is, she ought to swing around until her bow pointed right into the "eye of the wind," the direction from which the wind blows. such a craft it is not difficult to sail, but it frequently happens that the boat that is given to you to sail is not properly balanced, and shows a constant tendency to "come up in the wind"--face the wind--when you are doing your best to keep her sails full and keep her on her course. this may be caused by too much sail aft. the boat is then said to carry a weather helm. =weather helm.=--when a boat shows a constant tendency to come up in the wind. =lee helm.=--when a boat shows a constant tendency to fall off the wind--that is, when the wind blows her bow to the leeward. this is a much worse trait than the former, and a boat with a lee helm is a dangerous boat. it may be possible to remedy it by adding sail aft or reducing sail forward, which should immediately be done. in spite of the fact, already stated, that the wind's constant effort is to capsize a boat, there is little or no danger of a properly rigged boat upsetting unless the sheets are fast or hampered in some way. when a sail-boat upsets it is, of course, because the wind blows it over. now, the wind cannot blow a boat over unless the boat presents some surface larger than its hull for the wind to blow against, and the sail is the only object that offers enough surface to the breeze to cause an upset. [illustration: fig. 130--close-hauled.] [illustration: fig. 131.--before the wind.] [illustration: top view of boats, showing position of helm and boom.] if the sheet is slackened, the sail will swing around until it flaps like a flag and only the thin edge is presented to the wind; and a boat that a flag will upset is no boat for beginners to trust themselves in. true, the boom may be very long and heavy enough to make it dangerous to let so much of it overboard, but this is seldom the case. a good sailor keeps his eyes constantly on the sails and trims them to take advantage of the slightest favorable breeze. in place of losing control of his sail by letting go the sheets he will ease the tiller so as to "spill" part of the wind that is, let the forward part, or luff, of the sail shake a bit. or, in case of a sudden puff of wind, he may deem it necessary to "luff"--that is, let her shake--and slacken the sheets too. =trimmed flat.=--sheets hauled in until the boom is only a little to the leeward of the helm (fig. 130). =close-hauled.=--sheets trimmed flat and the boat pointing as near as possible to the eye of the wind. then the sail cannot belly, and is called flat (fig. 130). to sail close-hauled the skipper must watch that his sail does not flap or ripple at the throat, for that means that he is pointing too close to the wind and that some of the breeze is blowing on both sides of his sail, which even a novice can see will retard the boat. upon discovering a rippling motion at the luff of the sail put the helm up--that is, move the tiller a little to windward until the sail stops its flapping. =before the wind.=--when the wind is astern; sailing with the wind; sailing directly from windward to leeward (fig. 131). in order to reach the desired point it is often expedient to sail before the wind, but unless the wind is light, beginners had better not try this. to sail before the wind you let your sheets out until the boom stands at _almost_ right angles with the boat. keep your eye on the sail and see that it does not flap, for if the man at the helm is careless and allows the boat to point enough away from the direction of the wind to allow the wind to get on the other side of the sail, the latter will swing around or jibe with such force as to endanger the mast, if it does not knock some one overboard. the price of liberty is constant vigilance, and the price of a good sail is the same. i have seen a mast snapped off clean at the deck by a jibe, and once when out after ducks every one was so intent upon the game that proper attention was not paid to the sail. the wind got round and brought the boom with a swing aft, knocking the captain of our boat club overboard. had the boom hit him in the head and stunned him, the result might have been fatal. [illustration: fig. 132.--boom hauled in.] [illustration: fig. 133.--on new course.] [illustration: fig. 131½.--before the wind.] [illustration: figs. 131½, 132, and 133.--jibing.] =wing and wing.=--when a schooner goes before the wind with one sail out at nearly right angles on the port side and the other in the same position on the starboard side she is said to be wing and wing and presents a beautiful sight. =tacking.=--working to the windward by a series of diagonal moves. =legs.=--the moves or diagonal courses made in tacking. it is apparent to the most unthinking observer that no vessel propelled by sail can move against the direct course of the wind--that is, nothing but electricity, naphtha, steam, or some such power can drive a boat into the eye of the wind. but what cannot be accomplished in a direct manner can be done by a series of compromises, each of which will bring us nearer to the desired point. first we point the boat to the right or left, as the case may be, as near or as close to the wind as the boat will sail. then we come about and sail in the other direction as close as practicable to the eye of the wind, and each time we gain something in a direct line. when your boat changes its direction on a tack it is done by "jibing," or "coming about." =jibing.=--with the wind on the quarter, haul the main boom aft or amidship with all possible speed, by means of the main sheets (fig. 132), and as the wind strikes the sail on the other side let it out as deliberately as possible until it reaches the position desired (fig. 133). beginners should never attempt to jibe, for if there is more than a capful of wind, the sail will probably get away from them, and, as described in going before the wind, some disaster is liable to occur. experts only jibe in light winds, and frequently lower the peak, so as to reduce sail, before attempting a jibe. coming about when you wish to come about see that all the tackle, ropes, etc., are clear and in working order, and that you are making good headway; then call out: "helm's a-lee!" or "ready about!" and push the tiller in the direction opposite to that from which the wind blows--that is, to the lee side of the boat. this will bring the bow around until the wind strikes the sail upon the side opposite to that which it struck before the helm was a-lee (figs. 134, 135, 136, 137). if you are aboard a sloop or schooner, ease off the jib-sheet, but keep control of it, so that as the boat comes up to the wind you can make the jib help the bow around by holding the sheets so as to catch the wind aback. when the bow of the craft has passed the eye of the wind and the sail begins to fill give the order to make fast, or trim, the jib, and off you go upon the opposite tack, or on a new leg. [illustration: figs. 134, 135, 136, and 137.--coming about.] if the wind is light, or if, for any cause, the boat works slowly, you can sometimes help her by trimming in the main sheet when you let the jib-sheet fly. in the diagram of coming about no jib is shown. =wearing= is a term sometimes used in place of jibing. in a thunder-storm a thunder-storm is always an uncertain thing. there may be a veritable tornado hidden in the black clouds that we see rising on the horizon, or it may simply "iron out the wind"--that is, go grumbling overhead--and leave us becalmed, to get home the best way we can; generally by what the boys call a "white-ash breeze"--that is, by using the sweeps or oars. on long island sound a thunder-storm seems to have certain fixed rules of conduct. in the first place, it comes up from the leeward, or _against the wind_. just before the storm strikes you for an instant the wind ceases and the sails flap idly. then look out! for in nine cases out of ten you are struck the next moment by a sudden squall from exactly the opposite direction from which the wind blew a moment before. what to do make for the nearest port with all speed, and keep a man at the downhaul ready at a moment's notice to lower sail. the moment the wind stops drop the sail and make everything snug, leaving only bare poles. when the thunder-squall strikes you, be it ever so hard, you are now in little danger; and if the wind from the new quarter is not too fresh, you can hoist sail again and make the best of your way to the nearest port, where you can "get in out of the wet." if the wind is quite fresh keep your peak down, and with a reefed sail speed on your way. if it is a regular howler, let your boat drive before the wind under bare poles until you can find shelter or until it blows over, and the worst mishap you are likely to incur is a good soaking from the rain. =shortening sail.=--just as soon as the boat heels over too far for safety, or as soon as you are convinced that there is more wind than you need for comfortable sailing, it is time to take a reef--that is, to roll up the bottom of the sail to the row of little ropes, or reefing points, on the sail and make fast there. this, of course, makes a smaller sail, and that is what you wish. while under way it will be found impossible to reef a sail except when sailing close-hauled. so the boat is brought up into the wind by pushing the helm down, as if you intended to come about. when possible it is better to lower the sail entirely before attempting to put in a reef. to reef without lowering sail it sometimes happens that on account of the proximity of a lee shore, and the consequent danger of drifting in that direction, or for some other equally good reason, it is inadvisable to lower sail and lose headway. under such circumstances the main sheet must be trimmed flat, keeping the boat as close as possible to the wind, the helm must be put up hard a-lee, and jib-sheet trimmed to windward (fig. 138). [illustration: fig. 138.--squirming; jib on port side, boom close-hauled on starboard side.] when this is done the wind will hit the jib, "paying her head off," or pushing her bow to leeward, and this tendency is counteracted by the helm and mainsail, bringing the bow up into the wind. this keeps the boat squirming. lower the mainsail until the row of reef points is just on a line with the boom, keeping to the windward of the sail. tie the first point--that is, the one on the luff rope--then the one on the leach, being careful to stretch out the foot of the sail. then tie the remaining points, always making a square or reefing knot. tie them to the jack-stay on the boom or around the boom. the reef or square knot is most frequently used, as its name implies, in reefing sails. first make a plain overhand knot, as in fig. 139. then repeat the operation by taking the end and passing it over and under the loop, drawing the parts tight, as shown in fig. 140. care should be observed in crossing the ends so that they will always lay fairly alongside the main parts. otherwise the knot will prove a _granny_ and be comparatively worthless. [illustration: figs. 139 and 140.--square or reef knot.] to shake out a reef untie the knots, keeping to the windward of the sail. untie the knot at the leach first, next the one at the luff, and then the remaining points. in lowering a sail you use a rope called the =downhaul=. =starboard tack.=--when the main boom is over the port side. =port tack.=--when the main boom is over the starboard side. =right of way.=--all boats sailing on the starboard tack have the right of way over all those on the port tack. in other words, if you are on the starboard tack, those on the port tack must keep out of your way. any boat sailing close-hauled has the right of way over a boat sailing free. lights for canoe a canoe under sail at night should have an uncolored lantern hung to her mizzen-mast to notify other craft that she is out and objects to being run down. the light is put on the mizzen so that it may be behind the skipper and not dazzle him. what you have read in the foregoing pages will not be found very difficult to remember, but there is only one way to learn to sail and that is by _sailing_. if possible, sail with some one who is a good seaman. if this sort of companion cannot be had, try it alone on smooth water and with short sail until you accustom yourself to the boat and its peculiarities. no boy ever learned to skate or swim from books, but books often have been helpful in giving useful hints to those who were really learning by practical experience. some do nots do not overload the boat. do not carry too much sail. do not sail in strange waters without chart or compass. do not forget your anchor. do not forget your paddles or oars. do not attempt to learn to sail before you know how to swim. do not sit on the gunwale. do not put the helm down too suddenly or too far. do not let go the helm. do not mistake caution for cowardice. do not be afraid to reef. do not fear the ridicule of other landlubbers. do not fail to keep the halyards and sheets clear. do not jibe in a stiff wind. do not fail to keep your head in times of emergency. do not make a display of bravery until the occasion demands it. do not allow mistakes or mishaps to discourage you. do not associate with a fool who rocks a boat. you will soon become an expert and be able to engage in one of our most exhilarating, healthy, and manly sports and earn the proud distinction of being a good small-boat sailor. it is necessary to learn to swim from the parents' point of view, nowhere that a boy's restless nature impels him to go is fraught with so much peril as the water, and nowhere is a boy happier than when he is on the water, unless it is when he is in it. nowhere can be found a better school for his young mind and body than that furnished by boating. hence it appears to be the imperative duty for parents personally to see that their children are taught to swim as soon as their little limbs have strength enough to make the proper motions. boating-clothes in aquatic sports of all kinds, if you expect to have fun, you must dress appropriately. you should have a suit of old clothes that you can change for dry ones when the sport is over. when boating, it is nonsense to pretend you can keep dry under all the varying conditions of wind and weather. if your purse is small, and you want a good rowing-suit, it can be made of last winter's woollen underclothes, and will answer for the double purpose of rowing and bathing. how to make a bathing-suit first take an old woollen undershirt and cut the sleeves off above the elbows. then coax your mother, aunt, or sister to sew it up in front like a sweater, and hem the edges of the sleeves where they have just been cut off. next take a pair of woollen drawers and have them sewed up in front, leaving an opening at the top about four inches in length; turn the top edge down all around to cover a piece of tape that should be long enough to tie in front. have this hem or flap sewed down to cover the tape, and allow the two ends of the tape to protrude at the opening in front. the tape should not be sewed to the cloth, but should move freely, so that you can tighten or loosen it at will. cut the drawers off at the knees and have the edges hemmed, and you will have a first-class bathing or rowing-suit. if woollen clothes are not to be had, cotton will do, but wool is coolest and warmest, as the occasion may require. when rowing wear old socks, woollen ones if you have them, and old shoes cut down like slippers. the latter can be kicked off at a moment's notice, and, if lost, they are of no value, and may be easily replaced. when on shore a long pair of woollen stockings to cover your bare legs and a sweater to pull over your sleeveless shirt are handy and comfortable, but while sailing, paddling, or rowing in hot weather the rowing-suit is generally all that comfort requires. of course, if your skin is tender, you are liable to be terribly sunburned on your arms, neck, and legs; but sunburn may be avoided by gradually accustoming your limbs to the exposure. dearly will you pay for your negligence if you go out for a day with bare arms or legs in the hot sun before you have toughened yourself, and little will you sleep that night. i have seen young men going to business the day following a regatta with no collars on their red necks, and no shirt over their soft undershirts, the skin being too tender to bear the touch of the stiff, starched linen, and i have known others who could not sleep a wink on account of the feverish state of their bodies, caused by the hot sun and a tender skin. most boys have had some experience from sunburn, acquired while bathing. if care is taken to cover your arms and legs after about an hour's exposure, you will find that in place of being blistered, your skin will be first pink and then a faint brownish tint, which each succeeding exposure will deepen until your limbs will assume that dark, rich mahogany color of which athletes are so proud. this makes your skin proof against future attacks of the hottest rays of the sun. besides the pain and discomfort of a sudden and bad sunburn on your arms, the effect is not desirable, as it is very liable to cover your arms with freckles. i have often seen men with beautifully bronzed arms and freckled shoulders, caused by going out in their shells first with short sleeves and then with shirts from which the sleeves were entirely cut away, exposing the white, tender shoulders to the fierce heat, to which they were unaccustomed. it is a good plan to cover the exposed parts of your body with sweet-oil, vaseline, mutton-tallow, beef-tallow, or lard. this is good as a preventive while in the sun, and excellent as an application after exposure. any sort of oil or grease that does not contain salt is good for your skin. clothes for canoeing in canoeing i have found it convenient to dress as i would in a shell boat, but i generally have had a sweater and a pair of long trousers stowed away, ready to be pulled on over my rowing-clothes when i landed. once, when i neglected to put these extra clothes aboard, i was storm-bound up long island sound, and, leaving my boat, i took the train home, but i did not enjoy my trip, for the bare legs and arms and knit cap attracted more attention than is pleasant for a modest man. do not wear laced shoes in a canoe, for experience has taught boating-men that about the most inconvenient articles of clothing to wear in the water are laced shoes. while swimming your feet are of absolutely no use if incased in this style of foot-gear, and all the work must be done with the arms. but if you have old slippers, they may be kicked off, and then you are dressed practically in a bathing-suit, and can swim with comfort and ease. possibly these precautions may suggest the idea that a ducking is not at all an improbable accident, and it must be confessed that the boy who thinks he can learn to handle small boats without an occasional unlooked-for swim is liable to discover his mistake before he has become master of his craft. stick to your boat always remember that a wet head is a very small object in the water, and liable to be passed by unnoticed, but that a capsized boat can scarcely fail to attract attention and insure a speedy rescue from an awkward position. as for the real danger of boating, it cannot be great where care is used. not one fatality has occurred on the water, among all of my large circle of boating friends, and personally i have never witnessed a fatal accident in all the years i have spent rowing and sailing. life-preservers all canoes should have a good cork life-preserver in them when the owner ventures away from land. i never but once ventured any distance without one, and that is the only time i was ever in need of a life-preserver. the ordinary cork jacket is best. it can be used for a seat, and when spread on the bottom of your canoe, with an old coat or some article thrown over it for a cushion, it is not at all an uncomfortable seat. most canoes have airtight compartments fore and aft--that is, at both ends--and the boat itself is then a good life-preserver. even without the airtight compartments, unless your boat is loaded with ballast or freight, there is no danger of its sinking. a canvas canoe, as a rule, has enough woodwork about it to support your weight when the boat is full of water. an upset canvas canoe supported me for an hour and a half during a blow on long island sound, and had not a passing steamer rescued me, the canoe would evidently have buoyed me up as long as i could have held on to the hull. chapter ix how to rig and sail small boats how to make a lee-board for a canoe now that the open canvas canoe has become so popular the demand has arisen for some arrangement by which it may be used with sails. of course it is an easy matter to rig sails on almost any sort of craft, but unless there is a keel or a centreboard the boat will make lee-way, _i. e._, it will have no hold on the water, and when you try to tack, the boat will blow sideways, which may be fraught with serious results. the only time that the author ever got in a serious scrape with his canoe, was when he carelessly sailed out in a storm, leaving the key to his fan centreboard at the boat-house. being unable to let down the centreboard, he was eventually driven out to sea, and when he became too fatigued to move quickly was capsized. [illustration: fig. 140.--lee-board. fig. 140_a_.--bolt and thumb-screw.] now to prevent such occurrences and to do away with the inconvenience of the centreboard in an open canoe, various designs of lee-boards have been made. a lee-board is, practically speaking, a double centreboard. the paddle-like form of the blades of the boards given in fig. 140 give them a good hold on the water when they are below the surface, and they can also be allowed to swing clear of the water when temporarily out of use. or they may be removed and stowed away in the canoe. as you see by the diagram the two blades are connected by a spruce rod; the blades themselves may be made of some hard wood, like cherry, and bevelled at the edges like a canoe-paddle. they should be a scant foot in width and a few inches over two feet long, and cut out of three-quarter-inch material. the spruce cross-bar is about one and a half inch in diameter, the ends of which are thrust through a hole in the upper end of each lee-board. a small hole is bored in the top of each lee-board, down through the ends of the cross-board, and when a galvanized-iron pin is pushed down through this hole, it will prevent the bar from turning in its socket. a couple more galvanized-iron pins or bars fit in holes in the spruce cross-bar, as shown in the diagram (fig. 140). at the top end of each of these metal bolts is a thumb-screw which runs down over the thread of the bolt. the bottom or lower end is bent at right angles that it may be fitted under the gunwale of the canoe, and tightened by twisting the thumb-screws. the advantage of this sort of arrangement is that the lee-boards may be slid backward or forward and so adjusted that the canoe will sail in the direction in which it is steered. the place where the lee-board is to be fastened can only be found by experiment. when it is too far toward the bow, the boat will show a desire to come up against the wind, thus making work for the steersman to keep the wind in the sails. if the lee-board is fastened too far toward the stern the canoe will show a decided determination to swing around with its stern to the wind, which is a dangerous trick for a well-trained craft to indulge in. i have seen open canvas canoes at the outfitting stores marked as low as seventeen dollars, but they usually cost twenty-five dollars or more, and i would advise ambitious canoeists to build their own canoes, and even to make their own lee-boards, although it would be cheaper to buy the latter. how to rig and sail small boats to have the tiller in one's own hands and feel competent, under all ordinary circumstances, to bring a boat safely into port, gives the same zest and excitement to a sail (only in a far greater degree) that the handling of the whip and reins over a lively trotter does to a drive. knowing and feeling this, it was my intention to devote a couple of chapters to telling how to sail a boat; but through the kind courtesy of the editor of _the american canoeist_, i am able to do much better by giving my readers a talk on this subject by one whose theoretical knowledge and practical experience renders him pre-eminently fit to give reliable advice and counsel. the following is what mr. charles ledyard norton, editor of the above-mentioned journal, says: very many persons seem to ignore the fact that a boy who knows how to manage a gun is, upon the whole, less likely to be shot than one who is a bungler through ignorance, or that a good swimmer is less likely to be drowned than a poor one. such, however, is the truth beyond question. if a skilled sportsman is now and then shot, or an expert swimmer drowned, the fault is not apt to be his own, and if the one who is really to blame had received proper training, it is not likely that the accident would have occurred at all. the same argument holds good with regard to the management of boats, and the author is confident that he merits the thanks of mothers, whether he receives them or not, for giving their boys a few hints as to practical rigging and sailing. in general, there are three ways of learning how to sail boats. first, from the light of nature, which is a poor way; second, from books, which is better; and third, from another fellow who knows how, which is best of all. i will try to make this article as much like the other fellow and as little bookish as possible. of course, what i shall say in these few paragraphs will be of small use to those who live within reach of the sea or some big lake and have always been used to boats; but there are thousands and thousands of boys and men who never saw the sea, nor even set eyes on a sail, and who have not the least idea how to make the wind take them where they want to go. i once knew some young men from the interior who went down to the sea-side and hired a boat, with the idea that they had nothing to do but hoist the sail and be blown wherever they liked. the result was that they performed a remarkable set of manoeuvres within sight of the boat-house, and at last went helplessly out to sea and had to be sent after and brought back, when they were well laughed at for their performances, and had reason to consider themselves lucky for having gotten off so cheaply. the general principles of sailing are as simple as the national game of "one ole cat." that is to say, if the wind always blew moderately and steadily, it would be as easy and as safe to sail a boat as it is to drive a steady old family horse of good and regular habits. the fact, however, is that winds and currents are variable in their moods, and as capable of unexpected freaks as the most fiery of unbroken colts; but when properly watched and humored they are tractable and fascinating playmates and servants. now, let us come right down to first principles. take a bit of pine board, sharpen it at one end, set up a mast about a quarter of the length of the whole piece from the bow, fit on a square piece of stiff paper or card for a sail, and you are ready for action. put this in the water, with the sail set squarely across (a, fig. 141), and she will run off before the wind--which is supposed to be blowing as indicated by the arrow--at a good rate of speed. if she does not steer herself, put a small weight near the stern, or square end; or, if you like, arrange a thin bit of wood for a rudder. [illustration: fig. 141. lesson in sailing for beginners.] probably the first primeval man who was born with nautical instincts discovered this fact, and, using a bush for a sail, greatly astonished his fellow primevals by winning some prehistoric regatta. but that was all he could do. he was as helpless as a balloonist is in midair. he could go, but he could not get back, and we may be sure that ages passed away before the possibility of sailing to windward was discovered. now, put up or "step" another mast and sail like the first, about as far from the stern as the first is from the bow. turn the two sails at an angle of forty-five degrees across the boat (b or c, fig. 141) and set her adrift. she will make considerable progress across the course of the wind, although she will at the same time drift with it. if she wholly refuses to go in the right direction, place a light weight on her bow, so that she will be a little "down by the head," or move the aftermost mast and sail a little nearer to the stern. [illustration: fig. 142.--tacking.] the little rude affair thus used for experiment will not actually make any progress to windward, because she is so light that she moves sidewise almost as easily as she does forward. with a larger, deeper boat, and with sails which can be set at any angle, the effect will be different. so long as the wind presses against the after side of the sail, the boat will move through the water in the direction of the least resistance, which is forward. a square sail having the mast in the middle was easiest to begin with for purposes of explanation; but now we will change to a "fore-and-aft" rig--that is, one with the mast at the forward edge or "luff" of the sail, as in fig. 142. suppose the sail to be set at the angle shown, and the wind blowing as the arrow points. the boat cannot readily move sidewise, because of the broadside resistance; she does not move backward, because the wind is pressing on the aftermost side of the sail. so she very naturally moves forward. when she nears buoy no. 1, the helmsman moves the "tiller," or handle of the rudder, toward the sail. this causes the boat to turn her head toward buoy no. 2, the sail swings across to the other side of the boat and fills on that side, which now in turn becomes the aftermost, and she moves toward buoy no. 2 nearly at right angles to her former course. thus, through a series of zigzags, the wind is made to work against itself. this operation is called "tacking," or "working to windward," and the act of turning, as at the buoys no. 1 and no. 2, is called "going about." it will be seen, then, that the science of sailing lies in being able to manage a boat with her head pointing at any possible angle to or from the wind. nothing but experience can teach one all the niceties of the art, but a little aptitude and address will do to start with, keeping near shore and carrying little sail. simplest rig possible i will suppose that the reader has the use of a broad, flat-bottomed boat without any rudder. (see fig. 143.) she cannot be made to work like a racing yacht under canvas, but lots of fun can be had out of her. do not go to any considerable expense at the outset. procure an old sheet, or an old hay cover, six or eight feet square, and experiment with that before spending your money on new material. if it is a sheet, and somewhat weakly in its texture, turn all the edges in and sew them, so that it shall not give way at the hems. at each corner sew on a few inches of strong twine, forming loops at the angles. sew on, also, eyelets or small loops along the edge which is intended for the luff of the sail, so that it can be laced to the mast. you are now ready for your spars, namely, a mast and a "sprit," the former a couple of feet longer than the luff of the sail, and the latter to be cut off when you find how long you want it. let these spars be of pine, or spruce, or bamboo--as light as possible, especially the sprit. an inch and a half diameter will do for the mast, and an inch and a quarter for the sprit, tapering to an inch at the top. to "step" the mast, bore a hole through one of the thwarts (seats) near the bow and make a socket or step on the bottom of the boat, just under the aforesaid hole--or if anything a trifle farther forward--to receive the foot of the mast. this will hold the mast upright, or with a slight "rake" aft. [illustration: fig. 143.--a simple rig.] lace the luff of the sail to the mast so that its lower edge will swing clear by a foot or so of the boat's sides. make fast to the loop at d a stout line, ten or twelve feet long. this is called the "sheet," and gives control of the sail. the upper end of the sprit, c, e, is trimmed so that the loop at c will fit over it but not slip down. the lower end is simply notched to receive a short line called a "snotter," as shown in the detailed drawing at the right of the cut (fig. 143). it will be readily understood that, when the sprit is pushed upward in the direction of c, the sail will stand spread out. the line is placed in the notch at e and pulled up until the sail sets properly, when it is made fast to a cleat or to a cross-piece at f. this device is in common use and has its advantages, but a simple loop for the foot of the sprit to rest in is more easily made and will do nearly as well. h is an oar for steering. having thus described the simplest rig possible, we may turn our attention to more elegant and elaborate but not always preferable outfits. leg-of-mutton rig one of the prettiest and most convenient rigs for a small boat is known as the "leg-of-mutton sharpie rig" (fig. 144). the sail is triangular, and the sprit, instead of reaching to its upper corner, stands nearly at right angles to the mast. it is held in position at the mast by the devices already described. this rig has the advantage of keeping the whole sail flatter than any other, for the end of the sprit cannot "kick up," as the phrase goes, and so the sail holds all the wind it receives. [illustration: fig. 144.] fig. 145 shows a device, published for the first time in the _st. nicholas magazine_ for september, 1880, which enables the sailor to step and unstep his mast, and hoist or lower his sail without leaving his seat--a matter of great importance when the boat is light and tottlish, as in the case of that most beautiful of small craft, the modern canoe, where the navigator sits habitually amidships. the lower mast (a, b, fig. 145) stands about two and a half feet above the deck. it is fitted at the head with a metal ferrule and pin, and just above the deck with two half-cleats or other similar devices (a). the topmast (c, d) is fitted at f with a stout ring, and has double halyards (e) rove through or around its foot. the lower mast being in position (see lower part of fig. 145), the canoeist desiring to make sail brings the boat's head to the wind, takes the topmast with the sail loosely furled in one hand and the halyards in the other. it is easy for him by raising this mast, without leaving his seat, to pass the halyards one on each side of the lower mast and let them fall into place close to the deck under the half-cleats at a. then, holding the halyards taut enough to keep them in position, he will hook the topmast ring over the pin in the lower mast-heat and haul away (see top part of fig. 145). the mast will rise into place, where it is made fast. a collar of leather, or a knob of some kind, placed on the topmast just below the ring, will act as a fulcrum when the halyards are hauled taut and keep the mast from working to and fro. [illustration: fig. 145.--a new device.] the advantages of the rig are obvious. the mast can be raised without standing up, and in case of necessity the halyards can be let go and the mast and sail unshipped and stowed below with the greatest ease and expedition, leaving only the short lower mast standing. a leg-of-mutton sail with a common boom along the foot is shown in the cut as the most easily illustrated application of the device, but there is no reason why it may not be applied to a sail of different shape, with a sprit instead of a boom, and a square instead of a pointed head. [illustration: fig. 146.--the latteen rig.] the latteen rig is recommended only for boats which are "stiff"--not tottlish, that is. the fact that a considerable portion of the sail projects forward of the mast renders it awkward in case of a sudden shift of wind. its most convenient form is shown in fig. 146. the arrangement for shipping and unshipping the yard is precisely like that shown in fig. 145--a short lower mast with a pin at the top and a ring fitted to the yard. it has a boom at the foot which is joined to the yard at c by means of a hook or a simple lashing, having sufficient play to allow the two spars to shut up together like a pair of dividers. the boom (c, e) has, where it meets the short lower mast, a half-cleat, or jaw, shown in detail at the bottom of the cut (fig. 146), the circle representing a cross-section of the mast. this should be lashed to the boom, as screws or bolts would weaken it. to take in sail, the boatman brings the boat to the wind, seizes the boom and draws it toward him. this disengages it from the mast. he then shoves it forward, when the yard (c, d) falls of its own weight into his hands and can be at once lifted clear of the lower mast. to keep the sail flat, it is possible to arrange a collar on the lower mast so that the boom, when once in position, cannot slip upward and suffer the sail to bag. the cat-rig so popular on the north atlantic coast, is indicated in fig. 148. the spar at the head of the sail is called a "gaff," and, like the boom, it fits the mast with semicircular jaws. the sail is hoisted and lowered by means of halyards rove through a block near the mast-head. the mast is set in the bows--"chock up in the eyes of her," as a sailor would say. a single leg-of-mutton sail will not work in this position, because the greater part of its area is too far forward of amidships. no rig is handier or safer than this in working to windward; but off the wind--running before, or nearly before it, that is--the weight of mast and sail, and the pressure of the wind at one side and far forward, make the boat very difficult and dangerous to steer. prudent boatmen often avoid doing so by keeping the wind on the quarter and, as it were, tacking to leeward. this suggests the question of "jibing," an operation always to be avoided if possible. suppose the wind to be astern, and the boat running nearly before it, it becomes necessary to change your course toward the side on which the sail is drawing. the safest way is to turn at first in the opposite direction, put the helm "down" (toward the sail), bring the boat up into the wind, turn her entirely around, and stand off on the new tack. this, however, is not always possible. hauling in the sheet until the sail fills on the other side is "jibing"; but when this happens it goes over with a rush that sometimes carries mast and sheet or upsets the boat; hence the operation should be first undertaken in a light wind. it is necessary to know how to do it, for sometimes a sail insists upon jibing very unexpectedly, and it is best to be prepared for such emergencies. how to make a sail for the sails of small boats there is no better material than unbleached twilled cotton sheeting. it is to be had two and a half or even three yards wide. in cutting out your sail, let the selvage be at the "leech," or after-most edge. this, of course, makes it necessary to cut the luff and foot "bias," and they are very likely to stretch in the making, so that the sail will assume a different shape from what was intended. to avoid this, baste the hem carefully before sewing, and "hold in" a little to prevent fulling. it is a good plan to tack the material on the floor before cutting, and mark the outline of the sail with pencil. stout tape stitched along the bias edges will make a sure thing of it, and the material can be cut, making due allowance for the hem. better take feminine advice on this process. the hems should be half an inch deep all around, selvage and all, and it will do no harm to reinforce them with cord if you wish to make a thoroughly good piece of work. for running-rigging, nothing is better than laid or braided cotton cord, such as is used for awnings and sash-cords. if this is not easily procured, any stout twine will answer. it can be doubled and twisted as often as necessary. the smallest manila rope is rather stiff and unmanageable for such light sails as ours. in fitting out a boat of any kind, iron, unless galvanized, is to be avoided as much as possible, on account of its liability to rust. use brass or copper instead. hints to beginners nothing has been said about reefing thus far, because small boats under the management of beginners should not be afloat in a "reefing breeze." reefing is the operation of reducing the spread of sail when the wind becomes too fresh. if you will look at fig. 146 you will see rows of short marks on the sail above the boom. these are "reef-points"--bits of line about a foot long passing through holes in the sail and knotted so that they will not slip. in reefing, the sail is lowered and that portion of it between the boom and the reef-points is gathered together, and the points are tied around both it and the boom. when the lower row of points is used it is a single reef. both rows together are a double reef. make your first practical experiment _with a small sail and with the wind blowing toward the shore_. row out a little way, and then sail in any direction in which you can make the boat go, straight back to shore if you can, with the sail out nearly at right angles with the boat. then try running along shore with the sheet hauled in a little and the sail on the side nearest the shore. you will soon learn what your craft can do, and will probably find that she will make very little, if any, headway to windward. this is partly because she slides sidewise over the water. to prevent it you may use a "lee-board"--namely, a broad board hung over the side of the boat (g, fig. 143). this must be held by stout lines, as the strain upon it is very heavy. it should be placed a little forward of the middle of the boat. [illustration: fig. 147.--making port.] it must be on the side away from the wind--the lee side--and must be shifted when you go about. keels and centreboards are permanent contrivances for the same purpose, but a lee-board answers very well as a makeshift, and is even used habitually by some canoeists and other boatmen. in small boats it is sometimes desirable to sit amidships, because sitting in the stern raises the bow too high out of water; steering may be done with an oar over the lee side, or with "yoke-lines" attached to a cross-piece on the rudder-head, or even to the tiller. in this last case the lines must be rove through rings or pulleys at the sides of the boat opposite the end of the tiller. when the handle of the oar (h, fig. 143)--or the tiller (f, fig. 146) if a rudder is used--is pushed to the right, the boat will turn to the left, and _vice versa_. the science of steering consists in knowing when to push and how much to push--very simple, you see, in the statement, but not always so easy in practice. the sail should be so adjusted in relation to the rest of the boat that, when the sheet is hauled close in and made fast, the boat, if left to herself, will point her head to the wind like a weather-cock and drift slowly astern. if it is found that the sail is so far forward that she will not do this, the fault may be remedied by stepping the mast further aft or by rigging a small sail near the stern. this is called a "dandy" or "steering sail," and is especially convenient in a boat whose size or arrangement necessitates sitting amidships. it may be rigged like the mainsail, and when its sheet is once made fast will ordinarily take care of itself in tacking. remember that, if the wind freshens or a squall strikes you, the position of safety is with the boat's head to the wind. when in doubt what to do, push the helm down (toward the sail) and haul in the slack of the sheet as the boat comes up into the wind. if she is moving astern, or will not mind her helm--and of course she will not if she is not moving--pull her head around to the wind with an oar and experiment cautiously until you find which way you can make her go. in making a landing, always calculate to have the boat's head as near the wind as possible when she ceases to move, this whether you lower your sail or not. thus, if the wind is off shore, as shown at a, fig. 147, land at f or g, with the bow toward the shore. if the wind is from the direction of b, land at e, with the bow toward b or at f; if at the latter, the boom will swing away from the wharf and permit you to lie alongside. if the wind is from d, reverse these positions. if the wind comes from the direction of c, land either at f or g, with the bow pointing off shore. if you have no one to tell you what to do, you will have to feel your way slowly and learn by experience; but if you have nautical instincts you will soon make your boat do what you wish her to do as far as she is able. _but first learn to swim before you try to sail a boat._ volumes have been written on the subject treated in these few pages, and it is not yet exhausted. the hints here given are safe ones to follow, and will, it is hoped, be of service to many a young sailor in many a corner of the world. chapter x more rigs of all kinds for small boats how to distinguish between a ship, bark, brig, and schooner--merits and defects of catboats--advantages of the sloop--rigs for canoes--buckeyes and sharpies the two principal rigs for vessels are the fore-and-aft and the square rig. =square rigged= consists in having the principal sails extended by yards suspended at the middle (fig. 159). =fore-and-aft rigged= is having the principal sails extended by booms and gaffs suspended by their ends (figs. 148, 149, 150, 156, and 161). barks, brigs, and ships are all more or less square rigged, but schooners, sloops, and catboats are all fore-and-aft rigged. in these notes the larger forms of boats are mentioned only because of the well-known interest boys take in all nautical matters, but no detailed description of the larger craft will be given. all that is aimed at here is to give the salient points, so that the youngsters will know the name of the rig when they see it. the cat there is a little snub-nosed american who, in spite of her short body and broad waist, is deservedly popular among all our amateur sailors. the appreciation of her charms is felt and acknowledged by all her companions without envy, not because of her saucy looks, but on account of her accommodating manners. possessing a rare ability for quick movement, and a wonderful power to bore her way almost into the very eye of the wind, or with double-reefed sail to dash through the storm or gently slide up alongside of a wharf or dock as easily as a rowboat, the american catboat, with her single mast "chock up in the eyes of her," has made a permanent place for herself among our pleasure craft, and is omnipresent in our crowded bays and harbors. [illustration: fig. 148.--the snub-nosed american cat.] [illustration: fig. 149.--jib and mainsail.] knowing that there is little danger of the catboat losing its well-earned popularity, and being somewhat familiar with many of her peculiarities, i am free to say that this rig, notwithstanding its numerous good points, has many serious defects as a school-ship, and the beginner had better select some other rig with which to begin his practice sailing. [illustration: fig. 150.--schooner rig for open boat. boom on mainsail, none on foresail.] [illustration: fig. 151.--the balance lug.] first, the great sail is very heavy and difficult to hoist and reef. second, in going before the wind there is constant danger of jibing, with serious results. third, the catboat has a very bad habit of rolling when sailing before the wind, and each time the boat rolls from side to side she is liable to dip the end of her heavy boom in the water and "trip herself up." when a boat trips _up_ she does not necessarily go _down_, but she is likely to upset, placing the young sailors in an unenviable, if not a dangerous, position. fourth, when the craft begins to swagger before the wind she is liable to "goose-neck"; that is, throw her boom up against the mast, which is another accident fraught with the possibilities of serious mischief. [illustration: fig. 152.--standing lug.] [illustration: fig. 153.--leg-of-mutton sail. jib and main sail rig.] the catboat has no bowsprit, no jib, and no topsail (fig. 148), but that most graceful of all single-stickers, the sloop possesses several jibs, a bowsprit, and topsail. besides these, when she is in racing trim, a number of additional sails are used. all our great racers are sloops, and this rig is the most convenient for small yachts and cutters. racing sloops a racing sloop (fig. 161) carries a mainsail, a, a fore staysail, b, a jib, c, a gaff topsail, d, a club topsail, e, a baby jib topsail, f, a no. 2 jib topsail, g, a no. 1 jib topsail, h, a balloon jib topsail, j (fig. 157), and a spinnaker, k (fig. 157). [illustration: fig. 160. fig. 161. figs. 154-161.--rigs that we meet at sea.] jib and mainsail a small sloop's sails are a mainsail, jib, and topsail. a sloop rig without topsail is called a jib and mainsail (fig. 149). while every small-boat sailor should know a catboat and a sloop when he sees them, and even be able to give the proper name to their sails, neither of these rigs is very well suited for canoes, sharpies, or other boats of the mosquito fleet; but the schooner rig which is the form of boat generally used for the larger yachts, is also very much used for open boats. as you can see, by referring to fig. 150, the schooner rig consists of a bowsprit, fore and main mast, with their appropriate sails. lately freight schooners have appeared with four or more masts. for small boats two adjustable masts and an adjustable bowsprit, as described in the rough and ready, chapter xiii, are best. the sails may be sprit sails, figs. 164-169; balance lug, fig. 151; standing lug, fig. 152; leg-of-mutton, fig. 153, or the sliding gunter, fig. 163. [illustration: fig. 162.--the buckeye.] [illustration: fig. 163.--the sliding gunter.] in the chapter on how to build the rough and ready, the sprit sail is depicted and fully described. the balance lug comes as near the square sail of a ship as any canvas used on small boats, but you can see, by referring to the diagram, fig. 151, that the leach and the luff are not parallel and that the gaff hangs at an angle. to boom out the canvas and make it sit flat there are three sticks extended across the sail from the front to the back, luff to leach, called battens. this has caused some people to call this a batten lug. like the lateen sail, part of the balance lug hangs before the mast and serves the purpose of a jib. this rig is said to be easily managed and to possess good sailing qualities. [illustration: fig. 164.--sharpie with sprit and club leg-of-mutton sails.] [illustration: fig. 165. fig. 166. showing detail of sprit club sail.] the standing lug is another sail approaching the square in pattern (fig. 152), and, as any novice can see, is a good canvas with which to scud before the wind. it is very convenient for open boats built to be propelled by paddles. while the standing lug cannot point up to the eye of the wind like a schooner or cat, it is very fast on the wind or when running with the wind astern. probably the safest form of sail used is the old reliable leg-of-mutton sail this is used by the fishermen on their stanch little dories away up on the coast of maine, and by the "tide-water" people in their "buckeyes" on chesapeake bay. the latter boat is very little known outside of the locality where it makes its home, but, like the new haven sharpies, it is very popular in its own waters. the buckeye or "bugeye," as it is sometimes vulgarly called, has a great reputation for speed and sea-going qualities. when it cannot climb a wave it goes through it. this makes a wet boat in heavy weather, but when you travel at a high rate of speed you can endure a wet jacket with no complaint, especially when you feel that, in spite of the fast-sailing qualities of this boat, it is considered a particularly safe craft. [illustration: fig. 167.--plain sprit leg-of-mutton.] [illustration: fig. 168. fig. 169. another form of the sprit sail.] the construction of a =buckeye= (fig. 162) has been evolved from the old dugout canoe of the indians and the first white settlers. america was originally covered with vast forests of immense trees. remnants of these forests still exist in a few localities. it was once possible to make a canoe of almost any dimensions desired, but now in the thickly settled regions big trees are scarce. so the chesapeake bay boat-builders, while still adhering to the old dugout, have overcome the disadvantage of small logs by using more than one and bolting the pieces together. masts and sails have been added, and since the increased proportions made it impracticable to drag such a craft on the beach when in port, anchors and cables are supplied. two holes bored, one on each side of the stem, for the cables to run through, have given the boat the appearance of having eyes, and as the eyes are large and round, the negroes called them buckeyes, and this is now the name by which all such craft are known. at first only two masts with leg-of-mutton sails were used, but now they have a jib and two sails. with the greatest width or beam about one-third the distance from bow to stern, sharp at both ends, its long, narrow, and heavy hull is easily driven through the water and makes both a fast and stiff boat. the buckeye travels in shallow as well as deep waters, and hence is a centreboard boat, but there is nothing unnecessary on the real buckeye--no overhanging bow or stern, for that means additional labor; no stays to the masts, for the same reason. the lack of stays to stiffen the masts leaves them with "springiness," which in case of a sudden squall helps to spill the wind and prevents what might otherwise be a "knock-down." [illustration: fig. 170.--lug rig with jigger.] [illustration: fig. 171.--lug rig with jigger and jib.] the foremast is longer than the mainmast and does not rake aft so much, but the mainmast has a decided rake, which the colored sailors say makes the boat faster on the wind. sometimes in the smaller boats the mainmast can be set upright when going before the wind. wealthy gentlemen on the chesapeake are now building regularly equipped yachts on the buckeye plan, and some of them are quite large boats. a correspondent of the _forest and stream_, in speaking of the buckeye, says: "last summer i cruised in company with a buckeye, forty-two feet long, manned by two gentlemen of baltimore city. she drew twenty inches without the board. in sudden and heavy flaws she was rarely luffed. she would lie over and appear to spill the wind out of her tall, sharp sails and then right again. her crew took pleasure in tackling every sailing craft for a race; nothing under seventy feet in length ever beat her. she steered under any two of her three sails. on one occasion this craft, on her way from cape may to cape charles, was driven out to sea before a heavy north-west blow. her crew, the aforesaid gentlemen, worn out by fatigue, hove her to and went to sleep. she broke her tiller lashing during the night, and when they awoke she was pegging away on a south-east course under her jib. they put her about, and in twenty hours were inside cape henry, pretty well tired out. buckeyes frequently run from norfolk to new york with fruit. for shallow waters, i am satisfied there is no better craft afloat. built deep, with a loaded keel, they would rival the english cutter in seaworthiness and speed." [illustration: fig. 172.--jib.] [illustration: fig. 173.--sprit sail, schooner rig, with dandy.] when the hardy, bold fishermen of our eastern states and the brave fishermen down south both use the leg-of-mutton sail, beginners cannot object to using it while practising; knowing that even if it is a safe sail, it cannot be called a "baby rig." another safe rig, differing little from the leg-of-mutton, is the sliding gunter in this rig the sail is laced to a yard which slides up or down the mast by means of two iron hooks or travellers (fig. 163). no sail with a narrow-pointed top is very serviceable before the wind, and the sliding gunter is no exception to the rule. but it is useful on the wind, and can be reefed easily and quickly, qualities which make it many friends. in the smooth, shallow waters along the coast of north carolina may be seen the long, flat-bottomed sharpies without question they are to be ranked among the fastest boats we have. these boats are rigged with a modification of the leg-of-mutton sail. the ends of the sprit in the foresail project at the luff and leach. at the luff it is fastened to the mast by a line like a snotter at the leach. it is fastened to a stick sewed into the sail, called a club. the sheet is attached to the end of the sprit (figs. 164-168). [illustration: fig. 174.--sprit sail jib and dandy.] [illustration: fig. 175.--the lateen rig with dandy.] the sprit leg-of-mutton sail has this advantage, that the clew of the sail is much higher than the tack, thus avoiding the danger of dipping the clew in the water and tripping the boat. the dandy jigger, or mizzen rig is named after the small sail aft, near the rudder-head. this jigger, mizzen, or dandy may have a boom, a sprit, or be rigged as a lug. (see figs. 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 178, 180, and 184, which show the principal mizzen rigs in use.) [illustration: fig. 176. yawl rig. fig. 177. lug-headed jib & mainsail rigged punt fig. 180. the burton when using only two blocks it is the most powerful tackle fig. 181. a "lugeen." fig. 182. fan sail under shortened sail. fan partly folded fig. 179. two battened lug fig. 178. three masted bat winged canoe fig. 184. two masted bat winged canoe. fig. 183. two common tackles a gun tackle purchase luff tackle purchase additional rigs for small boats and canoes and three useful tackles figs. 176-184.--hybrid rigs for small boats; also two useful tackles.] in puffy wind and lumpy water the main and mizzen rig will be found to work well. the little sail aft should be trimmed as flat as possible. it will be found of great help in beating to the windward, and will keep the nose of the boat facing the wind when the mainsail is down. different rigs are popular in different localities. for instance: the lateen rig is very popular in some parts of the old world, yet it has only few friends here. it may be because of my art training that i feel so kindly toward this style of sail, or it may be from association in my mind of some of the happiest days of my life with a little black canoe rigged with lateen sails. at any rate, in spite of the undeniable fact that the lateen is unpopular, i never see a small boat rigged in this style without a feeling of pleasure. the handy little stumps of masts end in a spike at the top and are adorned by the beautiful sails lashed to slender spars, which, by means of metal rings, are lightly, but securely, fastened to the mast by simply hooking the ring over the spike. i freely acknowledge that when the sails are lowered and you want to use your paddle the lateen sails are in your way. it is claimed that they are awkward to reef, and this may be true. i never tried it. when the wind was too strong for my sails i made port or took in either the large or the small sail, as the occasion seemed to demand. the ship when you are out sailing and see a vessel with three masts, all square rigged, you are looking at a ship proper, though ship is a word often used loosely for any sort of a boat (fig. 159). =the bark= is a vessel with square-rigged foremast and mainmast and a fore-and-aft rigged mizzen-mast (fig. 160). =the brig= is a vessel with only two masts, both of which are square rigged (fig. 158). =the brigantine= has two masts--foremast square rigged and mainmast fore-and-aft rigged (fig. 155). =the barkentine= has three masts--mainmast and mizzen-mast fore-and-aft rigged and foremast square rigged. (see fig. 154.) chapter xi knots, bends, and hitches how to tie knots useful on both land and water the art of tying knots is an almost necessary adjunct to not a few recreations. especially is this true of summer sports, many of which are nautical or in some manner connected with the water. any boy who has been aboard a yacht or a sail-boat must have realized that the safety of the vessel and all aboard may be imperilled by ignorance or negligence in the tying of a knot or fastening of a rope. with some the knack of tying a good, strong knot in a heavy rope or light cord seems to be a natural gift; it is certainly a very convenient accomplishment, and one that with practice and a little perseverance may be acquired even by those who at first make the most awkward and bungling attempts. a bulky, cumbersome knot is not only ungainly, but is generally insecure. as a rule, the strength of a knot is in direct proportion to its neat and handsome appearance. to my mind it is as necessary that the archer should know how to make the proper loops at the end of his bow-string as it is that a hunter should understand how to load his gun. every fisherman should be able to join two lines neatly and securely, and should know the best and most expeditious method of attaching an extra hook or fly; and any boy who rigs up a hammock or swing with a "granny" or other insecure knot deserves the ugly tumble and sore bones that are more than liable to result from his ignorance. a knot, nautically speaking, is a "bend" that is more permanent than a "hitch." a knot properly tied never slips, nor does it jam so that it cannot be readily untied. a "hitch" might be termed a temporary bend, as it is seldom relied upon for permanent service. the "hitch" is so made that it can be cast off or unfastened more quickly than a knot. it is impossible for the brightest boy to learn to make "knots, bends, and hitches" by simply reading over a description of the methods; for, although he may understand them at the time, five minutes after reading the article the process will have escaped his memory. but if he take a piece of cord or rope and sit down with the diagrams in front of him, he will find little difficulty in managing the most complicated knots; and he will not only acquire an accomplishment from which he can derive infinite amusement for himself and a means of entertainment for others, but the knowledge gained may, in case of accident by fire or flood, be the means of saving both life and property. the accompanying diagrams show a number of useful and important bends, splices, etc. to simplify matters, let us commence with fig. 57, and go through the diagrams in the order in which they come: the "english" or "common single fisherman's knot" (fig. 185, i) is neat and strong enough for any ordinary strain. the diagram shows the knots before being tightened and drawn together. when exceptional strength is required it can be obtained by joining the lines in the ordinary single fisherman's knot (fig. 185, i) and pulling each of the half knots as tight as possible, then drawing them within an eighth of an inch of each other and wrapping between with fine gut that has been previously softened in water, or with light-colored silk. an additional line or a sinker may be attached by tying a knot in the end of the extra line and inserting it between the parts of the single fisherman's knot before they are drawn together and tightened. [illustration: fig. 185.--some useful knots.] the "fisherman's double half knot," fig. 185 (ii and iii). after the gut has been passed around the main line and through itself, it is passed around the line once more and through the same loop again and drawn close. fig. 185 (iv, v, and ix). here are three methods of joining the ends of two lines together; the diagrams explain them much better than words can. take a piece of string, try each one, and test their relative strength. fig. 185 (vi). it often happens, while fishing, that a hook is caught in a snag or by some other means lost. the diagram shows the most expeditious manner of attaching another hook by what is known as the "sinker hitch," described further on (fig. 185, d, d, d, and fig. 186, xiv, xv, and xvi). fig. 185, vii is another and more secure method of attaching a hook by knitting the line on with a succession of half-hitches. how to make a horse-hair watch-guard the same hitches are used in the manufacture of horse-hair watch-guards, much in vogue with the boys in some sections of the country. as regularly as "kite-time," "top-time," or "ball-time," comes "horse-hair watch-guard time." about once a year the rage for making watch-guards used to seize the boys of our school, and by some means or other almost every boy would have a supply of horse-hair on hand. with the first tap of the bell for recess, some fifty hands would dive into the mysterious depths of about fifty pockets, and before the bell had stopped ringing about fifty watch-guards, in a more or less incomplete state, would be produced. whenever a teamster's unlucky stars caused him to stop near the school-house, a chorus of voices greeted him with "mister, please let us have some hair from your horses' tails." the request was at first seldom refused, possibly because its nature was not at the time properly understood; but lucky was the boy considered who succeeded in pulling a supply of hair from the horses' tails without being interrupted by the heels of the animals or by the teamster, who, when he saw the swarm of boys tugging at his horses' tails, generally repented his first good-natured assent, and with a gruff, "get out, you young rascals!" sent the lads scampering to the school-yard fence. select a lot of long hair of the color desired; make it into a switch about an eighth of an inch thick by tying one end in a simple knot. pick out a good, long hair and tie it around the switch close to the knotted end; then take the free end of the single hair in your right hand and pass it under the switch on one side, thus forming a loop through which the end of the hair must pass after it is brought up and over from the other side of the switch. draw the knot tight by pulling the free end of the hair as shown by fig. 185, vii. every time this operation is repeated a wrap and a knot is produced. the knots follow each other in a spiral around the switch, giving it a very pretty, ornamented appearance. when one hair is used up select another and commence knitting with it as you did with the first, being careful to cover and conceal the short end of the first hair, and to make the knots on the second commence where the former stop. a guard made of white horse-hair looks as if it might be composed of spun glass, and produces a very odd and pretty effect. a black one is very genteel in appearance. these ornaments are much prized by cowboys, and i have seen bridles for horses made of braided horsehair. miscellaneous fig. 185, viii shows a simple and expeditous manner of attaching a trolling-hook to a fish-line. fig. 185, f is a hitch used on shipboard, or wherever lines and cables are used. it is called the blackwall hitch. fig. 185, e is a fire-escape made of a double bow-line knot, useful as a sling for hoisting persons up or letting them down from any high place; the window of a burning building, for instance. fig. 186, xviii, xix, and xx show how this knot is made. it is described on page 77. fig. 185, a is a "bale hitch," made of a loop of rope. to make it, take a piece of rope that has its two ends joined; lay the rope down and place the bale on it; bring the loop opposite you up, on that side of the bale, and the loop in front up, on the side of the bale next to you; thrust the latter loop under and through the first and attach the hoisting rope. the heavier the object to be lifted, the tighter the hitch becomes. an excellent substitute for a shawl-strap can be made of a cord by using the bale hitch, the loop at the top being a first-rate handle. fig. 185, b is called a cask sling, and c (fig. 185) is called a butt sling. the manner of making these last two and their uses may be seen by referring to the illustration. it will be noticed that a line is attached to the bale hitch in a peculiar manner (_a_, fig. 185). this is called the "anchor bend." if while aboard a sail-boat you have occasion to throw a bucket over for water, you will find the anchor bend a very convenient and safe way to attach a line to the bucket handle, but unless you are an expert you will need an anchor hitched to your body or you will follow the bucket. fig. 186, i and ii are loops showing the elements of the simplest knots. fig. 186, iii is a simple knot commenced. fig. 186, iv shows the simple knot tightened. fig. 186, v and vi show how the flemish knot looks when commenced and finished. fig. 186, vii and viii show a "rope knot" commenced and finished. fig. 186, ix is a double knot commenced. fig. 186, x is the same completed. fig. 186, xi shows a back view of the double knot. fig. 186, xii is the first loop of a "bow-line knot." one end of the line is supposed to be made fast to some object. after the turn, or loop (fig. 186, xii), is made, hold it in position with your left hand and pass the end of the line up through the loop, or turn, you have just made, behind and over the line above, then down through the loop again, as shown in the diagram (fig. 186, xiii); pull it tight and the knot is complete. the "sinker hitch" is a very handy one to know, and the variety of uses it may be put to will be at once suggested by the diagrams. [illustration: fig. 186.] lines that have both ends made fast may have weights attached to them by means of the sinker hitch (fig. 185, d, d, d). to accomplish this, first gather up some slack and make it in the form of the loop (fig. 186, xiv); bend the loop back on itself (fig. 186, xv) and slip the weight through the double loop thus formed (fig. 186, xvi); draw tight by pulling the two top lines, and the sinker hitch is finished (fig. 186, xvii). the "fire-escape sling" previously mentioned, and illustrated by fig. 185, e, is made with a double line. proceed at first as you would to make a simple bow-line knot (fig. 186, xviii). after you have run the end loop up through the turn (fig. 186, xix), bend it downward and over the bottom loop and turn, then up again until it is in the position shown in fig. 186, xx; pull it downward until the knot is tightened, as in fig. 185, e, and it makes a safe sling in which to lower a person from any height. the longer loop serves for a seat, and the shorter one, coming under the arms, makes a rest for the back. fig. 186½, xxi is called a "boat knot," and is made with the aid of a stick. it is an excellent knot for holding weights which may want instant detachment. to detach it, lift the weight slightly and push out the stick, and instantly the knot is untied. fig. 186½, xxii. commencement of a "six-fold knot." fig. 186½, xxiii. six-fold knot completed by drawing the two ends with equal force. a knot drawn in this manner is said to be "nipped." fig. 186½, xxiv. a simple hitch or "double" used in making loop knots. fig. 186½, xxv. "loop knot." fig. 186½, xxvi shows how the loop knot is commenced. fig. 186½, xxvii is the "dutch double knot," sometimes called the "flemish loop." fig. 186½, xxviii shows a common "running knot." fig. 186½, xxix. a running knot with a check knot to hold. fig. 186½, xxx. a running knot checked. [illustration: fig. 186½.] fig. 186½, xxxi. the right-hand part of the rope shows how to make the double loop for the "twist knot." the left-hand part of the same rope shows a finished twist knot. it is made by taking a half turn on both the right-hand and left-hand lines of the double loop and passing the end through the "bight" (loop) so made. whiplashes fig. 186½, xxxii is called the "chain knot," which is often used in braiding leather whiplashes. to make a "chain knot," fasten one end of the thong, or line; make a simple loop and pass it over the left hand; retain hold of the free end with the right hand; with the left hand seize the line above the right hand and draw a loop through the loop already formed; finish the knot by drawing it tight with the left hand. repeat the operation until the braid is of the required length, then secure it by passing the free end through the last loop. fig. 186½, xxxiii shows a double chain knot. fig. 186½, xxxiv is a double chain knot pulled out. it shows how the free end is thrust through the last loop. fig. 186½, xxxv. knotted loop for end of rope, used to prevent the end of the rope from slipping, and for various other purposes. splices, timber-hitches, etc. although splices may not be as useful to boys as knots and hitches, for the benefit of those among my readers who are interested in the subject, i have introduced a few bands and splices on the cables partly surrounding fig. 186½. fig. 186½, _a_ shows the knot and upper side of a "simple band." fig. 186½, _b_ shows under side of the same. fig. 186½, _c_ and _d_ show a tie with cross-ends. to hold the ends of the cords, a turn is taken under the strands. [illustration: fig. 187.] fig. 186½, _e_ and _f_: bend with cross-strands, one end looped over the other. fig. 186½, _g_ shows the upper side of the "necklace tie." fig. 186½, _h_ shows the under side of the same. the advantage of this tie is that the greater the strain on the cords, the tighter it draws the knot. fig. 186½, _i_ and _j_ are slight modifications of _g_ and _h_. fig. 186½, _p_ shows the first position of the end of the ropes for making the splice _k_. untwist the strands and put the ends of two ropes together as close as possible, and place the strands of the one between the strands of the other alternately, so as to interlace, as in _k_. this splice should only be used when there is not time to make the "long splice," as the short one is not very strong. from _l_ to _m_ is a long splice, made by underlaying the strands of each of the ropes joined about half the length of the splice, and putting each strand of the one between two of the other; _q_ shows the strands arranged for the long splice. fig. 186½, _n_ is a simple mode of making a hitch on a rope. fig. 186½, _o_ is a "shroud knot." fig. 186½, _r_ shows a very convenient way to make a handle on a rope, and is used upon large ropes when it is necessary for several persons to take hold to pull. fig. 187, a. combination of half-hitch and timber-hitch. fig. 187, b. ordinary half-hitch. fig. 187, c. ordinary timber-hitch. fig. 187, d. another timber-hitch, called the "clove-hitch." fig. 187, e. "hammock-hitch," used for binding bales of goods or cloth. fig. 187, f. "lark-head knot," used by sailors and boatmen for mooring their crafts. fig. 187, p shows a lark-head fastening to a running knot. fig. 187, g is a double-looped lark-head. fig. 187, h shows a double-looped lark-head knot fastened to the ring of a boat. [illustration: fig. 187½.--timber-hitches, etc.] fig. 187, i is a "treble lark-head." to make it you must first tie a single lark-head, then divide the two heads and use each singly, as shown in the diagram. fig. 187, j shows a simple boat knot with one turn. fig. 187, k. "crossed running knot." it is a strong and handy tie, not as difficult to make as it appears to be. fig. 187, l is the bow-line knot, described by the diagrams xii and xiii (fig. 186). the free end of the knot is made fast by binding it to the "bight," or the loop. it makes a secure sling for a man to sit in at his work among the rigging. fig. 187, m, n, and o. "slip clinches," or "sailors' knots." fig. 187½, q shows a rope fastened by the chain-hitch. the knot at the left-hand end explains a simple way to prevent a rope from unravelling. fig. 187½, r. a timber-hitch; when tightened the line binds around the timber so that it will not slip. fig. 187½, s. commencement of simple lashing knot. fig. 187½, t. simple lashing knot finished. fig. 187½, u. "infallible loop;" not properly a timber-hitch, but useful in a variety of ways, and well adapted for use in archery. fig. 187½, v. same as r, reversed. it looks like it might give way under a heavy strain, but it will not. fig. 187½, w. running knot with two ends. fig. 187½, x. running knot with a check knot that can only be opened with a marline-spike. fig. 187½, y. a two-ended running knot with a check to the running loops. this knot can be untied by drawing both ends of the cord. fig. 187½, z. running knot with two ends, fixed by a double flemish knot. when you wish to encircle a timber with this tie, pass the ends on which the check knot is to be through the cords before they are drawn tight. this will require considerable practice. fig. 187½, _a_ shows an ordinary twist knot. fig. 187½, _a_^{1} shows the form of loop for builder's knot. fig. 187½, _b_. double twist knot. fig. 187½, _c_. builder's knot finished. fig. 187½, _d_ represents a double builder's knot. fig. 187½, _e_. "weaver's knot," same as described under the head of becket hitch (fig. 185, v). fig. 187½, _f_. weaver's knot drawn tight. fig. 187½, _g_ shows how to commence a reef knot. this is useful for small ropes; with ropes unequal in size the knot is likely to draw out of shape, as _m_. fig. 187½, _h_ shows a reef knot completed. of all knots, avoid the "granny"; it is next to useless under a strain, and marks the tier as a "landlubber." fig. 187½, _i_ shows a granny knot; _n_ shows a granny under strain. fig. 187½, _j_ shows the commencement of a common "rough knot." fig. 187½, _k_. the front view of finished knot. fig. 187½, _l_. the back view of finished knot. although this knot will not untie nor slip, the rope is likely to part at one side if the strain is great. awkward as it looks, this tie is very useful at times on account of the rapidity with which it can be made. fig. 187½, _o_ and _p_. knot commenced and finished, used for the same purposes as the flemish knot. fig. 187½, _q_ and _q_^{1}. an ordinary knot with ends used separately. fig. 187½, _s_. sheep-shank, or dog-shank as it is sometimes called, is very useful in shortening a line. suppose, for instance, a swing is much longer than necessary, and you wish to shorten it without climbing aloft to do so, it can be done with a sheep-shank. fig. 187½, _r_ shows the first position of the two loops. take two half hitches, and you have a bend of the form shown by _s_. pull tightly from above and below the shank, and you will find that the rope is shortened securely enough for ordinary strain. fig. 187½, _t_. shortening by loop and turns made where the end of the rope is free. fig. 187½, _u_. a shortened knot that can be used when either end is free. fig. 187½, _v_, _w_, and _x_. shortening knots. fig. 187½, _y_ and _z_. a "true lover's knot," and the last one that you need to practise on, for one of these knots is as much as most persons can attend to, and ought to last a lifetime. [illustration] chapter xii how to build a cheap boat the yankee pine from the saw-mills away up among the tributaries of the ohio river come floating down to the towns along the shore great rafts of pine lumber. these rafts are always objects of interest to the boys, for the youngsters know that when moored to the shore the solidly packed planks make a splendid platform to swim from. fine springing-boards can be made of the projecting blades of the gigantic sweeps which are used to guide the mammoth rafts, and, somewhere aboard, there is always to be found a "yankee pine." just when or why this style of skiff was dubbed with such a peculiar name i am unable to state; but this i know, that when a raft is to be broken up and carted away to the lumber yards there is, or always used to be, a good, light skiff to be had cheap. however, all boys do not live on the bank of the river, and if they did there would hardly be "yankee pines" enough to go round; so we will at once proceed to see how to build one for ourselves. although my readers may find the "yankee pine" a little more difficult to build than the blunt-ended, flat-bottomed scow, it really is a comparatively simple piece of work for boys familiar with the use of carpenters' tools. for the side-pieces select two straight-grained pine boards free from knots. these boards should be about 13 or 14 feet long, a couple of inches over a foot in width, and as nearly alike as possible in texture. besides these there should be in the neighborhood of a dozen other ¾-inch planks, an inch or two over a half foot in width. a small piece of 2-inch plank for the stern-piece is also necessary. upon the bottom edge of the side-board measure off from each end toward the centre 4 inches, mark the points, and saw off the corners shown by the dotted line in fig. 188. next take a piece of board 4 feet long and a foot wide, saw off the corners as you did on the side-board, making it 4 feet on the top and 3 feet 4 inches on the bottom. this board is to be used only as a centre brace while modelling the boat. [illustration: fig. 188.--side-board.] [illustration: fig. 189.--frame.] out of the 2-inch plank make a stern-piece of the same shape as the centre brace; let it be 1 foot wide, 14 inches long on the bottom, and 20 inches long on top. set the side-boards on their shorter or bottom edges and place the centre brace in the middle, as shown by fig. 189; nail the side-boards to it, using only enough nails to hold temporarily. draw the side-boards together at the bow and against the stern-board at the stern (fig. 189). hold the side-pieces in position by the means of ropes. a stem should be ready to fix in the bow (fig. 190). this had better be a few inches longer than the sides are broad, as it is a simple matter to saw off the top after it is fitted. make the stem of a triangular piece of timber, by planing off the front edge until a flat surface about ½ inch broad is obtained; 2 inches from the front, upon each side, cut a groove just the thickness of the side-boards (¾ inch). trim the stem so that the side-pieces at the bow fit the grooves snugly, and nail the side-boards to the stem and to the stern-piece (fig. 189). [illustration: fig. 190.--stem-piece.] [illustration: fig. 191.--finished skiff.] turn the boat upside down, and it will be discovered that the outlines of the bottom form an arch from stem to stern. if left in this shape the boat will sink too deep amidship. remedy the defect by planing the bottom edge of both side pieces, reducing the convex form to straight lines in the middle. this will allow the bow and stern to sheer, but at the same time will make the central part of the bottom flat, and, by having less to drag through the water, make it easier to row. nail the bottom-boards on crosswise, and as, on account of the form of the boat, no two boards will be of the same size, they must be first nailed on and the projecting ends sawed off afterward. the centre brace may now be taken out and a long bottom-board nailed to the centre of the bottom upon the inside of the boat (fig. 191). cut a small cross-piece (b, fig. 191) so that it will fit across the bow 3 inches below the top of the side-boards. nail it in place, driving the nails from the outside of the side-board through and into the end of the stick b. saw out a bow seat, and, allowing the broad end to rest on the cross-stick b, fit the seat in and secure it with nails (fig. 191); 3 inches below the top of the stern-piece nail a cleat across. at the same distance below the side-board put a cross-stick similar to the one in the bow. this and the cleat on the stern-piece form rests for the stern seat. five feet from the stern saw a notch 2 inches deep and 1½ inch long in each side-board (a, a^{1}, fig. 191). saw two more notches of the same size 3 inches from the first; these will make the rowlock when the side strips have been fastened on. [illustration: fig. 192.--keel board or skeg.] these strips should each be made of 1-inch plank, 2 inches wide and an inch or two longer than the side-boards. nail the strips on the outside of the boat flush with the top of the side-boards, making a neat joint at the stern-piece, as shown in the illustration (fig. 191). cut two short strips to fit upon the inside at the rowlocks and fasten them firmly on with screws (fig. 191, a). next cut two cleats for the oarsman's seat to rest upon. nail them to the side-boards amidship a little nearer the bottom than the top, so that the seat, when resting upon the cleats, will be about half the distance from the top edge to the bottom of the side-boards. let the aft end of the cleats be about 6 feet 2 inches from the stern. make thole-pins of some hard wood to fit in the rowlocks, like those described and illustrated by figs. 203 and 204. [illustration: top view of "man friday."] the yankee pine now only needs a skeg to complete it. this must be placed exactly in the centre, and is fastened on by a couple of screws at the thin end and nails from the inside of the boat. it is also fastened to the upright stick at the stern by screws (fig. 192). if the joints have been carefully made, your yankee pine is now ready for launching. being made of rough lumber it needs no paint or varnish, but is a sort of rough-and-ready affair, light to row; and it ought to float four people with ease. by using planed pine or cedar lumber, and with hard-wood stem and stern, a very pretty row-boat can be made upon the same plan as a yankee pine, or by putting in a centreboard and "stepping" a mast in the bow, the yankee pine can be transformed into a sail-boat. but before experimenting in this line of boat-building, the beginner had better read carefully the chapter on how to rig and sail small boats. [illustration: fig. 193.--the side-boards.] how to build a better finished boat the old-time raftsmen formerly built their "yankee pines" of the rough, unplaned boards fresh from the saw-mills on the river banks, and these raw, wooden skiffs were stanch, light, and tight boats, but to-day smooth lumber is as cheap as the rough boards, so select enough planed pine lumber for a 12½-foot boat, and you may calculate the exact amount by reference to the accompanying diagrams, which are all drawn as near as may be to a regular scale. by reference to fig. 193 you will see that a, a represent the two side-boards these should be of sufficient dimensions to produce two side-pieces each 13 feet long, 17 inches wide, and 7/8 inch thick (a, fig. 194). you will also need a piece for a spreader [illustration: fig. 194.--a, the side. b, the spreader. c, the stern-piece.] 54 inches long, 18 inches wide, and about 1½ inch thick, but as this is a temporary affair almost any old piece of proper dimensions will answer (b, fig. 194), and another piece of good 1½-inch plank (c, fig. 194) 36 inches long by 15 inches wide, for a stern-piece. besides the above there must be enough 1-inch lumber to make seats and to cover the bottom. at a point on one end, 6½ inches from the edge of the a plank, mark the point _c_ (fig. 194), then measure 37 inches back along the edge of the plank and mark the point _b_ (fig. 194). rule a pencil line (_b_, _c_) between these two points and starting at _c_ saw off the triangle _b_, _c_, _d_. make the second side-board an exact duplicate of the one just described and prepare the spreader by sawing off the triangle with 9-inch bases at each end of b (fig. 194). this will leave you a board (_h_, _k_, _o_, _n_) that will be 36 inches long on its lower edge and 54 inches long on its top edge. next saw off the corners of the stern-piece c (fig. 194) along the lines _f_, _g_, the _g_ points being each 6½ inches from the corners; and a board (_ff_, _gg_) 18 inches wide and 30 inches top measurement, with 23 inches at the bottom. now fit the edge of the stern-piece along the line _e_, _d_ (fig. 194), or at a slant to please your fancy. in fig. 195, upper c, the slant makes the base of the triangle about 4½ inches, which is sufficient. be careful that both side-boards are fitted exactly alike, and to do this nail the port side with nails driven only partly in, as shown at d (fig. 195); then nail the starboard side and, if they are both seen to be even and of the right slant, drive the nails home; if not correct, the nails may be pulled out by using a small block under the hammer (d, fig. 195), without bending the nails or injuring the wood. leave the stern-ends of the side-boards protruding, as in the upper c, until you have the spreader and stem in place. [illustration: fig. 195.--details of the boat.] we are now ready for the spreader (_h_, _k_, _o_, _n_) (b, fig. 194) amidship, or, more accurately speaking, 6 feet 9 inches from the bow (b, fig. 195). nail this as shown by d (fig. 195), so that the nails may be removed at pleasure. bring the bow ends of the a boards together and secure them by a strip nailed temporarily across, as shown in the diagram e (fig. 195). the stem-piece may be made of two pieces, as is shown at g and f (fig. 195) or if you are more skilful than the ordinary non-professional, the stem may be made of one piece, as shown by the lower diagram at f (fig. 195). it is desirable to have oak for the stem, but any hard wood will answer the purpose, and even pine may be used when no better is to be had. take a piece of cardboard or an old shingle on which to draw a pattern for the end of the stem and make the outline with a lead-pencil by placing the shingle over the apex _c_ of diagram e (fig. 195); from the inside trace the line of the sides thus, =v=. trim your stem down to correspond to these lines and let the stick be somewhat longer than the width of the sides a, a. [illustration: fig. 196.--put on a bottom of 1-inch boards.] when this is done to your satisfaction, fit the stem in place and nail the side boards to the stem. turn the boat over and nail on a bottom of 1-inch boards as shown by fig. 196. don't use tongue and grooved or any sort of fancy cabinet or floor joining when wet--such matched lumber warps up in waves--but use boards with smooth, flat edges; if these are true and fitted snugly together in workmanlike manner the first wetting will swell them in a very short time, until not a drop of water will leak through the cracks, for the reason that there will be none. fit the bottom-boards on regardless of their protruding ends, as these may be sawed off after the boards are nailed in place. [illustration: fig. 197.--details of bow, stern, seats, and finished boat.] the seats consist of a triangular one at the bow (j), the oarsman's seat (l), and the stern seat (k, fig. 197). the bow seat is made of 1-inch boards nailed to two cleats shown at m (fig. 197). n shows the bench for the stern seat and o explains the arrangement of the oarsman's seat a little forward amidship. as may be seen, it rests upon the cleats _x_ (diagram o, fig. 197), which are fitted between two upright cleats on each side of the boat; this makes a seat which will not slip out of place, and the cleats serve to strengthen the sides of the otherwise ribless boat. make the cleats of 1 by 2 inch lumber and let the seat be about 12 inches wide. the stern seat may be wider, 1½ feet at k and 4 or 5 inches more at the long sides of the two boards each side of k (fig. 197). of course, it is not necessary to fit a board in against the stern-piece, for a cleat will answer the purpose, but a good, heavy stern-piece is often desirable and the board shown in diagram n (fig. 197) will serve to add strength to the stern as well as to furnish a firm rest for the stern seat, but it will also add weight. [illustration: fig. 198. fig. 199.--fitting the skeg.] the keel-board is an advisable addition to the boat, but may also be omitted without serious results (h, fig. 197). the keel-board should be 4½ inches wide, 1 inch thick, and should be cut pointed, to fit snugly in the bow, and nailed in place along the centre of the floor, before the seats are put in the boat. a similar board along the bottom, joining the two cleats each side of the skeg at _y_ (fig. 199) and extending to the bow will prevent the danger of loosening the bottom-planks when bumping over rifts, shallow places, or when the boat needs to be hauled on a stony shore; this bottom-board may also be omitted to save time and lumber and is not shown in the diagram. the skeg is a triangular board (figs. 198 and 199), roughly speaking, of the same dimensions as the pieces sawed from the side-board _b_, _c_, _d_ (fig. 196). the stern-end will be about 7 inches wide and it will taper off to nothing at _y_ (fig. 198). the skeg is held in place by cleats of 1-inch lumber, 2 inches wide, nailed to the bottom on each side of the skeg. to get the proper dimensions experiment with the pieces sawed from the a boards and cut your skeg board so that its bottom edge will be level with the bottom at _y_ (fig. 198); the diagonal line, to correspond with the slant of the stern, can be accurately drawn if the skeg is left untrimmed until it is fastened in place. [illustration: fig. 200. fig. 201 fig. 202 rowlocks.] to fasten on the skeg rule a line from the centre of the stern to the centre of the bow and toe-nail the skeg on along this line. this must be accurately done or you will make a boat which will have an uncomfortable tendency to move in circles. after toe-nailing the skeg to the bottom, nail the two cleats, one on each side of the skeg, and let them fit as closely as may be to the keel. now saw off the stern-ends of the cleats and lay a rule along the stern, as the stick is placed in fig. 198, where the boy has his finger; rule a pencil line across the protruding end of the keel and saw off the end along the diagonal line, so that the stern-cleat _z_ (fig. 198) may be nailed in place to finish the work. you can buy rowlocks of galvanized iron for about a quarter of a dollar a pair; the brass ones are not expensive, but even when the store furnishes the hardware there must be a firm support of some sort to hold the rowlock. if you use the manufactured article, to be found at any hardware store, the merchant will supply you with the screws, plates, and rowlocks, but he will not furnish you with the blocks for the holes in which the spindles of the rowlocks fit. fig. 202 shows a rude, but serviceable, support for the lock made of short oaken posts much in vogue in pennsylvania, but fig. 201 is much better, and if it is made of oak and bolted to the sides of the boat it will last as long as the boat. fig. 201 may be put upon either the outside or inside of the boat, according to the width amidship. a guard rail or fender, of 1 by 2 inch lumber, alongside of and even with the top of the side-boards, from bow to stern, gives finish and strength to the craft; but in a cheap boat, or a hastily constructed one, this may be omitted, as it is in these diagrams. if you are building your boat out of the convenient reach of the hardware shop, you must make your own rowlocks. fig. 200 shows the crude ones formerly used by the raftsmen for the yankee pines, and figs. 203 and 204 show rowlocks made with the oaken or hard-wood thole-pins fitting in holes cut for that purpose in the form of notches (u, fig. 204) in the side of the boat, or as spaces left between the blocks, as shown by r (fig. 203). when the side-boards a, a of the boat are notched a cleat of hard wood 5 or 6 inches wide, and extending some distance each side of the side-boards, must be used, as is shown by diagram v (fig. 204) and fig. 203. the diagram r (fig. 203) explains itself; there is a centre block nailed to the side-board and two more each side, leaving spaces for the thole-pins t (fig. 203) to fit and guarded by another piece (r) bolted through to the sides. if bolts are out of your reach, nails and screws may act as substitutes, and fig. 204 will then be the best form of rowlock to adopt. to fix the place for rowlocks, seat yourself in the oarsman's seat, grasp the oars as in rowing, and mark the place which best fits the reach of your arms and oars as in rowing. it will probably be about 13 inches aft from the centre of the seat. to transform an ordinary skiff or scow into a sailing-boat [illustration: fig. 203. thole-pins.] [illustration: fig. 204. thole-pins.] [illustration: fig. 205.] it is necessary to build the centreboard box and cut a hole through the bottom of the boat. for the average row-boat or skiff, you can make the centreboard box about 48 inches long and not higher, of course, than the gunwales of the boat. make the box of 2-inch plank, and before nailing the sides together coat the seams thoroughly with white lead so as to prevent it from leaking. the centreboard should be made of 2-inch plank, which when planed down and smoothed will be about 1-7/8 of an inch thick, and the space in the box should be wide enough to allow it to move freely up and down, with no danger of its jamming. a hole should be cut in the bottom of the boat to correspond with the opening in the centreboard box, which, with a 48-inch box, will probably be an opening of 40 inches long and 1 inch wide. the centreboard is hinged to the box by a bolt run through at the point marked a on fig. 205. the centreboard should move freely on the bolt, but the bolt itself should fit tightly in the sides of the box, otherwise the water will leak through. there will be no danger of the bolt's turning in its socket if the hole through the centreboard through which the bolt is thrust is made large enough. the centreboard box should be generously painted with white lead on the bottom edges where it fits on the floor of the boat around the centreboard hole. the bottom of the boat floor should also be coated with white lead and over this a strip of muslin spread before the box is securely nailed to the floor of the boat from the bottom or under side of the boat. when this is done the muslin covering the hole can be cut away with a sharp knife. a rope may then be fastened to the loose end of the centreboard with a cross-stick attached to the end of the rope to prevent it from slipping down the hole in the box. with this rope the centreboard may be raised or lowered to suit the pleasure of the sailor. (fig. 205.) chapter xiii a "rough-and-ready" boat just what one must do to build it--detailed instructions as to how to make the boat and how to rig it good straight-grained pine wood is, without doubt, the best "all-around" wood for general use. it is easily whittled with a pocket-knife; it works smoothly under a plane; can be sawed without fatiguing the amateur carpenter; it is elastic and pliable; therefore use pine lumber to build your boat. examine the lumber pile carefully and select four boards nearly alike. do not allow the dealer or his men to talk you into taking lumber with blemishes. the side pieces should be of straight-grained wood, with no large knots and no "checks" (cracks) in them, and must not be "wind shaken." measure the wood and see that it is over twenty-two feet long by one foot four or five inches wide and one inch thick. trim two of the side-pieces until they are exact duplicates (fig. 206). the stem-piece (or bow-piece) should be made from a triangular piece of oak (fig. 212), and it is wise to make it a few inches longer than will be necessary, so that there may be no danger of finding, after all your labor, that the stick is too short; much better too long, for it is a simple matter to saw it off. make a second stem-piece (fig. 213) of oak about one inch thick and the same length as the first, and two or three inches wide, or twice as wide as the thickness of the side-boards. the stern-piece the stern-piece can be fashioned out of two-inch pine boards, and may be made as wide or narrow as you choose. a narrow stern makes a trim-looking craft. with your saw cut off the corner of the tail-piece, so that it will be in the form of a blunted triangle (fig. 214), measuring three feet ten and one-half inches across the base, three feet four inches on each side, and nine and one-half inches at the apex. the base of the triangle will be the top and the apex will be the bottom of the stern-board of your boat. [illustration: fig. 206. fig. 207. fig. 208. fig. 209. fig. 210. diagrams showing the construction of the rough-and-ready.] now make a brace on which to model your boat. let it be of two-inch pine wood, two and one-half feet wide and seven and one-half feet long (fig. 207). measure twelve inches on one edge of this board from each end toward the centre and mark the points; then rule lines from these points diagonally across the width of the board (a, b and c, d--fig. 207), and saw off the corners, as shown by the dotted line in fig. 207. lay the boards selected for the lower side-boards on a level floor and measure off one and one-half foot on the bottom edge, then in a line with the end of the board mark a point on the floor that would be the top edge of the board if the board were two and one-half feet wide; rule a line from the point on the floor to the point marked on the board and saw off the corner as marked; make the other side-piece correspond exactly with the first (fig. 206). use rope for binding set the side-pieces upon their bottoms or shorter edges and place the brace between the sides. now bind the stern ends with a rope and bring the bow-pieces together until they touch; rope them in this position, and when all is fast push the brace up until it rests at a point nine feet from the bow; fasten it here with a couple of nails driven in, but leaving their heads far enough from the wood to render it easy to draw them out. now adjust the bow-piece, and use the greatest of care in making the sides exactly alike, otherwise you will wonder how you happened to have such an unaccountable twist in your craft. when the stem is properly adjusted fasten on the side-boards with screws. do not try to hammer the screws in place, but bore holes first and use a screwdriver. take your stern-piece and measure the exact width of the stern end of the bottom-boards and mark it at the bottom of the stern-piece; or, better still, since the stern-board will set at an angle, put it temporarily in place, bind it fast with the ropes, and mark with a pencil just where the side-boards cross the ends of the stern-board. remove the stern-board and saw out a piece one inch wide, the thickness of the bottom-board, from the place marked to the bottom of the stern-board. because the top side-board overlaps the bottom one at the stern, there must be either a large crack left there or the stern-board notched to fit the side-boards (fig. 214). replace the stern-board and nail side-boards fast to it; now loosen the ropes which have held your boat in shape, and fit on the upper side-boards so that at the stern they will overlap the lower side-boards an inch. hold in place with your rope, then bring the bow end up against the stern-piece over the top of the lower side-board and fasten it in place with a rope. with your carpenter's pencil mark the overlap, and with a plane made for that purpose, called a rabbet, trim down your board so that it will have a shoulder and an overlap to rest on the bottom-board, running out to nothing at the bow. when the boards fit all right over the lower ones bind them in place and then nail them there (fig. 208). if you can obtain two good boards of the requisite size, you need have but one board for each side of your boat; this will obviate the necessity of using the rabbet, and be very much easier; but with single boards of the required dimensions there is great danger of splitting or cracking while bending the boards. [illustration: fig. 215. fig. 211. figs. 212, 213, and 214. the rough-and-ready.] planing the bottom turn the boat upside down and you will see that there is a decided arch extending from stem to stern. this would cause the boat to sink too deep amidship, and must be remedied to some extent by cutting away the middle of the arch, so that the sides in the exact centre will measure at least four inches less in width than at the bow and stern, and reducing the convex or curved form to a straight line in the middle, which will give a sheer to the bow and stern. a good plane is the best tool to use for this purpose, as with it there is no danger of cutting too deep or of splitting the side-boards. saw off the projecting ends of the side-boards at the stern. make the bottom of three-quarter-inch boards, they may be bevelled like fig. 231. lay the boards crosswise, nail them in place, leaving the irregular ends projecting on each side. the reason for this is obvious. when you look at the bottom of the boat you will at once see that on account of the form no two boards can be the same shape, and the easiest way is to treat the boat bottom as if it were a square-sided scow. fit the planks closely together, nail them on securely, and then neatly saw off the projecting ends (fig. 210). the deck the brace may now be removed by carefully drawing the nails, so that a bottom plank trimmed to fit the bow and the stern can be securely nailed in place (fig. 216). cut a notch in your brace to fit tightly over the bottom plank just laid. plane off the top of the brace so that when in the boat the top of the brace will be four inches below the top of the side-boards. replace the brace and securely nail it. next cut two small cross-pieces (f, g, fig. 209) and place them near the bow, four inches below the top of the sides of the boat. drive the nails from the outside through the side-boards into the end of f and g, the cross-brace. cut out a bow-piece to fit from the middle of g to the bow and nail it in place, driving the nails from the outside into the edge of the bow-piece. fasten a small cleat along the boat from the solid board brace to f on each side and deck the space over with light lumber. of the same material make a trap door to fit in between the braces f and g. this door should be big enough for a boy to reach through, for this compartment is intended as a safe place to store cooking utensils, foods, etc., as well as a water-tight compartment. at a point five feet from the stern put another cross-brace, similar to the ones in the bow, four inches below the top of the sides. at the same level nail a cleat on the stern-piece and make a stern seat by boarding over between the cross-piece and the cleat. when your boat is resting securely on the floor or level ground rig a temporary seat, then take an oar and by experiment find just where the rowlock will be most convenient and mark the spot. also mark the spot best suited for the seat. on each side of the spot marked for the rowlock cut two notches in the side-boards two inches deep, one and a half inch wide, and three inches apart. saw two more notches exactly like these upon the opposite side of your boat. these will make the rowlocks when the side-strips are nailed on (fig. 216). [illustration: fig. 216.--top view of rough-and-ready, with tiller stick.] the side-strips should each be made of one-inch plank three inches wide and a few inches longer than the side-boards. nail the strips on the outside of the boat flush with the top of the side-boards. make your thole-pins of some hard wood, and make two sets of them while you are about it, "one set to use and one set to lose." screw a hard-wood cleat on the inside of your boat over each pair of rowlocks, as shown in fig. 216. ready for the water fasten the remaining bow-piece securely over the ends of your side-boards, and the nose of your craft is finished. put a good, heavy keel on your boat by screwing it tightly in the stern to the hard-wood rudder-post that is fastened to the centre of the stern; bolt your keel with four iron bolts (fig. 211) to the bottom of the boat, and the ship is ready to launch, after which she can be equipped with sails and oars. of course, you understand that all nail-holes and crevices should be puttied up, and if paint is used, it must be applied before wetting the boat. but if you have done your work well, there will be little need of paint or putty to make it tight after the wood has swelled in the water. fasten your rudder on with hooks and screw-eyes, and make it as shown in the diagram (fig. 211). step your mainmast in the bow through a round hole in the deck and a square hole in the step, which must, of course, be screwed tightly to the bottom before the bow is decked over. step your jigger or dandy mast in the stern after the same manner. these masts should neither of them be very large, and are intended to be removed at pleasure by unstepping them, that is, simply pulling them out of their sockets. an outrigger will be found necessary for your dandy-sail, and since the deck aft is below the sides of the boat, a block of wood will have to be nailed to the deck to the starboard, or right-hand, side of the rudder-post. if the builder chooses, he can make the decks flush with the sides of the boat and thus avoid blocks. a couple of staples for the out-rigger to slip through are next in order. they must be fastened firmly in the block or stick of wood just nailed to the deck. a similar arrangement can be made for the bowsprit, but as it is a movable bowsprit, and the stem of the boat is in the way, put it to the port, or left-hand, side of the stem of the craft (fig. 216). how to make the sail secure for a sail material as strong as you can find, but it need not be heavy. unbleached muslin is cheap and will make good sails. turn over the edges and sew or hem them, as in the diagram. make eyelets like button-holes in the luff of the sail--that is, the edge of the sail nearest the mast. sew a small loop of rope in each corner of the sail. through the eyelets lace the luff of the sail to the mast. from spruce or pine make a sprit two inches in diameter. for a "sheet"--that is, the rope or line that you manage the sail with--tie a good stout line about a dozen feet long to the loop in the loose corner of the sail. trim the upper end of the sprit to fit the loop in the top of the sail and make a simple notch in the other end to hold the line called the "snotter." [illustration: fig. 217, with tiller.--rudder lines.] now, as you can readily see by referring to fig. 211, when the sprit is pushed into the loop at the top of the sail the sail is spread. to hold it in place make a cleat like the one in the diagram and bind it firmly with a cord to the sprit; pass the snotter, or line, fastened to the mast through the notch in the sprit up to the cleat and make fast, and the sail is set. the jigger, or dandy, is exactly like the mainsail except in size, and the sheet rope is run through a block or pulley at the end of the outrigger and then made fast to a cleat near the man at the rudder or helm. the jib is a simple affair hooked on a screw-eye in the end of the bowsprit. the jib halyard, or line for hoisting the jib, runs from the top of the jib through a screw-eye in the top of the mast, down the port side of the mast to a cleat, where it is made fast. when the jib is set the jib-sheets are fastened to a loop sewed in the jib at the lower or loose end. there are two jib-sheets, one for each side of the boat, so that one may be made fast and the other loosened, according to the wind. the remaining details you must study out from the diagrams or learn by experiment. how to reef her when the wind is high reef your sails by letting go the snotter and pulling out the sprit. this will drop your peak and leave you with a simple leg-of-mutton sail. only use the jib in light weather. in this boat, with a little knowledge of sailing, you may cruise for weeks, lowering your sails at night and making a tent over the cock-pit for a sleeping-room. sails with boom and gaffs may be used if desired. chapter xiv how to build cheap and substantial house-boats plans for a house-boat that may be a camp or built as large as a hotel when the great west of the united states began to attract immigrants from the eastern coast settlements, the ohio river rolled between banks literally teeming with all sorts of wild game and wilder men: then it was that the american house-boat had its birth. the mississippi, ohio, and their tributaries furnished highways for easy travel, of which the daring pioneers soon availed themselves. lumber was to be had for the labor of felling the trees. from the borders of the eastern plantations to the prairies, and below the ohio to the mississippi, and from the great lakes to the gulf of mexico, was one vast forest of trees; trees whose trunks were unscarred by the axe, and whose tall tops reached an altitude which would hardly be believed by those of this generation, who have only seen second, third, or fourth growth timber. when the settlement of this new part of the country began it was not long before each stream poured out, with its own flood of water, a unique navy there were keel-boats, built something like a modern canal-boat, only of much greater dimensions; there were broad-horns, looking like noak's arks from some giant's toy-shop, and there were flat-boats and rafts, the latter with houses built on them, all recklessly drifting, or being propelled by long sweeps down the current into the great solemn, unknown wilderness. every island, had it a tongue, could tell of wrecks; every point or headland, of adventure. the perils were great and the forest solemn, but the immigrants were merry, and the squeaking fiddle made the red man rise up from his hiding-place and look with wonder upon the "long knives" and their squaws dancing on the decks of their rude crafts, as they swept by into the unknown. the advent of the steam-boat gradually drove the flat-boat, broad-horn, keel-boat, and all the primitive sweep-propelled craft from the rivers, but many of the old boatmen were loath to give up so pleasant a mode of existence, and they built themselves house-boats, and, still clinging to their nomadic habits, took their wives, and went to house-keeping on the bosom of the waters they loved so well. their descendants now form what might well be called a race of river-dwellers, and to this day their quaint little arks line the shores of the mississippi and its tributaries. some of these house-boats are as crudely made as the italian huts we see built along the railroads, but others are neatly painted, and the interiors are like the proverbial new england homes, where everything is spick-and-span. like the driftwood, these boats come down the stream with every freshet, and whenever it happens that the waters are particularly high they land at some promising spot and earn a livelihood on the adjacent water, by fishing and working aboard the other river-craft, or they land at some farming district, and as the waters recede they prop up and level their boats, on the bank, with stones or blocks of wood placed under the lower corners of their homes. the muddy waters, as they retire, leave a long stretch of fertile land between the stranded house and the river, and this space is utilized as a farm, where ducks, chickens, goats and pigs are raised and where garden-truck grows luxuriantly. from a boat their home has been transformed to a farm-house; but sooner or later there will be another big freshet, and when the waters reach the late farm-house, lo! it is a boat again, and goes drifting in its happy-go-lucky way down the current. if it escapes the perils of snags and the monster battering-rams, which the rapid current makes of the drifting trees in the flood, it will land again, somewhere, down-stream. lately, while on a sketching trip through kentucky, i was greatly interested in these boats, and on the ohio river i saw several making good headway against the four-mile-an-hour current. this they did by the aid of big square sails spread on a mast planted near their bows, thus demonstrating the practicability of the use of sails for house-boats. the house-boats to be described in this article are much better adapted for sailing than any of the craft used by the water-gypsies of the western rivers. for open and exposed waters, like the large lakes which dot many of our inland states, or the long island sound on our coast, the following plans of the american boy's house-boat will have to be altered, but the alterations will be all in the hull. if you make the hull three feet deep it will have the effect of lowering the cabin, while the head-room inside will remain the same. such a craft can carry a good-sized sail, and weather any gale you are liable to encounter, even on the sound, during the summer months. since the passing away of the glorious old flat-boat days, idle people in england have introduced the house-boat as a fashionable fad which has spread to this country, and the boys now have a new source of fun, as a result of this english fad. there are still some nooks and corners left in every state in the union which the greedy pot-hunter and the devouring saw-mill have as yet left undisturbed, and at such places the boy boatmen may "wind their horns," as their ancestors did of old, and have almost as good a time. but first of all they must have a boat, and for convenience the american boy's house-boat will probably be found to excel either a broad-horn or a flat-boat model, it being a link between the two. the simplest possible house-boat is a crusoe raft,[a] with a cabin near the stern and a sand-box for a camp-fire at the bow. a good time can be had aboard even this primitive craft. the next step in evolution is the long open scow, with a cabin formed by stretching canvas over hoops that reach from side to side of the boat (see fig. 218). [illustration: fig. 218.--a primitive house-boat.] every boy knows how to build a flat-bottomed scow or at least every boy should know how to make as simple a craft as the scow, but for fear some lad among my readers has neglected this part of his education, i will give a few hints which he may follow. building material select lumber that is free from large knots and other blemishes. keep the two best boards for the sides of your boat. with your saw cut the side boards into the form of fig. 219; see that they are exact duplicates. set the two pieces parallel to each other upon their straight or top edges, as the first two pieces shown in fig. 220. nail on an end-piece at the bow and stern, as the bumper is nailed in figs. 221 and 222; put the bottom on as shown in figs. 196 and 210, and you have a simple scow. centrepiece in fig. 219 you will notice that there are two sides and a centrepiece, but this centrepiece is not necessary for the ordinary open boat, shown by fig. 218. here you have one of the simple forms of house-boat, and you can make it of dimensions to suit your convenience. i will not occupy space with the details of this boat, because they may be seen by a glance at the diagrams, and my purpose is to tell you how to build the american boy's house-boat, which is a more elegant craft than the rude open scow, with a canvas-covered cabin, shown by fig. 218. [illustration: fig. 219.--unfinished.] the sides of the house-boat are 16 feet long, and to make them you need some sound two-inch planks. after selecting the lumber plane it off and make the edges true and straight. each side and the centrepiece should now measure exactly 16 feet in length by 14 inches in width, and about 2 inches thick. cut off from each end of each piece a triangle, as shown by the dotted lines at g, h, i (fig. 220); from h to g is 1 foot, and from h to i is 7 inches. measure from h to i 7 inches, and mark the point. then measure from h to g, 12 inches, and mark the point. then, with a carpenter's pencil, draw a line from g to i, and saw along this line. keep the two best planks for the sides of your boat, and use the one that is left for the centrepiece. measure 2 feet on the top or straight edge of your centrepiece, and mark the point a (fig. 220). from a measure 8 feet 10 inches, and mark the point c (fig. 220). with a carpenter's square rule the lines a, b and c, d, and make them each 10 inches long, then rule the line b, d (fig. 220). the piece a, b, c, d must now be carefully cut out: this can be done by using the saw to cut a, b and d, c. then, about 6 inches from a, saw another line of the same length, and with a chisel cut the block out. you then have room to insert a rip-saw, at b, and can saw along the line b, d until you reach d, when the piece may be removed, leaving the space a, b, d, c for the cabin of the boat (see figs. 221 and 222.) at a point 9 inches from the bow of the boat make a mark on the centrepiece, and another mark 5 inches farther away, at f (fig. 220). with the saw cut a slit at each mark, 1 inch deep, and with a chisel cut out, as shown by the dotted lines; do the same at e, leaving a space of 1½ feet between the two notches, which are made to allow the two planks shown in the plan (fig. 221) to rest on. these planks support the deck and the hatch, at the locker in the bow. the notches at e and f are not on the side-boards, the planks being supported at the sides by uprights, figs. 221 and 222. all that now remains to be done with the centrepiece is to saw some three-cornered notches on bottom edge, one at bow, one at stern, and one or two amidship; this is to allow the water which may leak in to flow freely over the whole bottom, and to prevent it from gathering at one side and causing your craft to rest upon an uneven keel. [illustration: fig. 220.--center board of house boat.] [illustration: fig. 221.--plan of house boat.] next select a level piece of ground near by and arrange the three pieces upon some supports, as shown in fig. 219, so that from outside to outside of side-pieces it will measure just 8 feet across the bow and stern. of 1-inch board make four end-pieces for the bow and stern (see a, a´, fig. 219), to fit between the sides and centrepiece. make them each a trifle wider than h, i, fig. 220, so that after they have been fitted they can be trimmed down with a plane, and bevelled on the same slant as the bottom at g, i, fig. 220. it being 8 feet between the outside of each centrepiece, and the sides and the centrepiece being each 2 inches thick, that gives us 8 feet 6 inches, or 7½ feet as the combined length of a and a´ (fig. 219). in other words, each end-piece will be half of 7½ feet long--that is, 3 feet 9 inches long. after making the four end-pieces, each 3 feet 9, by 9 inches, fit the ends in place so that there is an inch protruding above and below. see that your bow and stern are perfectly square, and nail with wire nails through the sides into a and a´; toe-nail at the centrepiece--that is, drive the nails from the broad side of a and a´ slantingly, into the centrepiece, after which trim down with your plane the projecting inch on bottom, to agree with the slant of the bottom of the boat. now for the bottom this is simple work. all that is necessary is to have straight, true edges to your one-inch planks, fit them together, and nail them in place. of course, when you come to the slant at bow and stern the bottom-boards at each end will have to have a bevelled edge, to fit snugly against the boards on the flat part of the bottom of the boat; but any boy who is accustomed to shake the gray matter in his brain can do this. remember, scientists say that thought is the agitation of the gray matter of the brain, and if you are going to build a boat or play a good game of football you must shake up that gray stuff, or the other boys will put you down as a "stuff." no boy can expect to be successful in building a boat, of even the crudest type, unless he keeps his wits about him, so i shall take it for granted that there are no "stuffs" among my readers. after the boards are all snugly nailed on the bottom, and fitted together so that there are no cracks to calk up; the hull is ready to have the bumpers nailed in place, at bow and stern. see the plan, fig. 221, and the elevation, fig. 222. the bumpers must be made of 2-inch plank, 8 feet long by about 9 inches wide; wide enough to cover a and a´ of fig. 219, and to leave room for a bevel at the bottom edge to meet the slant of the bow and stern, and still have room at the top to cover the edge of the deck to the hull (see fig. 222). [illustration: fig. 222.--cross-section of boat] the hull may now be painted with two coats of good paint, and after it is dry may be turned over and allowed to rest on a number of round sticks, called rollers. if you will examine fig. 221 you will see there twenty-odd ribs these are what are called two-by-fours-that is, 2 inches thick by 4 inches wide. they support the floor of the cabin and forward locker, at the same time adding strength to the hull. the ribs are each the same length as the end-board. a and a´ of fig. 219, are nailed in place in the same manner. each bottom-rib must have a notch 2 inches deep cut in the bottom edge to allow the free passage of water, so as to enable you to pump dry. commencing at the stern, the distance between the inside of the bumper and the first rib is 1 foot 6 inches. this is a deck-rib, as may be seen by reference to figs. 221 and 222. after measuring 1½ foot from the bumper, on inside of side-board, mark the point with a carpenter's pencil. measure the same distance on the centrepiece, and mark the point as before; then carefully fit your rib in flush or even with the top of the side-piece, and fasten it in place by nails driven through the side-board into the end of the rib, and toe-nailed to centrepiece. do the same with its mate on the other side of centrepiece. the cabin of this house-boat is to fit in the space, a, b, d, c of the centrepiece, fig. 220. there is to be a one-inch plank at each end (see fig. 222), next to which the side-supports at each end of cabin fit. the supports are two-by-twos; so, allowing 1 inch for the plank and 2 inches for the upright support, the next pair of ribs will be just 3 inches from a b, fig. 220, of the centrepiece (see figs. 221 and 222). the twin ribs at the forward end of the cabin will be the same distance from d c, fig. 220, as shown in the plan and elevation, figs. 221 and 222. this leaves five pairs of ribs to be distributed between the front and back end of the cabin. from the outside of each end-support to the inside of the nearest middle-support is 2 feet 6 inches. allowing 2 inches for the supports, this will place the adjoining ribs 2 feet 8 inches from the outside of the end-supports. the other ribs are placed midway between, as may be seen by the elevation, fig. 222. there is another pair of deck-ribs at the forward end of the cabin, which are placed flush with the line d, c, fig. 220 (see figs. 221 and 222). the two pairs of ribs in the bow are spaced, as shown in the diagram. this description may appear as if it was a complicated affair; but you will find it a simple thing to work out if you will remember to allow space for your pump in the stern, space for the end-planks at after and forward end of cabin, and space for your uprights. the planks at after and forward end of cabin are to box in the cabin floor. the boat may now be launched by sliding it over the rollers, which will not be found a difficult operation. the plans show three lockers --two in the bow under the hatch and one under the rear bunk--but if it is deemed necessary the space between-decks, at each side of the cabin, may be utilized as lockers. in this space you can store enough truck to last for months. a couple of doors in the plank at the front of the cabin opening, under the deck, will be found very convenient to reach the forward locker in wet weather. the keel is a triangular piece of 2-inch board, made to fit exactly in the middle of the stern, and had best be nailed in place before the boat is launched (see fig. 222). the keel must have its bottom edge flush with the bottom of the boat, and a strip of hard-wood nailed on the stern-end of the keel and bumper, as shown in the diagram. a couple of strong screw-eyes will support the rudder. after the boat is launched the side-supports for the cabin may be erected these are "two-by-twos" and eight in number, and each 5 feet 9 inches long. nail them securely at their lower ends to the adjoining ribs. see that they are plumb, and fasten them temporarily with diagonal pieces, to hold the top ends in place, while you nail down the lower deck or flooring. now fit and nail the two 1-inch planks in place, at the bow and stern-end of the cabin, each of which has its top one inch above the sides, even with the proposed deck (see dotted lines in fig. 222). use ordinary flooring or if that is not obtainable use ¾-inch pine boards, and run them lengthwise from the bow to the front end of the cabin and along the sides of the cabin. then floor the cabin lengthwise from bow to stern. this gives you a dry cabin floor, for there are 4 inches of space underneath for bilge-water, which unless your boat is badly made and very leaky, is plenty of room for what little water may leak in from above or below. the two side-boards of the cabin floor must, of course, have square places neatly cut out to fit the uprights of the cabin. this may be done by slipping the floor-board up against the uprights and carefully marking the places with a pencil where they will come through the board, and then at each mark sawing two inches in the floor plank, and cutting out the blocks with a chisel. the hatch now take a "four-by-four" and saw off eight short supports for the two 1-inch planks which support the hatch, figs. 221 and 222. toe-nail the middle four-by-four to the floor in such a position that the two cross-planks (which are made to fit in the notches e and f, fig. 220) will rest on the supports. nail the four other supports to the side-boards of your boat, and on top of these nail the cross-planks, as shown in the diagrams. the boat is now ready for its upper deck of 1-inch pine boards. these are to be nailed on lengthwise, bow and stern and at sides of cabin, leaving, of course, the cabin open, as shown by the position of the boys in fig. 222, and an opening, 3 feet by 2, for the hatch (fig. 221). the two floors will act as benches for the uprights of the cabin, and hold them stiff and plumb. to further stiffen the frame, make two diagonals for the stern-end, as shown in fig. 223, and nail them in place. the rafters or roof-rods, should extend a foot each way beyond the cabin, hence cut them two feet longer than the cabin, and after testing your uprights, to see that they are exactly plumb, nail the two side roof-rods in place (see dotted lines in fig. 222). the cross-pieces at the ends, as they support no great weight, may be fitted between the two side-rods, and nailed there. [illustration: fig. 223.--end view.] the roof is to be made of ½-inch boards bent into a curve, and the ridge-pole, or centre roof-rod, must needs have some support. this is obtained by two short pieces of 2 by 4, each 6 inches long, which are toe-nailed to the centre of each cross-rod, and the ridge-pole nailed to their tops. at 3 feet from the upper deck the side frame-pieces are toe-nailed to the uprights. as may be seen, there are three two-by-fours on each side (fig. 222). the space between the side frame-pieces, the two middle uprights, and side roof-rods, is where the windows are to be placed. use ½-inch (tongue and groove preferred) pine boards for sidings, and box in your cabin neatly, allowing space for windows on each side, as indicated. leave the front open. of the same kind of boards make your roof; the boards being light you can bend them down upon each side and nail them to the side roof-rods, forming a pretty curve, as may be seen in the illustration of the american boy's house-boat. this roof to be finished neatly and made entirely water-proof, should be covered with tent-cloth or light canvas, smoothly stretched over and tacked upon the under side of the projecting edges. three good coats of paint will make it water-proof and pleasant to look upon. the description, so far, has been for a neatly finished craft, but i have seen very serviceable and comfortable house-boats built of rough lumber, in which case the curved roof, when they had one, had narrow strips nailed over the boards where they joined each other or was covered with tar-paper. [illustration: fig. 224.--end view.] to contrive a movable front to your cabin, make two doors to fit and close the front opening, but in place of hanging the doors on hinges, set them in place. each door should have a good strong strap nailed securely on the inside, for a handle, and a batten or cross-piece at top and bottom of inside surface. a 1½ by 4, run parallel to the front top cross-frame and nailed there, just a sufficient distance from it to allow the top of the door to be inserted between, will hold the top of the door securely. a two-by-four, with bolt-holes near either end to correspond with bolt-holes in the floor, will hold the bottom when the door is pushed in place, the movable bottom-piece shoved against it and the bolts thrust in (see fig. 225, view from inside of cabin. fig. 226, side view). it will be far less work to break in the side of the cabin than to burst in such doors, if they are well made. these doors possess this advantage: they can be removed and used as table-tops, leaving the whole front open to the summer breeze, or one may be removed, and still allow plenty of ventilation. a moulding on deck around the cabin is not necessary, but it will add finish and prevent the rain-water from leaking in. to lock up the boat you must set the doors from the inside, and if you wish to leave the craft locked you must crawl out of the window and fasten the latter with a lock. [illustration: fig. 225.--inside view of door.] [illustration: fig 226--side view of door.] fig. 227 shows the construction of the rudder and also an arrangement by which it may be worked from the front of the boat, which, when the boat is towed, will be found most convenient. the hatch should be made of 1-inch boards, to fit snugly flush with the deck, as in the illustration, or made of 2-inch plank, and a moulding fitted around the opening, as shown in fig. 222. a pair of rowlocks made of two round oak sticks with an iron rod in their upper ends, may be placed in holes in the deck near the bow, and the boat can be propelled by two oarsmen using long "sweeps," which have holes at the proper places to fit over the iron rods projecting from the oaken rowlocks. these rowlocks may be removed when not in use, and the holes closed by wooden plugs, while the sweeps can be hung at the side of the cabin, under its eaves, or lashed fast to the roof. [illustration: fig. 227.--side elevation.] two or more ash poles for pushing or poling the boat over shallow water or other difficult places for navigation are handy, and should not be left out of the equipment. the window-sashes may be hung on hinges and supplied with hooks and screw-eyes to fasten them open by hooking them to the eaves when it is desired to let in the fresh air. all window openings should be protected by wire netting to keep out insects. two bunks can be fitted at the rear end of the cabin, one above the other, the bottom bunk being the lid to a locker (see fig. 222). the locker is simply a box, the top of which is just below the deck-line and extending the full width of the cabin. it has hinges at the back, and may be opened for the storage of luggage. over the lid blankets are folded, making a divan during the day and a bed at night. the top bunk is made like the frame of a cheap cot, but in place of being upholstered it has a strong piece of canvas stretched across it. this bunk is also hinged to the back of the cabin, so that when not in use it can be swung up against the roof and fastened there as the top berth in a sleeping-car is fastened. four 4 by 4 posts can be bolted to the side-support at each corner of the bottom bunk; they will amply support the top bunk, as the legs do a table-top when the frame is allowed to rest upon their upper ends. this makes accommodation for two boys, and there is still room for upper and lower side bunks, the cabin being but six feet wide. if you put bunks on both sides you will be rather crowded, it is true, but by allowing a 1-foot passage in the middle, you can have two side bunks and plenty of head room. this will accommodate four boys, and that is a full crew for a boat of this size. on board a yacht i have often seen four full-grown men crowded into a smaller space in the cabin, while the sailormen in the fo'-castle had not near that amount of room. a more simple set of plans here the cabin is built on top of the upper deck, and there are no bottom-ribs, the uprights being held in place by blocks nailed to the bottom of the boat, and by the deck of the boat. this is secure enough for well-protected waters, small lakes, and small streams. upon the inland streams of new york state i have seen two-story house-boats, the cabin, or house, being only a framework covered with canvas. one such craft i saw in central new york, drifting downstream over a shallow riff, and as it bumped along over the stones it presented a strange sight. the night was intensely dark, and the boat brightly lighted. the lights shone through the canvas covering, and this big, luminous house went bobbing over the shallow water, while shouts of laughter and the "plinky-plunk" of a banjo told in an unmistakable manner of the jolly time the crew were having. canvas-cabined house-boat if you take an ordinary open scow and erect a frame of uprights and cross-pieces, and cover it with canvas, you will have just such a boat as the one seen in central new york. this boat may be propelled by oars, the rowers sitting under cover, and the canvas being lifted at the sides to allow the sweeps to work; but of course it will not be as snug as the well-made american boy's house-boat, neither can it stand the same amount of rough usage, wind, and rain as the latter boat. in the frontispiece the reader will notice a stove-pipe at the stern; there is room for a small stove back of the cabin, and in fair weather it is much better to cook outside than inside the cabin. when you tie up to the shore for any length of time, a rude shelter of boughs and bark will make a good kitchen on the land, in which the stove may be placed, and you will enjoy all the fun of a camp, with the advantage of a snug house to sleep in. for the benefit of boys who doubt their ability to build a boat of this description, it may be well to state that other lads have used these directions and plans with successful results, and their boats now gracefully float on many waters, a source of satisfaction and pride to their owners. information for old boys on all the western rivers small flat-boats or scows are to be had at prices which vary in accordance with the mercantile instincts of the purchaser, and with the desire of the seller to dispose of his craft. such boats are propelled by "sweeps," a name used to designate the long poles with boards on their outer edges that serve as blades and form the oars. these boats are often supplied with a deck-house, extending almost from end to end, and if such a house is lacking one may be built with little expense. the cabin may be divided into rooms and the sleeping apartments supplied with cheaply made bunks. it is not the material of the bunk which makes it comfortable--it is the mattress in the bunk upon which your comfort will depend. the kitchen and dining-room may be all in one. an awning spread over the roof will make a delightful place in which to lounge and catch the river breezes. the cost of house-boats the cost of a ready-made flat-bottomed house-boat is anywhere from thirty dollars to one or more thousands. in florida such a boat, 40 by 20 feet, built for the quiet waters of the st. john's river or its tributaries, or the placid lagoons, will cost eight hundred dollars. this boat is well painted outside and rubbed down to a fine oil finish inside; it has one deck, and the hull is used for toilet apartments and state-rooms; the hull is well calked and all is in good trim. such expense is, however, altogether unnecessary--there need be no paint or polish. all you need is a well-calked hull and a water-tight roof of boards or canvas overhead; cots or bunks to sleep in; chairs, stools, boxes or benches to sit on; hammocks to loll in, and a good supply of provisions in the larder. house-boats for the open waters are necessarily more expensive. as a rule they need round bottoms that stand well out of the water, and are built like the hull of a ship. these boats cost as much to build as a small yacht. from twelve to fifteen hundred dollars will build a good house-boat, with comfortable sleeping-berths, toilet-rooms and store-rooms below; a kitchen, dining-room, and living-rooms on the cabin deck, with wide, breezy passageways separating them. if a bargain can be found in an old schooner with a good hull, for two or three hundred dollars, a first-class house-boat can be made by the expenditure of as much more for a cabin. the roofs of all house-boats should extend a foot or more beyond the sides of the cabin. for people of limited means for people with little money to spend, these expensive boats are as much out of reach as a yacht, but they may often be rented for prices within the means of people in moderate circumstances. at new york i have known a good schooner-yacht, 84 feet over all, to be chartered for two weeks, with crew of skipper and two men, the larder plentifully supplied with provisions and luxuries for six people and the crew, making nine in all, at a cost of thirty-six dollars apiece for each of the six passengers. an equally good house-boat should not cost over twelve dollars a week per passenger for a party of ten. in inland waters, if a boat could be rented, the cost should not exceed seven or eight dollars a week per passenger. a canal-boat is a most excellent house-boat for a pleasure party, either on inland streams or along our coast. street-car cabins since the introduction of cable and trolley-cars the street-car companies have been selling their old horse-cars, in some instances at figures below the cost of the window-glass in them; so cheap, in fact, that poor people buy them to use as woodsheds and chicken-coops. one of these cars will make an ideal cabin for a house-boat, and can be adapted for that purpose with little or no alterations. all it needs is a good flat-boat to rest in, and you have a palatial house-boat. footnote: [a] see p. 10. chapter xv a cheap and speedy motor-boat how to build the jackson glider--a very simple form of motor-boat, which will hold its own in speed with even expensive boats of double horse-power this boat is intended to slide over the top of the water and not through it, consequently it is built in the form of a flat-bottom scow. order your wood dressed on both sides, otherwise it will come with one side rough. for the side-boards we need two pine, or cedar boards, to measure, when trimmed, 14 feet (fig. 228), and to be 16 or 18 inches wide. the stern-board when trimmed, will be 2½ feet long by 1 foot, 8½ inches wide. it may even be a little wider, because the protruding part can be planed down after the boat is built (fig. 229). to make the bow measure from the point e (fig. 228) 1 foot 8½ inches and mark the point c. measure along the same line 13½ inches and mark the point d. next measure from b down along the edge of the boat one inch and mark the point f. again measure down from b, 5¾ inches and mark the point g. with a carpenter's pencil draw the lines f d and g c and saw these pieces off along the dotted line (fig. 232). the bow can then be rounded at the points a and b with a sharp knife or jackplane. to get the proper slant on the stern, measure from h 4½ inches to l and saw off the triangle lhk. make the other side board an exact duplicate of the first one, as in fig. 228. next set these two boards on edge, like sledge runners (fig. 230), and let them be 2 feet, 6 inches apart (the boat will be safer if made six inches wider, and its speed will be almost as great), which can be tested by fitting the stern-boards between them before nailing the temporary boards on, which are to hold them in place (fig. 230). do not drive the nails home, but leave the heads protruding on all temporary braces, so that they may be easily removed when necessary. [illustration] [illustration: fig. 228.] [illustration: fig. 229.] [illustration: fig. 230.--parts of motor-boat.] now turn the boat bottom side up and nail the bottom on, as already described in previous chapters (fig. 232). the bottom-boards are to be so planed upon their edges that they leave v-shaped grooves on the inside of the boat to be calked with candlewick and putty (fig. 231). next make a shaft-log by cutting a board in a triangular piece, as shown in fig. 233, and nailing two other pieces of board on it, and leaving a space for the shaft-rod, over which is nailed a duplicate of the bottom-board, as shown in fig. 234. make the shaft-log of three thicknesses of 1-inch plank. to make it more secure there should be a board nailed on the inside bottom of the boat, as shown in fig. 235 by the dotted lines. this board is put there to strengthen the bottom and allow us to cut a slot through for the admission of a shaft (fig. 236) which is drawn on a scale shown below it. with the engine comes a stuffing box, through which the shaft passes and which prevents the water from coming up through the shaft-hole. the stuffing boxes, which are furnished to fit upon the inside of the boat, are expensive, but one to fit upon the stern of the shaft-log costs but little, and will answer all purposes. [illustration: fig. 231.] of course, when attaching the shaft-log to the bottom, it must be in the exact centre of the boat. find the centre of the boat at the bow and stern, mark the points and snap a chalk-line between them. now place the shaft-log in position on this line and while holding that there firmly, mark around it with a carpenter's pencil. next lay the shaft-log flat on its side with its edge along this line and with your pencil mark on the bottom of the boat the exact place where the shaft-hole must be cut to correspond with the one in the shaft-log. as may be seen by fig. 236, the shaft runs through at an acute angle; hence the hole must be bored on a slant, or better still a slot cut through the floor long enough to allow for the slant. [illustration: fig. 232. fig. 233. fig. 234. fig. 239. fig. 235. fig. 236. fig. 237. fig. 238. details of motor-boat.] the leak, which would naturally occur here is prevented by the stuffing box which is fastened on to the stern-end of the shaft-log where the latter protrudes for the propeller. to set the engine in the boat it is necessary to have an engine-bed. this is made of two pieces of board cut diagonally, upon which the engine rests. fig. 237 shows a piece of 2-inch board and a method of sawing it to make the duplicate pieces to form the engine-bed. the dimension of these pieces must be obtained by measuring the width of the engine rest, which is to be installed. the angle, of course, must correspond to the angle of the shaft. make your own rudder of any shape that suits your fancy, square or paddle-shaped, of a piece of galvanized iron or of wood, as shown in the diagram; or you can simply fasten the rudder-stem to the transom (stern-board), as is often done on row-boats and sail-boats. if you desire to make your rudder like the one shown here, use two pieces of galvanized pipes for your rudder-posts, one of which fits loosely inside of the other. make the rudder-posts of what is known as 3/8-inch (which means literally a 3/8-inch opening) and for its jacket use a ¾-inch pipe, or any two kinds of pipe, which will allow one to turn loosely inside the other. the smaller pipe can be bent easily by hand to suit your convenience, after it has been thrust through the larger pipe. first bend the lower end of the small pipe to fit your proposed rudder, then remove the larger pipe and flatten the lower end of the small one by beating it with the hammer. to bore the screw-holes in the flattened end you will use a small tool for drilling metal. one of these drills, which will fit any carpenter's brace, can be procured for the cost of a few cents. drill holes through the flattened end of your pipe for the reception of your screws, which are to secure it to the rudder. it is now necessary to fasten a block of 2-inch plank securely to the bottom of the boat upon the inside where the rudder-post is to be set. this block might best be secured on with four bolts. a hole is then bored through the block and the bottom of the boat a trifle smaller than the largest piece of pipe; the latter is supposed to have screw threads upon its lower end (fig. 238) so that it may be screwed into the wood, but before doing so coat the threads with white lead and also the inside of the hole in the block with the same substance. when the larger pipe is now screwed into the block until its lower end is flushed with the outside bottom of the boat, the white lead will not only make the process easier, but will tend to keep out the moisture and water from the joint. from the outside thrust the upper end of the small pipe through the hole in the bottom until it protrudes the proper distance above the larger pipe, and with the point of a nail scratch a mark on the surface of the small pipe where it issues from the big one. at this point drill a hole through the small pipe to admit a nail which is to act as a peg to keep the helm from sliding down and jamming in its bearings. if you choose, a small seat or deck may be inserted in the stern, through which the helm extends and which will help to steady it. the top of the helm, or protruding ends of the small pipe may now be bent over toward the bow, as shown in the diagram, and by holding some hard substance under it, the end may be flattened with a hammer and two holes drilled through the flattened end for the rudder-line, as in fig. 239. these lines work the rudder and extend on each side of the boat through some clothes-lines pulleys, as shown in fig. 239. if you slice off the ring from a common rubber hose and slip it over the inside pipe before you fasten it in place, it will prevent the water from spurting up through the rudder pipe when the boat is speeding. any boat will leak if not carefully built and the simplest kind of a craft carefully put together is as water-tight as the most finished and expensive boat. for a gasoline tank any good galvanized iron vessel will answer if it holds five gallons or more of gasoline. it can be placed in the bow on a rest made for it. of course the bottom of the tank must be on a level or higher than the carburetor of the engine; the tank is connected by a small copper, or block-tin pipe, which you procure with the engine. this boat, if built according to plans, should cost ten dollars or less, not counting the cost of the engine. the cost of the latter will vary according to the style of one you use, and whether you get it first or second hand. a ten-horse power engine drove a boat of this kind at the rate of eighteen miles an hour. for beginners, this is as far as it is safe to go in boat-building, but thus far any one with a rudimentary knowledge of the use of tools can go, and, if one has followed the book through from chapter to chapter he should be a good boat-builder at the end the beard books for boys _by_ dan c. beard [illustration] the american boy's handy book. or, what to do and how to do it _illustrated by the author_ gives sports adapted to all seasons of the year, tells boys how to make all kinds of things--boats, traps, toys, puzzles, aquariums, fishing-tackle; how to tie knots, splice ropes, to make bird calls, sleds, blow-guns, balloons; how to rear wild birds, to train dogs, and do the thousand and one things that boys take delight in. the outdoor handy book. for playground, field, and forest _illustrated by the author_ "how to play all sorts of games with marbles, how to make and spin more kinds of tops than most boys ever heard of, how to make the latest things in plain and fancy kites, where to dig bait and how to fish, all about boats and sailing, and a host of other things . . . an unmixed delight to any boy."--_new york tribune._ the field and forest handy book. or, new ideas for out of doors _illustrated by the author_ "instructions as to ways to build boats and fire-engines, make aquariums, rafts, and sleds, to camp in a back-yard, etc. no better book of the kind exists."--_chicago record-herald._ shelters, shacks, and shanties _illustrated by the author_ easily workable directions, accompanied by very full illustration, for over fifty shelters, shacks, and shanties. boat-building and boating. a handy book for beginners _illustrated by the author_ all that dan beard knows and has written about the building of every simple kind of boat, from a raft to a cheap motor-boat, is brought together in this book. the jack of all trades. or, new ideas for american boys _illustrated by the author_ "this book is a capital one to give any boy for a present at christmas, on a birthday, or indeed at any time."--_the outlook._ the boy pioneers. sons of daniel boone _illustrated by the author_ "how to become a member of the 'sons of daniel boone' and take part in all the old pioneer games, and many other things in which boys are interested."--_philadelphia press._ the black wolf-pack "a genuine thriller of mystery and red-blooded conflicts, well calculated to hold the mind and the heart of its boy and, for that matter, its adult reader."--_philadelphia north american._ the beard books for girls _by_ lina beard _and_ adelia b. beard [illustration] the american girl's handy book. how to amuse yourself and others _with nearly 500 illustrations_ "it is a treasure which, once possessed, no practical girl would willingly part with."--grace greenwood. things worth doing and how to do them _with some 600 drawings by the authors that show exactly how they should be done_ "the book will tell you how to do nearly anything that any live girl really wants to do."--_the world to-day._ handicraft and recreation for girls _with over 700 illustrations by the authors_ "it teaches how to make serviceable and useful things of all kinds out of every kind of material. it also tells how to play and how to make things to play with."--_chicago evening post._ what a girl can make and do. new ideas for work and play _with more than 300 illustrations by the authors_ "it would be a dull girl who could not make herself busy and happy following its precepts. . . . a most inspiring book for an active-minded girl."--_chicago record-herald._ on the trail _illustrated by the authors_ this volume tells how a girl can live outdoors, camping in the woods, and learning to know its wild inhabitants. mother nature's toy shop _profusely illustrated by the authors_ how children can make toys easily and economically from wild flowers, grasses, green leaves, seed-vessels, fruits, etc. little folks' handy book _with many illustrations_ contains a wealth of devices for entertaining children by means of paper building-cards, wooden berry-baskets, straw and paper furniture, paper jewelry, etc. charles scribner's sons, new york * * * * * transcriber's note: punctuation errors were corrected. inconsistent hyphenation was retained. page 42, "staps" changed to "straps" (straps with your hand) page 58, "mechancial" changed to "mechanical" (with mechanical aid) man on the ocean, a book about boats and ships, by r.m. ballantyne. chapter one. treats of ships in general. there is, perhaps, no contrivance in the wide world more wonderful than a ship--a full-rigged, well-manned, gigantic ship! those who regard familiar objects in art and nature as mere matters of course, and do not trouble themselves to wander out of the beaten track of everyday thought, may not at first feel the force or admit the truth of this statement. let such folk endeavour to shake themselves vigorously out of this beaten track of everyday thought. let them knit their brows and clench their teeth, and gaze steadfastly into the fire, or up at the sky, and try to realise what is involved in the idea of--a ship. what would the men of old have said, if you had told them that you intended to take yonder large wooden house, launch it upon the sea, and proceed in it out of sight of land for a few days? "poor fellow," they would have replied, "you are mad!" ah! many a wise philosopher has been deemed mad, not only by men of old, but by men of modern days. this "mad" idea has long since been fulfilled; for what is a ship but a wooden house made to float upon the sea, and sail with its inmates hither and thither, at the will of the guiding spirit, over a trackless unstable ocean for months together? it is a self-sustaining movable hotel upon the sea. it is an oasis in the desert of waters, so skilfully contrived as to be capable of advancing against wind and tide, and of outliving the wildest storms--the bitterest fury of winds and waves. it is the residence of a community, whose country for the time being is the ocean; or, as in the case of the _great eastern_ steamship, it is a _town_ with some thousands of inhabitants launched upon the deep. ships are, as it were, the electric sparks of the world, by means of which the superabundance of different countries is carried forth to fill, reciprocally, the voids in each. they are not only the media of intercourse between the various families of the human race, whereby our shores are enriched with the produce of other lands, but they are the bearers of inestimable treasures of knowledge from clime to clime, and of gospel light to the uttermost ends of the earth. but for ships, we should never have heard of the wonders of the coral isles and the beauties of the golden south, or the phenomena and tempests of the icy north. but for ships, the stirring adventures and perils of magellan, drake, cook, etcetera, had never been encountered; and even the far-famed robinson crusoe himself had never gladdened, and saddened, and romantically maddened the heart of youth with his escapes, his fights, his parrots, and his philosophy, as he now does, and as he will continue to do till the end of time. some account, then, of ships and boats, with anecdotes illustrative of the perils to which they are frequently exposed, cannot fail, we think, to prove interesting to all, especially to boys, for whose particular edification we now write. boys, of all creatures in this world, are passionately fond of boats and ships; they make them of every shape and size, with every sort of tool, and hack and cut their fingers in the operation, as we know from early personal experience. they sail them, and wet their garments in so doing, to the well-known sorrow of all right-minded mammas. they lose them, too, and break their hearts, almost, at the calamity. they make little ones when they are little, and big ones when they grow big; and when they grow bigger they not unfrequently forsake the toy for the reality, embark in some noble craft, and wed the stormy sea. a word in your ear, reader, at this point. do not think that because you fall in love with a _ship_ you will naturally and necessarily fall in love with the _sea_! some do, and some don't: with those who do, it is well; with those who don't, and yet go to sea, it is remarkably ill. think _philosophically_ about "going to sea," my lads. try honestly to resist your own inclination _as long as possible_, and only go if you find that _you can't help it_! in such a case you will probably find that you are cut out for it--not otherwise. we love the sea with a true and deep affection, and often have we tossed upon her foam-topped waves; but we don't wish to be a sailor--by no manner of means! and now, boys, come along, and we will conduct you as pleasantly and profitably as we can from a ship's cradle, through all her stormy existence, to her grave. chapter two. the earliest days of water-travelling. once upon a time there were no ships. men did not know the meaning of the word; they did not want them; and, for many, many centuries the sea-gulls had the ocean all to themselves. but _boats_ are of very ancient date. doubtless the _first_ boats must have been constructed by the _first_ men who dwelt on the earth. they consisted, probably--for we are now in the land of conjecture--of stumps of fallen trees, or bundles of rushes, seated astride of which the immediate descendants of our first parents ferried themselves over small lakes and across rivers. wet feet are not agreeable under any circumstances. we can conceive that prolonged voyages performed in this fashion--say several hundred yards or a mile--rendered those primitive mariners so uncomfortable, that they resolved to improve their condition; and, after much earnest thought, hit upon the plan of fastening several logs together by means of twigs, and thus they formed _rafts_. as time progressed, and men began to display wisdom in making tools of stone and in the moulding of metal, we can imagine that they soon bethought themselves of flattening the surface of their rafts; and then, finding them unwieldy and difficult to manage, no doubt, they hit upon the idea of hollowing out the logs. adzes were probably not invented at that time, so they betook themselves to the element of fire--which is at the present day used by savage nations for the same purpose--and burned out the insides of their logs. thus _canoes_ sprang into being. but such canoes were clumsy and heavy, besides being liable to split; men therefore bethought themselves of constructing a light framework of wood, which they covered with bark or skin. then artificers in iron invented saws; logs were ripped up; planks were formed; pitch oozed ready to hand from the trees; with grass, perchance, they caulked the seams;--and soon the first _boat_ floated on the water--clumsy and tub-like, no doubt, but serviceable withal--and youths of a hundred years old, and full-grown men of two or three hundred, capered and shouted on the shore with delight at the great invention; while venerable patriarchs, of seven or eight hundred summers, gazed in wonder, with almost prophetic solemnity, and exclaimed that they had never before seen the like of _that_ in all the course of their long, long lives! those times are old now--so old that men can scarcely get their minds to realise how old they are; nevertheless, the craft that were used then are used even now, and that not only among the savages of distant lands, but by men living at our very doors. the _coracle_, a basket-boat of the most primitive description, is still occasionally met with in south wales. it is neither more nor less than a large wicker basket covered with a hide, and is tub-shaped, and clumsy to a degree. when the romans invaded britain, this species of boat was in common use. like the canoe of the north american indian, it is easily upset, and we should think must be rather unmanageable; but as we are not likely ever again to be reduced to it in this country, we can afford to regard its faults with indifference. from little boats to big boats there is but a step; and no doubt rivers were soon navigated, and new countries explored, while those who lived near the sea-coast dared even to launch their boats upon the ocean; but they "hugged the shore," undoubtedly, and seldom ventured to proceed at night unless the stars shone brightly in the sky. years rolled on, and dwellers on the sea-coast became more and more venturous in their voyages along the shore. it behoved them to have larger boats, or barges, with numerous rowers, who would naturally carry weapons with them to guard themselves from foes. war-galleys sprang into being. strong winds sometimes carried these off-shore, and out of sight of land. ah, reader! who can conceive the feelings of the first mariners who saw the solid land sink on the horizon, and beheld nothing substantial in all the waste of waters, save their own tiny bark that reeled beneath them on the heaving billows? perchance these first adventurers on the deep found their way back to land, and afterwards tried the bold experiment of steering by the stars. perhaps not; but at length it did come about that ships were built, and men were found bold enough to put to sea in them for days and weeks together. the ark is the first ship of which we have any authentic account. we now leave the region of conjecture; for the ark was built by noah under the immediate direction of the almighty, and we have a minute account of it in the bible. more than two thousand three hundred years before our lord and saviour jesus christ came to earth, man's wickedness had attained to such a height that god resolved to destroy the inhabitants of the world by a deluge. but, in the midst of wrath, god remembered mercy. he spared noah and his family, and saved them from destruction by placing them in the ark along with pairs of the lower animals. every reader of the bible knows the story of the deluge; but everyone may not be aware that traditions of this deluge are found in every part of the earth. east, west, north, and south--civilised and savage--all men tell us of a great flood which once covered the world, and from which only one family was saved, in a boat, or a canoe, or an ark. what the barbarous and savage nations know dimly from tradition, we know certainly and fully from the inspired word of god. the ark was built; the flood came; noah with his family and two of every living creature entered into it; and for months the first ship floated on a sea whose shoreless waves flowed round and round the world. what the ark's form was we cannot precisely tell; but we know its dimensions pretty accurately. although it was not intended for voyaging, the ark must necessarily have been a perfect model of a vessel, meant to float upon the waters. to some extent, too, it must have been fitted to ride upon turbulent billows; for it "went upon the face of the waters" for upwards of seven months, and before it rested finally on the top of mount ararat, "god made a wind to pass over the earth, and the waters assuaged." in regard to its size, the most interesting way to consider it, perhaps, will be to compare it with the _great eastern_, the largest ship that has yet been built by man. assuming a cubit to be about 18 inches, the length of the ark was about 450 feet, its breadth about 75 feet, and its depth about 45 feet. the _great eastern's_ length is 680 feet, its breadth 83 feet, and its depth from deck to keel 60 feet. the ark was built of gopher-wood, which is thought by some to be pine, by others cedar. it consisted of three stories, and had a window and a door, and was pitched within and without. but it had neither masts nor rudder; and it is evident that, although it was man's refuge, the ark was not designed to be managed by man, for after noah and his family had entered in, god took on himself the guidance and preservation of their vessel. thus our saviour--of whom the ark was a type--specially guides and protects those who flee to him for refuge. but although we have noticed the ark as being the first ship, we cannot with propriety place it in the front of the history of navigation. after the flood the ark seems to have been soon forgotten, or at least imperfectly remembered, and men reverted to their little canoes and clumsy boats, which sufficed for all their limited wants. it was not until about a thousand years later in the world's history that men built ships of considerable size, and ventured on prolonged _coasting_voyages, for the purposes of discovery and commerce. navigation had been practised, and the art of ship-building had made very considerable progress, long before men dared to lose sight of the shore and venture out upon the mysterious bosom of the great unknown sea. to the ancients the mediterranean was the ocean; and among its bays, and creeks, and islands, maritime enterprise sprang into being and rose into celebrity. among the phoenicians, the egyptians, and hebrews, we find the earliest traces of navigation and commerce. the first of these nations, occupying the narrow slip of land between mount lebanon and the mediterranean, rose into fame as mariners between the years 1700 and 1100 before christ--the renowned city of sidon being their great sea-port, whence their ships put forth to trade with cyprus and rhodes, greece, sardinia, sicily, gaul, and spain. little is known of the state of trade in those days, or of the form or size of ancient vessels. homer tells us, in his account of the trojan war, that the phoenicians supplied the combatants with many articles of luxury; and from scripture we learn that the same enterprising navigators brought gold to solomon from ophir in the year 1000 b.c. a short time previous to this the phoenicians ventured to pass through the strait of gibraltar, and for the first time beheld the great atlantic ocean. proceeding along the coast of spain, they founded cadiz; and, not long after, creeping down the western coast of africa, established colonies there. but their grandest feat was achieved about 600 years b.c., when they sailed down the red sea and the eastern coast of africa, doubled the cape of good hope, sailed up the western coast, and returned home by the strait of gibraltar. bartholomew diaz must hide his diminished head before this fact; for, although he gets all the credit, the phoenicians of old "doubled the cape" at least twenty centuries before him! that long voyages were made by the men of old, before authentic history began, seems highly probable. the expedition of the _argonauts_ to colchis in the year 1250 b.c., in search of the "golden fleece," is the first ancient voyage that lays claim to authenticity. what the golden fleece was is uncertain; some think it was a term used to symbolise the mines of precious metals near the black sea. whatever it was, the _argonauts_ went in search of it: whether or not they found it is unrecorded in history. jason, son of the king of thessaly, was the leader of this expedition, which consisted of one ship and fifty men. a man named _argus_ built the ship, which from him was named the argo, hence the name of _argonauts_. in treating of ancient vessels, we may as well proceed on the principle suggested by a sagacious child, who, when his mother was about to tell him a story, usually begged of her to "bedin at the bedinning." we shall begin at the beginning. chapter three. rafts and canoes. rafts, as we have already remarked, must undoubtedly have been the beginning of navigation. but they have not, like many other species of ancient craft, been altogether superseded by modern inventions. true, we do not nowadays carry on war on rafts, but we still carry on trade with them in many parts of the world. how the rafts of ancient times were formed we cannot tell precisely, though we can easily guess; but one thing we know, and that is, that the first improvement made in such craft was the thrusting of a few thick planks down into the water, to the depth of three or four feet, between the logs which composed the raft. these acted the part of a keel, and, by pressing against the water _side-ways_ when a _side_ wind blew, prevented the raft from making much of what is called _leeway_--that is, drifting in the direction in which the wind happened to be blowing. some sorts of dutch vessels use lee-boards for this purpose at the present time. the rafts now in use on the great rivers of america are exceedingly curious in many respects. one peculiarity of many of them is that they float _themselves_, not goods, to market--the pine logs of which they are constructed being the marketable commodity. some of these "lumber-rafts," as they are called, are of great size; and as their navigators have often to spend many weeks on them, slowly floating down the rivers, they build huts or little cottages on them, cook their provisions on board, and, in short, spend night and day in their temporary floating-homes as comfortably as if they were on the land. when these rafts approach a waterfall or a rapid, they unfasten the lashings and allow several logs tied together to run down at a time. after the rapid is passed, the loose logs are collected together, the raft is reconstructed, and the voyage down to the sea continued. of course, huts are built only on rafts which navigate the largest rivers, and are not thus liable to be taken to pieces. when the logs reach the sea, they are shipped to various parts of the world where timber is scarce. large quantities are imported into great britain from canada and other parts of america. a bold thing has occasionally been done. instead of shipping the logs in vessels, enterprising and ingenious men built them into a _solid ship_, leaving a small space to serve as a cabin and a hold for provisions; then, erecting masts, they hoisted sail, and in this singular craft crossed the atlantic. on arriving at port they broke up their raft-ship and sold it. the immense size of the rafts which are floated down some of the great rivers of the world may be gathered from the following engraving, which represents a raft on the dwina, one of the great rivers of russia. rafts, however, have not been confined to the purposes of traffic. they have frequently been the means of saving the lives of shipwrecked mariners; but too often they have been the means only of prolonging the wretched existence of those who have ultimately perished at sea. -----------------------------------------------------------------------turning now from the consideration of rafts, we shall describe canoes. canoes must, we think, have been invented after rafts. they were formed, as we have said, out of logs, of bark and of skins stretched upon frames of wood. of ancient canoes we can say little. but it is probable that they were similar in most respects to the canoes used by savage nations at the present time; for man, in his lowest or most savage condition, is necessarily the same now that he was in ancient times. we shall, therefore, take a glance at the canoes of savage nations now existing, and thus shall form a good idea, we doubt not, of what canoes were in days of old. simplest among them all, perhaps, are the canoes of the north american indians. these are built of thin laths and ribs of wood, and are covered with the bark of the birch-tree. the sheets of bark are not a quarter of an inch thick. several sheets are used in the covering of one canoe. they are sewed together with the long pliant roots of the pine, and the seams are rendered tight with gum procured from the same tree. so light are these canoes, that two men can carry on their shoulders one capable of holding eight or ten men, with their provisions, etcetera, for a voyage of many months. they are of various sizes--from the hunting canoe which holds one indian, to the largest canoe that carries fourteen. they are propelled by short paddles instead of oars. many and terrible are the risks run by _voyageurs_ who travel through the lakes and rivers of north america in these canoes. the following anecdote is related of a narrow escape made by some fur-traders while descending one of the rivers in the backwoods of the hudson bay territory:--one fine evening in autumn, a north-canoe was gliding swiftly down one of the noble bends in the river referred to. new, beautiful, and ever-changing scenes were being constantly opened up to the view of the _voyageurs_, whose plaintive and beautiful canoe-songs were rolling over the waters. suddenly the song ceased as the distant roar of a waterfall struck their ears, and the steersmen-for there are usually two, one in the bow and one in the stern--prepared to land and "_make a portage_,"--that is, carry the canoe and lading past the falls by land, and re-launch and re-load in the smooth water below. the approach to the landing-place at the head of the fall was somewhat difficult, owing to a point of rock which projected into the stream in the direction of the fall, and round which point it was necessary to steer with some dexterity, in order to avoid being drawn into the strong current. the fearless guides, however, had often passed the place in former years in safety, and accordingly dashed at the point with reckless indifference, their paddles flinging a circle of spray over their heads as they changed from side to side with graceful but vigorous rapidity. the swift stream carried them quickly round the point of danger, and they had almost reached the quiet eddy near the landing-place when the stem of the canoe was caught by the current, which instantly whirled it out from the shore and carried it down stream like an arrow. another moment, and the gushing water dragged them to the verge of the fall, which thundered and foamed among frightful chasms and rocks many feet below. it was the work of a moment. the stern of the canoe almost overhung the abyss, and the voyageurs plied their paddles with the desperation of men who felt that their lives depended on the exertions of the next awful minute. for a few seconds the canoe remained stationary, and seemed to tremble on the brink of destruction-the strength of the water and the power of the men being almost equally balanced--then, inch by inch, it began slowly to ascend the stream. the danger was past! a few nervous strokes, and the canoe shot out of the current like an arrow, and floated in safety in the still water below the point. the whole thing, from beginning to end, occurred in a few seconds; but who can describe or comprehend the tumultuous gush of feeling aroused during those brief moments in the bosoms of the _voyageurs_? the sudden, electric change from tranquil safety to the verge of what appeared certain destruction--and then, deliverance! it was one of those thrilling incidents which frequently occur to those who thread the wildernesses of this world, and is little thought of by them beyond the moment of danger; yet it was one of those solemn seasons, more or less numerous in the history of all men, when the almighty speaks to his careless creatures in a voice that cannot be mistaken, however much it may be slighted; awakening them, with a rough grasp, to behold the slender cord that suspends them over the abyss of eternity. the canoes used by the eskimos who inhabit the polar regions are made of a light framework of wood, which is covered entirely over with seal-skin--a round hole being left in the centre, in which the eskimo sits. round this hole there is a loose piece of skin, which is drawn up by the man and fastened round his waist. the machine is thus completely water-tight. no waves can dash into, although they can sweep over it; and if by chance it should upset, the eskimo can turn it and himself up into the proper position by one dexterous sweep of his long, double-bladed paddle. the paddle, which varies from ten to fifteen feet, is simply a pole with a blade at each end. it is grasped in the centre, and each end dipped alternately on either side of the _kayak_, as this canoe is called. eskimo kayaks are first-rate sea-boats. they can face almost any sort of weather. they are extremely light, and are propelled by the natives very swiftly. in these frail canoes the natives of the polar regions pursue seals and whales, and even venture to attack the walrus in his native element. the kayak is used exclusively by the men. the oomiak, or women's canoe, is of much larger and clumsier construction, somewhat like a boat. it is open above, and can hold a large family of women and children. like the kayak, it is a framework of wood covered with seal-skin, and is propelled by means of short paddles of the spoon form. the famous "rob roy" canoe, which is now so much in vogue among boys and young men of aquatic tendency, is constructed and managed on precisely the same principles with the eskimo kayak; the only difference between the two being that the "rob roy" canoe is made of thin wood instead of skin, and is altogether a more elegant vessel. an account of it will be found in our chapter on "boats." the south sea islanders also use a canoe which they propel with a double-bladed paddle similar to that of the eskimos. they are wonderfully expert and fearless in the management of this canoe, as may be seen from the annexed woodcut. in order to show that the paddle of the canoe is more natural to man than the oar, we present a picture of the canoe used by the indians of the amazon in south america. here we see thar the savages of the south, like their brethren of the north, sit with their faces to the bow and urge their bark forward by neans of short paddles, without using the gunwale as a fulcrum. the oar is decidedly a more modern and a more scientific instrument than the paddle, but the latter is better suited to some kinds of navigation than the former. very different indeed from the light canoes just described are the canoes of the south sea islanders. some are large, and some are small; some long, some short; a few elegant, a few clumsy; and one or two peculiarly remarkable. most of them are narrow, and liable to upset; in order to prevent which catastrophe the natives have ingeniously, though clumsily, contrived a sort of "_outrigger_," or plank, which they attach to the side of the canoe to keep it upright. they also fasten two canoes together to steady them. one of these _double canoes_ is thus described by cheever in his "island world of the pacific:"--"a double canoe is composed of two single ones of the same size placed parallel to each other, three or four feet apart, and secured in their places by four or five pieces of wood, curved just in the shape of a bit-stock. these are lashed to both canoes with the strongest cinet, made of cocoa-nut fibre, so as to make the two almost as much one as same of the double ferry-boats that ply between brooklyn and new york. a flattened arch is thus made by the bow-like cross-pieces over the space between the canoes, upon which a board or a couple of stout poles laid lengthwise constitute an elevated platform for passengers and freight, while those who paddle and steer sit in the bodies of the canoes at the sides. a slender mast, which may be unstepped in a minute, rises from about the centre of this platform, to give support to a very simple sail, now universally made of white cotton cloth, but formerly of mats." the double canoes belonging to the chiefs of the south sea islanders are the largest,--some of them being nearly seventy feet long, yet they are each only about two feet wide and three or four feet deep. the sterns are remarkably high--fifteen or eighteen feet above the water. the war canoes are also large and compactly built; the stern being low and covered, so as to afford shelter from stones and darts. a rude imitation of a head or some grotesque figure is usually carved on the stern; while the stem is elevated, curved like the neck of a swan, and terminates frequently in the carved figure of a bird's head. these canoes are capable of holding fifty warriors. captain cook describes some as being one hundred and eight feet long. all of them, whether single or double, mercantile or war canoes, are propelled by paddles, the men sitting with their faces in the direction in which they are going. as may be supposed, these canoes are often upset in rough weather; but as the south sea islanders are expert swimmers, they generally manage to right their canoes and scramble into them again. their only fear on such occasions is being attacked by sharks. ellis, in his interesting book, "polynesian researches," relates an instance of this kind of attack which was made upon a number of chiefs and people--about thirty-two--who were passing from one island to another in a large double canoe:--"they were overtaken by a tempest, the violence of which tore their canoes from the horizontal spars by which they were united. it was in vain for them to endeavour to place them upright again, or to empty out the water, for they could not prevent their incessant overturning. as their only resource, they collected the scattered spars and boards, and constructed a raft, on which they hoped they might drift to land. the weight of the whole number who were collected on the raft was so great as to sink it so far below the surface that they stood above their knees in water. they made very little progress, and soon became exhausted by fatigue and hunger. in this condition they were attacked by a number of sharks. destitute of a knife or any other weapon of defence, they fell an easy prey to these rapacious monsters. one after another was seized and devoured, or carried away by them, and the survivors, who with dreadful anguish beheld their companions thus destroyed, saw the number of their assailants apparently increasing, as each body was carried off until only two or three remained. "the raft, thus lightened of its load, rose to the surface of the water, and placed them beyond the reach of the voracious jaws of their relentless destroyers. the tide and current soon carried them to the shore, where they landed to tell the melancholy fate of their fellow-voyagers." captain cook refers to the canoes of new zealand thus:-"the ingenuity of these people appears in nothing more than in their canoes. they are long and narrow, and in shape very much resemble a new england whale-boat. the larger sort seem to be built chiefly for war, and will carry from forty to eighty or a hundred armed men. we measured one which lay ashore at tolaga; she was sixty-eight and a half feet long, five feet broad, and three and a half feet deep. the bottom was sharp, with straight sides like a wedge, and consisted of three lengths, hollowed out to about two inches, or one inch and a half thick, and well fastened together with strong plaiting. each side consisted of one entire plank, sixty-three feet long, ten or twelve inches broad, and about one inch and a quarter thick; and these were fitted and lashed to the bottom part with great dexterity and strength. "a considerable number of thwarts were laid from gunwale to gunwale, to which they were securely lashed on each side, as a strengthening to the boat. the ornament at the head projected five or six feet beyond the body, and was about four and a half feet high. the ornament at the stern was fixed upon that end as the stern-post of a ship is upon her keel, and was about fourteen feet high, two broad, and one inch and a half thick. they both consisted of boards of carved work, of which the design was much better than the execution. all their canoes, except a few at opoorage or mercury bay, which were of one piece, and hollowed by fire, are built after this plan, and few are less than twenty feet long. some of the smaller sort have outriggers; and sometimes two are joined together, but this is not common. "the carving upon the stern and head ornaments of the inferior boats, which seemed to be intended wholly for fishing, consists of the figure of a man, with the face as ugly as can be conceived, and a monstrous tongue thrust out of the mouth, with the white shells of sea-ears stuck in for eyes. but the canoes of the superior kind, which seem to be their men-of-war, are magnificently adorned with openwork, and covered with loose fringes of black feathers, which had a most elegant appearance. the gunwale boards were also frequently carved in a grotesque taste, and adorned with tufts of white feathers placed upon black ground. the paddles are small and neatly made. the blade is of an oval shape, or rather of a shape resembling a large leaf, pointed at the bottom, broadest in the middle, and gradually losing itself in the shaft, the whole length being about six feet. by the help of these oars they push on their boats with amazing velocity." mr ellis, to whose book reference has already been made, and who visited the south sea islands nearly half a century later than cook, tells us that the _single canoes_ used by some of the islanders are far safer than the _double canoes_ for long voyages, as the latter are apt to be torn asunder during a storm, and then they cannot be prevented from constantly upsetting. single canoes are not so easily separated from their outrigger. nevertheless they are sometimes upset in rough seas; but the natives don't much mind this. when a canoe is upset and fills, the natives, who learn to swim like ducks almost as soon as they can walk, seize hold of one end of the canoe, which they press down so as to elevate the other end above the sea, by which means a great part of the water runs out; they then suddenly loose their hold, and the canoe falls back on the water, emptied in some degree of its contents. swimming along by the side of it, they bale out the rest, and climbing into it, pursue their voyage. europeans, however, are not so indifferent to being overturned as are the savages. on one occasion mr ellis, accompanied by three ladies, mrs orsmond, mrs barff, and his wife, with her two children and one or two natives, were crossing a harbour in the island of huahine. a female servant was sitting in the forepart of the canoe with mr ellis's little girl in her arms. his infant boy was at its mother's breast; and a native, with a long light pole, was paddling or pushing the canoe along, when a small buhoe, with a native youth sitting in it, darted out from behind a bush that hung over the water, and before they could turn or the youth could stop his canoe, it ran across the outrigger. this in an instant went down, the canoe was turned bottom upwards, and the whole party precipitated into the sea. the sun had set soon after they started from the opposite side, and the twilight being very short, the shades of evening had already thickened round them, which prevented the natives on shore from seeing their situation. the native woman, being quite at home in the water, held the little girl up with one hand, and swam with the other towards the shore, aiding at the same time mrs orsmond, who had caught hold of her long hair, which floated on the water behind her. mrs barff, on rising to the surface, caught hold of the outrigger of the canoe that had occasioned the disaster, and calling out loudly for help, informed the people on shore of their danger, and speedily brought them to their assistance. mrs orsmond's husband, happening to be at hand at the time, rushed down to the beach and plunged at once into the water. his wife, on seeing him, quitted her, hold of the native woman, and grasping her husband, would certainly have drowned both him and herself had not the natives sprung in and rescued them. mahinevahine, the queen of the island, leaped into the sea and rescued mrs barff; mr ellis caught hold of the canoe, and supported his wife and their infant until assistance came. thus they were all saved. the south sea islanders, of whose canoes we have been writing, are--some of them at least--the fiercest savages on the face of the earth. they wear little or no clothing, and practise cannibalism--that is, _man-eating_--from choice. they actually prefer human flesh to any other. of this we are informed on most unquestionable authority. doubtless the canoes which we have described are much the same now as they were a thousand years ago; so that, by visiting those parts of the earth where the natives are still savage, we may, as it were, leap backward into ancient times, and behold with our own eyes the state of marine architecture as it existed when our own forefathers were savages, and paddled about the thames and the clyde on logs, and rafts, and wicker-work canoes. chapter four. ancient ships and navigators. everything must have a beginning, and, however right and proper things may appear to those who begin them, they generally wear a strange, sometimes absurd, aspect to those who behold them after the lapse of many centuries. when we think of the trim-built ships and yachts that now cover the ocean far and wide, we can scarce believe it possible that men really began the practice of navigation, and first put to sea, in such grotesque vessels as that represented on page 55. in a former chapter reference has been made to the rise of commerce and maritime enterprise, to the fleets and feats of the phoenicians, egyptians, and hebrews in the mediterranean, where commerce and navigation first began to grow vigorous. we shall now consider the peculiar structure of the ships and boats in which their maritime operations were carried on. _boats_, as we have said, must have succeeded rafts and canoes, and big boats soon followed in the wake of little ones. gradually, as men's wants increased, the magnitude of their boats also increased, until they came to deserve the title of little ships. these enormous boats, or little ships, were propelled by means of oars of immense size; and, in order to advance with anything like speed, the oars and rowers had to be multiplied, until they became very numerous. in our own day we seldom see a boat requiring more than eight or ten oars. in ancient times boats and ships required sometimes as many as four hundred oars to propel them. the forms of the ancient ships were curious and exceedingly picturesque, owing to the ornamentation with which their outlines were broken, and the high elevation of their bows and sterns. we have no very authentic details of the minutiae of the form or size of ancient ships, but antiquarians have collected a vast amount of desultory information, which, when put together, enables us to form a pretty good idea of the manner of working them, while ancient coins and sculptures have given us a notion of their general aspect. no doubt many of these records are grotesque enough, nevertheless they must be correct in the main particulars. homer, who lived 1000 b.c., gives, in his "odyssey," an account of ship-building in his time, to which antiquarians attach much importance, as showing the ideas then prevalent in reference to geography, and the point at which the art of ship-building had then arrived. of course due allowance must be made for homer's tendency to indulge in hyperbole. ulysses, king of ithaca, and deemed on of the wisest greeks who went to troy, having been wrecked upon an island, is furnished by the nymph calypso with the means of building a ship,--that hero being determined to seek again his native shore and return to his home and his faithful spouse penelope. "forth issuing thus, she gave him first to wield a weighty axe, with truest temper steeled, and double-edged; the handle smooth and plain, wrought of the clouded olive's easy grain; and next, a wedge to drive with sweepy sway; then to the neighbouring forest led the way. on the lone island's utmost verge there stood of poplars, pines, and firs, a lofty wood, whose leafless summits to the skies aspire, scorched by the sun, or seared by heavenly fire (already dried). these pointing out to view, the nymph just showed him, and with tears withdrew. "now toils the hero; trees on trees o'erthrown fall crackling round, and the forests groan; sudden, full twenty on the plain are strewed, and lopped and lightened of their branchy load. at equal angles these disposed to join, he smoothed and squared them by the rule and line. (the wimbles for the work calypso found), with those he pierced them and with clinchers bound. long and capacious as a shipwright forms some bark's broad bottom to outride the storms, so large he built the raft; then ribbed it strong from space to space, and nailed the planks along. these formed the sides; the deck he fashioned last; then o'er the vessel raised the taper mast, with crossing sail-yards dancing in the wind: and to the helm the guiding rudder joined (with yielding osiers fenced to break the force of surging waves, and steer the steady course). thy loom, calypso, for the future sails supplied the cloth, capacious of the gales. with stays and cordage last he rigged the ship, and, rolled on levers, launched her on the deep." the ships of the ancient greeks and romans were divided into various classes, according to the number of "ranks" or "banks," that is, _rows_, of oars. _monoremes_ contained one bank of oars; _biremes_, two banks; _triremes_, three; _quadriremes_, four; _quinqueremes_, five; and so on. but the two latter were seldom used, being unwieldy, and the oars in the upper rank almost unmanageable from their great length and weight. ptolemy philopator of egypt is said to have built a gigantic ship with no less than forty tiers of oars, one above the other! she was managed by 4000 men, besides whom there were 2850 combatants; she had four rudders and a double prow. her stern was decorated with splendid paintings of ferocious and fantastic animals; her oars protruded through masses of foliage; and her hold was filled with grain! that this account is exaggerated and fanciful is abundantly evident; but it is highly probable that ptolemy did construct one ship, if not more, of uncommon size. the sails used in these ships were usually square; and when there was more than one mast, that nearest the stern was the largest. the rigging was of the simplest description, consisting sometimes of only two ropes from the mast to the bow and stern. there was usually a deck at the bow and stern, but never in the centre of the vessel. steering was managed by means of a huge broad oar, sometimes a couple, at the stern. a formidable "beak" was affixed to the fore-part of the ships of war, with which the crew charged the enemy. the vessels were painted black, with red ornaments on the bows; to which latter homer is supposed to refer when he writes of red-cheeked ships. ships built by the greeks and romans for war were sharper and more elegant than those used in commerce; the latter being round bottomed, and broad, in order to contain cargo. the corinthians were the first to introduce _triremes_ into their navy (about 700 years b.c.), and they were also the first who had any navy of importance. the athenians soon began to emulate them, and ere long constructed a large fleet of vessels both for war and commerce. that these ancient ships were light compared with ours, is proved by the fact that when the greeks landed to commence the siege of troy they _drew up their ships on the shore_. we are also told that ancient mariners, when they came to a long narrow promontory of land, were sometimes wont to land, draw their ships bodily across the narrowest part of the isthmus, and launch them on the other side. moreover, they had a salutary dread of what sailors term "blue water"-that is, the deep, distant sea--and never ventured out of sight of land. they had no compass to direct them, and in their coasting voyages of discovery they were guided, if blown out to sea, by the stars. the sails were made of linen in homer's time; subsequently sail-cloth was made of hemp, rushes, and leather. sails were sometimes dyed of various colours and with curious patterns. huge ropes were fastened round the ships to bind them more firmly together, and the bulwarks were elevated beyond the frame of the vessels by wicker-work covered with skins. stones were used for anchors, and sometimes crates of small stones or sand; but these were not long of being superseded by iron anchors with teeth or flukes. the romans were not at first so strong in naval power as their neighbours, but in order to keep pace with them they were ultimately compelled to devote more attention to their navies. about 260 b.c. they raised a large fleet to carry on the war with carthage. a carthaginian quinquereme which happened to be wrecked on their coast was taken possession of by the romans, used as a model, and one hundred and thirty ships constructed from it. these ships were all built, it is said, in six days; but this appears almost incredible. we must not, however, judge the power of the ancients by the standard of present times. it is well known that labour was cheap then, and we have recorded in history the completion of great works in marvellously short time, by the mere force of myriads of workmen. the romans not only succeeded in raising a considerable navy, but they proved themselves ingenious in the contrivance of novelties in their war-galleys. they erected towers on the decks, from the top of which their warriors fought as from the walls of a fortress. they also placed small cages or baskets on the top of their masts, in which a few men were placed to throw javelins down on the decks of the enemy; a practice which is still carried out in principle at the present day, men being placed in the "tops" of the masts of our men-of-war, whence they fire down on the enemy. it was a bullet from the "top" of one of the masts of the enemy that laid low our greatest naval hero, lord nelson. from this time the romans maintained a powerful navy. they crippled the maritime power of their african foes, and built a number of ships with six and even ten ranks of oars. the romans became exceedingly fond of representations of sea-fights, and julius caesar dug a lake in the campus martius specially for these exhibitions. they were not by any means sham fights. the unfortunates who manned the ships on these occasions were captives or criminals, who fought as the gladiators did-to the death--until one side was exterminated or spared by imperial clemency. in one of these battles no fewer than a hundred ships and nineteen thousand combatants were engaged! such were the people who invaded britain in the year 55 b.c. under julius caesar, and such the vessels from which they landed upon our shores to give battle to the then savage natives of our country. it is a curious fact that the crusades of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were the chief cause of the advancement of navigation after the opening of the christian era. during the first five hundred years after the birth of our lord, nothing worthy of notice in the way of maritime enterprise or discovery occurred. but about this time an event took place which caused the foundation of one of the most remarkable maritime cities in the world. in the year 476 italy was invaded by the barbarians. one tribe, the veneti, who dwelt upon the north-eastern shores of the adriatic, escaped the invaders by fleeing for shelter to the marshes and sandy islets at the head of the gulf, whither their enemies could not follow by land, owing to the swampy nature of the ground, nor by sea, on account of the shallowness of the waters. the veneti took to fishing, then to making salt, and finally to mercantile enterprises. they began to build, too, on those sandy isles, and soon their cities covered ninety islands, many of which were connected by bridges. and thus arose the far-famed city of the waters--"beautiful venice, the bride of the sea." soon the venetians, and their neighbours the genoese, monopolised the commerce of the mediterranean. the crusades now began, and for two centuries the christian warred against the turk in the name of him who, they seem to have forgotten, if indeed the mass of them ever knew, is styled the prince of peace. one of the results of these crusades was that the europeans engaged acquired a taste for eastern luxuries, and the fleets of venice and genoa, pisa and florence, ere long crowded the mediterranean, laden with jewels, silks, perfumes, spices, and such costly merchandise. the normans, the danes, and the dutch also began to take active part in the naval enterprise thus fostered, and the navy of france was created under the auspices of philip augustus. the result of all this was that there was a great moving, and, to some extent, commingling of the nations. the knowledge of arts and manufactures was interchanged, and of necessity the knowledge of various languages spread. the west began constantly to demand the products of the east, wealth began to increase, and the sum of human knowledge to extend. shortly after this era of opening commercial prosperity in the mediterranean, the hardy northmen performed deeds on the deep which outrival those of the great columbus himself, and were undertaken many centuries before his day. the angles, the saxons, and the northmen inhabited the borders of the baltic, the shores of the german ocean, and the coasts of norway. like the nations on the shores of the mediterranean, they too became famous navigators; but, unlike them, war and piracy were their chief objects of pursuit. commerce was secondary. in vessels resembling that of which the above is a representation, those nations went forth to plunder the dwellers in more favoured climes, and to establish the anglo-saxon dominion in england; and their celebrated king alfred became the founder of the naval power of britain, which was destined in future ages to rule the seas. it was the northmen who, in huge open boats, pushed off without chart or compass (for neither existed at that time) into the tempestuous northern seas, and, in the year 863, discovered the island of iceland; in 983, the coast of greenland; and, a few years later, those parts of the american coast now called long island, rhode island, massachusetts, nova scotia, and newfoundland. it is true they did not go forth with the scientific and commercial views of columbus; neither did they give to the civilised world the benefit of their knowledge of those lands. but although their purpose was simply selfish, we cannot withhold our admiration of the bold, daring spirit displayed by those early navigators, under circumstances of the greatest possible disadvantage-with undecked or half-decked boats, meagre supplies, no scientific knowledge or appliances, and the stars their only guide over the trackless waste of waters. in the course of time, one or two adventurous travellers pushed into asia, and men began to ascertain that the world was not the insignificant disc, or cylinder, or ball they had deemed it. perhaps one of the chief among those adventurous travellers was marco polo, a venetian, who lived in the latter part of the thirteenth century. he made known the central and eastern portions of asia, japan, the islands of the indian archipelago, part of the continent of africa, and the island of madagascar, and is considered the founder of the modern geography of asia. the adventures of this wonderful man were truly surprising, and although he undoubtedly exaggerated to some extent in his account of what he had seen, his narrations are for the most part truthful. he and his companions were absent on their voyages and travels twenty-one years. marco polo died; but the knowledge of the east opened up by him, his adventures and his wealth, remained behind to stir up the energies of european nations. yet there is no saying how long the world would have groped on in this twilight of knowledge, and mariners would have continued to "hug the shore" as in days gone by, had not an event occurred which at once revolutionised the science of navigation, and formed a new era in the history of mankind. this was the invention of the mariner's compass. chapter five. the mariner's compass--portuguese discoveries. "what _is_ the compass?" every philosophical youth of inquiring disposition will naturally ask. we do not say that all youths will make this inquiry. many there are who will at once say, "oh, i know! it's a needle with a card on the top of it--sometimes a needle with a card under it--which always points to the north, and shows sailors how to steer their ships." very well explained indeed, my self-sufficient friend; but you have not answered the question. you have told us what a compass is like, and one of the uses to which it is applied; but you have not yet told what it _is_. a man who had never heard of a compass might exclaim, "what! a needle! is it a darning needle, or a knitting needle, or a drawing-through needle? and which end points to the north--the eye or the point? and if you lay it on the table the wrong end to the north, will it turn round of its own accord?" you laugh, perhaps, and explain; but it would have been better to have explained correctly at first. thus:-the mariner's compass is a small, flat bar of magnetised steel, which, when balanced on a pivot, turns one of its ends persistently towards the north pole--the other, of course, towards the south pole; and it does this in consequence of its being magnetised. a card is fixed above, sometimes below, this bar of steel (which is called the needle), whereon are marked the cardinal points--north, south, east, and west--with their subdivisions or intermediate points, by means of which the true direction of any point can be ascertained. "aha!" you exclaim, "mr author, but you yourself have omitted part of the explanation. _why_ is it that the magnetising of the needle causes it to turn to the north?" i answer humbly, "i cannot tell;" but, further, i assert confidently, "neither can anybody else." the fact is known, and we see its result; but the reason why magnetised steel or iron should have this tendency, this polarity, is one of the mysteries which man has not yet been able to penetrate, and probably never will. having explained the nature of the compass, as far as explanation is possible, we present our reader with a picture of one. it will be seen that there are four large points--n, s, e, and w--the cardinal points above referred to, and that these are subdivided by twelve smaller points, with one little black triangular point between each, and a multitude of smaller points round the outer circle. to give these points their correct names is called "boxing the compass,"--a lesson which all seamen can trip off their tongues like a, b, c, and which most boys could learn in a few hours. for the sake of those who are anxious to acquire the knowledge, we give the following explanation: let us begin with north. the large point midway between n and e (to the right) is _north-east_. the corresponding point midway between n and w (to the left) is _north-west_. a glance will show that the corresponding points towards the south are respectively _south-east_ and _south-west_ (usually written s.e. and s.w., as the two former points are written n.e. and n.w.). now, to read off the compass with this amount of knowledge is very simple. thus: _north_, _north-east_, _east_, _south-east_, _south_, _south-west_, _west_, _north-west_, _north_. but be it observed that, in the language of the sea, the _th_ is thrown overboard, except when the words north and south occur alone. when conjoined with other points they are pronounced thus: nor'-east, sou'-east; and so on. to come now to the smaller subdivisions, it will suffice to take a quarter of the circle. the point midway between n.e. and n. is "nor'-nor'-east" (n.n.e.), and the corresponding one between n.e. and e. is "east nor'-east" (e.n.e.). these points are again subdivided by little black points which are thus named:--the first, next the n., is "north by east" (n. by e.); the corresponding one next the e. is "east by north" (e. by n.). the second _black_ point from n. is "nor'-east by north" (n.e. by n.), and the corresponding one--namely, the second black point from east--is "nor'-east by east" (n.e. by e.). thus, in reading off the compass, we say--beginning at north and proceeding to east-north: north by east; nor'-nor'-east; nor'-east by north; nor'-east; nor'-east by east; east nor'-east; east by north; east;--and so on with the other quarters of the circle. so much for "boxing the compass." the manner in which it is used on board ship, and the various instruments employed in connection with it in the working of a vessel at sea, will be explained shortly; but first let us glance at the history of the compass. it is a matter of great uncertainty when, where, and by whom the mariner's compass was invented. flavio gioia, a neapolitan captain or pilot, who lived about the beginning of the fourteenth century, was generally recognised throughout europe as the inventor of this useful instrument; but time and research have thrown new light on this subject. probably the neapolitan pilot was the first who brought the compass into general notice in europe; but long before 1303 (the year in which it was said to have been invented) the use of the magnetic needle was known to the chinese. _loadstone_, that mineral which has the mysterious power of attracting iron, and also of imparting to iron its own attractive power, was known to the chinese before the year 121, in which year a famous chinese dictionary was completed, wherein the word _magnet_ is defined as "the name of a stone which gives direction to a needle." this proves not only that they knew the attractive properties of the loadstone, and its power of imparting these properties to metal, but also that they were aware of the polarity of a magnetised needle. another chinese dictionary, published between the third and fourth centuries, speaks of ships being guided in their course to the south by means of the magnet; and in a medical work published in china in 1112, mention is made of the _variation_ of the needle, showing that the chinese had not only used the needle as a guide at sea, but had observed this one of its well-known peculiarities--namely, the tendency of the needle to point in a _very slight degree_ away from the true north. in the thirteenth century, too, we find mention made of the needle by a poet and by two other writers; so that whatever flavio gioia may have done (and it is probable he did much) in the way of pushing the compass into notice in europe, he cannot be said to be the inventor of it. that honour doubtless belongs to the chinese. be this as it may, the compass was invented; and in the fourteenth century it began that revolution in maritime affairs to which we have alluded. the first compasses were curiously formed. the chinese used a magnetised needle, which they placed in a bit of rush or pith, which was floated in a basin of water, and thus allowed to move freely and turn towards the poles. they also made needles in the form of iron fish. an arabian author of the thirteenth century thus writes:--"i heard it said that the captains in the indian seas substitute for the needle and reed a hollow iron fish magnetised, so that, when placed in the water, it points to the north with its head and to the south with its tail. the reason that the iron fish does not sink, is that metallic bodies, even the heaviest, float when hollow and when they displace a quantity of water greater than their own weight." the use of the compass at sea is so simple, that, after what has been said, it scarcely requires explanation. when a ship sets sail for any port, she knows, first of all, the position of the port from which she sets sail, as well as that to which she is bound. a straight line drawn from the one to the other is her true course, supposing that there is deep, unobstructed water all the way; and if the compass be placed upon that line, the point of the compass through which it passes is the point by which she ought to steer. suppose that her course ran through the east point of the compass: the ship's head would at once be turned in that direction, and she would continue her voyage with the needle of the compass pointing straight _across_ the deck, and the east and west points straight _along_ it. but various causes arise in the actual practice of navigation to prevent a ship keeping her true course. winds may be contrary, and currents may drive her either to the one side or the other of it; while land-promontories, islands, and shallows--compel her to deviate from the direct line. a vessel also makes what is called "leeway;" which means that, when the wind blows on her side, she not only advances forward, but also slides through the water sidewise. thus, in the course of a day, she may get a considerable distance off her true course--in sea parlance, "make a good deal of leeway." to perform the voyage correctly and safely in the face of these obstacles and hindrances is the aim and end of navigation; and the manner of proceeding is as follows:-the hour is carefully noted on setting sail, and from that moment, night and day, to the end of the voyage, certain observations are made and entered in the ship's journal, called the log. every hour the rate at which the ship is going is ascertained and carefully noted. the point of the compass towards which the ship is to be steered is given by the captain or officer in command to the steersman, who stands at the wheel with a compass always before him in a box called the "_binnacle_." the course is never changed except by distinct orders from those in command; and when it is changed, the hour when the change is made and the new course to be steered are carefully noted down. thus, at the end of the day, or at any other time if desired, the position of the ship can be ascertained by her course being drawn upon a chart of the ocean over which she is sailing,--correct charts, or maps, being provided by the captain before starting. the estimate thus made is, however, not absolutely correct. it is called the "_dead-reckoning_," and is only an approximation to the truth, because allowance has to be made for leeway, which can only be guessed at. allowance has also to be made for variations in the rate of sailing in each hour, for the winds do not always blow with exactly the same force during any hour of the day. on the contrary, they may vary several times within an hour, both in force and in direction. those variations have to be watched and allowed for; but such allowance may be erroneous in a greater or less degree. currents, too, may have exerted an unseen influence on the ship, thus rendering the calculation still less correct. nevertheless, dead-reckoning is often the only guide the sailor has to depend upon for days at a time, when storms and cloudy skies prevent him from ascertaining his true position by other means, of which we shall speak presently. of course, in the early days of navigation there were no charts of the ocean. the navigator knew not whither he was hurrying over the wild waste of waters; but by observing the relative position of some of the fixed stars to his course while sailing out to sea, he could form a rough idea of the proper course to steer in order to return to the port whence he had started. the compass, then, shows the sailor the course he has been going, and the _log_ (of which more presently) enables him to ascertain the rate at which he has proceeded; while his chronometers, or time-keepers, tell him the _time_ during which the course and rate of sailing have been kept up. and many a long cruise on the unknown deep has been successfully accomplished in days of old by bold seamen, with this method of dead-reckoning; and many a mariner at the present day depends almost entirely on it, while _all_ are, during thick, stormy weather, dependent on it for days and sometimes weeks together. the _log_, to which we have referred, is the instrument by which is determined the rate at which a ship is progressing. it is a very simple contrivance: a triangular piece of wood about the size of a large saucer, with a piece of stout cord fastened to each corner, the ends of the cords being tied together, so that when held up, the "log," as it is called, resembles one of a pair of scales. one of the cords, however, is only temporarily attached to its corner by means of a peg, which when violently pulled comes out. one edge of the triangle is loaded with lead. the whole machine is fastened to the "log-line,"--a stout cord many fathoms long, which is wound on a large reel. "heaving the log," as we have said, takes place every hour. one sailor stands by with a sand-glass which runs exactly half a minute. another holds the wooden reel; and a third heaves the log overboard, and "pays out" line as fast as he can make the reel spin. the instant it is thrown the first sailor turns the sand-glass. the log, being loaded on one side, floats perpendicularly in the water, remaining stationary of course; while the man who hove it watches sundry knots on the line as they pass over the stern of the ship, each knot representing a mile of rate of speed in the hour. as the last grain of sand drops to the bottom of the glass the first sailor gives a sharp signal, and the second clutches and checks the line, examines the knot nearest his hand, and thus knows at once how many knots or miles the ship is sailing at that time. the sudden stoppage of the line jerks the peg, before referred to, out of the log, thereby allowing the other two fixed cords to drag it flat and unresisting over the surface of the sea, when the line is reeled up and put by. the flight of another hour calls for a repetition of the heaving of the log. as scientific knowledge advanced, instruments of peculiar and more complicated form were devised to enable navigators to ascertain more correctly their position on the surface of the sea; but they did not, and never will, supersede the method by dead-reckoning--for this reason, that the latter can be practised at all times, while the former are useless unless the sun, moon, or stars be visible, which in some latitudes they are not for many days and weeks, when clouds and fogs shroud the bright sky from view. the _quadrant_ is the chief of those instruments. it is represented on next page. to give a succinct account of this would take up more space than we can spare. it may suffice the general reader to say that by observing the exact position of the sun at noon, or of the moon or a star, in relation to the horizon, the precise _latitude_ of a ship--that is, her distance north or south of the equator--is ascertained. the method of "taking an observation" is complicated, and difficult to explain and understand. we refer those who are curious on the point to treatises on navigation. _chronometers_ are exceedingly delicate and perfect time-keepers, or watches, which are very carefully set at the commencement of a voyage. thus the _time_ at the _meridian_ whence a vessel starts is kept up during the voyage. by means of an observation of the sun with the quadrant, or sextant (a somewhat similar instrument), the true time at any particular point in the voyage may be ascertained. a _difference_ is found to exist between the time at the spot where the observation is taken, and the time of the chronometer. a calculation founded on this difference gives the ship's _longitude_--that is, her distance east or west of the meridian that passes through greenwich. that meridian is an imaginary line drawn round the world longitudinally, and passing through the north and south poles, as the equator is a line passing round it latitudinally. when a ship's latitude and longitude have been ascertained, and a line drawn through the first parallel to the equator, and another line through the second parallel to the first meridian, the point where these two lines intersect is the _exact_ position of the ship upon the sea. the size and form of ships having gradually improved, the compass and other scientific appliances having been discovered, cannon also and gunpowder having been invented, seamen became more courageous and venturesome; and at last the portuguese nation began that career of maritime enterprise which won for it the admiration of the world. about the beginning of the fourteenth century (1330), the canary islands, lying off the west coast of africa, were re-discovered by the accident of a french ship being blown off the coast in a storm, and finding shelter amongst them. this group had been known to the ancients under the name of the fortunate islands, but had been forgotten for more than a thousand years. during the course of the century the spaniards plucked up courage to make discoveries and settlements upon them, although by so doing they were compelled to undergo that much-dreaded ordeal--sailing _out of sight_ of their once fondly "hugged" land! in the beginning of the next century arose a prince, don henry, son of john the first of portugal, whose anxiety to promote discovery, and to find a passage by sea round the coast of africa to india, induced him to send out many expeditions, all of which accomplished something, and many of which added very extensively to the geographical knowledge of the world at that time. navigators, sent out by him from time to time, discovered the madeira islands; sailed along the western coast of africa a considerable distance; ascertained the presence of gold-dust among the savages on the gulf of guinea; discovered the azores, besides numerous other islands and lands; crossed the equator, and approached to within about eighteen hundred miles of the south-most cape of africa. the discovery of gold-dust stirred up the energies of the portuguese in a remarkable degree, and caused them cheerfully to undertake ventures which, without that inducement, they would probably never have undertaken at all. moreover, they had now learned to quail less at the idea of losing sight of land; and towards the end of the fifteenth century (1486), bartholomew diaz, an officer of the household of john the second, achieved the grand object which had long been ardently desired by the portuguese--he doubled the great southern cape of africa, which king john named the "cape of good hope," although diaz had named it the "cape of tempests." the circumstance is thus alluded to by a poet of that period- "at lisboa's court they told their dread escape, and from her raging tempests named the cape. `thou southmost point,' the joyful king exclaimed, `_cape of good hope_ be thou for ever named!'" chapter six. boats, model-boat making, etcetera. leaving the subject of ancient ships and navigation, we shall now turn our attention to the more recent doings of man on the ocean, and, before entering into the details of ships and ship-building, devote a little time and space to the consideration of boats. there are great varieties of boats--as regards shape, size, material, and use--so that it is not easy to decide on which we shall first fix our attention. there are large and small, long and short boats; flat, round, sharp, and bluff ones,--some clumsy, others elegant. certain boats are built for carrying cargo, others for purposes of war. some are meant for sailing, some for rowing; and while many kinds are devoted to business, others are intended solely for pleasure. before we refer to any of these, perhaps our young readers will not object to be told how to construct:-a model boat. we need scarcely say that it is not expedient for a boy to attempt to build a model boat in the same manner as a regular boat-builder constructs one for actual service. it would be undertaking an unnecessary amount of labour to lay a keel and form ribs and nail on planks in the orthodox fashion, because, for all practical purposes, a boat cut out of a solid block of wood is quite as useful, and much more easily made. the first thing you have to do, my young boat-builder, then, is to go and visit a harbour or beach where varieties of boats are to be found, and, having settled in your mind which of them you intend to copy, make a careful drawing, in outline, of its form in four different positions. first, a side view, as in figure 1. then the stern, with the swelling sides of the boat visible, as in figure 2. the bow, as in figure 3; and a bird's-eye view, as in figure 4. the last drawing can be made by mounting on some neighbouring eminence, such as a bank or a larger boat, or, if that is impossible, by getting upon the stern of the boat itself, and thus looking down on it. these four drawings will be of great service in enabling you to shape your model correctly; for as you proceed with the carving you can, by holding the model up in the same position with any of the drawings, ascertain whether you are progressing properly; and if you get the correct form of your boat in these four positions, you will be almost certain to make a good boat. if, on the other hand, you go to work without drawings, the probability is that your boat will be lopsided, which will prevent it from floating evenly; or crooked, which will tend to check its speed in sailing, besides being clumsy and not "ship-shape," as the sailors have it. figure 1 will keep you right in regard to relative length and depth; figure 2 in regard to shape of stern and bulge of the sides; figure 3 secures correct form of the bow; and figure 4 enables you to proportion the breadth to the length. the next thing to be done is to procure a block of fir-wood, with as few knots in it as possible, and straight in the grain. the size is a matter of choice--any size from a foot to eighteen inches will do very well for a model boat. before beginning to carve this, it should be planed quite smooth and even on all sides, and the ends cut perfectly square, to permit of the requisite pencil-drawings being made on it. the tools required are a small tenon-saw, a chisel, two or three gouges of different sizes, a spoke-shave, and a file with one side flat and the other round. a rough rasp-file and a pair of compasses will also be found useful. all of these ought to be exceedingly sharp. the gouges and the spoke-shave will be found the most useful of these implements. begin by drawing a straight line with pencil down the exact centre of what will be the deck; continue it down the part that will be the stern; then carry it along the bottom of the block, where the keel will be, and up the front part, or bow. if this line has been correctly drawn, the end of it will exactly meet the place where you began to draw it. on the correctness of this line much will depend; therefore it is necessary to be careful and precise in finding out the centre of each surface of the block with the compasses. next, draw a line on each side of this centre line (as in the accompanying diagram), which will give the thickness of the keel and stern-post. then on the upper surface of the block draw the form of the boat to correspond with the bird's-eye view (figure 4, on page 82) already referred to. then draw _one-half_ of the stern on a piece of thin card-board, and when satisfied that it is correct cut it out with scissors; apply it to the model, first on one side, and then on the other side of the stern-post. by thus using a pattern of only one-half of the stern, exact uniformity of the two sides is secured. treat the bow in the same way. of course the pattern of the bow will at first be drawn on the _flat_ surface of the block, and it will represent not the actual bow, but the thickest part of the hull, as seen in the position of figure 3, on page 82. after this, turn the side of the block, and draw the form represented in figure 1, page 82, thereon, and mark _on the keel_ the point where the stem and keel join, and also where the stern and keel join. this is necessary, because in carving the sides of the boat these lines will be among the first to be cut away. the next proceeding is to cut away at the sides and bottom of the block until, looking at it in the proper positions, the bow resembles figure 3, and the stern figure 2, above referred to. this will be done chiefly with the gouge, the chisel and spoke-shave being reserved for finishing. then saw off the parts of the bow and stern that will give the requisite slope to these parts, being guided by the marks made on the keel. in cutting away the upper parts of the bow and stern, be guided by the curved lines on the deck; and in forming the lower parts of the same portions, keep your eye on your drawing, which is represented by figure 1. it is advisable to finish one side of the boat first, so that, by measurement and comparison, the other side may be made exactly similar. those who wish to be very particular on this point may secure almost exact uniformity of the two sides by cutting out several moulds (three will be sufficient) in card-board. these moulds must be cut so as to fit three marked points on the _finished_ side, as represented by three dotted lines on figure 1; and then the unfinished side must be cut so as to fit the moulds at the corresponding points. if the two sides are quite equal at these three points, it is almost impossible to go far wrong in cutting away the wood between them--the eye will be a sufficient guide for the rest. the accompanying diagram shows the three moulds referred to, one of them being _nearly_ applied to the finished part of the hull to which it belongs. thus--(a) represents the unfinished side of the boat; (b) the finished side; (c) is the mould or card cut to correspond with the widest part of the finished side, near the centre of the boat; (d) is the mould for the part near the bow; (e) for that near the stern. these drawings are roughly given, to indicate the plan on which you should proceed. the exact forms will depend on your own taste or fancy, as formed by the variously-shaped boats you have studied. and it may be remarked here, that all we have said in regard to the cutting out of model boats applies equally to model ships. the outside of your boat having been finished, the bow having been fashioned somewhat like that represented in the accompanying cut, and the stern having been shaped like that shown in the illustration given below, the next thing to be done is to hollow out the hull. care must be taken in doing this not to cut away too much wood from one part, or to leave too much at another; a little more than half an inch of thickness may be left everywhere. next, fix in the thwarts, or seats, as in the foregoing cut, attach a leaden keel, and the boat is completed. the keel may be formed by running melted lead into a groove cut in a piece of wood, or, better still, into a groove made in nearly dry clay. by driving four or five nails (well greased) into the groove before pouring in the melted lead, holes may be formed in the keel by simply withdrawing the nails after it is cold. a mast and sail, however, are still wanted. the best kind of sail is the lug, which is an elongated square sail--shown in the accompanying illustration. most of our fishing-boats are provided with lug-sails, and on this account are styled luggers. these boats are of all sizes, some of them being fifty tons burden, and carrying crews of seven or ten men each. a picture of a lugger is given on the next page. great numbers of fishing-boats may be seen at great yarmouth, and all along the coasts of norfolk and suffolk. they are employed in the herring-fishery, and use nets, which are let down in deep water, corks floating the upper edges of the nets, and the lower edges being sunk by leads, so that they remain in the water perpendicularly like walls, and intercept the shoals of herring when they chance to pass. thousands of these glittering silvery fish get entangled in the meshes during night. then the nets are drawn up, and the fish taken out and thrown into a "well," whence they are removed as quickly as possible, and salted and packed in lockers; while the nets are let down again into the sea. these boats remain out usually a week at a time. most of them return to port on saturday, in order to spend sunday as a day of rest. some, however--regardless of the fact that he who gives them the fish with such liberal hand, also gave them the command, "remember the sabbath day"--continue to prosecute the fishing on that day. but many a good man among the fishermen has borne testimony to the fact that these do not gain additional wealth by their act of disobedience; while they lose in the matter of nets (which suffer from want of frequent drying) and in the matter of health (which cannot be maintained so well without a weekly day of rest), while there can be no doubt that they lose the inestimable blessing of a good conscience. so true is it that godliness is profitable for the life which now is as well as for that which is to come. a model boat should be rigged with only one mast and lug-sail, or with two masts and sails at the most. three are unnecessary and cumbrous. each sail should be fixed to a yard, which should be hoisted or hauled down by means of a block or pulley fastened near the top of the mast. the positions of these yards and the form of the sails may be more easily understood by a glance at our woodcut than by reading many pages of description. sprit-sails are sometimes used in boats. these are fore-and-aft sails, which are kept distended by a sprit instead of a yard. the sprit is a long pole, one end of which is fixed to the lowest _innermost_ corner, near the mast, and the other end extending to the highest _outermost_ corner; thus it lies diagonally across the sail. it is convenient when a boat "tacks," or "goes about"--in other words, when it goes round frequently, and sails, now leaning on one side, and, at the next tack, on the other side. in this case the sprit requires little shifting or attention. but it is dangerous in squally weather, because, although the sheet or line which holds the lower and _outer_ end of a sail may be let go for the sake of safety, the upper part remains spread to the wind because of the sprit. the best rig of all for a model boat, and indeed for a pleasure-boat, is that which comprises a main-sail, in form like that of a sloop or a cutter, omitting the boom, or lower yard, and a triangular fore-sail extending from near the mast to the bow of the boat or to the end of the bowsprit--somewhat like a sloop's jib. both of the sails referred to may be seen at the part of this book which treats of sloops and cutters; and they are the same in form, with but slight modification, when applied to boats. racing-boats are long, low, narrow, and light. some are so narrow as to require iron rowlocks extending a considerable distance beyond the sides of the boat for the oars to rest in. many of these light craft may be seen on the thames and clyde, and other rivers throughout the kingdom. the larger sort do not require what we may call the outrigger rowlocks. the "rob roy" canoe has, of late years, come much into fashion as a racing and pleasure boat. whatever the advantages of this craft may be, it has this disadvantage, that it can hold only one person; so that it may be styled an unsocial craft, the company of one or more friends being impossible, unless, indeed, one or more canoes travel in company. this species of canoe became celebrated some years ago, in consequence of an interesting and adventurous voyage of a thousand miles through germany, switzerland, and france, and, subsequently, through part of norway and sweden, made by mr macgregor in a craft of this kind, to which he gave the name of "rob roy." since the craft became popular, numerous and important improvements have been made in the construction of its hull and several parts, but its distinctive features remain unaltered. the "rob roy" canoe is, in fact, almost identical with the eskimo kayak, except in regard to the material of which it is made--the former being composed wholly of wood, the latter of a framework of wood covered with skin. there is the same long, low, fish-like form, the same deck, almost on a level with the water, the same hole in the centre for the admission of the man, the same apron to keep out water, and the same long, double-bladed paddle, which is dipped on each side alternately. the "rob roy" has, however, the addition of a small mast, a lug-sail, and a jib. it has also a back-board, to support the back of the canoeman; the paddle, too, is somewhat shorter than that of the eskimo canoe; and the whole affair is smarter, and more in accordance with the tastes and habits of the civilised men who use it. in his various voyages, which we might almost style journeys, the originator of the "rob roy" canoe proved conclusively that there were few earthly objects which could form a barrier to his progress. when his canoe could not carry him, he carried it! waterfalls could not stop him, because he landed below them, and carried his canoe and small amount of baggage to the smooth water above the falls. in this he followed the example of the fur-traders and indians of north america, who travel over any number of miles of wilderness in this manner. shallows could not stop him, because his little bark drew only a few inches of water. turbulent water could not swamp him, because the waves washed harmlessly over his smooth deck, and circled innocently round his protective apron. even long stretches of dry land could not stop him, because barrows, or carts, or railways could transport his canoe hither and thither with perfect ease to any distance; so that when the waters of one river failed him, those of the next nearest were easily made available. in conclusion, it may be said that the "rob roy" canoe is a most useful and pleasant craft for boys and young men, especially at those watering-places which have no harbour or pier, and where, in consequence of the flatness of the beach, boats cannot easily be used. it would be an almost endless as well as unprofitable task to go over the names and characteristics of all our various kinds of boats in detail. of heavy-sterned and clumsy river craft, we have an innumerable fleet. there are also _torbay trawlers_, which are cutters of from twenty to fifty tons; and the herring-boats of scotland; and cobbles, which are broad, bluff, little boats; and barges, which are broad, bluff, large ones; and skiffs, and scows, and many others. in foreign lands many curious boats are to be met with. the most graceful of them, perhaps, are those which carry lateen sails--enormous triangular sails, of which kind each boat usually carries only one. _india-rubber boats_ there are, which can be inflated with a pair of bellows, and, when full, can support half-a-dozen men or more, while, when empty, they can be rolled up and carried on the back of one man, or in a barrow. one boat of this kind we once saw and paddled in. it was made in the form of a cloak, and could be carried quite easily on one's shoulders. when inflated, it formed a sort of oval canoe, which was quite capable of supporting one person. we speak from experience, having tried it some years ago on the serpentine, and found it to be extremely buoyant, but a little given to spin round at each stroke of the paddle, owing to its circular shape and want of cut-water or keel. -----------------------------------------------------------------------of all the boats that swim, the lifeboat is certainly one of the most interesting; perhaps it is not too much to add that it is also one of the most useful. but this boat deserves a chapter to itself. chapter seven. lifeboats and lightships. when our noble lifeboat institution was in its infancy, a deed was performed by a young woman which at once illustrates the extreme danger to which those who attempt to rescue the shipwrecked must expose themselves, and the great need there was, thirty years ago, for some better provision than existed at that time for the defence of our extensive sea-board against the dire consequences of storm and wreck. it is not, we think, inappropriate to begin our chapter on lifeboats with a brief account of the heroic deed of:-grace darling. there are not many women who, like joan of arc, put forth their hands to the work peculiarly belonging to the male sex, and achieve for themselves undying fame. and among these there are very few indeed who, in thus quitting their natural sphere and assuming masculine duties, retain their feminine modesty and gentleness. such a one, however, was grace darling. she did not, indeed, altogether quit her station and follow a course peculiar to the male sex; but she did once seize the oar and launch fearlessly upon the raging sea, and perform a deed which strong and daring men might have been proud of-which drew forth the wondering admiration of her country, and has rendered her name indissolubly connected with the annals of heroic daring in the saving of human life from vessels wrecked upon our rock-bound shores. grace darling was born in november 1815, at bamborough, on the northumberland coast. her father was keeper of the lighthouse on the longstone, one of the farne islands lying off that coast; and here, on a mere bit of rock surrounded by the ocean, and often by the howling tempests and the foaming breakers of that dangerous spot, our heroine spent the greater part of her life, cut off almost totally from the joys and pursuits of the busy world. she and her mother managed the domestic economy of the lighthouse on the little islet, while her father trimmed the lantern that sent a blaze of friendly light to warn mariners off that dangerous coast. in personal appearance grace darling is described as having been fair and comely, with a gentle, modest expression of countenance; about the middle size; and with nothing in the least degree masculine about her. she had reached her twenty-second year when the wreck took place in connection with which her name has become famous. the farne islands are peculiarly dangerous. the sea rushes with tremendous force between the smaller islands, and, despite the warning light, wrecks occasionally take place among them. in days of old, when men had neither heart nor head to erect lighthouses for the protection of their fellows, many a noble ship must have been dashed to pieces there, and many an awful shriek must have mingled with the hoarse roar of the surf round these rent and weatherworn rocks. a gentleman who visited the longstone rock in 1838, describes it thus:-"it was, like the rest of these desolate isles, all of dark whinstone, cracked in every direction, and worn with the action of winds, waves, and tempests since the world began. over the greater part of it was not a blade of grass, nor a grain of earth; it was bare and iron-like stone, crusted, round all the coast as far as high-water mark, with limpet and still smaller shells. we ascended wrinkled hills of black stone, and descended into worn and dismal dells of the same; into some of which, where the tide got entrance, it came pouring and roaring in raging whiteness, and churning the loose fragments of whinstone into round pebbles, and piling them up in deep crevices with seaweeds, like great round ropes and heaps of fucus. over our heads screamed hundreds of hovering birds, the gull mingling its hideous laughter most wildly." one wild and stormy night in september 1838--such a night as induces those on land to draw closer round the fire, and offer up, perchance, a silent prayer for those who are at sea--a steamer was battling, at disadvantage with the billows, off saint abb's head. she was the _forfarshire_, a steamer of three hundred tons, under command of mr john humble; and had started from hull for dundee with a valuable cargo, a crew of twenty-one men, and forty-one passengers. it was a fearful night. the storm raged furiously, and would have tried the qualities of even a stout vessel; but this one was in very bad repair, and her boilers were in such a state that the engines soon became entirely useless, and at last they ceased to work. we cannot conceive the danger of a steamer left thus comparatively helpless in a furious storm and dark night off a dangerous coast. in a short time the vessel became quite unmanageable, and drifted with the direction of the tide, no one knew whither. soon the terrible cry arose, "breakers to leeward," and immediately after the farne lights became visible. a despairing attempt was now made by the captain to run the ship between the islands and the mainland; but in this he failed, and about three o'clock she struck heavily on a rock bow foremost. the scene of consternation that followed is indescribable. immediately one of the boats was lowered, and with a freight of terror-stricken people pushed off, but not before one or two persons had fallen into the sea and perished in their vain attempts to get into it. this party in the boat, nine in number, survived the storm of that awful night, and were picked up the following morning by a montrose sloop. of those left in the ill-fated ship some remained in the after-part; a few stationed themselves near the bow, thinking it the safest spot. the captain stood helpless, his wife clinging to him, while several other females gave vent to their agony of despair in fearful cries. meanwhile the waves dashed the vessel again and again on the rock, and at last a larger billow than the rest lifted her up and let her fall down upon its sharp edge. the effect was tremendous and instantaneous; the vessel was literally broken in two pieces, and the after-part, with the greater number of the passengers in the cabin, was swept away through the fifa gut, a tremendous current which is considered dangerous even in good weather. among those who thus perished were the captain and his wife. the forepart of the steamer, with the few who had happily taken refuge upon it, remained fast on the rock. here eight or nine of the passengers and crew clung to the windlass, and a woman named sarah dawson, with her two little children, lay huddled together in a corner of the fore-cabin, exposed to the fury of winds and waves all the remainder of that dreadful night. for hours each returning wave carried a thrill of terror to their hearts; for the shattered wreck reeled before every shock, and it seemed as if it would certainly be swept away into the churning foam before daybreak. but daylight came at last, and the survivors on the wreck began to sweep the dim horizon with straining eyeballs as a faint hope at last began to arise in their bosoms. nor were these trembling hopes doomed to disappointment. at the eleventh hour god in his mercy sent deliverance. through the glimmering dawn and the driving spray the lighthouse-keeper's daughter from the lonely watch-tower descried the wreck, which was about a mile distant from the longstone. from the mainland, too, they were observed; and crowds of people lined the shore and gazed upon the distant speck, to which, by the aid of telescopes, the survivors were seen clinging with the tenacity of despair. but no boat could live in that raging sea, which still lashed madly against the riven rocks, although the violence of the storm had begun to abate. an offer of 5 pounds by the steward of bamborough castle failed to tempt a crew of men to launch their boat. one daring heart and willing hand was there, however. grace darling, fired with an intense desire to save the perishing ones, urged her father to launch their little boat. at first he held back. there was no one at the lighthouse except himself, his wife, and his daughter. what could such a crew do in a little open boat in so wild a sea? he knew the extreme peril they should encounter better than his daughter, and very naturally hesitated to run so great a risk. for, besides the danger of swamping, and the comparatively weak arm of an inexperienced woman at the oar, the passage from the longstone to the wreck could only be accomplished with the ebb-tide; so that unless the exhausted survivors should prove to be able to lend their aid, they could not pull back again to the lighthouse. but the earnest importunities of the heroic girl were not to be resisted. her father at last consented, and the little boat pushed off with the man and the young woman for its crew. it may be imagined with what a thrill of joy and hope the people on the wreck beheld the boat dancing an the crested waves towards them; and how great must have been the surprise that mingled with their other feelings on observing that one of the rowers was a woman! they gained the rock in safety; but here their danger was increased ten-fold, and it was only by the exertion of great muscular power, coupled with resolute courage, that they prevented the boat being dashed to pieces against the rock. one by one the sufferers were got into the boat. sarah dawson was found lying in the fore-cabin with a spark of life still trembling in her bosom, and she still clasped her two little ones in her arms, but the spirits of both had fled to him who gave them. with great difficulty the boat was rowed back to the longstone, and the rescued crew landed in safety. here, owing to the violence of the sea, they were detained for nearly three days, along with a boat's crew which had put off to their relief from north sunderland; and it required some ingenuity to accommodate so large a party within the narrow limits of a lighthouse. grace gave up her bed to poor mrs dawson; most of the others rested as they best could upon the floor. the romantic circumstances of this rescue, the isolated position of the girl, her youth and modesty, and the self-devoting heroism displayed upon this occasion, thrilled through the length and breadth of the country like an electric shock, and the name of grace darling became for the time as well known as that of the greatest in the land, while the lonely lighthouse on the longstone became a point of attraction to thousands of warm admirers, among whom were many of the rich and the noble. letters and gifts flowed in upon grace darling continually. the public seemed unable to do enough to testify their regard. the duke of northumberland invited her over to alnwick castle, and presented her with a gold watch. a public subscription, to the amount of 700 pounds, was raised for her. the humane society presented her with a handsome silver tea-pot and a vote of thanks for her courage and humanity. portraits of her were sold in the print-shops all over the land; and the enthusiasm, which at first was the natural impulse of admiration for one who had performed a noble and heroic deed, at last rose to a species of mania, in the heat of which not a few absurdities were perpetrated. among others, several of the proprietors of the metropolitan theatres offered her a large sum nightly on condition that she would appear on the stage, merely to sit in a boat during the performance of a piece illustrative of the incident of which she was the heroine! as might have been expected of one whose spirit was truly noble, she promptly declined all such offers. god seems to have put his arm tenderly round grace darling, and afforded her special strength to resist the severe temptations to which she was exposed. all proposals to better her condition were rejected, and she returned to her home on the island rock, where she remained with her father and mother till within a few months of her death. the fell destroyer, alas! claimed her while yet in the bloom of womanhood. she died of consumption on the 20th of october 1842, leaving an example of self-devoting courage in the hour of danger, and self-denying heroism in the hour of temptation, that may well be admired and imitated by those whose duty it is to man the lifeboat and launch to the rescue on the stormy waves, in all time to come. lifeboats. a lifeboat--that is to say, the lifeboat of the present time--differs from all other boats in four particulars. it is _almost_ indestructible; it is insubmergible; it is self-righting; it is self-emptying. in other words, it can hardly be destroyed; it cannot be sunk; it rights itself if upset; it empties itself if filled. the first of these qualities is due to the unusual strength of the lifeboat, not only in reference to the excellence of the materials with which it is made, but also to the manner in which the planks are laid on. these cross one another in a diagonal manner, which cannot be easily described or explained to ordinary readers; but it is sufficient to say that the method has the effect of binding the entire boat together in a way that renders it much stronger than any other species of craft. the second quality--that of insubmergibility--is due to air-chambers fixed round the sides of the boat, under the seats, and at the bow and stern. these air-cases are sufficiently buoyant to float the boat even if she were filled to overflowing with water and crowded to her utmost capacity with human beings. in short, to use an expression which may appear paradoxical, she can carry more than she can hold--has floating power sufficient to support more than can be got into her. the third--her self-righting quality--is also due to air-chambers, in connection with a heavy keel. there are two large and prominent air-cases in the lifeboat--one in the bow, the other in the stern. these rise considerably above the gunwale, insomuch that when the boat is turned upside-down it rests upon them as upon two pivots. of course it cannot remain stationary on them for a moment, but must necessarily fall over to the one side or the other. this is the first motion in self-righting; then the heavy keel comes into play, and pulls the boat quite round. being full of water, the lifeboat would be comparatively useless but for its fourth quality--that of self-emptying. this is accomplished by means of six large holes which run through the floor and bottom of the boat. the floor referred to is air-tight, and is so placed that when fully manned and loaded with passengers it is a _very little above the level of the sea_. on this fact the acting of the principle depends. between the floor and the bottom of the boat--a space of upwards of a foot in depth--there is some light ballast of cork or of wood, and some parts of the space are left empty. the six holes above-mentioned are tubes of six inches in diameter, which extend from the floor through the bottom of the boat. now, it is one of nature's laws that water must find its level. for instance, take any boat and bore large holes in its bottom, and suppose it to be supported in its _ordinary_ floating position, so that it cannot sink even though water runs freely into it through the holes. then fill it suddenly quite full of water. of course the water inside will be considerably above the level of the water outside, but it will continue to run out at the holes until it is exactly on a level with the water outside. now, water poured into a lifeboat acts exactly in the same way; but when it has reached the level of the water outside _it has also reached the floor_, so that there is no more water to run out. such are the principal qualities of the splendid lifeboat now used on our coasts, and of which it may be said that it has reached a state of almost absolute perfection. the accompanying sections of the lifeboat exhibit the position of the air-cases and discharging tubes. in figure 1 the _shaded_ parts give a side view of the air-cases. the line a a indicates the deck or floor, which lies a _little_ above the level of the water when the boat is loaded; b b is the water-tight space containing ballast; c c c are three of the six discharging holes or tubes; the dotted line d d shows the level of the sea. figure 2 gives a bird's-eye view of the boat. the shaded parts indicate the air-cases; and the position of the six discharging tubes is more clearly shown than in figure 1. there are three covered openings in the floor, which permit of a free circulation of air when the boat is not in use, and in one of these is a small pump to clear the ballast-space of leakage. it will be observed that the boat draws little water; in fact, there is much more of her above than below water, and she is dependent for stability on her great breadth of beam and her heavy keel. these four qualities in the lifeboat are illustrated every year by many thrilling incidents of wreck and rescue. let us glance at a few of these. first, then, as to the _almost_ indestructible quality. take the following evidence:-on a terrible night in the year 1857 a portuguese brig struck on the goodwin sands, not far from the lightship that marks the northern extremity of those fatal shoals. a shot was fired, and a rocket sent up from the lightship as a signal to the men on shore that a vessel had got upon the sands. no second signal was needed. anxious eyes had been on the watch that night. instantly the ramsgate men jumped into their lifeboat, which lay alongside the pier. it was deadly work that had to be done,--the gale was one of the fiercest of the season,--nevertheless the gallant men were so eager to get into the boat that it was overmanned, and the last two who jumped in were obliged to go ashore. a small but powerful steamer is kept to attend upon this boat. in a few minutes it took her in tow and made for the mouth of the harbour. they staggered out right in the teeth of tide and tempest, and ploughed their way through a heavy cross-sea that swept again and again over them, until they reached the edge of the goodwins. here the steamer cast off the boat, and waited for her, while she dashed into the surf and bore the brunt of the battle alone. with difficulty the brig was found in the darkness. the lifeboat cast anchor when within about forty fathoms, and veered down under her lee. at first they were in hopes of getting the vessel off, and hours were spent in vain endeavours to do this. but the storm increased in fury; the brig began to break up; she rolled from side to side, and the yards swung wildly in the air. a blow from one of these yards would have stove the boat in, so the portuguese crew--twelve men and a boy--were taken from the wreck, and the boatmen endeavoured to push off. all this time the boat had been floating in a basin worked in the sand by the motion of the wreck; but the tide had been falling, and when they tried to pull up to their anchor the boat struck heavily on the edge of this basin. the men worked to get off the shoals as only those can work whose lives depend on their efforts. they succeeded in getting afloat for a moment, but again struck and remained fast. meanwhile the brig was lifted by each wave and let fall with a thundering crash; her timbers began to snap like pipe-stems, and as she worked nearer and nearer, it became evident that destruction was not far off. the heavy seas caused by the increasing storm flew over the lifeboat, so that those in her could only hold on to the thwarts for their lives. at last the brig came so near that there was a stir among the men; they were preparing for the last struggle--some of them intending to leap into the rigging of the wreck and take their chance; but the coxswain shouted, "stick to the boat, boys! stick to the boat!" and the men obeyed. at that moment the boat lifted a little on the surf, and grounded again. new hope was infused by this. the men pulled at the hawser, and shoved might and main with the oars. they succeeded in getting out of immediate danger, but still could not pull up to the anchor in teeth of wind and tide. the coxswain then saw plainly that there was but one resource left--to cut the cable and drive right across the goodwin sands. but there was not yet sufficient water on the sands to float them over; so they held on, intending to ride at anchor until the tide, which had turned, should rise. very soon, however, the anchor began to drag. this compelled them to hoist sail, cut the cable sooner than they had intended, and attempt to beat off the sands. it was in vain. a moment more, and they struck with tremendous force. a breaker came rolling towards them, filled the boat, caught her up like a plaything on its crest, and, hurling her a few yards onwards, let her fall again with a shock that well-nigh tore every man out of her. each successive breaker treated her in this way. those who dwell by the sea-shore know well the familiar ripples that mark the sands when the tide is out. on the goodwins these ripples are gigantic steps, to be measured by feet, not by inches. from one to another of these banks this splendid boat was thrown. each roaring surf caught it by the bow or stern, and, whirling it right round, sent it crashing on the next ledge. the portuguese sailors appeared to give up all hope, and clung to the thwarts in silent despair; but the crew-eighteen in number--did not lose heart altogether. they knew their boat well, had often gone out to battle in her, and hoped that they might yet be saved if she should only escape striking on the pieces of old wrecks with which the sands were strewn. thus, literally, yard by yard, with a succession of shocks that would have knocked any ordinary boat to pieces, did that lifeboat drive during _two_ hours over _two_ miles of the goodwin sands. at last they drove into deep water; the sails were set; and soon after, through god's mercy, they landed the rescued crew in safety in ramsgate harbour. what further evidence need we that the lifeboat is almost, if not altogether, indestructible? that the lifeboat is insubmergible has been proved to some extent by the foregoing incident. no better instance could be adduced to prove the buoyancy of the life boat than that of the tynemouth boat, named the constance, at the wreck of the _stanley_, in the year 1864. in this case, while the boat was nearing the wreck, a billow broke over the bow of the _stanley_, and falling into the constance, absolutely overwhelmed her. referring to this, the coxswain of the lifeboat says: "the sea fell over the bows of the stanley and buried the lifeboat. every oar was broken at the gunwale of the boat, and the outer ends swept away. the men made a grasp for the spare oars; three were gone--two only remained." now, it is to be observed that the coxswain here speaks of the boat as being _buried, sunk_ by the waves, and _immediately_, as he says, "the men made a grasp for the spare oars." the sinking and leaping to the surface seem to have been the work almost of the same moment. and this is indeed the case; for when the force that sinks a lifeboat is removed, she rises that instant to the surface like a cork. in order to prove the value of the self-righting quality, and the superiority of those lifeboats which possess it over those which are destitute of it, we will briefly cite three cases--the last of which will also prove the value of the self-emptying quality. on the 4th of january 1857, the point of ayr lifeboat, when under sail in a gale, upset at a distance from land. the accident was seen from the shore; but no help could be rendered, and the whole boat's crew-thirteen in number--were drowned. now, this was deemed a good lifeboat, but it was not a self-righting one; and two of her crew were seen clinging to the keel for twenty minutes, by which time they became exhausted and were washed off. take another case of a non-self-righting boat. in february 1858 the southwold lifeboat, a large sailing-boat, and esteemed one of the finest in the kingdom, went out at the quarterly period of exercise in rough weather, and was running before a heavy sea with all sail set when she suddenly ran on the top of a wave, broached to, and upset. the crew in this case were fortunately near the land, had on their cork belts, and were dragged ashore, though with difficulty; but three amateurs, who were without belts, perished. these two cases occurred in the day-time. the third case happened at night--on a very dark stormy night in october 1858. a wreck had been seen about three miles off dungeness, and the lifeboat at that place--a small self-righting and self-emptying one belonging to the royal national lifeboat institution--put off, with eight stout men of the coast-guard for a crew. on reaching the wreck, soon after midnight, it was found that the crew had deserted her; the lifeboat therefore returned towards the shore. on nearing it she got into a channel between two shoals, where she was caught up and struck by three heavy seas in succession. the coxswain lost command of the rudder; she was carried away before the sea, broached to, and upset, throwing her crew out of her. immediately she righted herself, cleared herself of water, and the anchor, having fallen out, brought her up. the crew, meanwhile, having on cork belts, floated, regained the boat, clambered into it by means of the life-lines hung round her sides, cut the cable, and returned to shore in safety. so much for the nature and capabilities of our lifeboats. we cannot afford space to say more in regard to them than that they are the means, under god, of saving many hundreds of human lives every year on the coasts of the united kingdom, besides a large amount of shipping and property, which, but for them, would inevitably be lost. the noble institution which manages them was founded in 1824, and is supported entirely by voluntary contributions. along with the lifeboat we may appropriately describe here another species of vessel, which, if it does not directly rescue lives, at all events prevents disaster by giving timely warning of danger. we refer to:-lightships. these floating beacons are anchored in the immediate vicinity of the numerous sand-banks which lie off the mouths of some of the principal ports of the kingdom, especially in england, and on other parts of our shores. there are numerous floating lights around our coasts, marking shoals on which lighthouses could not easily be erected. their importance to shipping is inconceivably great. the accompanying illustration shows a vessel passing the lightship at the nore. the impossibility of shipping getting safely into or out of the port of london without the guiding aid of lightships, as well as of buoys and beacons, may be made clear by a simple statement of the names of some of the obstructions which lie in the mouth of the thames. there are the _knock_ shoals, the east and west _barrows_, the _john_, the _sunk_, the _girdler_, and the _long_ sands, all lying like so many ground sharks waiting to arrest and swallow up passing vessels, which, unfortunately, they too often accomplish despite the numerous precautions taken to rob them of their prey. most people know the appearance of buoys, but we dare say few have seen a buoy or beacon resembling the one in our engraving, which is a sort of cage, fastened to a buoy, with a bell inside that rings by the action of the waves. it must have been something of this sort that was used at the famous "bell rock" in days of yore. lightships are usually clumsy-looking, red-painted vessels, having one strong mast amidships, with a ball at the top, about six feet in diameter, made of light laths. this ball is a very conspicuous object, and clearly indicates a lightship to the passing vessel during the day. at night a huge lantern traverses on, and is hoisted to nearly the top of, the same mast. it is lighted by a number of argand lamps with powerful reflectors. some lightships have two masts, and some three, with a ball and a lantern on each. some of these lanterns contain fixed, others revolving lights--these differences being for the purpose of indicating to seamen the particular light which they happen to be passing. thus, the goodwin sands, which are upwards of ten miles in length, are marked by three lightships. the one on the north has three masts and three _fixed_ lights. the one on the south has two masts and two _fixed_ lights. the one that lies between the two--off ramsgate, and named the gull--has one mast and one _revolving_ light. the crew of a lightship consists of about nine or ten men, each of whom does duty for two months on board, and one month on shore, taking their turn by rotation; so that the number of men always on board is about seven. while on shore, they attend to the buoys, anchors, chain-cables, and other stores of the trinity house, which has charge of all the lights, buoys, and beacons in england. they also assist in laying down new buoys and sinkers, and removing old ones, etcetera. lightships run considerable risk, for besides being exposed at all times to all the storms that rage on our shores, they are sometimes run into by ships in foggy weather. the _gull_ lightship, above referred to, occupies a peculiar and interesting position. being in the very centre of all the shipping which passes through the downs, she has frequent narrow escapes, and has several times been damaged by collisions. the marvel is that, considering her position, she does not oftener "come to grief." she also signals for the ramsgate lifeboat, by means of guns and rockets, when a ship is observed by her crew to have got upon the dreaded goodwin sands. we had the pleasure of spending a week on board of the _gull_ lightship not long ago, and one night witnessed a very stirring scene of calling out the lifeboat. we shall conclude this subject by quoting the following letter, which we wrote at the time, giving a detailed account of it. ramsgate, march 26, 1870. the eye-witness of a battle from an unusual point of view may, without presumption, believe that he has something interesting to tell. i therefore send you an account of what i saw in the _gull_ lightship, off the goodwin sands, on the night of thursday last, when the _germania_, of bremen, was wrecked on the south-sand-head. having been an inhabitant of the _gull_ lightship for a week, and cut off from communication with the shore for several days, i have been unable to write sooner. our never-ending warfare with the storm is well known. here is one specimen of the manner in which it is carried on. a little before midnight on thursday last (the 24th), while i was rolling uneasily in my "bunk," contending with sleep and sea-sickness, and moralising on the madness of those who choose "the sea" for a profession, i was roused--and sickness instantly cured--by the watch on deck suddenly shouting down the hatchway to the mate, "_south-sand-head_ light is firing, sir, and sending up rockets." the mate sprang from his "bunk," and was on the cabin floor before the sentence was well finished. i followed suit, and pulled on coat, nether garments, and shoes, as if my life depended on my own speed. there was unusual need for clothing, for the night was bitterly cold. a coat of ice had formed even on the salt-water spray which had blown into the boats. on gaining the deck, we found the two men on duty actively at work, the one loading the lee gun, the other adjusting a rocket to its stick. a few hurried questions from the mate elicited all that it was needful to know. the flash of a gun from the _south-sand-head_ lightship, about six miles distant, had been seen, followed by a rocket, indicating that a vessel had got upon the fatal goodwins. while the men spoke, i saw the bright flash of another gun, but heard no report, owing to the gale carrying the sound to leeward. a rocket followed, and at the same moment we observed the light of the vessel in distress just on the southern tail of the sands. by this time our gun was charged, and the rocket in position. "look alive, jack! get the poker," cried the mate, as he primed the gun. jack dived down the companion hatch, and in another moment returned with a red-hot poker, which the mate had thrust into the cabin fire at the first alarm. jack applied it in quick succession to the gun and the rocket. a blinding flash and deafening crash were followed by the whiz of the rocket as it sprang with a magnificent curve far away into the surrounding darkness. this was our answer to the _south-sand-head_ light, which, having fired three guns and three rockets to attract our attention, now ceased firing. it was also our note of warning to the look-out on the pier of ramsgate harbour. "that's a beauty," said our mate, referring to the rocket; "get up another, jack; sponge her well out. jacobs, we'll give 'em another shot in a few minutes." loud and clear were both our signals; but four and a half miles of distance and a fresh gale neutralised their influence. the look-out did not see them. in less than five minutes the gun and rocket were fired again. still no answering signal came from ramsgate. "load the weather gun," said the mate. jacobs obeyed; and i sought shelter under the lee of the weather bulwarks, for the wind appeared to be composed of pen-knives and needles. our third gun thundered forth, and shook the lightship from stem to stern; but the rocket struck the rigging, and made a low, wavering flight. another was therefore sent up; but it had scarcely cut its bright line across the sky, when we observed the answering signal--a rocket from ramsgate pier. "that's all right now, sir; our work is done," said the mate, as he went below, and, divesting himself of his outer garments, quietly turned in; while the watch, having sponged out and re-covered the gun, resumed their active perambulation of the deck. i confess that i felt somewhat disappointed at this sudden termination of the noise and excitement. i was told that the ramsgate lifeboat could not well be out in less than an hour. it seemed to my excited spirit a terrible thing that human lives should be kept so long in jeopardy; and, of course, i began to think, "is it not possible to prevent this delay?" but excited spirits are not always the best judges of such matters, although they have an irresistible tendency to judge. there was nothing for it, however, but patience; so i turned in, "all standing," as sailors have it, with orders that i should be called when the lights of the tug should come in sight. it seemed but a few minutes after, when the voice of the watch was again heard shouting hastily, "lifeboat close alongside, sir. didn't see it till this moment. she carries no lights." i bounced out, and, minus coat, hat, and shoes, scrambled on deck, just in time to see the _broadstairs_ lifeboat rush past us before the gale. she was close under our stern, and rendered spectrally visible by the light of our lantern. "what are you firing for?" shouted the coxswain of the boat. "ship on the sands, bearing south," replied jack at the full pitch of his stentorian voice. the boat did not pause. it passed with a magnificent rush into darkness. the reply had been heard; and the lifeboat shot straight as an arrow to the rescue. we often hear and read of such scenes, but vision is necessary to enable one to realise the full import of all that goes on. a strange thrill ran through me as i saw the familiar blue and white boat leaping over the foaming billows. often had i seen it in model, and in quiescence in its boat-house-ponderous and ungainly; but now i saw it, for the first time, endued with life. so, i fancy, warriors might speak of our heavy cavalry as we see them in barracks, and as _they_ saw them at alma. again all was silent and unexciting on board of the _gull_. i went shivering below, with exalted notions of the courage and endurance of lifeboat men. soon after, the watch once more shouted, "tug's in sight, sir;" and once again the mate and i went on deck. on this occasion, the tug _aid_ had made a mistake. some one on shore had reported that the guns and rockets had been seen flashing from the _gull_ and _north-sand-head_ lightships; whereas the report should have been, from the _gull_ and _south-sand-head_ vessels. the single word was all-important. it involved an unnecessary run of about twelve miles, and an hour and a half's loss of time. but we mention this merely as a fact, not as a complaint. accidents will happen. the ramsgate lifeboat service is admirably regulated, and for once that an error of this kind can be pointed out, we can point to dozens--ay, hundreds--of cases in which the steamer and lifeboat have gone straight as the crow flies to the rescue, and have done good service on occasions when all other lifeboats would have failed, so great is the value of steam in such matters. on this occasion, however, the tug appeared late on the scene, and hailed us. when the true state of the case was ascertained, the course was directed aright, and full steam let on. the ramsgate lifeboat, _bradford_, was in tow far astern. as she passed us the brief questions and answers were repeated for the benefit of the coxswain of the boat. i observed that every man in the boat lay flat on the thwarts except the coxswain. no wonder. it is not an easy matter to sit up in a gale of wind, with freezing spray, and sometimes green seas, sweeping over one. they were, doubtless, wide awake, and listening; but, as far as vision went, that boat was manned with ten oilskin coats and sou'-westers. a few seconds took them out of sight; and thus, as far as the _gull_ lightship was concerned, the drama ended. there was no possibility of our ascertaining more, at least during that night; for whatever might be the result of these efforts, the floating lights had no chance of hearing of them until the next visit of their tender. i was therefore obliged to turn in once more, at three a.m. next forenoon we saw the wreck, bottom up, high on the goodwin sands. on friday morning, the _alert_--tender to the lightships of this district, under command of the trinity superintendent, captain vaile-came off to us, and we learned the name of the vessel, that she was a total wreck, and that the crew, seven men, had taken to their boat, and succeeded in reaching the _south-sand-head_ lightship, whence they were almost immediately after taken by the deal lifeboat, and safely landed at deal. it is to be carefully observed here that, although in this case much energy was expended unnecessarily, it does not follow that it is often so expended. often--too often--all the force of lifeboat service on this coast is insufficient to meet the demands on it. the crews of the various boats in the vicinity of the goodwin sands are frequently called out more than once in a night; and they are sometimes out all night, visiting various wrecks in succession. in all this work the value of the steam-tug is very conspicuous. for it can tow its boat again and again to windward, and renew the effort to save life in cases where, unaided, lifeboats would be compelled to give in. embarking in the _alert_, i sailed round the wreck at low water, and observed that the deal luggers were swarming round her like flies; the crews stripping her bottom of copper, and saving her stores, while, apparently, hundreds of men were busy upon her deck dismantling her shattered hull. this, after all, is but an insignificant episode of wreck on the goodwins. many wrecks there are every year much more worthy of record; but this is sufficient to give a general idea of the manner in which our great war with the storm is conducted--the promptitude with which relief is rendered, and the energy with which our brave seamen are ready to imperil their lives almost every night, all round the coast, and all the year round. chapter eight. docks and shipbuilding. having in the previous chapters treated of the subjects of ancient navigation and ships, and given some account of the boats of the present time, we now proceed to write about modern ships. in doing so, let us turn our attention first to:-the dockyard. if we were a maker of riddles, we would ask our reader, "why is a ship like a human being?" and having added, "d'ye give it up?" would reply, "because it commences life in a cradle;" but not being a fabricator of riddles, we _don't_ ask our reader that question. we merely draw his attention to the fact that ships, like men, have not only an infancy, but also have cradles--of which more hereafter. let us enter one of those naval nurseries--the dockyard--where ships may be seen commencing their career. what a scene it is! what sawing and thumping, and filing, and grinding, and clinching, and hammering, without intermission, from morn till noon, and from noon till dewy eve! what a babel of sounds and chaos of indescribable material! that little boy whom you observe standing under the shadow of yonder hull--his hands in his pockets (of course), his mouth open (probably), and his eyes gazing up fixedly at the workmen, who cluster like bees on the ribs and timbers of yonder infant ship has stood there for more than an hour, and he will stand there, or thereabout, for many hours to come; for it happens to be a holiday with him, and he dotes on harbours and dockyards. his whole being is wrapped up in them. and this is natural enough. most boys delight to gaze on incomprehensible and stupendous works. let us--you and i, reader-follow this urchin's example, keeping our mouths shut, however, save when we mean to speak, and our eyes open. there are ships here of every shape and size--from the little coasting-vessel to the great east indiaman, which, in its unfinished condition, looks like the skeleton of some dire megatherium of the antediluvian world. some of these infant ships have an enormous shed over them to protect them from the weather; others are destitute of such protection: for ships, like men, it would seem, are liable to vicissitudes of fortune. while the "great ones" of the dockyard world are comfortably housed, the small ones are not unfrequently exposed to the fitful buffeting of the rude elements even from their birth. there are ships here, too, in every state of progression. there, just beside you, is a "little one" that was born yesterday. the keel has just been laid on the blocks; and it will take many a long day of clinching and sawing and hammering ere that infant assumes the bristling appearance of an antediluvian skeleton. yonder is the hull of a ship almost completed. it is a gigantic infant, and has the aspect of a very thriving child. it evidently has a robust constitution and a sturdy frame. perhaps we may re-visit the dockyard to-morrow, and see this vessel launched. besides these two, there are ships with their ribs partially up, and ships with their planking partially on; and in a more distant part of the yard there are one or two old ships hauled up, high and dry, to have their bottoms repaired and their seams re-pitched, after many a rough and bravely-fought battle with the ocean waves. now that we have gazed our fill at the general aspect of the dockyard, let us descend a little more to particulars. we shall first tell of the:-nature and use of docks. there are two kinds of docks--dry and wet. a dry-dock is usually constructed with gates, to admit or shut out the tide. when a ship arrives from a long voyage, and needs repair to the lower part of her hull, she must be got out of the water somehow or other. this object is frequently attained in regard to small vessels by simply running them gently on the flat sand or mud beach of a bay or harbour, so that, when the tide retires, they shall be left dry. but it would be dangerous as well as inconvenient to do this with large ships, therefore dry-docks have been constructed for this purpose. they are so built that when the tide is full the dry-docks are also full. when thus full of water, the gates of a dry-dock are opened, and the large ship is dragged slowly in, after which the gates are shut. the tide then retires, leaving it in this basin of water. the ship is then propped up on all sides with timbers, in such a way that she stands upright, "upon an even keel," and thus, the pressure on her hull being equally distributed, she is not damaged. then the water is let out by means of sluices in the gates, or it is pumped out, and the ship left dry. when the tide returns, the gates and sluices are all shut, and its entrance into the dock prevented, until such time as the ship is repaired, when water is let slowly in. as the vessel floats, the props and supports fall away, the gates of her hospital are opened, and off she goes again, in all the vigour of recruited health, to wing her way over the billows of the great deep. a wet-dock is somewhat similar to a dry-dock, the chief difference being that ships while in it are kept floating in water. docks are not only used, however, for repairing and building ships. they are also used for loading and unloading them; and as ships are entering and departing from them almost constantly, the busy, bustling, active scene they present is always agreeable. the principal docks in the united kingdom are as follows:-docks on the thames--namely, east and west india docks, london docks, saint katherine's docks, commercial docks, victoria docks. southampton docks. liverpool and bristol docks. hull docks. glasgow docks. dundee docks. leith docks. birkenhead docks. so much for docks in passing. let us now turn our attention to the process of:-building a ship. as we think it highly improbable that any of our readers intend to become either ship-carpenters or ship-architects, we will not worry them with technical explanations. to give an easily understood and general idea of the manner of building a ship is all we shall attempt. the names of those parts only that are frequently or occasionally referred to in general literature shall be given. the term _ship_ is employed in two significations. in familiar language it denotes any large or small vessel that navigates the ocean with sails. in nautical language it refers solely to a vessel having three masts, each consisting of a lower-mast, a top-mast, and a top-gallant-mast. at present we use the term _ship_ in the familiar sense. elaborate and complicated drawings having been prepared, the shipbuilder begins his work. the _keel_ is the first part of a ship that is laid. it is the beam which runs along the bottom of a boat or ship from one end to the other. in large ships the keel consists of several pieces joined together. its uses are, to cause the ship to preserve a direct course in its passage through the water; to check the leeway which every vessel has a tendency to make; and to moderate the rolling motion. the keel is also the ground-work, or foundation, on which the whole superstructure is reared, and is, therefore, immensely strong and solid. the best wood for keels is teak, as it is not liable to split. having laid the keel firmly on a bed of wooden blocks, in such a position that the ship when finished may slide into the water stern foremost, the shipbuilder proceeds next to erect the stem and stern posts. the _stem-post_ rises from the _front_ end of the keel, not quite perpendicularly from it, but sloping a little outwards. it is formed of one or more pieces of wood, according to the size of the ship; but no matter how many pieces may be used, it is always a uniform single beam in appearance. to this the ends of the planks of the ship are afterwards fastened. its outer edge is called the _cut-water_, and the part of the ship around it is named the _bow_. the _stern-post_ rises from the opposite end of the keel, and also slopes a little outwards. to it are fastened the ends of the planking and the framework of the stern part of the ship. to it also is attached that little but most important part of a vessel, the _rudder_. the rudder, or helm, is a small piece of timber extending along the back of the stern-post, and hung movably upon it by means of what may be called large iron hooks-and-eyes. by means of the rudder the mariner guides the ship in whatever direction he pleases. the contrast between the insignificant size of the rudder and its immense importance is very striking. its power over the ship is thus referred to in scripture,--"behold also the ships, which, though they be so great, and are driven of fierce winds, yet are they turned about with a very small helm, whithersoever the governor listeth." the rudder is moved from side to side by a huge handle or lever on deck, called the _tiller_; but as in large ships the rudder is difficult to move by so simple a contrivance, several ropes or chains and pulleys are attached to it, and connected with the drum of a _wheel_, at which the steersman stands. in the largest ships two, and in rough weather four men are often stationed at the wheel. the _ribs_ of the ship next rise to view. these are curved wooden beams, which rise on each side of the keel, and are bolted firmly to it. they serve the same purpose to a ship that bones do to the human frame--they support and give strength to it as well as form. the _planks_ follow the ribs. these are broad, and vary in thickness from two to four inches. they form the outer skin of the ship, and are fastened to the ribs, keel, stem-post, and stern-post by means of innumerable pins of wood or iron, called _tree-nails_. the spaces between the planks are caulked--that is, _stuffed_ with oakum; which substance is simply the untwisted tow of old and tarry ropes. a figure-head of some ornamental kind having been placed on the top and front of the stem-post, just above the cutwater, and a flat, ornamental stern, with windows in it to light the cabin, the hull of our ship is complete. but the interior arrangements have yet to be described, although, of course, they have been progressing at the same time with the rest. the _beams_ of a ship are massive wooden timbers, which extend across from side to side in a series of tiers. they serve the purpose of binding the sides together, of preventing them from collapsing, and of supporting the decks, as well as of giving compactness and great strength to the whole structure. the _decks_ are simply plank floors nailed to the beams, and serve very much the same purposes as the floors of a house. they also help to strengthen the ship longitudinally. all ships have at least one complete deck; most have two, with a half-deck at the stern, called the _quarter-deck_, and another at the bow, called the _forecastle_. but the decks of large ships are still more numerous. those of a first-rate man-of-war are as follows--we begin with the lowest, which is considerably under the surface of the sea:-the orlop-deck, the gun-deck, the middle-deck, the upper-deck, the quarter-deck, and the poop--the latter deck being the highest deck of all, a very small one, at the stern. thus a man-of-war is a floating house with six stories--the poop being the garret, and the orlop-deck the cellars. the upper decks are lighted by sky-lights; those farther down by port-holes (or gun-holes) and windows; the lowest of all by candles or lamps, daylight being for ever banished from those gloomy submarine regions! the _bulwarks_ rise above the upper-deck, all round the ship, and serve the purposes of protecting the upper-deck from the waves, and supporting the _belaying-pins_, to which the ropes are fastened. in ships of war the top of the bulwarks forms a sort of trough all round the ship, in which the hammocks (the swinging-beds) of the men are stowed away every morning. this trough is termed the _hammock-nettings_, and the hammocks are placed there to be well aired. in action the bulwarks serve to protect the crew from musketry. the _wheel_, which has been already referred to, stands usually at the stern of the ship, on the quarter-deck; but it is sometimes placed on an elevated platform amid-ships, so that the steersman may see more clearly where he is going. the _binnacle_ stands directly in front of the wheel. it is a species of box, firmly fixed to the deck, in which is placed the compass. it is completely covered in, having a glass window, through which the man at the wheel can observe the course he is steering. the _capstan_ stands on the main-deck, sometimes near the centre of the vessel, at other times near the bow or the stern. it is a massive block of timber moving on a pivot, which is turned round by wooden levers, called capstan bars, or _hand-spikes_, and is used for any purpose that requires great _tractive_ power--the drawing in of the cable, for instance, or warping the ship; which means that a rope is fixed on shore, or by an anchor to the bottom of the sea, and the other end of it is coiled round the capstan, so that when the capstan is forced round by the handspikes, the rope coils on to it, and the ship is slowly dragged forward. the _windlass_ is simply a horizontal, instead of a perpendicular capstan. its sole purpose is for heaving up the anchor, and it is placed close to the bow of the ship. the _galley_, or cooking-house, is usually near to the windlass, in the front part of the vessel. here the cook reigns supreme; but this nautical kitchen is wonderfully small. it is just big enough to hold the fireplace and "coppers," with a small shelf, on which the cook (always a man, and often a negro) performs the duties of his office. the various decks below are partitioned off by means of plank walls, which are called _bulk-heads_, into a variety of berths and apartments; and the greater part of the centre of the vessel (in merchantmen) is called the _hold_, and is reserved for cargo. the _hull_ of the ship being finished, now gets a coat of tar all over it, which preserves the wood from the action of the weather, and helps to render the seams water-tight. some vessels are sheathed from the keel to a short way above their water-line with thin sheets of copper, to preserve them more effectually from tear and wear, and especially to defend them against those barnacles and marine insects that would otherwise fasten to them. being now ready to be launched from her cradle into the sea--her future home--we will proceed in our next chapter to describe the process of launching. chapter nine. the launch, etcetera. ships begin life with a retrograde movement; they imitate the crabs: in other words, they are launched stern foremost. whether great or small, long or short, whether clothed in patrician copper or smeared with plebeian tar, they all start on their first voyage with their stern-posts acting the part of cut-water, and, also, without masts or sails. these necessary adjuncts, and a host of others, are added after they have been clasped to the bosom of their native sea. one notable exception there is to this rule, the launch of the far-famed _great eastern_, which monster of the deep was forced into her element _sidewise_, of which a full account will be found in another part of this volume. the _cradles_ on which ships are launched are wooden frameworks, so constructed as to slide down an inclined plane, called the _ways_, bearing their burdens along with them into the water. when a ship is ready for launching, the _shores_, or supports, that have kept her so long in position are knocked away one by one, until the entire weight of the ship rests on the cradle. the _ways_ are then well greased, and it only remains to knock away one or two remaining checks to allow the vessel to seek her future home by means of her own weight. but before this last act is done, a day must be fixed for the launch; friends of the owners must be invited to go on board during this her first voyage; a fair maiden must be asked to go through the ceremony of giving the ship her name; and paragraphs must go the round of the newspapers. as the hour draws near, crowds of human beings, young and old, male and female, must hurry to the spot to witness the great event, and hundreds of little boys must beg leave from school (if they can); in short, a great stir must be made, and a great day must dawn, before the last shores are knocked away, and the noble structure be permitted to rush down that inclined plane, and for the first time cleave the waves. and now, having shown how the launching of our ship is accomplished, let us turn to consider the next step towards completion; for there is yet much to be done ere she is able to brave the tempest. rigging a ship. although fitting-in the lower-masts of a ship cannot well be deemed a part of the rigging, we will nevertheless describe the operation here. as the lower-masts of a large ship are from five to six feet in circumference, it is manifest that some powerful mechanical contrivance is required to raise them over the bulwarks, and put them in an upright position, into their appointed places. such contrivances, in the form of enormous cranes, are fixed in some of the larger docks; but the most useful method is to have the masts put in by means of: _the shear hulk_. this is a strongly built hull of a ship, moored in a part of a river or harbour that will afford depth of water to float vessels of any size alongside. it has one stout mast, with two immense beams attached to it near the deck, and sloping outwards over the bulwarks in such a way that their ends overhang the deck of the vessel into which masts are to be placed. these sloping beams are prevented from falling overboard altogether, and their slope is regulated, by blocks and tackles from the mast of the hulk. by means of this contrivance, which is just a gigantic floating crane, the ponderous lower-masts of large ships are raised and lowered into their places. when these are fixed, the rigging of the ship commences. the method of putting it up cannot prove interesting to general readers; not even to boys, for when they take to rigging model ships, they do not require the mechanical contrivances that are necessary in rigging large vessels. but all readers of sea stories and nautical history will find it of the utmost advantage to their clear understanding of what they read, to have a general idea of the names and uses of the principal parts of a ship's rigging. we shall, therefore, devote a small space to the explanation of this subject. and, first, let us examine the _masts_. these vary in size, form, and number in different ships, but in all they serve the same purpose--to support the sails. lower masts of large vessels are never formed out of one tree. they are found to be stronger when built up of several pieces, which are fastened together by strong iron hoops. masts sometimes consist of three distinct parts. the _lower_-mast, _top_-mast, and _top-gallant_-mast. in most large ships there are three masts, each having three parts. the centre mast, being the largest, is the _main-mast_; the front one, which is next in size, is the _fore-mast_; and the one next the stern, the smallest, is called the _mizzen_. although we have spoken of _lower-masts_ for the sake of clearness, the name is never used. the name of the mast itself designates the lower part of it. to name the masts in order, we have the fore-mast. main-mast. mizzen-mast. fore-top-mast. main-top-mast. mizzen-top-mast. fore-topgallant-mast. main-topgallant-mast. mizzen-topgallant-mast. the parts of the different masts are connected and secured by means of _cross-trees_ and _caps_, which are named after the mast and part of the mast to which they belong. thus we have the _fore-top_, the _fore-top-mast cross-trees_, the _main-top_, and _main-top-mast cross-trees_, etcetera. observe, particularly, that the _fore-top_, _main-top_, and _mizzen-top_, are the platforms, or cross-trees, at the tops of the _lower_-masts, and not--as might well be supposed by landsmen--the extreme tops of these masts. the button-like objects on the summits of the masts are called the _trucks_; which, besides forming a sort of finish to them, are fitted with small _pulleys_, through which _signal-halyards_, or cords for hoisting the flags, are rove. in first-rate men-of-war the _tops_ are so large that a number of men can be stationed on them. besides their other purposes, they are very frequently used as a place of punishment for the midshipmen, or "middies" (the boy officers), who are often sent there to air themselves, and profit, if they can, by calm reflection in exalted solitude. _shrouds_ and _stays_ are the thick ropes that keep the masts firmly in position. they form part of what is termed the "standing gear" of a ship--in other words, the ropes that are fixtures--to distinguish them from the "running gear"--those movable ropes, by means of which the sails, boats, flags, etcetera, are hoisted. nearly all the ropes of a ship are named after the mast, or yard, or sail with which they are connected. thus we have the _main shrouds_, the _main-top-mast shrouds_, and the _main-topgallant shrouds_; the _main back-stay_, the _main-topgallant back-stay_, and so on--those of the other masts being similarly named, with the exception of the first word, which, of course, indicates the particular mast referred to. the shrouds rise from the _chains_, which are a series of blocks called "dead eyes," fixed to the sides of the ship. to these the shrouds are fixed, and also to the masts near the tops; they serve the purpose of preventing the masts from falling _sideways_. backstays prevent them from falling _forward_, and _forestays_ prevent them from falling _backward_, or "aft." besides this, shrouds have little cross ropes called _ratlines_ attached to them, by means of which rope-ladders the sailors ascend and descend the rigging to _furl_, that is, tie up, or _unfurl_, that is, to untie or shake out, the sails. our cut represents a sailor-boy ascending the mizzen-top-mast shrouds. he grasps the _shrouds_, and stands on the _ratlines_. _yards_ are the heavy wooden cross-poles or beams to which the sails are attached. _reef-points_ are the little ropes which may be observed hanging in successive rows on all sails, by means of which _parts_ of the sails are gathered in and tied round the yards, thus reducing their size in stormy weather. hence such nautical expressions as "taking in a reef," or a "double reef," and "close reefing,"--which last implies that a sail is to be reduced to its smallest possible dimensions. the only further reduction possible would be folding it up altogether, close to the yard, which would be called "furling" it, and which would render it altogether ineffective. in order to furl or reef sails, the men have to ascend the masts, and _lay-out_ upon the yards. it is very dangerous work in stormy weather. many a poor fellow, while reefing sails in a dark tempestuous night, has been blown from the yard into the sea, and never heard of more. all the yards of a ship, except the three largest, can be hoisted and lowered by means of _halyards_. the top-gallant masts can also be lowered, but the lower-masts, of course, are fixtures. the _bowsprit_ of a ship is a mast which projects out horizontally, or at an angle, from the bow. it is sometimes in two or three pieces, sometimes only in one. to it are attached the _jib-sail_ and the _flying-jib_, besides a variety of ropes and stays which are connected with and support the fore-mast. the _cat heads_ are two short beams which project from the bows on either side, and support the ship's anchors. _miscellaneous_.--the openings in the decks are called _hatches_; the stair-cases which descend to the cabins are called _companions_. the pulleys by which sails, etcetera, are hoisted, are named _blocks_. _braces_ are the ropes by which sails are fixed tightly in any position. hauling a rope _taut_, means hauling it tight. the _weather_ side of a ship means the side which happens to be presented to the wind; the _lee_ side, that which is away from the wind, and, therefore, sheltered. the _starboard_ side means the right side, the _larboard_ signifies the left; but as the two words resemble each other, the word _port_ is always used for larboard to prevent mistakes in shouting orders. _heaving the lead_ is the act of throwing a heavy leaden plummet, with a line attached, into the sea to ascertain its depth. it is thrown from the _chains_ as far as possible ahead of the ship, so that it may reach the bottom and be perpendicularly beneath the man who heaves it when the ship comes up to the spot where it entered the water. a peculiar and musical cry is given forth by the heaver of the lead each time he throws it. the forecastle is the habitat of the ordinary sailors, and is usually in nautical parlance termed the _foge-s'l_. most of what we have just described applies more or less to every ship; but this will be seen in future chapters. meanwhile, we would seriously recommend all those who have found this chapter a dry one to turn back to the heading entitled "rigging a ship," and from that point read it all over again with earnest attention. chapter ten. coasting vessels. the coasting-trade of the british islands is replete with danger, yet it is carried on with the utmost vigour; and there are always plenty of "hands," as seamen are called when spoken of in connection with ships, to man the vessels. the traffic in which they are engaged is the transporting of the goods peculiar to one part of our island, to another part where they are in demand. in describing these vessels, we shall begin with the smallest. sloops. like all other vessels, sloops vary in size, but none of them attain to great magnitude. as a class, they are the smallest decked vessels we have. from 40 to 100 tons burden is a very common size. a sloop of 40 tons burden is what we ordinarily call a _little_ ship, and one of 100 tons is by no means a big one. the hull of such a vessel being intended exclusively to carry cargo, very little space is allowed for the crew. the cabins of the smaller-sized sloops are seldom high enough to permit of an ordinary man standing erect. they are usually capable of affording accommodation to two in the cabin, and three or four in the forecastle,--and such accommodation is by no means ample. the class to which vessels belong is determined chiefly by the number of their masts and by the arrangement and the form of their sails. the distinctive peculiarity of the sloop is, that it has but one mast; and its rig is, nautically speaking, _fore-and-aft_--that is to say, the sails are spread with their surfaces parallel to the sides of the vessel, _not_ stretched upon yards _across_ the vessel. the term "fore-and-aft" is derived from the _forward_ part and the _after_ part of the ship. _fore-and-aft_ sails, then, are such as are spread upon yards which point fore and aft, not across the ship. we conceive this elaborate explanation to be necessary for some readers, and, therefore, don't apologise for making it. a ship whose sails are spread across the hull is said to be _square-rigged_. sometimes, however, a sloop carries one and even two square sails. the masts, yards, and sails of a sloop are as follows:--as has been already said, one of the distinctive peculiarities of a sloop is, that it has only _one_ mast. this mast is sometimes formed of one _stick_, sometimes of two; the second, or top-mast, being fastened to the top of the lower mast by _cross-trees_ and _cap_, in such a way that it may be hoisted or lowered at pleasure. a sloop has usually four sails,--a mainsail, fore-sail, gaff, and jib. the _main-sail_ is behind the lower mast. it reaches from within a few feet of the deck to the top of the lower mast, and spreads out upon two yards towards the stern or after part of the ship, over which it projects a few feet. the lower yard of the main-sail is called the boom, and the upper the main-sail yard. this is by far the largest sail in the sloop. above it is spread the _gaff_, which is comparatively a small sail, and is used when the wind is not very strong. the _fore-sail_ is a triangular sheet, which traverses on the _fore-stay_; that is, the strong rope which runs from the lower mast-head to the bow, or front part of the sloop. on the bowsprit is stretched the _jib_, another triangular sail, which reaches nearly to the top of the lower mast. the only sail that rises above the lower mast is the gaff. in stormy weather this sail is always taken down. if the wind increases to a gale, the jib is lowered and lashed to the bowsprit. should the gale increase, a reef is taken in the main-sail. one, two, three, and sometimes four reefs are taken in, according to the violence of the storm; when the last reef is taken in, the sloop is under _close-reefed_ main-sail. increased violence in the storm necessitates the taking in of the main-sail and _lying-to_ under the fore-sail, or a part of it. lying-to is putting the sloop's head to the wind, and placing the helm in such a position that it tends to turn the vessel in one direction, while the gale acting on the fore-sail tends to force it in another, and thus it remains stationary between the two opposing forces. many vessels thus _lie-to_, and ride out the severest storm. sometimes, however, a dreadful hurricane arises, and compels vessels to take in all sails and "_scud under_ _bare poles_"--that is, _drive before_ the wind without any sails at all; and it is at such seasons that man is forced to feel his utter helplessness, and his absolute dependence on the almighty. of course, there are slight variations in the rig of sloops--some have a _square-sail_, and some have a _flying-jib_; but these are not distinctive sails, and they are seldom used in small craft. doubtless, those of our readers who have dwelt on the sea-coast must have observed that boats and vessels frequently sail in precisely opposite directions, although acted upon by the same wind. this apparent paradox may be explained thus:-suppose a vessel with the bow and stern sharp and precisely alike, so that it might sail backwards or forwards with equal facility. suppose, also, that it has two masts exactly the same in all respects--one near the bow, the other near the stern. suppose, further, a square sail stretched between the two masts quite flat; and remember that this would be a _fore-and-aft_ sail--namely, one extending along the length, not across the breadth of the vessel. well, now, were a breeze to blow straight against the side of such a vessel, it would either blow it over, flat on its side, or urge it slowly _sideways_ over the water, after the fashion of a crab. now remove one of these masts--say the stern one--and erect it close to the lee-side of the vessel (that is, away from the windward-side), still keeping the sail extended. the immediate effect would be that the sail would no longer present itself _flatly_ against the wind, but diagonally. the wind, therefore, after dashing against it would slide violently off in the direction of the mast that had been removed, that is, towards the stern. in doing so it would, of course, give the vessel a shove in the opposite direction; on the very same principle that a boy, when he jumps violently off a chair, not only sends his body in one direction, but sends the chair in the opposite direction. so, when the wind jumps off the sail towards the stern, it sends the ship in the opposite direction--namely, forward. reverse this; bring back the mast you removed to its old place in the centre of the deck, and shift the _front_ mast near to the lee-bulwarks. the wind will now slide off the sail towards the _bow_, and force our vessel in the opposite direction-namely, backward; so that, with the same side wind, two ships may sail in exactly opposite directions. by means of the rudder, and placing the sails in various positions, so as to cause them to press against the masts in a particular manner, vessels can be made to sail not only with a side wind, but with a breeze blowing a good deal _against_ them--in nautical phraseology, they can be made to sail "close to the wind." in short, they can sail in every direction, except directly in the "teeth" of the wind. some ships sail closer to the wind than others; their powers in this respect depending very much on the cut of their sails and the form of their hulls. the _lighter_ is a small, rough, clumsy species of coasting-vessel, usually of the sloop rig. it is used for discharging cargoes of large vessels in harbours, and off coasts where the depth of water is not great. lighters are usually picturesque-looking craft with dingy sails, and they seldom carry top-sails of any kind. being seldom decked, they are more properly huge boats than little ships. but lighters are not classed according to their rig,--they may be of any rig, though that of the sloop is most commonly adopted. the cutter. this species of vessel is similar, in nearly all respects, to the sloop; the only difference being that it is better and more elegantly built. gentlemen's pleasure yachts are frequently cutters; but yachts may be of any form or rig--that is, they may belong to any _class_ of vessels without changing their name of _yacht_. cutter-yachts are much more elegantly moulded and rigged than the sloops that we have just described. they are _clipper-built_--that is, the hull is smoothly and sharply shaped; the cut-water, in particular, is like a knife, and the bow wedge-like. in short, although similar in general outline, a cutter-yacht bears the same relation to a trading-sloop that a racer does to a cart-horse. their sails, also, are larger in proportion, and they are fast-sailing vessels; but, on this very account, they are not such good _sea-boats_ as their clumsy brethren, whose bluff or rounded bows rise on the waves, while the sharp vessels cut through them, and often deluge the decks with spray. in our engraving we have several cutter-rigged yachts sailing with a light _side_ wind, with main-sail, gaff, fore-sail, and jib set. the schooner. this is the most elegant and, for small craft, the most manageable vessel that floats. its proportions are more agreeable to the eye than those of any other species of craft, and its rig is in favour with owners of yachts,--especially with those whose yachts are large. the schooner's distinctive peculiarities are, that it carries two masts, which usually "_rake aft_," or lean back a good deal; and its rig is chiefly fore-and-aft, like the sloop. of the two masts, the _after_ one is the _main-mast_. the other is termed the _fore-mast_. the sails of a schooner are--the _main-sail_ and the _gaff_, on the main-mast; the _fore-sail_, _fore-top-sail_, and _fore-top-gallant-sail_ (the two last being square sails), on the foremast. in front of the fore-mast are the _staysail_, the _jib_, and the _flying-jib_; these last are triangular sails. if a schooner were cut in two in the middle, cross-wise, the front portion would be in all respects a sloop with a square top-sail; the stern part would also be a sloop, minus the bowsprit and the triangular sails _before_ the mast. schooners sometimes carry a large square-sail, which is spread when the wind is "dead aft." they are much used in the coasting-trade; and one of their great advantages is that they can be worked with fewer "hands" than sloops of the same size. the brig. advancing step by step in our investigation of the peculiar rig and build of ships, we come to the _brig_. this species of craft is usually, but not necessarily, larger than those that have been described; it is generally built on a larger scale than the schooner, and often approaches in magnitude to the full-sized, three-masted ship. the distinctive features of the brig are, that it has _two_ masts, both of which are _square-rigged_. it is a particularly serviceable species of craft, and, when of large size, is much used in foreign trade. the advantage of the square-rig over the fore-and-aft rig is, that the sails, being smaller and more numerous, are more easily managed, and require fewer men or "hands" to work them. thus, as we increase the size of our vessel, the more necessity is there that it should be square-rigged. the huge main-sail of the sloop and schooner could not be applied to large vessels; so that when men came to construct ships of several hundred tons burden, they were compelled to increase the _number_ of masts and sails, and diminish the size of them; hence, probably, brigs were devised _after_ schooners. the main-mast of a brig is the aft one. the sails are named after the masts to which they are fastened,--namely, the _main-sail_; above that the _main-top-sail_; above that the _main-top-gallant-sail_; and sometimes a very small sail, named the _royal_, is spread above all. behind the main-sail there is a small fore-and-aft sail similar to the main-sail of a schooner, which is called the _boom-main-sail_. on the fore-mast is a similar sail, which is called the _try-sail_. attached to the respective yards of square-rigged ships there are smaller poles or arms, which can be pushed out at pleasure, and the yard lengthened, in order to receive an additional little sailor wing on each side. these wings are called _studding-sails_ or _stun-sails_, and are used only when the wind is fair and light. they are named after the sails to which they are fastened; thus there are the _main-stun-sails_, the _main-top-stun-sails_, and the _main-top-gallant-stun-sails_, etcetera. the fore-mast of a brig is smaller than the main-mast. it carries a _fore-sail_, _fore-top-sail_, _fore-top-gallant-sail_, and _fore-royal_. between it and the bowsprit are the _fore-stay-sail_, _jib_, and _flying-jib_. the three last sails are nearly similar in _all_ vessels. all the yards, etcetera, are hoisted and shifted, and held in their position, by a complicated arrangement of cordage, which in the mass is called the running-rigging, in contradistinction to the standing-rigging, which, as we have said, is _fixed_, and keeps the masts, etcetera, immovably in position. yet every rope, in what seems to a landsman's eye a bewildering mass of confusion, has its distinctive name and specific purpose. brigs and schooners, being light and handy craft, are generally used by pirates and smugglers in the prosecution of their lawless pursuits, and many a deed of bloodshed and horror has been done on board such craft by those miscreants. the brigantine. the rig of this vessel is a mixture of that of the sloop and brig. the brigantine is _square_-rigged on the fore-mast, and sloop-rigged on its after or mizzen mast. of its two masts, the front one is the larger, and, therefore, is the main-mast. in short, a brigantine is a mixed vessel, being a brig forward and a sloop aft. such are our coasting-vessels; but it must be borne in mind that ships of their _class_ are not confined to the coast. when built very large they are intended for the deep ocean trade, and many schooners approach in size to full-rigged "ships." chapter eleven. vessels of large size. we now come to speak of ships of large size, which spread an imposing cloud of canvas to the breeze, and set sail on voyages which sometimes involve the circumnavigation of the globe. the barque. this vessel is next in size larger than the brig. it does not follow, however, that its being larger constitutes it a barque. some brigs are larger than barques, but _generally_ the barque is the larger vessel. the difference between a barque and a brig is that the former has _three_ masts, the two front ones being square-rigged, and the mizzen being fore-and-aft rigged. the centre mast is the main one. the rigging of a barque's two front masts is almost exactly similar to the rigging of a brig, that of the mizzen is similar to a sloop. if you were to put a fore-and-aft rigged _mizzen-mast_ into the after part of a brig, that would convert it into a barque. the term _clipper_ simply denotes that peculiar sharpness of build and trimness of rig which insure the greatest amount of speed, and does not specify any particular class. there are clipper sloops, clipper yachts, clipper ships, etcetera. a clipper barque, therefore, is merely a fast-sailing barque. the peculiar characteristics of the clipper build are, knife-like sharpness of the cut-water and bow, and exceeding correctness of cut in the sails, so that these may be drawn as tight and _flat_ as possible. too much bulge in a sail is a disadvantage in the way of sailing. indeed, flatness is so important a desideratum, that experimentalists have more than once applied sails made of _thin planks of wood_ to their clippers; but we do not know that this has turned out to be much of an improvement. the masts of all clippers, except those of the sloop or cutter rig, generally rake aft a good deal--that is, they lean backwards; a position which is supposed to tend to increase speed. merchant vessels are seldom of the clipper build, because the sharpness of this peculiar formation diminishes the available space for cargo very much. the ship. the largest class of vessel that floats upon the sea is the _full-rigged ship_, the distinctive peculiarity of which is, that its three masts are _all_ square-rigged together, with the addition of one or two fore-and-aft sails. as the fore and main masts of a "ship" are exactly similar to those of a barque, which have been already described, we shall content ourself with remarking that the _mizzen-mast_ is similar in nearly all respects to the other two, except that it is smaller. the sails upon it are--the _spanker_ (a fore-and-aft sail projecting over the quarter-deck), the _mizzen-top-sail_ and _mizzen-top-gallant-sail_, both of which are square sails. above all these a "ship" sometimes puts up small square-sails called the _royals_; and, above these, _sky-sails_. chapter twelve. wooden and iron walls. the birth of the british navy may be said to have taken place in the reign of king alfred. that great and good king, whose wisdom and foresight were only equalled by his valour, had a fleet of upwards of one hundred ships. with these he fought the danes to the death, not always successfully, not always even holding his own; for the danes at this early period of their history were a hardy race of sea-warriors, not less skilful than courageous. but to king alfred, with his beaked, oared war-ships, is undoubtedly due the merit of having laid the foundation of england's maritime ascendency. england under the normans does not seem to have greatly desired to excel in maritime enterprise, but it was otherwise during the plantagenet period. henry the second possessed a most formidable fleet, numbering some five hundred vessels of war. during the reign of his successor a novel artifice in naval warfare was resorted to by the english which merits notice. the english admiral caused a number of barrels of unslaked lime to be placed in his ships. having brought his fleet to windward of the enemy--the french--he ordered water to be poured on the lime. this of course raised a great and dense smoke, which, being blown by the wind into the very faces of the french, prevented the latter from seeing on what quarter they were being attacked. a panic arose, and spread, among the french vessels, and the victory fell easily to the english. the navy of edward the third numbered eleven hundred ships when he undertook the invasion of france. but the great majority of these were not properly men-of-war--in fact, there were only five fully equipped warships; the rest were for the most part merchant vessels converted into fighting ships and transports for the time being. the navy of king philip of france, though numerically weaker, far surpassed that of the english king in point of equipment. of the four hundred ships of which it consisted, no fewer than one hundred had, been built purposely for war, according to the best principles of naval architecture then known. bows, catapults, javelins, and weapons of a like description were the engines of offence used on both sides, and with these much havoc was wrought at close quarters. the english were victorious, notwithstanding the more scientific equipment of their foes. the french ships were boarded, and the flower of king philip's naval force must that day have perished. henry the seventh did much for the improvement of the english navy. it was during his reign that the _great harry_ was built, which was really the first large ship built directly for the royal navy. hitherto the vessels employed by england for national defence or offence had been supplied by certain maritime towns; but the _great harry_ was the property of the people. she was built in 1488, and had port-holes for cannon in the lower deck, being the first vessel thus constructed. the _great harry_ was subsequently far surpassed by another of king henry's ships, the _grace de dieu_, which was no less than one thousand tons burden, and carried seven hundred men and one hundred and twenty-two guns, (some writers mention only eighty guns) the largest of which were but eighteen-pounders. the _grace de dieu_ was a four-masted vessel, and was built in 1515. an epoch in england's maritime history, which was in some respects the most brilliant and momentous, now falls to be mentioned; a period when england's name became a synonym on the seas for everything that was most intrepid and successful in maritime enterprise; an era of daring adventure and splendid achievement, which at length established england as the first naval power among the nations of europe. not without long and fierce struggle, however, was this supremacy won. the french, spanish, and dutch each and all in turn disputed england's claim to the sovereignty of the seas. it is unnecessary to repeat here the oft-told tale of the defeat of the spanish armada, nor yet the almost as familiar story of our frequent naval encounters with the dutch in the days of admiral blake and the great dutch admiral van tromp. long and desperate those conflicts were, and nothing but indomitable courage and stubborn perseverance could have secured the victory for the english ships, for in almost every instance our foes were numerically the stronger. in the thrice famous days of nelson, it was still our "wooden walls" which carried the flag of england on from triumph to triumph. at the battle of trafalgar the _victory_ and the french ship the _redoubtable_ were brought up close alongside of each other, and in this position poured volley after volley upon each other's bulwarks, until water had to be thrown over the ships' sides to prevent them igniting. the _victory_ was a grand ship in her time, yet she was not more than two thousand tons burden, and her guns were but one hundred and two in number. but at last the day arrived when it became manifest that the glory of our "wooden walls" had set. in the prime of his intellectual and physical strength, the emperor louis napoleon was a man of active and subtle brain, and it was to his ingenious invention that the first ironclad ship of war owed its birth. floating batteries protected with iron plates were first employed during the crimean war. it was becoming manifest that the great strides which were being made in the manufacture of cannon must necessitate an improved system of defensive armour for ships of war. no wooden vessel that could be constructed could be proof against the new guns that were now coming rapidly into use. the french, as has been just indicated, were the first in the field with the new style of war-ships. _la gloire_ was built, and was quickly followed by our own _warrior_. the frame of _la gloire_ was constructed of wood, but covered with an iron plating four and a half inches in thickness. the _warrior_ was built on an iron frame, and her armour-plating is of the same thickness as that of _la gloire_; the lining is of solid teak eighteen inches thick, which is again backed by an inner coating of iron. the length of the _warrior_ is three hundred and eighty feet, but only about two-thirds of this is iron-plated. at this time--the early days of ironclads--the heaviest shot that could be thrown by any gun was a sixty-eight pounder. guns of this calibre the _warrior_ and her class were proof against. but the guns increased rapidly in size and power, and the thickness of the armour with which the ships were protected had to be increased in proportion. the class of war-vessels which succeeded the _warrior_ were entirely cased with iron plates, whose thickness has from time to time been increased. since the first ironclad was built, then, a contest--for only such it can be called--has been going on between the cannon-maker and the ship-builder, the one striving to construct a gun which shall pierce the thickest armour which the ship can carry, the other adding inch upon inch to his armour plates, to the end that they may be shot-proof; and this contest may be said to be going on at this hour. will there ever be the same romance about the warships of the present day,--what those of the future will be like we do not care to speculate,--and the old "wooden walls" whose prowess on the high seas founded england's maritime glory? will a dibdin ever arise to sing a _devastation_ or a _glatton_? can a _devastation_ or a _glatton_ ever inspire poetic thoughts and images? one would say that the singer must be endowed in no ordinary degree with the sacred fire whom such a theme as a modern ironclad turret-ship should move to lyric utterance. it has been said that all the romance of the road died out with the old coaching days; and certainly a locomotive engine, with its long black train of practical-looking cars, makes hardly so picturesque a feature in the landscape as one of the old stage-coaches with its red-coated driver, horn-blowing guard, and team of mettled greys; but a railway train is an embodiment of poetry compared with a turret-ship. but if it be true that poetry and romance must more and more cease to be associated with our navy, we must just accept the fact, for nothing is more certain than that, whatever the warships of the future _may_ be, we can never again return to the days of the old wooden ships. several opposing difficulties have now to be met in the construction of ironclads. invulnerability as regards the enemy's guns, protection to the men on board, speed, and the quality of being easily managed at sea,--all these points have to be carefully considered; and the difficulty is that one quality wars against another. a ship might be built which was proof against any guns that could be devised, and then might be found utterly unmanageable and unsafe at sea. a balance of qualities has therefore to be struck, and this perfect equipoise has by no means been as yet attained. every year--we might say every month-witnesses the birth of some new type of armour-plated war-ship, built in every case at an enormous cost. the new sea-monster looks formidable enough in all conscience; but the question that arises the instant she quits the dock is, is she sea-worthy? and with the fate of the _captain_ and the _vanguard_ in our memories, the question may well arise. the story of modern war-ships has, up to this, been one of mingled success and failure. does not the epigram on our war-ships--our "sub-marine fleet"--owe its point and sting, in a measure, to its truth? of the various types of modern war-vessels, the most formidable yet devised are undoubtedly the _steam-rams_ and _turret-ships_. the steam-ram is armed with a strong steel beak, with which it charges an enemy in much the same way as the war-galleys of ancient times charged a foe, or as a sword-fish attacks its adversary. the turret-ship carries one or more shot-proof circular turrets, in which one or more guns are worked by the crew, the guns being capable of being turned and pointed in any direction. both turret-ships and steam-rams are, of course, iron plated. vessels of this description were first employed by the americans in the great civil war. the careers of the _merrimac_ and _monitor_ may be said to have become a part of american national history. the _merrimac_ was the first iron-plated steam-ram. she was originally a wooden frigate; was cut down, coated with iron, and furnished with a ram. in her famous encounter with the _congress_ and the _cumberland_, two wooden frigates of the federals, she steamed alongside the former, delivered a raking fire, and then, turning upon the _cumberland_, attacked that vessel with her ram. of the _cumberland_ she made quick work; for having torn a gaping rent in her side, she poured a damaging fire into the gap, hanging on by the sharp iron beak with which steam-rams are furnished. then withdrawing to a short distance, she again charged her adversary, and delivered a second terrible fire, until the _cumberland_ finally sank. the merrimac then turned her attention to the _congress_, whose fate she sealed in about half an hour. the first shot caused fearful destruction, killing every man at one of the guns, blowing away the bulk-heads, strewing the deck with a carnage too horrible to dwell upon, and finally setting the ship on fire. the _congress_ at last struck her colours, but during the night she blew up. this formidable vessel had subsequently to haul down her colours before the _monitor_--in a figurative sense, that is, for she did not actually surrender, but retreated after a contest of some hours. in this notable struggle the _merrimac_ sustained much damage, without succeeding in inflicting on her enemy anything like the same amount of injury; in fact, the _monitor_ came out of the action scathless. the changes that are taking place in the construction of war-ships are so various and so rapid, that we cannot attempt to do more here than take note of a few of the principal; and even what are mentioned as novelties now, before these pages appear may have ceased to be novelties. iron is now employed in almost every part of a war-ship, the masts themselves being in many cases of iron--hollow tubes through which the running rigging may be let down when there is danger of its being damaged by the enemy's fire. the majority of modern ironclads are built in compartments, with this advantage that, if damage is sustained in one part of the vessel, and the water rush in through the gap made by shot or any other cause, the ship will still float until the water can be let out again. the american ironclad turret-ship _monitor_ has given her name to a whole class of vessels built within recent years for the english navy; but in many respects our vessels are superior to their american prototype. all these ships--which are characterised by low free-boards and absence of masts and sails--fight their guns from turrets. they are sometimes known as "coast-defence ships," from the circumstance that they were constructed mainly for home service. of these "english monitors," four--the _cyclops_, _gorgon_, _hecate_, and _hydra_--are built on identically similar principles. in appearance they may be best compared to a raft with a battery on top of it, from which fortress or battery rise various funnels and a flag-staff. the deck is but three feet and a half above the level of the sea. while the ships are in port the deck is roofed in with an awning and railed round; but both awning and railing are removed when the vessels put to sea. the battery or fortress is in the centre of the ship, and fills up about one-third of her length and three-fourths of her breadth. the surrounding deck is flush, its surface being broken only by the skylights, which are three in number. the skylights allow but a scant and dim light to penetrate to the officers' and seamen's quarters below; but even this is wanting in time of action, when a shot-proof shield takes the place of the glass windows. the deck of the dass of war-ships we are describing is composed of twin-layers of iron plating half an inch each in thickness, supported on iron beams, and of two layers of solid teak lining four inches thick. the sides of the ships are protected by iron plating of eight-inch thickness amidships, which is an inch more of iron than the armour possessed by the majority of our masted sea-going ironclads, many of which are twice or thrice the size of the _cyclops_ and her sister-ships. it will thus be seen that these turret-ships are practically stronger in defensive equipment than any other class of ironclad cruisers. the battery of these vessels is surrounded by a breastwork six feet in height, plated with nine-inch armour. entrance is gained to the turrets themselves from inside this breastwork. in the centre of the turret there are two cylinders, the one fitting over the other in a manner which keeps the whole steady even in rough weather. small steam-engines placed inside the breastwork serve to turn the turrets, which, however, can also be worked by manual labour should necessity demand it. the ports present a striking contrast to those in the old wooden ships, by reason of their greatly diminished size. they just admit of the muzzle of the gun peeping through, and no more, being oval in shape, and about three feet in diameter lengthways. there can be little doubt that these small ports are an advantage, since they must afford greater protection to the gunners during action. when it is desired to alter the direction of the guns, the change is not effected by moving them in the ports, but by revolving the turret itself. should it ever happen in action that the free movement of the turret should become impeded from some cause, then the only means of changing the direction of the guns would be to turn the whole ship. the turrets are armed with two twenty-five ton guns, carrying four hundred pound shot. the deck being flush, as has been mentioned, the guns can be fired straight ahead and astern, and command all sides. less than one minute is needed to revolve the whole turret. this class of ships is believed to be able to keep up a constant steady fire whether in chase or in retreat. abaft the funnel in these ships there is an upright oval tube rising some seventeen feet above the level of the main deck, plated with iron. the upper plate is pierced with several small horizontal slits, from which the tube has received the name of the "conning-house," for through these openings the captain can "con" or note whatever is going on outside, without himself being exposed to danger. this circular box just allows the captain to turn himself about in; and here must he stand in time of action, directing and governing the whole conduct of his ship by mechanical telegraphs. of the many curious and remarkable features in these ships, one of the most remarkable is the extensive use made of machinery for every purpose. engines revolve the turrets, raise the ashes from the engine-rooms, turn the capstans, work the rudders;--engines do everything. three monitors similar to those just described were built for the defence of several of our colonies. the colony of victoria, we believe, purchased their ironclad, the _cerberus_, from the home government; at any rate, the people maintain her at their own cost. before the _cerberus_ could make the voyage out to melbourne, her sides had to be built up with thin iron plating for nearly her whole length. in the same way the _cyclops_ and her companion-ships might be made fit to face any sea or weather. it may occur to the reader to ask, why not have sea-going masted vessels at once? to which it may be answered, first, that the masted ships must inevitably draw more water than those of which the _cyclops_ and _hecate_ are types. turret-ships like the _monarch_, or broadside-ships like the _hercules_ and _sultan_, draw about twenty-five feet of water; the smaller ships only sixteen, while at the same time they are more heavily armoured. thus the latter, if close pressed by an enemy's sea-going ironclads--the only class from which they have much to fear-could take shelter up a river out of their reach. in action near the land these monitors, moreover, could be handled with greater ease. secondly, from their much smaller size, the coast-defence ships are built at a much less cost--an important consideration in days when a first-class ironclad costs about as much as a small fleet of bygone days. the vessels we have been describing are of rather more than two thousand tons burden, as compared with the five thousand tons of the larger sea-going ships; and, speaking roughly, the expense of construction is proportionate to the tonnage. the _glatton_ turret-ship has several characteristics in which it differs from the above class of monitors. it has but a single turret, and its guns throw six hundred pound shot, carrying three miles and a half. her water-draught is about six feet more than that of the _cyclops_ and _hecate_, and her armour-plates three inches thicker. though she carries fewer guns, the _glatton_ is a much more powerful vessel than the other monitors. (note: the above description of english monitors is adapted and abridged from an article in chambers's journal.) we shall now briefly describe the _devastation_, one of the largest and most powerful of all our ironclads. the _devastation_ in her after-part rises but four feet and a half above the water; but to meet bad weather she is furnished with an armour-plated half-raised forecastle, so that forward she is nine feet out of the water. the free-board amidships is still higher, being at this point level with the platform on which the two turrets are placed. in the centre of the ship rises a circular iron erection, on the top of which is the hurricane-deck. through this structure runs a passage, in which are situated the entrances to the hatchways and to the hurricane-deck overhead. from the hurricane-deck rise the ship's two funnels; and here also are the captain's fighting box, already alluded to in describing the coast-defence ships, the fire-proof shield for protecting the steering gear, and the boats. in a gale the hurricane-deck is the only safe place in ships of this kind--the only place where one would not get speedily washed overboard. as for the below part of the ship, it is there almost impossible to breathe, even when air has been pumped in from above, which is the only means of ventilating this portion of the vessel. the _devastation_ carries two guns in each of her turrets, placed side by side, each weighing thirty-five tons. the turrets, directly the guns have been fired, can be wheeled rapidly round, thus turning the exposed parts away from the enemy. ships such as the _devastation_, the _thunderer_, and the _fury_ do not, at first sight, strike one as particularly well adapted for rough weather, to put it in the mildest phrase. nevertheless, the _devastation_ has been fairly well tested in this way, having encountered some pretty rough weather, and, it is affirmed, behaved satisfactorily. the great danger about all ships of this class is that they may not rise to the seas, but that the waves, breaking over them, may press them down and founder them. the _thunderer_ has been known to have her forecastle, which is somewhat lower than that of the _devastation_, completely submerged, and this, too, when no very high sea was running. these ships are designed, not for home service and coast defence merely, but for general action in mid-ocean. to attempt to describe even a single specimen of each type of modern war-ships would to a certainty weary the reader, for to any but an expert there would inevitably be a sense of repetition in the perusal of such a narrative. but in order to place before our readers something like an approximate idea, at any rate, of the present state of our navy, we shall examine briefly one other first-class ironclad, the _inflexible_, which may be regarded as a leading example of ironclad ships, and, at the time of writing, as one of the highest achievements of modern naval architecture. the _inflexible_ is the vast size of 11,400 tons burden, her horse-power being 8000. the length is 320 feet, her armour-plating from 16 to 24 inches thick, with an inner lining of wood from 17 to 25 inches in thickness. she is divided into 135 compartments, and her engines are placed at such a distance from each other that should one be disabled from any cause the other would still be in working order. the chief characteristic of the _inflexible_ is the position of the turrets. the majority of ships of this description have their turrets in the middle line, from which it results that only one half of their guns can be directed on an enemy, whether ahead or astern. the _inflexible_ has her turrets on each side--the fore-turret on the port-side, the after-turret on the starboard. she can thus use the whole of her guns against an enemy _at the same time_, whether it be ahead or astern. it will be seen that the thickness of the armour-plating with which the _inflexible_ is protected is enormous; and yet this thickness of iron has been pierced. the question, then, that immediately suggests itself is, _can_ a vessel be constructed to carry much heavier armour-plating than this? a recent writer in the _times_ declares not. "so far as the exigencies of the navy are concerned," he says, "the limit of weight seems to have already been reached, for the simple reason that the buoyancy of our ironclads cannot with safety be further diminished by the burden of heavier armour and armaments." the following very graphic description of the interior of a turret-ship was written by an eye-witness of the scene described. it is an extract from a narrative supplied to the author of "the sea: its stirring story of adventure and peril," from which we take it. the vessel described was the _miantonoma_, an american ironclad turret-ship. "you ascend again through a trap-door, and find yourself in a circular room, some twelve feet in diameter, padded from top to bottom like the interior of a carriage. by your side is a huge mass of iron. you are inside the turret. a glimmering lamp sheds its feeble light on the moving forms around you, and from below comes the faint whispering of the men, until the trap is shut and you are again in utter silence. "`_prepare_!' the gunner's mate stands on your toes, and tells you to lean forward and thrust your tongue out of your mouth. you hear the creaking of machinery. it is a moment of intense suspense. gradually a glimmer of light--an inch--a flood! the shield passes from the opening; the gun runs out. a flash, a roar--a mad reeling of the senses, and crimson clouds flitting before your eyes--a horrible pain in your ears, a sense of oppression on your chest, and the knowledge that you are not on your feet--a whispering of voices blending with the concert in your ears--a darkness before your eyes--and you feel yourself plump up against the padding, whither you have been thrown by the violence of the concussion. "before you have recovered sufficiently to note the effects i have endeavoured to describe, the shield is again in its place and the gun ready for reloading. they tell you that the best part of the sound has escaped through the port-hole, otherwise there would be no standing it, and our gunner's mate whispers in your ears, `it's all werry well, but they bu'sts out bleeding from the chest and ears after the fourth discharge, and has to be taken below.' you have had enough of it too, and are glad that they don't ask you to witness another shot fired." it must be stated that since the _miantonoma_ was built a new and improved principle of turret-firing has been introduced. electricity is now employed in discharging the guns, and there is thus no necessity for anyone being in the turret, which is of course a great advantage. at the close of the civil war, america possessed a fine fleet of monitors, of which scarcely any now remain. for the time they seemed all but impregnable to shot and shell; but they were built by contract, of unseasoned wood, and in the course of ten or twelve years yielded to natural decay. but the _brooklyn_ and the _ohio_, both fine examples of naval architecture, still survive to maintain, in so far as two ships can, america's maritime prestige. a chapter treating of ironclads would, we think, be incomplete without allusion made to the loss of the _captain_, whose terrible fate in 1870 has caused a mournful interest to be attached to that vessel. the _captain_ was 320 feet in length and 53 feet broad. her armour-plating reached to five feet below the water-line. opposite the turrets her plating was eight inches in thickness and seven inches in other parts. the ship was furnished with two screws, placed side by side. the screws were available for steering, and thus the vessel could be governed without the rudder. the _captain_ was fully rigged, and could carry a large spread of canvas. the special characteristic of the ship was her revolving turrets. each turret was 27 feet in diameter on the outside and 22 feet 6 inches on the inside. the walls of the turrets were therefore 2 feet 3 inches thick; and one half of this thickness was composed of iron. the turrets were revolved by separate engines, but they could also be turned, if occasion required, by hand-labour. two armstrong twenty-five ton guns, throwing six hundred pound shot, were placed in each turret. the ship was built after designs by captain coles--the architect also of the _monarch_. on her first sea-voyage the _captain_ showed, apparently, such excellent sea-going qualities that her architect and the contractors, the messrs. laird, were quite satisfied as to her safety in mid-ocean. in the autumn of 1870 she accompanied the fleet on a cruise; and on the 6th of september, shortly after midnight, foundered off cape finisterre. the whole crew were lost, with the exception of nineteen men, and among those who perished was captain coles himself, captain burgoyne, the commander of the ship, and a son of the then first lord of the admiralty--mr childers. it is unnecessary to recall to the memory of the adult among my readers the deep feeling of pity and gloom spread by this awful disaster throughout great britain. the night on which the _captain_ foundered was no doubt a somewhat rough one, with squalls and a heavy sea on; but it was not merely the force of the storm which overwhelmed the vessel. mr james may, a surviving gunner of the ill-fated ship, gave a sufficiently clear account of the foundering of the vessel. soon after midnight he was awakened from sleep by a noise and a feeling that the ship was uneasy. rising, and taking with him a lamp, he proceeded to the after-turret to see if the guns were all right. everything was secure enough there; but he had hardly finished his examination when he felt the vessel heel steadily over, a heavy sea struck her on the weather-port, the water rushed into the turret, and may presently found himself in the water. he swam to the pinnace, which he perceived floating bottom upwards, and there he was presently joined by captain burgoyne and several others of the crew. then he beheld the vessel turn over and go down, stern first; the whole catastrophe being over in a few minutes. the launch was drifting a few yards off, and may called out to his comrades, "jump, men! it is our last chance." may with three others succeeded in reaching the boat, in which fifteen of the remainder of the crew also found a refuge. it is uncertain whether poor captain burgoyne remained in the pinnace or failed to reach the launch. the nineteen survivors, after a hard row of twelve hours, without food or drink, landed at cape finisterre, where they were hospitably received and cared for by the people. a court-martial was held in due course to investigate the cause of the disaster. into the details of the evidence it is impossible here to enter, but it was sufficiently proved that there were grave faults in the _captain's_ construction,--faults which, as is unfortunately too often the case, were not discovered by such calculations as were made before the ship started on what may be said to have been her first, as it was her last, cruise. it had, however, been noticed by some that the vessel was about a foot and a half deeper in the water than she should have been--that her free-board, in a word, instead of being eight feet above the water, as was designed, was only six feet six inches; and it needs but a very slight knowledge of marine matters to understand how this difference would materially prejudice the stability of such a vessel as the _captain_. if it has been the reader's chance, as it has been ours, to visit anyone of our great naval arsenals--especially portsmouth or plymouth--he cannot have failed of being struck with the gallant and splendid appearance presented by many of our ships of war; but he must likewise have been affected with feelings the reverse of admiration by more than one type of modern ironclads. no one who admires a real ship, be it of wood or of iron--a stately frigate in full sail before a favouring wind--can at the same time admire a monitor. many persons, in truth, will refuse to regard a turret-ship as a ship at all. it overturns our every notion of what a ship should look like. a low, black, mastless, raft-like, cruel-looking machine, without the faintest pretension to form or comeliness, a turret-ship is simply a fighting-engine, a floating battery--an ingenious and formidable instrument of death and destruction, no doubt, but nothing more. yet these are among the leading war-ships of the present, and, as far as can at present be seen, of the immediate future; and on these we must depend for the protection of our shores should they ever be threatened. and yet, great as is the annual cost of our navy, and great as is the amount of ingenuity spent in the construction of new and novel ships of war--each designed to be more impregnable and more formidable than its predecessor--our navy is at this moment in somewhat of an unsettled and transitory state. changes in the construction of ironclads are every year taking place, and considerable difference of opinion exists among our highest naval authorities upon important points in marine architecture. ships of war have now to contend with such formidable enemies in the shape of guns, torpedoes, and other engines of terribly destructive power, that it is difficult to say at present which will eventually triumph. one of the old wooden ships placed beside a modern ironclad is as a child's toy battery compared with gibraltar; and yet it can hardly be said that the nation has the same feeling of confidence and security in our present ships which it reposed in the vessels which nelson so often led to victory; for it must be long ere the fate of the _captain_ and the _vanguard_ is entirely forgotten. of this, however, we may, we think, at least rest assured, that, however dubious we may be in regard to some of the novelties and presumed improvements that are being from time to time introduced in naval architecture, england is well abreast of the age in maritime matters; if her ships be not absolutely perfect, and proof against every form of danger, they are at least equal to those of any other nation. we need a strong, a very strong navy; and as a fact our naval resources are nearly equal to the combined naval strength of europe. a somewhat different condition of things will need to come about from that which at present exists among the nations of the world ere england can afford to decrease her naval armaments; and until the great powers of the world agree to settle their disputes by some other means than by "wager of battle," and are resolved to "war no more," probably the best and only way for her is to keep herself as strongly and perfectly armed as possible. it is this that has probably helped, at any rate, to secure so long and uninterrupted peace for our shores; and to try a different and opposite course would, to say the least, be a risk. it is upon her navy, as all the world knows, that england depends for defence and security. to be weak in our navy would be to be weak throughout all our armour. our navy is at present, we would fain hope, a peace-weapon in our hands--a shield, not a sword; and while it is such, the stronger and more flawless it is, the better for us, and perhaps for the world at large. this may strike the reader as a somewhat vain-glorious, "spread-eagle" way of putting the case; but if he look at the matter fairly and impartially, we think he will admit that there is some truth in our statement. before closing this chapter, a word or two must be said descriptive of that fell foe to ships of war, the torpedo, though space demands that our reference should be brief. almost all modern ships of war are constructed with false bottoms, designed especially to protect them against torpedoes. there are many different forms of torpedoes, employed in a variety of ways. a torpedo may be described as a submarine exploding apparatus. it may contain from thirty to as much as five hundred pounds of gunpowder; and the explosion is effected either by means of electricity, or by a spring and a detonating substance when the engine comes in contact with a ship. some kinds of torpedoes rest on the bottom of the sea, while others are anchored and float suspended in the water. if a vessel strikes against one of these terrible engines, she is either at once blown to splinters, or a rent is made in her bottom which causes her rapidly to sink. one type of torpedoes resembles somewhat a fish, and is impelled rapidly through the water by a screw and other machinery. torpedoes are so constructed as to be able to rise and strike a vessel just at the right moment. when not filled with gunpowder or gun-cotton, dynamite and other explosive substances are used instead for charging these submarine war-engines. various methods have been devised to secure ships from torpedoes. nets are sometimes extended in front of the ship, which catch the torpedoes before they can come in contact with the vessel's bottom. this safeguard was adopted, in many instances with success, by the federal war-ships when entering confederate harbours. but a great deal may be done to secure a ship against these terrible engines of destruction by precaution simply, as was proved in the crimean war, when the russian torpedoes did little or no damage to our ships, by reason of the unceasing watchfulness maintained on board. during the late war between russia and turkey one of the most daring exploits of the campaign was an attack by a russian squadron of torpedo-boats on the turkish monitor _hifse rahman_. the flotilla comprised four ships, the _czarevich_, the _xenia_, the _czarevna_, and the _djirid_. the two first named began the attack, the _czarevna_ and the _djirid_ holding themselves in reserve until their assistance should be wanted. the launches were equipped with strong iron awnings which shielded their crews from the enemy's fire. each boat was armed with two torpedoes, fastened to the end of long spars projected over the bulwarks and working on pivots. the torpedoes could be detached from the spars when occasion demanded; while long chains were secured to the missiles, by which they were attached to the enemy's vessel, as well as to the wire of a galvanic battery fastened round the waist of the commander of the launch. this battery was the means by which the torpedo was exploded. the flotilla left the roumanian side of the danube on the 25th of june 1877 at about midnight, and in something less than an hour the _hifse rahman_ loomed in sight, a shadowy mass on the dark waters. the approach of the torpedo-boats was almost noiseless, and the croaking of the frogs was said to have further favoured the russians by drowning the sound of the engines, so that those on board the monitor were not aware of their enemy's propinquity until the launches were almost alongside. the sentry at once challenged, when lieutenant doubarsoff, the commander of the _czarevich_, answered "friends." but his speech betrayed him; the alarm was spread; and the _hifse rahman_ opened a sharp fire upon the launches. but lieutenant doubarsoff succeeded in attaching his torpedo-chain to a rope hanging at the monitor's bows, and then rapidly backed his little vessel and fired the torpedo. a tremendous explosion; a column of water shot up into the air, and the launch was nearly swamped! a breach had, however, been made in the _hifse rahman's_ bulwarks. the other monitors were now thoroughly alive to their danger, and the russian launches had to sustain a deadly cannonade, upon which lieutenant doubarsoff ordered lieutenant schestakoff to bring up his launch, the _xenia_, and apply a second torpedo, which the latter was able to do, attaching the missile amidships of the turkish vessel. the fate of the _hifse rahman_ was now sealed, and in a few minutes she sank. the russian launches succeeded in getting clear of their enemy again without losing a single man, and thus ended the first torpedo expedition ever made against an enemy's ironclads, but which may, as a writer describing the event says, "end in completely revolutionising our present system of monster iron walls." the grand cross of saint george was awarded to lieutenants doubarsoff and schestakoff for this intrepid and successful exploit. space is not left us to do more than revert for a moment to what is perhaps the deadliest weapon of offensive naval warfare yet devised,-rams. some experts maintain that nothing can match the power of the ram of a modern ironclad skilfully handled; and a well-known naval authority has declared that the use of the guns in a naval action should be merely preliminary to that of the ram--in other words, that all effort should be concentrated upon making an opportunity of using the ram. we close this chapter by recalling the reader's attention to a feature in modern war-ships already alluded to, and which indeed the whole course of our remarks upon this subject points to--the almost universal use of machinery in modern naval tactics. most assuredly in modern sea-warfare it may be said, in the laureate's words--used by him, of course, with a very different sense--that "the individual dwindles," so that the prediction, which some of our readers may remember was once made by a first lord of the admiralty, seems not unlikely one day to become sober fact--that the time will come when we shall no longer require sailors, because all that our warships will need will be stokers and artillerymen. whether this is a consummation to be desired we are not careful here to pronounce. chapter thirteen. origins of steamships--ocean-steamers, etcetera. as we have been led, in writing about ships of the navy, to refer to steam, we turn aside at this point to treat of that tremendous motive-power. one night, in the year 1807, a terrible sight was witnessed by the inhabitants of the banks of the river hudson in america. men love what is marvellous, and they will go a long distance out of their way to see that which is terrific and horrible; but on the night in question there was no need to go far. the farmers had only to look out of their windows, and the sailors of the shipping had only to lift their heads above the bulwarks, to behold a sight that appalled the stoutest hearted, and caused the very hair on the craniums of the timid to stand on end. the object that created so much consternation was--a "monster of the deep!" at some parts of the river, men could not tell what it was like, for the night was dark when it passed, but a dark, shadowy idea they obtained by the light of the fire which the creature vomited from its jaws; and they formed a tremendous conception of its size and power from the speed at which it travelled, the splashing which it made, and the hideous groans with which it burdened the night-air. this "fiery monster of the deep" was the _first_ river-steamer, the _clermont_! before going further into the details of this the first of a class of ships which have, within the last fifty years, almost completely changed the whole system of navigation, let us take a cursory glance at the first attempts made to propel ships by means of steam. the subject has occupied mankind much longer than many people suppose. so long ago as the year 1543, a naval captain of spain applied an engine to a ship of about two hundred tons, and succeeded in moving it at the rate of about two miles an hour. the nature of his engine the captain kept secret; but it was noted that part of it consisted of a caldron of boiling water. this we are told by thomas gonzales, the director of the royal archives of simancas; but his veracity is now called in question,--at any rate, nothing further was afterwards heard of the discovery. the first authentic record we have of steam navigation occurs in a work written by the marquis of worcester in 1665, in which allusion is made to the application of engines to boats and ships, which would "draw them up rivers against the stream, and, if need be, pass london bridge against the current, at low-water." many attempts, more or less successful, were made by ingenious men from time to time. papin of france in 1690 constructed a steamboat, the success of which may be gathered from the fact that it was ultimately broken up by enraged and jealous watermen! jonathan hulls in 1736, and m. genevois in 1759, were each successful, to a certain extent, in constructing working models, but nothing definite resulted from their labours. yet we would not be understood to undervalue the achievements of such men. on the contrary, it is by the successive discoveries of such inquiring and philosophical men that grand results are at last attained. the magnificent structures that crowd the ocean were not the creations of one era, or the product of one stupendous mind. they are the result of the labours of thousands of men whose names have never been known to fame. the men who, working upon the materials supplied by preceding generations, brought the propulsion of boats by steam nearest to perfection, _just before_ the commencement of navigation, were mr miller of dumfries, mr taylor, his friend, and tutor in his family, and mr symington. all of these were, in a very important degree, instrumental in ushering in the great event. symington, in 1788, fitted an engine to a large boat, in which he attained the speed of seven miles an hour. the man to whom the credit belongs of introducing _steam navigation_ is undoubtedly mr fulton of america. this gentleman, who was contemporary with those just mentioned, visited france and england, in the former of which countries he endeavoured, unsuccessfully, to carry out his projects, while in the latter he met with symington, and obtained much valuable information from him. we have no sympathy whatever with those who seem to rake in to the credit of their own country every discovery and invention they possibly or plausibly can. we did much _towards_ the commencement of steam navigation, but we did not begin it. we pushed considerably in advance of other nations in the invention of apparatus by which boats might be propelled by steam; we constructed models, tried it on a small scale, and found the thing to answer admirably: but we rested there. meanwhile, an enterprising american came and saw our achievements, ordered an engine in england, carried it across the atlantic, and _commenced_ the era of steam navigation, on the river hudson, by building and launching: the first steamer. robert fulton, in conjunction with chancellor livingston of america, planned, built, and launched a boat in the spring of 1807, which they named the _clermont_. it was propelled by steam, and averaged the rate of five miles an hour on its first voyage from new york to albany, a distance of nearly one hundred and fifty miles. all discoveries and novelties, great and small, are treated with ridicule at first by the mass of mankind, so it is not a matter of wonder that the crowds which flocked to the wharf to see the _clermont_ start on her first trip were somewhat satirical and jocose in their remarks. but when the steam was turned on, and they heard the first of that series of snorts that was destined ere long to shake the trembling air of land and sea, and saw the great, uncouth paddle-wheels revolve powerfully in the water and churn it into foam, a shout, tinged doubtless with prophetic fervour, greeted the triumphant engineer as his little steamboat darted from the shore. colden, in his life of fulton, speaks thus of the _clermont's_ first voyage:-"she excited the astonishment of the inhabitants of the shores of the hudson, many of whom had not heard even of an engine, much less of a steamboat. there were many descriptions of the effects of her first appearance upon the people of the banks of the river. "some of these were ridiculous, but some of them were of such a character as nothing but an object of real grandeur could have excited. she was described by some, who had indistinctly seen her passing in the night, as a monster moving on the waters, defying the winds and tide and breathing flames and smoke! she had the most terrific appearance from other vessels which were navigating the river when she was making her passage. the first steamboat (as others yet do) used dry pine wood for fuel, which sends forth a column of ignited vapour many feet above the flue, and, whenever the fire is stirred, a galaxy of sparks fly off, which, in the night, have a very brilliant and beautiful appearance. "this uncommon light first attracted the attention of the crews of other vessels. notwithstanding the wind and tide, which were adverse to its approach, they saw with astonishment that it was rapidly coming towards them; and when it came so near that the noise of the machinery and paddles was heard, the crews--if what was said in the newspapers of the time be true--in some instances shrank beneath their decks from the terrific sight, and left their vessels to go on shore; whilst others prostrated themselves, and besought providence to protect them from the approaches of the horrible monster which was marching on the tide, and lighting its path by the fires that it vomited!" the _clermont_ became a regular passenger boat on the hudson; and the progress of steam navigation continued to advance, until nearly all the navigable rivers of the world, and the great ocean itself, were covered with these clanking ships of commerce, which have added more to the comfort, the wealth, and the power of man--the power of doing good as well as evil-than the feeble human mind can conceive. the comet. it was not until five years after the americans set us the example that we launched our first passenger steamboat, the _comet_, a vessel of about twenty-five tons, with engines of three horse-power. this little vessel was started by henry bell, of helensburgh, on the clyde. it began its career in 1812, and plied regularly for two years. like her predecessor the _clermont_, she was regarded with no small degree of scepticism, and with a large amount of surprise by the thousands who saw her set forth. nevertheless, she soon proved her value, became a successful speculation to her owners, and was ere long followed by many other vessels of a similar kind. the "argyle", afterwards named "the thames." in 1813 the _argyle_ was launched. this vessel was the first european steamer that pushed out into the more dangerous navigation of the open sea-coast. she was purchased by a company in london. on her passage up, she was as nearly as possible wrecked on a lee-shore, but, by her steam-power, was enabled to go straight against the wind, at the rate of three and a half knots an hour, and so escaped. one of the passengers has left us an interesting account of this interesting voyage, from which we cull one or two paragraphs: "the weather had now become so stormy and bad that our captain determined to put in to the port of wexford, his great object being to navigate the vessel safely to london, rather than, by using great despatch, to expose her to unnecessary risk. we put to sea again at two o'clock p.m., on may 30th, and steered for saint david's head, the most westerly point of wales. during our passage across saint george's channel, one of the blades of the starboard paddle-wheel became out of order; the engine was stopped, and the blade cut away. some hours afterwards, a similar accident happened to the other wheel, which was remedied in the same manner. "about two-o'clock in the afternoon, twelve hours after leaving wexford, we reached the pass of ramsay. we remained there for three hours, to oil the engine, and to give the stoker, who had not quitted his post an instant since leaving wexford, a little rest. in a short time several boats were seen coming to our assistance, the idea prevailing here, as at wexford, that our vessel was on fire. we landed on the island of ramsay, a most desolate spot, containing only one habitation; we, however, procured some bread, butter, milk, cheese, and ale, with which we returned to the vessel, and commenced steaming through the straits, and across saint bride's bay. "the weather had now become unfavourable, and the sea ran alarmingly high in the bay. on the south side of saint bride's bay, between skomar island and the mainland, is a nasty passage called jack sound. our pilot warned us of the danger of attempting this passage, excepting at high-water and with a favourable wind, as there were several formidable whirlpools, which would seize the vessel and carry her on the rocks. captain dodd, however, who knew the power of his engine, insisted on going through the sound, in order to save five hours and another night at sea. the pilot repeated his remonstrances, at the same time trembling for fear; but we passed through all the whirlpools with the greatest ease. nothing, however, can be conceived more frightful than the aspect of some of the rocks, and especially of those called the bishop and his clerks. had we been in a sailing vessel, our position would have been most perilous; but our steam was all-powerful, and brought us safely to milford haven. "we put to sea again late on the evening of the 31st, and on friday morning we were in the middle of the bristol channel, with no land visible; but towards evening we discovered the high coast that terminates england in the west. as the weather, however, again assumed a gloomy aspect, our new pilot judged that it would be imprudent that night to double land's end, so we shaped our course towards saint ives. "on approaching the shore, we perceived a crowd of small vessels making towards us with all possible rapidity, by means of oars and sails. here, as elsewhere, the alarm was taken, on seeing a vessel, judged to be on fire, steering towards the town, and all the disposable craft immediately put to sea. all the rocks commanding saint ives were covered with spectators; and when we entered the harbour, the aspect of our vessel appeared to occasion as much surprise amongst the inhabitants as the ships of captain cook must have produced on his first appearance amongst the islanders of the south seas. "another night passed, a night of storm and danger, but the little _thames_ (the vessel had been renamed by the new company who purchased her) behaved nobly, and next day reached plymouth. here," continues the narrative, "the harbour-master, who had never seen a steam-vessel before, was as much struck with astonishment, when he boarded the _thames_, as a child is on getting possession of a new plaything. he steered the vessel, and we passed round several ships of war in the sound. the sailors ran in crowds to the sides of their vessels as we passed them, and, mounting the rigging, gave vent to their observations in a most amusing manner. "we left plymouth at noon on the following day, and steamed without interruption to portsmouth, where we arrived on friday, june 9th, having accomplished one hundred and fifty miles in twenty-three hours. at portsmouth astonishment and admiration were, if possible, more strongly evinced than elsewhere. tens of thousands of spectators were assembled to gaze on the _thames_; and the number of vessels that crowded around us was so great, that it became necessary to request the admiral to give us a guard to preserve some degree of order. "we entered the harbour in the most brilliant style, steaming in, with the assistance of wind and tide, at the rate of from twelve to fourteen miles an hour. a court-martial was at the time sitting on board the _gladiator_ frigate; but the novelty of our steamboat presented an irresistible attraction, and the whole court came off to us, excepting the president, who was obliged by etiquette to retain his seat until the court was regularly adjourned. on saturday, june 10th, the port-admiral sent his band and a guard of marines at an early hour on board; and soon afterwards he followed, accompanied by three admirals, eighteen post-captains, and a large number of ladies. the morning was spent in steaming amongst the fleet, and running over to the isle of wight. from portsmouth we proceeded to margate, which we reached on sunday morning. here we remained until the following day, when we embarked for our final trip, at half-past eight in the morning; and about six in the evening arrived at limehouse, where we moored." we have entered thus at considerable length into this voyage, because, besides being the first steam sea-voyage, it serves to exhibit very distinctly how great and how rapid has been the progress of steam-navigation within the last fifty years. in reading such an account as this, in these days of "ocean mail-steamers" and "great easterns," we can scarcely believe that in it reference is made, not to the middle ages, but to the year 1813. ocean-steamers. after that momentous era when steam was first successfully applied to useful purposes, human progress and improvement in all departments of science and art seemed to have been hooked on to it, and to have thenceforth rushed roaring at its tail, with truly "railroad speed," towards perfection! scarce had the first model steamboat splashed with its ungainly "blades" the waters of a pond, than river traffic by means of steamboats began. and no sooner had this been proved to be a decided success, than daring schemes were laid to rush over the ocean itself on wheels. men were not long about it, after the first start was made. their intellectual steam was up, and the whirl of inventive effort racked the brains of engineers as the wheels of their steamboats tortured the waters of the deep. and here again the name of fulton comes into notice. early in 1814 he conceived the idea of constructing a steam-vessel of war, which should carry a strong battery with furnaces for red-hot shot. congress authorised the building of such a ship, and before the end of the same year it was launched. fulton died the following year, but the fame of that enterprising engineer will never die. the new vessel received the rather quaint title of _fulton the first_. she consisted of two boats joined together. those who were appointed by congress to examine her and report, gave the following account of this curious man-of-war: "she is a structure resting on two boats and keels, separated from end to end by a channel fifteen feet wide and sixty-six feet long. one boat contains the caldrons of copper to prepare her steam; the cylinder of iron, its piston, lever, and wheels, occupy part of the other. the water-wheel revolves in the space between them. the main or gun-deck supports the armament, and is protected by a parapet four feet ten inches thick, of solid timber, pierced by embrasures. through thirty port-holes as many thirty-two pounders are intended to fire red-hot shot, which can be heated with great safety and convenience. her upper or spar-deck, upon which several thousand men might parade, is encompassed by a bulwark, which affords safe quarters. she is rigged with two stout masts, each of which supports a large lateen yard and sails. she has two bowsprits and jibs, and four rudders--one at each extremity of each boat; so that she can be steered with either end foremost. her machinery is calculated for the addition of an engine which will discharge an immense column of water, which it is intended to throw upon the decks and through the port-holes of the enemy, and thereby deluge her armament and ammunition. "if, in addition to all this, we suppose her to be furnished, according to mr fulton's intention, with hundred-pound columbiads, two suspended from each bow, so as to discharge a ball of that size into an enemy's ship ten or twelve feet below her water-line, it must be allowed that she has the appearance, at least, of being the most formidable engine for warfare that human ingenuity has contrived." she certainly was; and even at the present time the _fulton the first_ would cut no insignificant figure if placed alongside our gunboats, floating-batteries, and steam-frigates. it is not easy to get intelligent men to believe in things that savour of the marvellous; yet there seems to be a point past which, if once a man be got, he will go on to believe almost anything, no matter how absurd. in those days few people in europe would credit the truth of this ship's proportions; but when, in the course of time and from indubitable testimony, they were compelled to believe, they flew to the opposite extreme of incredulity and believed anything, as the following curiously comical paragraph will show. it is said to have appeared in a scotch treatise on steamships, and is intended for a "full, true, and particular account" of this monstrous american man-of-war steamer. after giving her dimensions three times larger than they were in reality, the author continues:--"the thickness of her sides is thirteen feet of alternate oak plank and cork wood. she carries forty-four guns, four of which are hundred pounders; quarter-deck and forecastle guns, forty-four pounders: and further, to annoy an enemy attempting to board, can discharge one hundred gallons of boiling water in a minute; and, by mechanism, brandishes three hundred cutlasses with the utmost regularity over her gunwales; works also an equal number of heavy iron spikes of great length, darting them from the sides with prodigious force, and withdrawing them every quarter of a minute!" this vessel, although probably intended for an ocean-steamer, was never used as such. but not long after, a vessel propelled by steam ventured to cross the atlantic, and thus became the parent of commercial steam navigation. this vessel was: the "savannah" steamer. unfortunately, little information as to this, the first ocean-steamer, has been chronicled. she was launched at new york on the 22nd of august 1818, and in the following year made her first voyage to savannah, from which she sailed for liverpool soon after, and crossed the atlantic in twenty-five days-during eighteen of which she used her engines. the _savannah_ was about 350 tons burden, and was on this occasion commanded by captain moses rodgers. she was fitted with machinery for taking in her wheels in stormy weather, which was found to work admirably; and she is mentioned as having been seen on the ocean going at the rate of nine or ten knots. from liverpool this steamer went to saint petersburg, and afterwards returned to savannah in safety. this was the insertion of the wedge. our own country did not follow the lead until 1838, when the good people of new york were thrown into a state of excitement by the arrival of two steamers, the _sirius_ and the _great western_, from england. so long a time had elapsed since the voyage of the _savannah_ that men had well-nigh forgotten it, and were disposed to regard these vessels as the _first_ ocean-steamers. indeed, some narrow-minded and ungenerous writers have asserted that they _were_ the first--totally ignoring the prior claim of the _savannah_. from that period ocean-steamers began to run frequently across the atlantic. they now do so regularly, as well as to nearly all other parts of the world. ocean mail-steamers. the improvements which have taken place during recent years in ocean-going steamships have been great and rapid. the speed attained by some of these magnificent vessels is little short of marvellous. many persons still living can recollect the time when the voyage to australia in a sailing vessel lasted six months. what is now the state of matters? by more than one line of steamships the traveller may reach sydney or melbourne within forty days. a recent voyage of the _orient_, one of the latest and finest additions to ocean steamships, merits more than a passing notice. the _lusitania_, which belongs to the same line, steamed from england to australia in less than forty days, and the feat was regarded as a great one. but the _lusitania_ has been far outmatched by her sister-ship the _orient_, which has actually accomplished the same voyage in thirty-five days, fifteen hours, and forty-six minutes. from plymouth to the cape of good hope took the _orient_ only seventeen days twenty-one hours. this is the fastest speed on record. whether it is the maximum rate possible to ocean steamships, or whether it is destined to be surpassed by a still higher degree of speed, remains to be seen. many persons are of opinion that the increased facilities of speed which are now within reach of travellers on long voyages will gradually lead to the total disuse of sailing ships for passenger traffic. it may be so, but there are still not a few who would prefer a sailing to a steam ship for a long sea voyage, notwithstanding its so greatly inferior rate of speed. but nowadays everything must be sacrificed to _time_. "time flies," is at present the motto of most instant and potent power with the world; but the day is perhaps not far off when the fiat, "thus far, and no farther," must be pronounced not only on the speed of steamships, but on the breathless rush and hurry of the age in general. the czar's yacht "livadia." undoubtedly one of the most remarkable craft afloat is the russian czar's steam-yacht the _livadia_. to a scotch shipbuilding firm belongs the credit of having constructed this unique and splendid vessel, and it is certainly a feather in the cap of messrs. elder and company, the well-known glasgow shipbuilders, from whose yard the _livadia_ was launched in july 1880. one would imagine that the highest point of comfort and luxuriousness has been reached in the accommodation offered by the _livadia_; but this is far from being the only or even the chief respect in which the vessel is remarkable. she is notable from a purely nautical point of view-being the outcome of principles that may be said almost to revolutionise all pre-existing ideas of shipbuilding, though something like the same principle may be found in the circular ironclads of admiral popoff. hitherto the plan which naval architects have followed, where the desideratum was exceptional speed, was to give the vessel in course of construction length in combination with as fine lines and as perfect proportion as possible. but in the case of an imperial pleasure-boat, like the _livadia_, it was an object to obtain an ampler and more drawing-room like accommodation than is compatible with length, narrowness of beam, and fine lines; and the constructors of the czar's new yacht have succeeded in securing not only this internal spaciousness and comfort, but also a satisfactory degree of speed. it was to the united exertions of admiral popoff of the russian navy, and dr tideman of the royal dockyard, amsterdam, that the design of the _livadia_ was due. it is not easy in words to convey a distinct impression of this curiously-shaped craft, but our description will, we hope, give the reader a pretty correct idea of the vessel. the constructors of the _livadia_, it is believed, chose a turbot as their model for the hull; and in thus taking a flat fish as a suggestion for their vessel, the builders, as a recent writer on the subject points out, followed no extravagant, though certainly a novel, fancy. in broad terms the _livadia_ may be described as a wide and shallow oval in shape, half submerged, while over this turbot-shaped raft a superstructure is erected, somewhat similar in appearance to an ordinary vessel, and comprising large, lofty, and sumptuous saloons and other apartments. the _livadia_ is 260 feet long, 150 feet broad, and 50 feet deep. she is 11,609 tons burden, and her displacement 4000. the two leading merits of the _livadia_, due to its peculiar construction, are--first, that its frame can support a superstructure of almost palatial proportions such as would founder any other vessel; and second, that its great breadth of beam keeps the ship as steady as a ship can possibly be, while, at the same time, its lower lines secure a very good degree of speed. the _livadia_ possesses powerful propelling engines. there are three sets of these, each with three cylinders, the diameter being sixty inches for the high pressure, and seventy-eight inches for the low, with a stroke of three feet three inches. as much strength and lightness as possible have been secured for the propellers by constructing them of manganese iron; while steel has been largely employed for the engines and boilers, which are, for their weight, the most powerful possessed by any vessel. the estimated horse-power is 10,500, and the ship, under favourable conditions, can make fifteen knots an hour. the double water-tight bottom of the _livadia_ is three feet six inches deep at the centre, and two feet nine inches at each end. in this turbot-like lower part is the machinery, and it is the receptacle also for coals and stores of all kinds. the twofold bottom of the ship comprises forty compartments, and the whole is sufficiently strong, it is believed, to withstand the heaviest weather to which the yacht is likely to be exposed, as well as the strain of her powerful machinery. the entire length of the upper part of the ship, in which are the imperial apartments, and the quarters of the officers and crew, is 260 feet, and the breadth 110 feet. the crew all told numbers 260. the private apartments of the czar himself are forward on the main-deck, well away from the heat of the engines and the smell of the machinery. a visitor to the ship is chiefly struck, perhaps, by the height to which the decks rise above the hull, the uppermost compartment of all being fitted out as a reception saloon, in the centre of which a little fountain rises out of a bed of flowers. this portion of the vessel is forty feet above the level of the sea. the apartment is luxuriously appointed in the fashion of the reign of louis xvi. the drawing-room is furnished in a style of equal sumptuousness, in the crimean tartar style; but the rest of the imperial apartments are in a simpler order of decoration. behind the funnels there is another deck-house, containing the captain's quarters and rooms for the grand duke constantine. it will thus be seen that the _livadia_ is literally a floating palace, equipped and decorated with that almost eastern love of sumptuous display which characterises the russians as a people. all the three screws with which the _livadia_ is furnished are wholly submerged in the water--another novelty in the construction of the vessel. one or even two of these screws might suffer serious injury and the ship still remain manageable. it is not wonderful that the launch of a craft, at once so splendid and so curious, should have caused much interest and excitement in the neighbourhood in which it took place. a distinguished company witnessed the ceremony, while the crowd which lined the banks of the river clyde numbered 10,000. a short service was conducted by three priests of the greek church, and the bows of the vessel were then sprinkled with holy water. after the conclusion of this ceremony, the yacht received her name from the duchess of hamilton, and was then launched. the launch was a complete success, the _livadia_ taking the water in gallant style, though the task was one of more than ordinary difficulty from the circumstance of the great breadth of the ship's keel-less bottom, which much increased the friction to be overcome. at the luncheon which concluded the day's proceedings, mr pearce, the chairman, who represented the firm of elder and company, stated that the principle adopted in the building of the _livadia_ would probably be more useful in the case of ships of war than of merchant vessels, but that builders of the latter might also derive valuable hints from the construction of the new ship. whether this will prove to be the case time has yet to show. a most interesting discovery of a norse war-ship has recently been made at sandefjord in norway. the vessel, there can be no doubt, is one of the kind in which those formidable buccaneers, the norsemen, used to harry the coasts of great britain and france ten hundred years ago. it was found buried in the ground, and seems to have been the sepulchre of some great viking chieftain, who had probably many a time sailed forth in it to the terror and detriment of some less warlike and powerful neighbour. the ship is unusually large, and very completely equipped. its length is about seventy-five feet; and sails, rigging, a number of shields and other instruments of battle, were found on board. chapter fourteen. the "great eastern." the _great eastern_ steamship deserves to be regarded as the eighth wonder of the world, beyond all question. she is at present by far the largest vessel in the world, and is the most magnificent creation of naval architecture that was ever launched upon the sea. the substance of the following account of this interesting ship has been gathered principally from the times and the illustrated london news for 1859, the year in which the _great eastern_ was launched, and from a pamphlet which was sold on board, by permission of the proprietors. the _great eastern_ was intended for the indian and australian route by the cape of good hope. the result of large experience in steam navigation has proved that the size of the ship, (when steam is used), ought to be in proportion to the length of the voyage. mr brunel, the talented engineer to whose genius and perseverance this monster ship owes her existence, acting on this principle, calculated that the voyage to australia and back being 22,500 miles--a vessel of 22,500 tons burden, (or a ton burden for every mile to be steamed), would require to be built, capable of carrying fuel for the entire voyage, it being impossible, without incurring enormous expense, to procure coal for such a vessel at intermediate ports. the eastern steam navigation company undertook the herculean work. the total cost of construction was estimated at 804,522 pounds. mr brunel prepared the designs. a spot of ground was chosen on the banks of the thames, in the building-yard of the company at millwall, and the building was commenced, on the lines laid down by mr scott russell, on the 1st of may 1854. every minute detail of the arrangements and building of this wonder of the world is fraught with interest. the mere preparing of the ground to receive her enormous weight was calculated to fill the minds of men with astonishment. her supports and scaffoldings, and the machinery by which she was ultimately launched, taxed the skill of her engineers even more than her construction. a very town of workshops, foundries, and forges sprang into being round her hull; and as this rose, foot by foot, in all its gigantic proportions, the surrounding edifices dwindled down into insignificance, and the busy population of artificers clustered upon her like ants upon a prostrate monarch of the forest-trees. the hull of the _great eastern_ is built entirely of iron, and is 680 feet in length, 83 feet in breadth, and 60 feet in height from keel to deck. it is divided transversely into ten separate compartments of 60 feet each, rendered perfectly water-tight by bulk-heads, having no openings whatever lower than the second deck; whilst two longitudinal walls of iron, 36 feet apart, traverse 350 feet of the length of the ship. the mind will be better able to realise the magnitude of these dimensions if we add that the _great eastern_ is six times the size of the duke of wellington line-of-battle ship, that her length is more than three times the height of the monument, while her breadth is equal to the width of pall mall, and a promenade round the deck affords a walk of more than a quarter of a mile. there is no keel properly so called, but in its place a flat keel-plate of iron, about two feet wide and one inch thick, which runs the entire length from stem to stern. this is the base upon which all the rest is reared, plates and girders alike. the iron plates which form her planking are three-quarters of an inch thick. up to the water-mark the hull is constructed with an inner and outer skin, two feet ten inches apart, both skins being made of three-quarter inch plates, except at the bottom, where the plates are an inch thick; and between these, at intervals of six feet, run horizontal webs of iron plates, which bind the two skins together, and thus it may be said that the lower part of the hull is two feet ten inches thick. this mode of construction adds materially to the safety of the vessel; for, in the event of a collision at sea, the outer skin might be pierced while the inner might remain intact. this space may also at any time be filled with water, and thus ballast, to the amount of 2500 tons, be obtained. some idea of the magnitude and weight of the vessel may be formed from the fact that each iron plate weighs about the third of a ton, and is fastened with a hundred iron rivets. about thirty thousand of these plates were used in her construction, and three million rivets. the fastening of these rivets was one among the many curious operations performed in course of building. the riveting men were arranged in gangs, each gang consisting of two riveters, one holder-up, and three boys. two boys were stationed at the fire or portable forge, and one with the holder-up. this boy's duty was to receive the red-hot rivet with his pincers from the boy at the forge, and insert it in the hole destined for its reception, the point protruding about an inch. the holder-up immediately placed his heavy hammer against the head of the rivet, and held it firmly there, while the two riveters assailed it in front with alternate blows, until the countersunk part of the hole was filled up, after which the protruding head was cut off smooth with the plate, the whole operation scarce occupying a minute. in riveting the double part of the ship the holder-up and his boy were necessarily in the interior part of the tubes, and passed the whole day in the narrow space between, (of two feet ten inches wide), in comparative darkness, having only the glimmer afforded by a single dip candle, and being immediately under the deafening blows of the riveters. the _deck_ of the _great eastern_ is double, or cellular, after the plan of the britannia tubular bridge. the upper deck runs flush and clear from stem to stern, and he who takes four turns up and down it from stem to stern walks upwards of a mile. the strength of this deck is so enormous that if the ship were taken up by its two extremities, with all its cargo, passengers, coals, and provisions on board, it would sustain the whole. the deck has been covered with teak planking, and has been planed and scrubbed to man-of-war whiteness. not even a stray rope's end breaks the wonderful effect produced by its immense expanse. her fleet of small boats, which are about the size of sailing cutters, hang at the davits, ten on each side. there are six masts and five funnels. the three centre square-rigged masts are of iron. they were made by mr finch of chepstow, and are the finest specimens of masts of the kind that were ever manufactured. each is made of hollow wrought iron in eight-feet lengths, strengthened inside by diaphragms of the same material. between the joints, as they were bolted together, was placed a pad of vulcanised india-rubber, which gives a spring and buoyancy to the whole spar greater than wood, while at the same time it retains all the strength of the iron. the other masts are made of wood, and the canvas that can be spread is no less than 6500 square yards. on deck are four small steam winches or engines, each of which works a pair of cranes on both sides of the vessel; and with these five thousand tons of coals can be hoisted into the vessel in twenty-four hours. the _engines_ and boilers are of immense power and magnitude. there are both screw and paddle engines, the former being capable of working up to 6500 horse-power, the latter to 5000. there are ten boilers and one hundred and twelve furnaces. the paddle engines, which were made by messrs. scott russell and company, stand nearly 40 feet high. each cylinder weighs about 28 tons, and each paddle-wheel is 58 feet in diameter, or considerably larger than the ring in astley's circus. the screw engines were manufactured by messrs. watt and company of birmingham. they consist of four cylinders of 84 inches diameter and 4 feet stroke. the screw propeller is 24 feet in diameter and 37 feet pitch; and the engine-shaft is 160 feet long, or 12 feet longer than the height of the duke of york's column. the paddles and screw, when working together at their highest pitch, exert a force equal to 11,500 horsepower, which is sufficient to drive all the cotton-mills in manchester! the consumption of coal to produce this force is estimated at about 250 tons per day. besides these engines there are also several auxiliary engines for pumping water into the boilers, etcetera. the passenger accommodation in the _great eastern_ is very extensive-namely, 800 first-class, from 2000 to 4000 second-class, and about 1200 third-class passengers; or if troops alone were taken, it could accommodate 10,000 men. the _saloons_ are fitted up in the most elaborate and costly manner. the chief saloon is magnificently furnished. it is said that the mirrors, gilding, carpeting, and silk curtains for this apartment alone cost 3000 pounds. in the berths, of course, no attempt is made at costly decoration of this kind, though the fittings are good and sufficiently luxurious. the berths are arranged in three classes: those for parties of six or eight, and these are large rooms; those for parties of four; and the rest in the usual style of double cabins. all are very roomy, as cabins go--very lofty, well lit, and those on the outer sides exceedingly well ventilated. on the lower deck the berths are even larger, loftier, and more commodious than those on the upper. both the berths and saloons here are in fact almost unnecessarily high, having very nearly fifteen feet in the clear. the kitchens, pantries, and sculleries are all on the same extensive scale, and fitted with all the large culinary requisites of first-class hotels. the ice-house holds upwards of 100 tons of ice; and the lofty wine-vaults--for such in fact they are--contain wine enough to form a good freight for an oporto trader. _miscellanea_.--in addition to the boats of the _great eastern_ (twenty in number), she carries two small screw-steamers, each 100 feet long, 16 feet broad, 120 tons burden, and 40 horse-power, suspended aft of the paddle-boxes. as the captain's voice could not be heard half-way to the bow, even with the aid of the ancient speaking-trumpet, that instrument is supplanted by _semaphore_ signals by day, and _coloured_ lamps by night; the _electric telegraph_ is also used in connection with the engine-rooms. there are ten _anchors_, four of them being trotman's patent, weighing seven tons each. the _cables_ are each 400 fathoms long, and their united weight is 100 tons. the _tonnage_ of the _great eastern_ is 18,500 tons register, and 22,500 tons builders' measurement. the _crew_ at first consisted of thirteen officers, seventeen engineers, a sailing-master, and a purser, four hundred men, and two or three surgeons, all under the command of the late captain w. harrison, (formerly of the cunard line). the _launch_ of this leviathan was a most formidable undertaking, and was accomplished by means of powerful hydraulic rams, which propelled the vessel down the launching "ways." the ship rested on two gigantic cradles, and was forced sideways down the inclined plane, until she floated on the river. by a complication of ingenious contrivances the great ship was regulated in her descent so as to proceed slowly and regularly down the ways. several unsuccessful attempts were made to launch her, and several of the hydraulic rams broke down ere she floated on the bosom of old father thames; and the cost of this operation alone is said to have been nearly 100,000 pounds. the _trial of the engines_, both screw and paddle, took place for the first time on the 8th of august 1859, when the completion of the vessel was celebrated by a banquet on board. the first movement of the gigantic cranks and cylinders of the paddle engines was made precisely at half-past one, when the great masses slowly rose and fell as noiselessly as the engines of a greenwich boat, but exerting in their revolutions what seemed to be an almost irresistible power. there was no noise, no vibration, nor the slightest sign of heating. the tremendous frame of ironwork sprang at once into life and motion, with as much ease as if every rod and crank had been worked for the last ten years. the _trial trip_ of the _great eastern_ was an event that excited intense interest all over the kingdom. for the first time, she cast off her moorings on wednesday morning, (the 7th september), and reached the nore on thursday, where she anchored for the night before proceeding to sea. on friday morning, at ten minutes past nine, she started on her first salt-water voyage. a conviction of the extreme steadiness of the vessel must speedily have seized everyone on board. there was no perceptible motion of any kind. the giant ship was speedily surrounded by yachts, tugs, fishing-smacks, and, indeed, by a representative of almost every kind of vessel which is prevalent at the nore. these accompanied her as far on her way as their limited sailing powers would permit. although there were sharp squalls and a chopping sea nearly all through the trip, not the slightest inconvenience was felt by any of the visitors, not even among the fairer portion of the passengers. the morning, which was rather fine at starting, suddenly became clouded, and the shifting squalls increased in violence. though the squally state of the weather damped the pleasure of all on board, yet it afforded an opportunity of trying the properties of the ship, now under paddle as well as screw; and it was the wish of mr scott russell and all on board to meet a good gale of wind. at a moderate computation, the distance from the deck to the water could not be much less than forty feet, while the vessel is nearly seven hundred feet long. this area would, of course, present an enormous surface to the force of the wind, and formed the subject of considerable discussion as to the effect it would have on her sea-going qualities. the ship was as stiff and steady as though she still remained on her cradles in the isle of dogs, and her course was as calm and true as though she were on a lake without a capful of wind. it is said that at one portion of the voyage she steamed nineteen miles an hour. the _explosion_.--all went well till the ship had passed folkestone. about half-past five o'clock, while the majority of the passengers were on deck, and a few gentlemen only remained in the dining saloon, a tremendous explosion occurred, and in an instant showers of broken glass, and fragments of wood and iron, came crashing through the skylight. those in the cabin rushed on deck. the ship was still pressing onward; at either end all was still and deserted, while in the centre all was smoke, fire, vapour, and confusion. the great funnel, of eight tons weight, had been shot up as if from a mortar, and fell on the deck broken in two pieces. the whole centre of the ship seemed to be only one vast chasm, and from it were belching up steam, dust, and something that looked like incipient conflagration. captain harrison acted nobly on this terrible occasion. he had been standing on the bridge overhead, looking into the binnacle, and the moment he heard the report, and whilst the destructive shower was still falling fast, he jumped upon the deck, and ordered an immediate descent to the ladies' saloon, in the firm conviction that they were all there as on the previous evening. but many of the men were panic-stricken, and had already shrunk away from the explosion. a foolish passenger had raised a cry of "the boats," and, assisted by some of the sailors, was madly attempting to let them down. in one moment all would have been lost; for the rush to the boats would have been general, and hundreds been drowned, whilst the noble ship would have been left to certain destruction. but the voice of the captain was heard like a trumpet, calling out, "men, to your duty; officers, to your posts; give me a rope, and let six men follow me!" the effect of this short address was electric. in an instant he had slid down the rope into the saloon, followed by his brave boatswain hawkins, and six volunteers were not long wanted for the forlorn hope. one after another he dashed open the gilded panels; but the splendid apartment had, strange to say, only two inhabitants,--his little daughter edith, and her pet dog. it was the reward of his gallantry that his own child should be thus the one to be so providentially saved. but even then he did not for a moment lose his self-command. snatching up the child, and with one glance seeing that she was unharmed, he exclaimed, "pass her along to the deck; there are more rooms to be searched." in this way did he move about rapidly, but coolly, and did not again return to the deck until he had satisfied himself that not a single woman was in the burning, steaming, suffocating chamber. his intimate friend, mr trotman, who had followed him down almost immediately, found the poor lap-dog moaning under a heap of ruins, and was the means of restoring it to its little mistress. the magnificent saloon was a mass of torn and shattered furniture, mirrors, and ornaments. had the passengers adjourned to this apartment after dinner, instead of to the deck, the consequences would have been awful. an eye-witness describes the scene of devastation as follows:-"the mirrors which formed the covering of the funnel which had been the cause of so much mischief were literally smashed to atoms, and large fragments of the broken glass were hurled upon deck, a long distance aft of the paddle-wheels. the ornamental bronzed columns which supported the gilt cornices and elaborate ornamentation, were either struck down or bent into the most fantastic shapes; the flooring, consisting of three-inch planks, was upheaved in several places; the gangways leading to the sleeping-cabins at the sides were shot away; the handrails were gone, and the elegant carpet was concealed beneath a chaos of fragments of finery. the books on the shelves of the library remained unmoved; the piano was thrown on one side; and the floor presented huge upheaved and rent chasms, through which might be seen the still greater ruin in the lower cabin. below the saloon, or drawing-room, is the saloon of the lower deck, which was, of course, traversed by the same funnel as the one above it. on each side of these spacious saloons were small staircases leading to blocks of sleeping-cabins, scarcely one of which would have been without its two or more occupants a few hours later in the evening. they were now blown down like a house of cards. the furniture which they contained formed heaps of dislocated chairs, and wash-stands, and basins; the doors were off their hinges, the partitions were forced outward, the staircases leading to them had to be sought in the splinters and broken wood which lay in heaps in the lower saloon." the unhappy men who were working in the stoke-holes and tending the furnaces were the sufferers by this catastrophe. believing that one of the boilers had exploded, fears were entertained that the whole body of stokers and engineers attending the paddle engines were killed. mr trotman went down the air-shaft communicating with the other boilers. seeing by the light of the furnaces a number of men moving about, he inquired if they were all right, and the response sent up from these lowest depths of the ship was, "all right at present, but we don't know how long." they were told to keep quiet, and stay where they were; that they could be of no service on deck, and all would be well in a few minutes. the gallant fellows remained by their fiery furnaces with resolute good-will. in the case of the firemen tending the other set of boilers a very different scene was taking place. ropes were thrown down, and, one by one, wounded, bleeding, and staggering men were drawn up, their black, begrimed faces forming a ghastly contrast with scalded portions of their limbs and bodies. the men were taken aft to the hospital, and to the cabins, where mattresses and blankets were laid for them. two or three of these poor fellows walked up to the deck almost, if not quite, unassisted. their aspect told its own tale, and none who had ever seen blown-up men before could fail to know at a glance that some had only two or three hours to live. where not grimed by the smoke or ashes, the peculiar bright, soft whiteness of the face, hands, or breast, told at once that the skin, though unbroken, had in fact been boiled by the steam. one man walked along, and seemed quite unconscious that the flesh of his thighs, (most probably by the ashes from the furnace), was burnt in deep holes. to some one who came to his assistance he said quietly, "i am all right. there are others worse than me; go and look after them." this poor man was the first to die. it was seen at once that but little hope existed for many, if not the majority, of the sufferers, who were twelve in number. most of them seemed very restless, and almost, if not quite, delirious; but a few of those whose injuries were likely to be more immediately fatal remained quiet, half unconscious, or at most only asking to be covered up, as if they felt the cold. for these latter all knew that nothing whatever could be done, as, in fact, they were then dying. the explosion had occurred in the double casing round the bottom of one of the funnels. we have not space to describe this minutely, and by the general reader the description, were it given, would scarce be understood; but it is well to remark that the piece of machinery which caused the deplorable accident had been previously condemned in strong terms by competent judges, and there is no doubt that the hot-water casing round the funnel ought never to have been there. after the catastrophe, the _great eastern_ kept on her course as though nothing had happened, although the force of the explosion was sufficient to have sent any other ship to the bottom. the damage was estimated at 5000 pounds. she arrived at portland on the 10th, and remained there for some time undergoing repairs. afterwards she continued her trial trip to holyhead, where she arrived on the 10th of october. the results of the trial, excepting, of course, the accident, were most satisfactory. her speed under disadvantageous circumstances had been good, and her engines had worked admirably. against a gale of head wind she went as steadily as if in harbour, but with the wind a-beam she rolled considerably. altogether there was good reason to hope that the _great eastern_ would fulfil the sanguine expectations of her warmest admirers. the following account of the continuation of her trial trip from portland to holyhead, as gathered from the _times_, is exceedingly interesting:--when steam was up, and all ready for starting from portland, the crew were sent forward to heave up the anchor. eighty men sufficed to drag the _great eastern_ up to and over her moorings. bringing the anchor out of the ground, however, was not so easily managed; and it was not till all the musical resources known to sailors on such occasions were nearly exhausted that the tenacious gripe of trotman's patent was released, when a slow drift with the tide showed that the great ship was again set free. in another minute, without shouting, confusion, or hurry of any kind, and with less noise than is made by a 100-ton coaster, a slight vibration through the ship, with a thin line of foam astern, showed that the screw engines were at work and the vessel once more under way. with such ease, with such perfect quietness and good order was everything accomplished, that the occasional cheering from the yachts and steamers was almost the first token given to those on board that the trial trip had commenced. at a quarter to four the "way" on the vessel was rapid; her head went round like turning a pleasure-boat; and so little sign was given of the ship being under steam, that it seemed rather as if the breakwater had got adrift and was slowly floating past, than that the monster vessel was really cleaving the blue waves with a force which, as yet, we have seen no wind or sea to resist or check. directly the anchor was fished, captain harrison passed the word to steam ahead with both engines easily, and the wheels began their revolutions, slowly at first, but nevertheless making a track of foam upon the water such as they never made on the first start from deptford to the nore. the accession of speed from working the paddles was at first but slight; not from any want of power, however, but simply from the fact that both engines were ordered to work slowly, and though propelling the great ship at something like eleven knots, were really scarcely driving at indicated half-speed. quitting portland, it was necessary to make rather a round turn on leaving the breakwater, as right ahead on the starboard bow was a small light-ship, looking like the skeleton of a vessel, and marking the presence of a dangerous shoal, known by the most appropriate and significant name of "the shambles." inside this lay a long and turbid ridge of angry water, where the race of portland ran, and where a deep rolling swell, like the bay of biscay on a reduced scale, kept tumbling and breaking into spray like drifts of snow against the high, gaunt cliffs. it, however, required no actual watching of the low green mounds of water, which seemed butting against the coast, to convince all on board that the _great eastern_ was at sea. to the infinite relief and comfort of all the passengers, the vessel began to yield to reason, and to behave as much like another ship as she could consistently with her size. it would be too much to say she rolled at this time; for when the _great eastern_ rolls, if ever she does roll, travellers may depend upon her accomplishing something in that peculiar style of ocean navigation quite in proportion to her bulk; but one thing is certain-that she went from side to side sufficiently to show that she was susceptible of the motion of the water, and that if ever she steams across a beam sea, she is likely to move to it with a will, though slowly and easily. continuing for a considerable time under little more than half steam, the _great eastern_ averaged more than thirteen knots, (fifteen miles), an hour. the best guide to the rapidity of the ship's progress was the way in which she passed fast-sailing schooners and overhauled the steamers. at this time nearly all the swell had ceased, and the monster ship was rushing over what to her were the mimic waves, and leaving less wake upon the waters than is caused in the thames by a gravesend boat. the only peculiarity about her progress was the three distinct lines of frothy water which the screw and paddles made, and which, stretching out in the clear moonlight like a broad highway, seemed as if the _great eastern_ had fulfilled her purpose, and really bridged the sea. for a considerable part of the way the paddles were working easily at from nine to ten, and the screw at from thirty-two to thirty-four revolutions per minute. it will give most readers a better idea of the tremendous nature of the size and speed of the engines which worked so easily, when it is said that, at ten revolutions, the paddle-wheels dashed through the water at something like 1600 feet per minute, and the screw revolved at 2500. when accomplishing this, the consumption of fuel was at the rate of 250 tons a day for both engines, the indicated power being above 5000 horses--about 2000 horses for the paddles, and a little over 3500 for the screw. in order to secure her going at full speed, however, under such circumstances, the great ship should have been down by the stern at least eighteen inches more than she really was, for not less than a foot of the screw-blades was out of the water, and the slip or loss of power was of course very great. off the coast of cornwall, the swell caused her to roll very considerably, as long as she was a-beam of the long swell. soon after this a small brig was seen right under the starboard bow. as usual with these small coasters, she was showing no light and keeping no look-out, and but for the anxious vigilance exercised on board the big ship, the brig would have been under the waves in two minutes more. her escape was narrow enough, and nothing short of the instant stoppage of the engines and actually reversing the screw saved her from swift destruction. she drifted from under the starboard paddle within twenty yards--quite close enough to enable captain harrison to speak to her master, and to express a very strong opinion on his style of navigation and conduct generally. towards the close of the trip all the fore and aft sails were set. the look of her vast spread of canvas and the extraordinary effect it produced, as one stood at the wheel-house and gazed beneath the long vista of brown sails stretched to the very utmost, and sending off the wind with the sustained roar of a volcano, was something almost indescribable. no mere description could convey a fair idea of the curious effect of the long, unbroken avenue of masts, sails, and funnels,--like a whole street of steamships, if such a term is fairly applicable. the rate of going throughout the whole trip was very satisfactory. allowing for the want of trim on the part of the vessel, and consequent absence of immersion in both screw and paddles, it was calculated from this data, by all the nautical authorities on board, that, in proper condition, the vessel might be depended on for eighteen miles an hour throughout a long voyage, and under steam alone. that in a strong and favourable breeze she would at times accomplish eighteen knots, or more than twenty-one miles an hour, there was no reason to doubt. among other tests to which the _great eastern_ was subjected was the terrible storm of the 25th and 26th october of that year, (1859), in which the _royal charter_ went down. she lay at anchor in the harbour of holyhead during that storm. so fierce was the gale that a large part of the breakwater was destroyed, and several vessels went down inside the harbour, while some were driven on shore. for one hour the big ship was as near destruction as she is ever likely to be. her salvation, under god, was due to the experience and energy of captain harrison and his officers. during the whole gale the captain was on the watch, sounding the lead to see if she dragged, and keeping the steam up to be in readiness to put to sea at a moment's notice. the gale roared and whistled through the rigging with indescribable fury. the captain, in trying to pass along the deck, was thrown down, and his waterproof coat was blown to ribbons. the cabin skylights were thrown open with a fearful crash, the glass broken, and deluges of rain and spray poured into the saloons. two anchors were down, one seven tons, the other three, with eighty and sixty fathoms of chain respectively; but the ground was known to be bad, and the lee-shore rocky, while the waves came curling and writhing into harbour, straining the cables to the utmost, and dashing against the rocks like avalanches of snow. the dash of these billows on the breakwater was like the roar of artillery. all this time the red light at the end of the breakwater shone out cheerily in the midst of a turmoil of spray. at last masses of the timber-work and solid masonry gave way. the gale rose to its fiercest, and one huge billow came rolling in; it towered high above the breakwater; it fell, and the red light was seen no more. the danger was now imminent. the cables could evidently bear no more, and the gale was increasing; so the screw was set going, but the wreck of timber from the breakwater fouled it and brought it to a dead-lock. then the wind veered round more to the north-east, sending a tremendous swell into the harbour, and the _great eastern_ began to roll heavily. in this extremity the paddle engines were set going, and the ship was brought up to her anchors, one of which was raised for the purpose of being dropped in a better position. at this moment the cable of the other anchor parted, and the great ship drifted swiftly toward what seemed certain destruction; but the heavy anchor was let go, and the engines turned on full speed. she swung round head to wind, and was brought up. this was the turning-point. the gale slowly abated, and the _great eastern_ was saved, while all round her the shores and harbour were strewn with wrecks. after the gale the _great eastern_ started on her return trip to southampton, which she reached in safety on the morning of the 3rd november. in this, as in her previous experiences, the mighty ship was well tested, and her good and bad points in some degree proved. at the very outset the steam gear for aiding in lifting the anchors broke down, and one of the anchors refusing to let go, was broken in half. the condenser of the paddle engines seems to have been proved too small in this trip. for some time she went against a stiff head-wind and sea-which is now well known to be the great ship's forte--with perfect steadiness; but on getting into the channel she rolled slowly but decidedly, as if bowing--acknowledging majestically the might of the atlantic's genuine swell. here, too, a wave actually overtopped her towering hull, and sent a mass of _green_ water inboard! but her roll was peculiarly her own, and wonderfully easy. the vessel made eighteen knots an hour. she was under perfect command, even in narrow and intricate channels, and, despite her varied mishaps and trials, passed through this stormy period of her infancy with credit. _disaster to "great eastern" in september 1861_.--having made three successful voyages to america, the great eastern, after all her troubles, was beginning to establish her reputation, to confirm the hopes of her friends and silence the cavils of her enemies, when the bad fortune that has been her portion from the cradle once more overwhelmed her, and shook, if it did not altogether destroy, the confidence in her capabilities which the public had been beginning tardily to entertain. there is nothing more difficult to ascertain than the true state of the case--with reference to culpability, accidental circumstance, inherent or incidental weakness, negligence, unavoidable risks, etcetera--in such a disaster as that which happened to the great ship in september of 1861. and nothing could be more unfair than to pass judgment on her without a full knowledge of the minute particulars, and, moreover, a pretty fair capacity to understand such details and their various relations. before proceeding with the narrative of the event referred to, we may remark that while, on the one hand, it may be argued, with great plausibility, that her numerous disasters and misfortunes prove that she is unfitted for the navigation of the sea, it may, on the other hand, be argued, with equal plausibility, that the very fact of her having come through such appalling trials unconquered, though buffeted, is strong presumptive evidence that she is eminently fitted for her work, and that, under ordinary circumstances and _proper_ management, she would do it well. it is believed that any other vessel afloat would have been sunk had she been exposed to the same storm _under similar circumstances_. it must be borne in mind that, although other vessels weathered the same storm successfully, they did not do so with their rudder and rudder-posts gone, their captains and part of their crews new to them, and their chain cables, cabin furniture, and other material left as totally unsecured as if she had been a river steamer about to start on a few hours' trip. on tuesday the 10th of september the _great eastern_ left liverpool for america with 400 passengers and a large, though not a full, general cargo. between 100 and 200 of the passengers occupied the berths in the principal cabins; the remainder of them occupied the intermediate and steerage cabins. all went on prosperously until the thursday, when, as the ship was in full steam and sail, she encountered a terrific gale about 280 miles to the west of cape clear, and, in spite of the best seamanship, she failed to ride over the storm, which, with tremendous fury, swept away both her paddles. simultaneously the top of the rudder-post, a bar of iron ten inches in diameter, was suddenly wrenched off, and her steering gear being also carried away, she broached to and lay like a huge log in the trough of the sea. from thursday evening until two o'clock on sunday, her bulwarks almost touching the water, she rolled about like a disabled hulk, the passengers and crew expecting that she would every moment go down. the working and rolling of the vessel, at one instant of dread, displaced and destroyed all the furniture of the cabin and saloons, and, broke it to pieces, throwing the passengers pell-mell about the cabin. everything that occupied the upper deck was washed away, and a large part of the passengers' luggage was destroyed. between twenty and thirty of those who were on board, including several ladies, had limbs and ribs fractured, with numerous cuts and bruises. one of the cow-sheds, with two cows in it, was washed into the ladies' cabin, together with other things on board, and caused indescribable consternation and confusion. on sunday evening, after two days of terrible suspense, a temporary steering gear was fitted up, and the disabled vessel with her distressed crew made for cork harbour, steaming with her screw at nine knots an hour. her flag of distress was sighted at about three o'clock in the afternoon of tuesday, off the old head of kinsale, and h.m. ship _advice_ at once steamed out to her assistance and towed her to within a mile of the lighthouse off cork harbour by about nine o'clock. such is a general outline of this disaster--one which is rendered all the more remarkable from the circumstance that the vessel had only been recently surveyed by the officers of the marine department of the board of trade, when new decks and other requirements were carried out and completed at a cost of 15,000 pounds. the scene during the storm in the grand saloon, as described in detail by various passengers, was absolutely terrific. none of the furniture had been secured, and when the gale became violent and the rolling of the vessel increased, sideboards, tables, chairs, stools, crockery, sofas, and passengers were hurled with fearful violence from side to side in a promiscuous heap. when it is said that at each roll the top platform of the paddle-boxes dipped into the sea, anyone who has seen the towering sides of the _great eastern_ may form some conception of the angle of the decks, and the riot of unfastened articles that continued below during the greater part of the gale. the destruction was universal. the largest mirror in the grand saloon, which was about twelve feet high, was smashed to pieces by a gentleman going head foremost into it. although much bruised and cut, strange to say he was not seriously injured. the chandeliers fell from the ceiling, and the crashes they made in falling added to the general din. one of the other mirrors was smashed by a large stove. some of the passengers escaping from the dining-room were dashed against the iron balconies, which gave way with the pressure, and falling on the glass flooring at the sides, dashed it to atoms. the noise and turmoil of destruction below, together with the howling of the tempest above and the dashing of spray over the decks, whence it flowed in copious streams down into the cabins, formed a scene which cannot be fully conceived except by those who witnessed it. on deck, the confusion was equally great and destructive. many of the boats were carried away. the great chain cables rolled from side to side, until they were actually polished bright by the friction, while they were a source of perpetual danger to the crew in the performance of their duties. the oil-tanks broke loose, and after tumbling about for a time, fell down through the upper hatchway. and the two cows that fell with their cow-shed down into the ladies' cabin were killed by the violence of the shock. the chief cook was flung against one of the paddle-boxes, and having put out his hand to save himself, had his wrist sprained. he was then flung towards the other side, and coming against a stanchion in the way, had his leg fractured in three places. one lady had a rib fractured; another her shoulder dislocated; another her wrist. these are only specimens, selected to show what the poor people were subjected to. it is said that there were twenty-two fractures altogether, among passengers and crew, besides innumerable cuts and bruises. the cabins were flooded to the depth of several feet, and broken articles of furniture floated about everywhere. the luggage in the luggage-room, which had not been secured, was hurled about, until trunks, boxes, valises, etcetera, striking against each other, and against the sides of the compartment, were utterly destroyed--the very leather of the trunks being torn into small shreds. throughout all this terrible scene, the passengers behaved, with one or two exceptions, admirably. the ladies especially displayed great courage--remaining, in accordance with the desires intimated to them, in their cabins; while the gentlemen did their best to keep order. on the friday, they appointed a sort of committee or police force, of upwards of twenty strong, who took the duty in turns of going round the vessel, keeping order, carrying information to, and reassuring, the ladies and children. four only of these, who were called directors, had the privilege of speaking to the captain during the storm--thus saving him from the annoyance of repeated and ceaseless questioning. the crew also did their duty nobly. captain walker acted throughout with calmness, courage, and good judgment; and from the tenor of resolutions passed at an indignation meeting, held by the passengers after their return into port, it would appear that they entirely exonerated him from any blame in reference to the disaster. the fitting up of temporary steering gear, which was begun on the sunday when the storm moderated, was a work of great difficulty and danger. it was accomplished chiefly through the courage and cleverness of two men--john carroll and patrick grant--who volunteered for it, and were let down over the stern at the imminent risk of their lives; and an american gentleman, mr towle, a civil engineer, rendered great assistance in superintending and directing the work. it was not until two o'clock on sunday morning that the vessel got up steam in her screw boilers, and steered for cork harbour. the whole of the ironwork of both paddle-wheels was carried entirely away. the ladder leading up to the larboard paddle-box was twisted in an extraordinary manner. the boats on the starboard side were all gone, and those on the other side were hanging loosely from their fastenings. altogether, the great ship presented a most melancholy spectacle as she was towed into port. at the meeting of the passengers already referred to, the first resolution was expressive of their grateful acknowledgments to almighty god for his kind care in protecting them during the storm, and bringing them in safety out of their danger. the second condemned the directors, and stated that "the _great eastern_ was sent to sea thoroughly unprepared to face the storms which everyone must expect to meet with in crossing the atlantic; and that, if it had not been for the extraordinary strength of the hull, and the skill which was manifested in the construction of the vessel and its engines, in all human probability every soul on board would have perished." it has been said that if the ship had been more deeply laden she would have weathered the gale more easily. this, if true, is an argument in her favour. but in viewing the whole circumstances of this and previous disasters, we cannot avoid being deeply impressed with the fact that the _great eastern had not up to that time had fair play_. in her construction and general arrangements there have been some grave, and numerous more or less trivial errors. from first to last there has been a good deal of gross mismanagement; but the _great eastern_ cannot, with justice, be pronounced a failure. latterly she has done good service in laying ocean telegraph-cables, a species of work for which she is pre-eminently well adapted. it is possible that she may yet live to ride out many a wild atlantic storm, and perchance become the first of a race of ponderous giants who shall yet walk the deep,--to the utter confusion of timid croakers, and to the immense advantage of the world. chapter fifteen. curious craft of many lands. "many men, many minds," runs the proverb. "many nations, many ships," is almost equally true. a nation may show its individuality in the fashion of its marine architecture as much as in any other direction-as, for instance, in its national dress, dwelling-houses, food, amusements; and an ethnologist in studying a people's characteristics may do wisely not to overlook its ships and boats. even in europe, where an advanced civilisation may be supposed to be slowly smoothing off national characteristics and peculiarities, and gradually blending and amalgamating diverse national customs, there still exists a considerable disparity in the marine architecture of different states; while between the ships of europe and those of some parts of asia the gulf is certainly broad enough, so that about the only point of resemblance between an english ironclad and a chinese junk is, that both are manifestly better adapted for the sea than the land. we now propose describing some of the more curious craft peculiar to various nations, beginning with europe: the dutch galliot is a somewhat peculiar craft to the eye of an englishman; heavy and clumsy-looking beyond doubt, but a good sea-boat notwithstanding. the galliot looks much the same, whether you regard her from stem or from stern, both being almost equally rounded. keel she has scarce any; her floors are flat, hull broad and deep, and rudder very wide. hung on each side is a large lee-board, to keep her from making too much leeway. her hull is varnished a bright yellow colour, and shines in the sun. her bulwarks are lofty; and a wooden house is placed aft, where the captain and his family live, and which is always kept brightly painted. this part of the ship is a remarkably snug place, comfortably furnished, and kept with the characteristic dutch cleanliness and neatness. forward is the caboose of the crew, a wide, low, but roomy erection. the galliot is rigged with square sails on her mainmast, a fore and aft main-sail, a gaff mizzen and mizzen gaff top-sails, and a high bowsprit. her sails are sometimes white, sometimes tanned. if the reader has ever chanced to enter the port of rotterdam, he will have encountered plenty of examples of the craft we are describing; and if he did not altogether approve or admire their shape, he must at least have been struck by their remarkable cleanness and brightness. a dutch galliot may be fifty, eighty, or even a hundred and fifty tons burden. when the dutch build vessels of a larger size than this, they do so on very similar lines to english merchantmen, though usually somewhat broader and bluffer. off the coast of portugal we meet with many different kinds of craft, of which the trading schooners differ from almost any other kind of vessel. broad in the beam, and short in the counter, some are rounded at the stem, some nearly square. they are decked, and are from forty to one hundred tons burden. they are peculiarly rigged, having only lower masts stepped at different angles. the gaffs of the fore-sail, as well as the main-sail, can be raised to different heights. they have fore stay-sail, jib and flying jib, gaff top-sails, and a large square sail and square top-sails. on the whole, they are ungainly-looking craft in the extreme; but they are very capable sea-boats, and make voyages as far as south america. mr w.h.g. kingston gives a graphic description of a portuguese craft which it has never been our fortune to see. he calls it the lisbon bean-pod, from its exact resemblance to that vegetable, and affirms it to be the most curious of european craft, which we can readily believe. "take a well-grown bean-pod," he says, "and put it on its convex edge, and then put two little sticks, one in the centre and one at the bows, raking forward, for the masts, and another in the bows, steeving up, for the bowsprit, and another astern for a boomkin or outrigger, and then you have before you the boat in question." these boats carry a lateen sail, sail very fast, and are much used on the waters of the tagus as fishing-boats and trawlers. other curious craft to be met with in europe are the scamparia and felucca of the mediterranean, the greek mystico and the trabacalo of the adriatic. the gondola, than which, perhaps, nothing that floats on the waters is suggestive of more romantic and poetical associations, is so familiar to everybody from pictures, and has so often been introduced into story, song, and narratives of travel, that we shall not pause to describe it. passing from europe to africa, we note among the craft peculiar to that country the diabiah or nile boat, a very comfortable travelling boat for warm climates. it is a large boat, and contains a house at one end, in which the passengers sleep at night, or take refuge from the sun's fierce heat by day. in asia a great variety of vessels and boats of various shapes and sizes are met with, to describe all of which would carry us far beyond the space at our disposal. the dhow of the arabs runs from sixty to a hundred tons, is almost entirely open, and has a sharp pointed bow, projecting for a considerable distance beyond the hull. on the high, broad stern a covered-in poop is placed, containing the quarters of the captain and passengers. the stern is usually ornamented with carving, as english vessels used to be in old days. the dhow carries but one sail, lateen-shaped, and the mast stoops forward at a sharp angle. these craft have not unfrequently been engaged in the nefarious slave traffic carried on on the east coast of africa. the catamaran of madras can only be called a boat on the _lucus a non lucendo_ principle, for it consists simply of three logs placed side by side, pointed at the bows, and kept together by two cross-pieces. yet this rude raft does good service in its way, being the only means of communication in rough weather between vessels lying off madras and the shore; for there are no wharves at madras, and ships are compelled to anchor in the offing. when the sea runs so high that boats of the ordinary kind are useless, the services of the catamarans are gladly enough made use of. the native boatmen, seated on their log rafts, and quite naked, make their way through the roughest surf to the vessels, carrying messages to and from the land. the rower propels his boat with a rather long paddle. sometimes he is washed off his catamaran into the sea; but being an expert swimmer, he usually recovers his seat without much trouble, and it rarely happens that any of these men are drowned. we spoke a little space back of the national characteristics of a people being traceable in its marine architecture as well as in other things, and surely this statement finds abundant illustration in the craft of the chinese. in china we find an intensely conservative people, and their national bent is undoubtedly indicated in their ships, which in all probability have not altered in any material regard for centuries. a chinaman would be as slow to change the shape of his junk as his shoes, or the length of his pigtail. and a strange, old-world, semi-barbarous look a chinese junk has. chinese junks vary greatly in size, but all present the same type of architecture. the sails in every case are of brownish-yellow matting, swung across the mast like a main-sail, and having pieces of bamboo placed cross-wise and parallel to each other, making them look somewhat like venetian blinds. these wooden strips both strengthen the sail and facilitate its reefing when lowered. a large chinese junk rises high out of the water; there are two or more decks aft above the main-deck, painted and carved with various devices; and the cabins are often luxuriously furnished according to celestial tastes. if you look at any representation of a junk, you will notice that the rudder is very broad, resembling somewhat the rudder of a canal barge. in spite of its primitive look, it has, after all, something picturesque about it; but we fancy that we would rather contemplate it in a picture than sail in one across the atlantic. on the deck of a junk is always to be found a josshouse or temple, in front of which the crew keep incense, sticks, and perfumed paper continually burning. when a calm overtakes an english vessel, the sailors and passengers are always supposed to try what "whistling for a wind" will effect. in lieu of this method of "raising the wind," a chinese sailor shapes little junks out of paper, and sets them afloat on the water as a propitiatory service to the divinity who has the welfare of seamen under his especial care. the river-life of china is very curious. quite a large proportion of the people spend their whole lives on the water, while many who are employed during the day on land sleep in boats on the various rivers. this condition of things corresponds in some degree to that described by captain marryat in that fine old story "jacob faithful," in the early chapters of which we get diverting glimpses of life on board a thames lighterman. but the river population of china is still more absolutely aquatic in manner of life than the thames barge-folk. the boats in which this class of the population live have an awning of bamboo and matting fore and aft, which is removed by day and raised at night. at sundown the boat-people anchor their craft in rows to stakes, thus forming boat-terraces as it were. when business grows slack at one part of the river, the master of the boat moves up or down stream to some other part. from the shape of these boats, resembling somewhat the half of an egg cut lengthwise, they are called in the chinese language "egg-boats." a large family will sometimes pack itself into an egg-boat not much more than twelve feet long and six broad. these river-folk have characteristics which almost render them a people apart. they have a code of laws of their own, differing in many points from that which governs the land community, and the two populations do not intermarry. women to a large extent navigate the egg-boats, as indeed they do many other kinds of boats in china. travellers report that these river-families live peaceable and happy enough lives, seldom disturbed by disputes of any kind. possibly one cause for this may be that which some humourist suggested as the reason why "birds in their little nests agree," namely, because it would be dangerous if they "fell out." but, speaking seriously, it says much for the placable nature of these chinese river-folk that they can pass such a happy existence within the narrow bounds of their egg-boats. passing over to america, we shall first describe the famous american and canadian river steamboats, which are in many respects as curious and unique as they are generally magnificent. these steamers are usually paddle-boats; are very long and narrow in shape, but of great strength. on the hull a sort of lofty platform is built, which is divided into what may be called the middle and the main deck, one above the other. fore and aft there is a spacious, luxuriously appointed, and richly decorated saloon, covered in with a glass roof. ranged on each side of the saloon are the cabins, each containing two berths. these sleeping-cabins, like the saloon, are prettily furnished and tastefully decorated. over the saloon is another deck or platform-the whole structure as may be seen from our illustration is very much "be-decked"--about the middle of the vessel and in front of the funnel. here is situated the wheel, and here also the captain and officers take their position. this part of the vessel is kept private to them, no passenger being permitted to trespass on it. beneath the saloon-deck is the middle-deck, as has already been indicated, which also contains a saloon of its own, as well as sleeping apartments. this portion of the steamer is usually reserved for the unmarried ladies among the passengers, who, as all readers of american literature must be aware, are treated in america with an almost chivalrous courtesy and consideration. the dining-saloon of the vessel is situated in a third and undermost deck, which reaches from the middle of the boat right aft, and is a well-lighted, well-arranged room. the cargo is placed amidships, heaped up in great piles--passenger boats seldom or never carrying heavy goods. the american's passion for economising time is manifest in the steamboats as everywhere else, most of them carrying a barber, who will accommodate you with "easy shaving" during the voyage. the barber's shop is forward with the cook's quarters and other offices. american river-boats may vary, of course, in details, but we have endeavoured to indicate the leading characteristics of a typical example. the stories current in regard to the facility with which an american steamboat blows up have been much exaggerated, but nevertheless it is probably true that they bear the bell in this direction of risk and danger. -----------------------------------------------------------------------of all craft of the canoe order, the flying-proa of the pacific is the swiftest. it carries a sail almost triangular in shape, and a straight yard. it has an outrigger; and outrigger, mast, and yard are of bamboo. strong matting composes the sail, which is stretched very flat upon the yard. when the crew wish to put their boat about they have merely to shift the sail, when what was before the prow of the proa becomes the stern. these boats are usually manned by a crew of about half-a-dozen. one man sits at either end of the vessel and takes his turn of steering according to whatever tack the canoe is on. the duty of the rest is to bail out the boat and to keep the sail properly trimmed. nothing afloat, probably, can go so close to the wind as the flying-proa, while its speed is astonishing. the malays use the proa, but theirs is a broader, heavier, and less swift boat than that used by the ladrone islanders of the pacific, which is that which we have just described. the canoes of the fijians are superior to those in use among any other of the south sea islanders. their chief feature is that they are twin-canoes, joined together by cross-beams, which support a platform of from twelve to fifteen feet broad. of the two canoes, one is smaller than the other, and the smaller serves by way of an outrigger. these canoes are sometimes one hundred feet long, their depth being usually about seven feet. sometimes a small cabin is built upon the platform. the mast is about thirty feet long, is supported by guys, and is furnished with a yard carrying a large sail. there are small hatchways at both ends of the craft, at each of which one of the crew sits ready to bail out the boat. the fijian canoes can also be propelled by means of sculling, the sculler using a broad-bladed scull about ten feet in length. a large canoe can be got through the water at the rate of two or three miles an hour by sculling. various experiments have from time to time been made in the way of building boats and ships with double hulls, the object being to obtain increased stability, and thus reduce to a minimum the rolling and pitching of ordinary vessels. the steamship castalia was an ambitious attempt in this direction. she was built for the passenger service between england and france. but she did not realise the expectations formed of her. most persons who have crossed from dover to calais, or vice versa, by the calais-douvre mail packet, will bear witness both to the comfort and speed of that vessel. up to this she has proved the most perfect form of steam-ship yet constructed for the purpose required. the calais-douvre is built somewhat upon the same principle as the castalia, but differs from that vessel in that whereas the latter was two half-ships joined together, each twin-portion of the calais-douvre is a perfect ship in itself. the result has been, that while the castalia was a failure, the calais-douvre has proved a distinct success. she is three hundred feet in length and sixty feet in breadth; her tonnage is two thousand, and her water-draught only six feet, so that she can enter calais harbour at even a low tide. two transverse iron girder bulk-heads unite the two hulls of the vessel; and her steering apparatus is so simple, and at the same time so effective in construction, that one wheel is usually sufficient to work it. she makes the passage from dover to calais usually in an hour and a half; but in very fine weather we ourselves have crossed in less than that time. with the maximum rate of speed, the calais-douvre has attained the minimum amount of pitching and rolling yet secured by any channel boat. her saloons, cabins, and decks are spacious and handsomely appointed, so that the channel passage in this vessel is made under as favourable conditions for bad sailors as any sea-passage can be. transcriber's note italic text is denoted by _underscores_. bold text is denoted by =equal signs=. the oe ligature has been replaced by 'oe'. obvious typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources. more detail can be found at the end of the book. the submarine in war and peace [illustration: (frontispiece; simon lake)] the submarine in war and peace its developments and its possibilities by simon lake, m.i.n.a. _with 71 illustrations and a chart_ philadelphia and london j. b. lippincott company 1918 copyright, 1918, by j. b. lippincott company printed by j. b. lippincott company at the washington square press philadelphia, u. s. a. dedicated to lebbeus b. miller of elizabeth, new jersey an honest and patriotic man, who took up a poor young man, and who, through his thorough grasp of things mechanical, was among the first to see practical possibilities in the dreams of a young inventor. with his financial means he was able to assist materially in the development and perfection of an important weapon for the defence of his country, thus rendering a valuable service to the nation. without his assistance much of the development work described in this volume would have been impossible of accomplishment. no greater tribute can be paid to him than to remark of him that he is one--and there are but few of whom this may be said--who has steadfastly refused to take advantage of conditions which offered him the opportunity to increase his personal fortune at the expense of other individuals or of the welfare of his country. foreword some twenty years ago the author began to collect data with the idea of publishing a book on the submarine at a future time. there was very little information concerning submarines available at that date, as the early experiments in this field of navigation were generally conducted in secrecy. there had been constructed, up to that time, no submarine vessel which was entirely successful, and for this reason inventors and designers were disinclined to reveal the features of the vessels upon which they were experimenting. since then there has been considerable dissemination of facts about the submarine; much of this knowledge has found its way into print, some in short historical sketches published by the author and other designers. however, most of the publications on this subject have come from the hands of professional writers and newspaper men, some of whom have not had the engineering knowledge to sift the practical from the impractical, and who have not had any actual first-hand acquaintance with the facts. they have not understood the mechanical details of the submarine and the principles governing its operation well enough to comprehend or to elucidate the various phases of the development of this type of vessel. the result has been that many inaccuracies have been published, both in respect to the history of the development of the submarine and in regard to the practical operation of such vessels. there have been published one or two good works dealing with this subject in a very complete and intelligible manner, but intended for those engaged in engineering pursuits. one of the best of these was "the evolution of the submarine boat, mine and torpedo, from the sixteenth century to the present time," by commander murray f. sueter, of the royal british navy, published in 1907. when this book first appeared the present writer felt that the subject had been so fully covered that there was no need for him to publish his own information. however, since the beginning of the world-war the prominent part played by the submarine has led to a demand for more knowledge about the workings of this weapon of mystery, and for information concerning its future possibilities. the aim of this work, therefore, is to present to the reader in a simple, interesting way the facts relating to the submarine; its mechanical principles; the history of its development; its actual operation; the difficulty of combating it; and its industrial possibilities. these facts are presented, together with descriptions of the experience of the author and other inventors, in order to clarify in the reader's mind the difficulties, the trials and tribulations of both the submarine operator and the inventor. furthermore, the narrative is not restricted to a discussion of the submarine question from a mechanical standpoint. the submarine to-day is a factor in the political and industrial life of the world. the submarine problem transcends a mere matter of mechanical detail, and a book upon this topic must, of necessity, deal with it in its broadest aspects. simon lake contents chapter page i. what the modern submarine is 6 ii. comedy and tragedy in submarine development 36 iii. experiences of pioneer inventors of the submarine 77 iv. the evolution of the submarine 149 v. use of the submarine in war 196 vi. the possibility of defeating the submarine 228 vii. the submarine in times of peace 259 viii. the destiny of the submarine 289 illustrations doubletones page simon lake _frontispiece_ the pigmy conquerer of the sea 2 storage battery cell 14 a submarine cell completely assembled ready for installation 14 on picket duty 20 the lower portion of galileo periscope 22 the voice and ear of the submarine 26 torpedo tubes assembled ready for installation in a submarine boat 27 a whitehead torpedo 28 rear end of the whitehead torpedo 29 rapid-firing guns 30 a modern submarine cruiser, or fleet submarine (lake type) 32 the launching of the "protector" 62 the "delphine" 66 the "fenian ram" 96 "argonaut, jr.," 1894 128 sketch of the confederate submarine "hunley" 150 the new orleans submarine 152 the "intelligent whale" 153 "argonaut" as originally built. launched in august, 1897 176 submarine with cushioned bottom wheels 178 the "argonaut" after being lengthened and rebuilt, in 1898, showing ship-shaped, watertight, buoyant superstructure 182 the "holland" running on the surface 190 "amphibious" submarine 202 the "protector" (lake type, 1901-1902) 210 official drawing of the captured german mine-planting submarine, u c-5 214 a bottom-creeping submarine passing through a mine field 216 a mine and net evading submarine under-running a net 217 mines placed under ships at anchor 220 submarine supply station 221 submarine "seal"--lake type u.s. 226 british submarine b-1 (holland type) 227 british submarine c-2 arriving at portsmouth in a gale 230 germany's u-9 and some of her sister submarines.--aeroplane and submarine 234 russian cruiser-lake type submarine in shed built by peter the great--1905 236 a group of german u-boats 238 russian-lake type cruising submarine "kaiman" making a surface run in rough weather in the gulf of finland 239 the u-65 242 russian-lake type 243 c-1, one of the later type french submarines 248 cargo-carrying submarines of the author's design 249 the "deutschland" 252 torpedo being fired from the deck tubes of the submarine "seal" 256 british submarine no. 3 passing nelson's old flagship "victory" 257 under-ice navigation 260 a submarine garden at the bottom of the sea 266 submarines for hydrographic work and wreck finding 267 the "argonaut" submerged 276 experimental cargo-recovering submarine 278 sketch drawing illustrating a method of transferring cargoes from sunken vessels to submerged freight cargo-carrying submarines 278 semi-submergible wrecking apparatus 280 submarine oyster-gathering vessel 286 the "argosy and argonaut iii" 290 diagram of the "argosy and argonaut iii" 291 line cuts method of control in diving type boats 17 method of controlling hydroplane boats 18 how hydroplanes control depth of submersion 19 showing various conditions in which a submarine of the level keel type fitted with bottom wheels, may navigate 21 the periscope is the eye of the submarine 23 diving compartment 31 bushnell's submarine, the "american turtle" 79 robert fulton's submarine 82 tuck's "peacemaker" 84 longitudinal section of the french submarine "le plongeur" 153 the "plunger" (holland type submarine), launched in august, 1897 167 lake design as submitted to the u. s. navy department in 1893 170 the "argonaut" after lengthening and addition of buoyant, ship-shaped superstructure, increasing the surface buoyancy over 40 per cent 178 the "holland" 190 various types of modern foreign submarines 194 an amphibious submarine being hauled out of the water 204 the "caviar map" of shipping's greatest grave-yard 283 chart diagram to illustrate the comparative visibility and consequently the comparative safety of surface ships and cargo-carrying submarines 254 the submarine in war and peace introduction jules verne, in 1898, cabled to a new york publication: "while my book, 'twenty thousand leagues under the sea,' is entirely a work of the imagination, my conviction is that all i said in it will come to pass. a thousand-mile voyage in the baltimore submarine boat (the _argonaut_) is evidence of this. this conspicuous success of submarine navigation in the united states will push on under-water navigation all over the world. if such a successful test had come a few months earlier it might have played a great part in the war just closed (spanish-american war). the next war may be largely a contest between submarine boats. before the united states gains her full development she is likely to have mighty navies, not only on the bosom of the atlantic and pacific, but in the upper air and beneath the waters of the surface." the fantasy of verne is the fact of to-day. admiral farragut, in 1864, entered mobile bay while saying: "damn the torpedoes--four bells; captain drayton, go ahead; jouett, full speed!" an admiral, in 1917, damns the torpedoes and orders full speed ahead, but _not_ toward those points guarded by submarine torpedo boats. while the british admiralty once held that the submarine "is the weapon of the weaker power and not our concern," to-day the british naval officers in the north sea operations somewhat discredit the former official admiralty stand that "we know all about submarines; they are weapons of the weaker power; they are very poor fighting machines and can be of no possible use to the mistress of the seas." even as late as 1904 the submarine was not considered by naval authorities as a weapon of much value. a british admiral expressed his views on the submarine at that time in these words: "in my opinion, the british admiralty is doing the right thing in building submarines, as in habituating our men and officers to them we shall more clearly realize their weaknesses when used against us. even the weapon they carry (the whitehead torpedo) is, to all intents and purposes, of unknown value for sea fighting." however, from the very outbreak of the war now being carried on in europe, the submarine has made its presence felt as a most effective weapon. german submarines have translated into actuality the prophecies of verne, and have altered the views not only of the english but of the world as to the efficacy of the submarine as a naval weapon. [illustration: the pigmy conquerer of the sea. a drawing made by the author in 1893 to illustrate the possibilities of his submarine boat, and called "the pigmy conquerer of the sea."] on march 10, 1915, a former chief constructor in the french navy, m. lauboeuf, stated: "an english fleet blockades the german coast, but at such a distance that a german division was able to go out and bombard scarborough. when the english tried a close blockade at the beginning of the war, the german submarines made them pay dearly by torpedoing the _pathfinder_, _cressy_, _hogue_, and _aboukir_. similarly the french fleet in the adriatic was compelled to blockade austrian ports from a great distance, and the battleships _jules ferry_, _waldeck rousseau_, and _jean bart_ had fortunate escapes from the austrian fleet." as i write, the submarines of germany are holding the navies of the allied powers in check. the british fleet dares not invade german waters or attempt a close blockade of german ports. in spite of the mighty english navy, the german u-boats--the invisible destroyers--are venturing forth daily into the open atlantic and are raising such havoc with merchant shipping that the world is terrified at the prospect. it is the german u-boat which to-day encourages the central powers to battle almost single-handedly against the rest of the world's great nations. so it is in this surprising manner that the submarine torpedo boat has emerged from its swaddling clothes and has begun to speak for itself. its progress and development have been retarded for many years by the lack of appreciation of its possibilities on the part of those who have had the planning of naval programs. these have been, for the most part, men of ripe years and experience, and perhaps because of these years of experience they have become ultra-conservative and have been inclined to scoff and doubt the capabilities of any new device until it has been tried out by the fire of actual experience. notwithstanding the fact that the problem of submarine navigation has been successfully solved for the past fifteen years, it has been only within the past four years that any great naval authority has unqualifiedly endorsed submarines as being of paramount importance in naval affairs. admiral sir percy scott, in a strong letter to the _london times_ shortly previous to the beginning of the present war, stated: "the introduction of the vessels that swim under water has, in my opinion, entirely done away with the utility of the ships that swim on top of the water." he stated further: "if we go to war with a country that is within striking distance of submarines, i am of the opinion that the country will at once lock up their dreadnoughts in some safe harbor and we shall do the same. i do not think the importance of submarines has been fully recognized, neither do i think that it has been realized how completely their advent has revolutionized naval warfare. in my opinion, as the motor has driven the horse from the road, so the submarine has driven the battleship from the sea." sir percy scott, however, is an inventor, being the man who devised the "spot" method of gun firing, and has, therefore, the type of mind which is able to foresee and to grasp the value of new devices. sir a. conan doyle, another man of great vision and imagination, was so impressed with the potentialities of the submarine that he wrote a story which prophesied, with such accuracy as to make his tale almost uncanny, the events which are actually taking place to-day around the coast of england in the prosecution of germany's submarine blockade. in these pages, therefore, i may make claims for submarines which have not yet been publicly proved by actual performance, and such claims may impress many as being as visionary as the destructive capabilities of submarines appeared to be until lieutenant weddingen, of the german navy, shocked the conservatives and put the submarine on the map as a naval weapon by sinking, single-handed, three cruisers within one hour of each other. i shall be careful, however, not to make any claim for submarines which is not warranted by experiments actually made during my twenty-two years' continual study and experience in designing and building submarine boats and submarine appliances in the united states and abroad. to men of imagination and of inventive faculties these claims will not appear preposterous. the achievements of the submarine, in the face of all the ridicule, scepticism, and opposition which surrounded its development, will, i hope, commend these advanced ideas of mine to the attention, if not the respect, of the more conservative. chapter i what the modern submarine is what is a modern submarine boat? a modern submarine vessel is a complex mechanism capable of being navigated on the surface of the water just as is any boat, but with the added faculty of disappearing at will beneath the surface, and of being operated beneath the surface in any desired direction at any desired depth. some submarines are able to wheel along the bottom itself, and are also provided with diving compartments from which members of the crew, encased in diving suits, may readily leave and re-enter the vessel during its submergence. the principal use to which the submarine vessel has thus far been turned has been that of a naval weapon, for scouting and for firing explosive automobile torpedoes, either for defensive or offensive purposes. its full capacity has by no means been realized up to the present time. all submarines, regardless of their design, have certain essential features which will be described in the order of their importance. =the hull.=--this must be watertight and capable of withstanding a pressure corresponding to the depth at which the vessel is designed to operate. the hull in most submarines is circular in cross-section; the circular form is best adapted for withstanding pressure. in some cases this circular hull is surrounded by another hull or is fitted with other appendages which will both increase the stability and seaworthiness of the submarine and add to its speed. =superstructure.=--most of the early military submarines built for the french, spanish, united states, and english governments were circular in cross-section and of cigar-or spindle-shaped form in their longitudinal profile view. it is difficult, in vessels of this form, to secure sufficient stability to make them seaworthy. they are apt to roll like a barrel when light, due to a diminishing water plane, and when under way the water is forced up over their bows, making a large "bow wave" which absorbs power and causes such vessels to dive at times when least expected. in some instances this tendency to dive has caused loss of the vessel, and, in some cases, of the lives of the crew as well. they are also very wet for surface navigation, as the seas break over their inclined sides like breakers on a beach. these difficulties led to the invention of the buoyant superstructure, first used on the _argonaut_. this is a watertight structure built of light-weight plating--in some cases it has been built of wood--with valves which admit free water to the interior of the superstructure before submerging. by the admission of the water, danger of collapse is prevented. by this expedient the pressure upon these light plates is equalized when the vessel is submerged. this combination of a circular pressure-resisting inner structure, surmounted by a non-pressure-resisting outer structure of ship-shaped form, is now common to all modern submarines of all navies of the world. this superstructure adds to the seaworthiness and habitability of submarine vessels and increases their speed, both in the light and submerged conditions, as it admits of better stream lines. =stability.=--the stability of a vessel refers to its ability to keep upright and on a level keel. it is desirable to have great stability in a submarine in order that it may not assume excessive angles when submerged. the measure of stability is expressed in inches of metacentric height. the metacentric height of a vessel when submerged is the distance between the centre of buoyancy--or submerged volume--of the vessel and the centre of all the weights of hull, machinery, stores, and equipment contained within the vessel. this distance between the centre of buoyancy and the centre of gravity must be determined very accurately in order to obtain conditions of ideal stability in a submarine. the metacentric height of a vessel is a term used in naval architecture to express the stability of the ship. in surface ships the term may be used to express either the longitudinal or transverse stability of the vessel, and varies according to the load line and trim or heel of the ship. on the other hand, in submarine boats _when submerged_ the metacentric height is constant and expresses the distance between the centre of gravity and the centre of buoyancy of the vessel, and is the same either in the transverse or longitudinal plane of the vessel. in other words, the centre of buoyancy of the vessel when submerged must be directly over the centre of gravity of the vessel to cause her to submerge on a level keel. we then get the effect of a pendulum, the length of the pendulum arm being the distance between the two points, and the weight of the pendulum equalling the weight of the ship. therefore, if a submarine has a submerged displacement of five hundred tons, with a metacentric height of twelve inches, her stability, or ability to remain upright, is equal to a pendulum of five hundred tons hung by an arm twelve inches long, and it would require the same force to incline the ship as it would to incline the pendulum. therefore it is evident that the greater the metacentric height the more stable the ship, and the less likely she is to make eccentric dives to the bottom or "broach" to the surface. =ballast tanks.=--all submarines are fitted with tanks which may be filled with water so that the vessel will submerge; these are called ballast tanks. when the vessel is navigating on the surface she has what is called "reserve of buoyancy," the same as any surface vessel. it is this reserve of buoyancy which causes the vessel to rise with the seas in rough weather. it means the volume of the watertight portion of the vessel above the water line. in surface cruising a vessel with great buoyancy will rise to the seas, while if the "reserve" is small the vessel is termed "loggy" and will not rise to the sea. in the latter case the seas will break over the vessel just as they break over a partially submerged rock in a storm. on such a vessel the men cannot go on deck in a storm; in a sea-going submarine a large reserve of buoyancy is therefore essential. now in a modern submarine, of five hundred tons submerged displacement, for instance, this reserve should be about one hundred and twenty-five tons, according to the best practice. this means that before the vessel could sink beneath the surface the ballast tanks must be filled with one hundred and twenty-five tons of water. on the surface these tanks are filled with air. the water is permitted to enter by the opening of valves for that purpose. these ballast tanks are located within the main hull and in the superstructure. =propelling machinery.=--when on the surface the submarine may be propelled by steam, internal-combustion engines, or any other kind of motive power adapted to the propulsion of surface ships. for propulsion when submerged many types of engine have been tried: compressed air engines; steam engines drawing the steam from boilers in which water has been stored at high temperatures; carbonic acid gas engines, and the internal-combustion engines receiving their air supply from compressed-air tanks. most modern submarines use internal-combustion engines for surface navigation and storage batteries delivering current to electric motors for submerged propulsion. the internal-combustion engine is best suited for surface work because it can be started or stopped instantly, which is a desirable feature in submarine work. it is not fitted for submerged operation because of its great noisiness, and also because its spent gases must be discharged from the boat, in which case these gases ascend to the surface in the form of bubbles and thus betray the presence and position of the submarine. the storage battery, on the contrary, permits the use of practically noiseless machinery and does not require any outboard discharge of gases, as the battery gives off no material quantity of gases when delivering its stored-up power. i was the first to use successfully an internal-combustion engine in a submarine boat, the _argonaut_. this first engine was a heavy-duty engine of rugged construction, and gave but little trouble. this type of engine, with but slight modifications, was installed in six other boats built subsequent to the _argonaut_. they also worked satisfactorily for several years, and so long as i had knowledge of them they always gave satisfactory and reliable service. the first gasolene (petrol) internal-combustion engines installed in the holland boats were also of rugged construction, and i have been informed by various officers in our submarine service that they were reliable and gave but little trouble. it is known that, after twelve years' service, some of them are still doing good work. the boats in which these engines were installed were slow-speed boats, making only from eight to nine knots on the surface. a natural desire on the part of the governments of various nations was to secure increased speed. they sent out requirements to submarine boat builders calling for increased speeds within certain limits of cost. the submarine boat builders said: "certainly we can give you increased speed if the engine builders can give us engines of the necessary power to go into the available space, and within a certain weight, to thus enable us to get the power plant within a certain size vessel possessing the fine lines necessary to give the required speed." the engine builders said _they could do it_. the first, as i remember, to break away from the slow-speed, heavy-duty type was a celebrated italian firm. then two large and well-known german firms followed; then a celebrated english firm, and certain american firms claimed that they could build reliable, compact, high-speed engines on very much less weight than we had been using. i remember one american firm which offered engines as low in weight as twenty pounds per horsepower. fortunately, we had sense enough to refuse to accept an engine so light as that, but we, as well as all other submarine boat builders both in this country and abroad, did accept contracts which required engines very much less in weight than the old, slow, heavy-duty type first used, and there has been "wailing and gnashing of teeth" both by the submarine boat builders and by the engine-room forces in the world's submarine navies ever since. the first light-weight engines built by the italian firm "smashed up" in short order. the german engines followed suit, and the losses to this firm, or to the shipbuilders, must have been enormous, as a large number of engines were built by them before a set was tested out in actual service. the test of an engine in the shop, on a heavy foundation, open to inspection on all sides, and with expert mechanics in constant touch with the engine, does not mean that this same engine will prove satisfactory in the restricted space available in a submarine boat when run by other than expert engine-building mechanics. i was present at a shop test of one of the german engines referred to, and under shop conditions it appeared to work very well--so well, in fact, that i took an option for my firm to build from the same designs in america. when the engine was tried out, however, in one of the german submarines it rapidly deteriorated and pounded itself into junk in a few weeks. cylinders and cylinder heads cracked, bed-plates were broken, and crank-shafts twisted or broken. it was evident that the design was too light all the way through. there are some destructive actions in connection with large, high-speed, light-weight internal-combustion engines which practically all designing engineers have failed to grasp. otherwise, engineers of all nationalities would not have failed to the extent they have; and i do not believe that there is a submarine engine in service to-day which has fully met the expectations of its designers and builders. it is unfortunate for the engineering profession that government policy will not permit of a full disclosure of the defects of engines and other equipment in government-owned vessels. were a frank disclosure made, other inventors and engineers would, in all probability, take up the problems and they might the sooner be solved. all the earlier submarines were equipped with engines which used gasolene (petrol) as a fuel, but the gas from this fuel, when mixed with a proper proportion of air, is highly explosive. a number of serious explosions occurred in submarines due to this gas escaping from leaky tanks, pipings, or valves. some of them were accompanied by loss of life. the most disastrous was that on board the italian submarine _foca_, in which it is reported that twenty-three men were killed. therefore, several years ago, all governments demanded the installation of engines using a non-explosive fuel; and builders then turned to the "diesel" engine as offering a solution of the problem. as early as 1905 i had anticipated that such a demand would ultimately be made, so during that year i built, in berlin, germany, an experimental double-acting heavy-oil engine; but unfortunately the engineer in charge of the work was taken ill and eventually died. this engine was later completed and showed great flexibility in its control and in reversing. it, however, has never been put on a manufacturing basis. in the meantime, others took up the work of developing the heavy oil diesel engine for submarines. the first of the diesel type engines to be installed in a submarine were built by a well-known french firm of engine builders. as we were then in the market for heavy-oil submarine engines, plans of these engines were submitted to me, but i found it impossible to install them in any boat we then had under construction, owing to their size and weight. i have been advised that engines of this design were installed in some of the french submarine boats. i have also been informed that the shock and vibrations produced by them were such as to cause the rivets in the boats to loosen, and this started the vessels to leaking so badly that it was found necessary to take them out. these engines differed only slightly from the vertical diesel land engine. the engine is the most important element in the submarine. without this it is impossible to make long surface runs, and in the event of its disablement it is impossible to charge the storage batteries to enable the submarine to function submerged, which is, of course, what she is built for doing. i think the demand for increased speed has come too rapidly. it is more important to have reliability than speed. the criticisms which have been made regarding united states submarines, if traced to their source, may be found to be justified so far as they apply to the engines, but the navy department cannot be held responsible, and neither can the designers of submarines. they have both searched the world's markets and secured the best that could be purchased. all naval departments were undoubtedly right when they decided to abandon the gasolene (petrol) engine and substitute therefor the heavy-oil engine. eventually a successful heavy-oil engine will be produced. [illustration: storage battery cell] [illustration: a submarine cell completely assembled ready for installation storage batteries as used in modern submarines have been especially developed to meet the special needs of submarine-boat service. the requirements for this service are much more severe than those for any other service to which the storage battery has been applied. the batteries as first introduced in submarines were entirely too frail to stand up to their work, and the gases given off from them while being charged were the cause of much distress and danger to the crew, and have been in some cases responsible for the loss of both vessel and crew.] the diesel engine, weighing practically five hundred pounds or more per horsepower, has functioned satisfactorily in land installations and has come into very general use, especially in germany, but when the attempt was made to change this slow-speed engine of five hundred pounds per horsepower into high-speed engines of approximately fifty pounds per horsepower, all designers "fell down." it was but natural that naval authorities throughout the world should call for increased speed; they cannot be criticised for that, as it is a desirable thing, but experience has shown that they called for it too early in the game. the expense of the development of a new type of motive power, such as the high-speed, heavy-oil-burning engine, for use in vessels whose prime purpose is to preserve the autonomy of the country, should be borne by the government rather than by individuals or private corporations. millions of dollars have been expended in the development work of engines, but, although vast improvements are now in progress, the successful engine is not yet on the market. dr. diesel has stated that he worked seven years before he succeeded in getting his first engine to make one complete revolution. governments and the people must therefore content themselves to accept what they can get in a heavy-oil engine, imperfect though it may be, until such time as a satisfactory engine is evolved, built, and tested out under service conditions. =storage batteries.=--it is impossible in a book of this character to go into much detail regarding the development of the storage battery. there have been two types in general use. they are both lead batteries, one known as the plantã© type, in which metallic lead is used to form both the positive and negative plates. the other type employs what is commonly known as pasted plates, in which various compositions of materials are worked up into a paste and forced into metallic grids to form the positive and negative plates. the pasted type has greater capacity per pound of material used, but much shorter life. in both of these batteries sulphuric acid solutions are used as the excitant between the elements. in charging, hydrogen gas is given off in the form of bubbles, the skin of the bubbles being composed of sulphuric acid solution. these bubbles, when taken in one's lungs, are very irritating, and if they collect in any quantity, or break up and allow the hydrogen gas to mix with the air, there is always danger of creating an explosive mixture within the hull of the vessel or in the battery tanks, which a spark would set off at any time. the best method of installing batteries on a submarine boat is to have them isolated from the living quarters of the vessel in separate watertight compartments. the elements of the battery should be contained in non-metallic containers and sealed to prevent spilling of the electrolyte under excessive rolling or pitching of the vessel. means should be provided to discharge the hydrogen gases from the boat as rapidly as formed. special care should be taken to prevent leakages between the adjacent cells. circulation of air to keep the cells dry is the best means of preventing this. mr. edison has been working for a number of years on a storage battery suitable for submarine work, and it has recently been stated that he has finally solved the problem of producing a battery that will stand up longer than the lead type of battery, and that it has the further advantage in that it will not give off chlorine gas in case salt water should get into the cells. it should, however, be contained in a separate compartment, which should be ventilated during the charging period, as i understand the edison battery gives off hydrogen gas the same as the lead batteries. chlorine gas, as given off from the lead battery when salt water has got into it, has undoubtedly caused the loss of some lives. mr. edison claims that his battery, when immersed, will not give off poisonous gases of any kind. [illustration: method of control in diving type boats horizontal rudder set down aft inclines the vessel down by the bow, in which condition, with only a small reserve of buoyancy, she will "dive." when she reaches the desired depth a lesser inclination of the diving rudder is supposed to reduce her angle of inclination sufficiently so that the pressure on the top of her hull will offset the tendency to rise due to her positive buoyancy. to be successful there must be no movable ballast, and variable stream line effect requires expert manipulation of the diving rudder.] =depth control.=--practically all modern submarines use hydroplanes with a horizontal rudder for the control of depth when under way. hydroplanes might be said to correspond to the side fins of a fish. they are substantially flat vanes that extend from either side of the vessel. they are set on shafts that may be partially rotated by mechanism in control of a man within the vessel. they readily control the depth of the vessel with a certain amount of either positive or negative buoyancy. for instance, submarines are usually submerged with a small amount of positive buoyancy. if a vessel has positive buoyancy she will float. we have seen that in a surface condition the five-hundred-ton submarine has about one hundred and twenty-five tons of positive buoyancy. [illustration: method of controlling hydroplane boats showing a proper arrangement of hydroplanes and horizontal rudders. c b represents the centre of buoyancy of the vessel when submerged. g represents centre of gravity, which lies directly beneath centre of buoyancy. now if hydroplanes are located at equal distances fore and aft their up or down pull is always balanced and does not cause the vessel to dive or broach, but holds her to a level keel. if stream line pull tends to upset this level keel, horizontal rudders may be used to correct it.] now to prepare the vessel for a submerged run, we admit, say, one hundred and twenty-four tons of water; the positive buoyancy is then reduced to one ton. now if the forward edges of the hydroplanes are inclined downward (see diagram), and the vessel is given headway, the pressure of the water on top of the inclined hydroplanes, combined with the tendency for a vacuum to form under the planes, will overcome the one ton of positive buoyancy and will pull the vessel bodily under the water. when the desired depth is reached the operator sets the inclination of the hydroplanes so as to just balance the upward pull of the one ton of positive buoyancy, and the vessel proceeds at the desired depth. on modern boats the control of depth is most remarkable; it is very common for submarines to make continuous runs of several hours' duration without varying their depth more than a couple of feet. when the headway or motive force of the submarine is stopped, if she has reserved some positive buoyancy she will come to the surface. if she has negative buoyancy she will sink, but while under way with as much as a ton of positive or negative buoyancy the hydroplanes will absolutely control the depth of the vessel. [illustration: how hydroplanes control depth of submersion the vessel being "under way" in the course of the arrow, the water contacting against the upper surface of the hydroplanes, as in the upper view, its course is thus diverted and adds weight to the upper surface of the planes. there is also a tendency to form a vacuum under the plane. both these forces tend to overcome the positive buoyancy of the boat and force her under water and on a level keel if these forces are properly distributed fore and aft of the centre of buoyancy and gravity of the vessel.] =action of the hydroplanes=.--the diagrams are intended to demonstrate how it is that the lake and other hydroplane boats can be so easily held at a predetermined depth and controlled vertically on an even keel. the hydroplanes are symmetrically disposed on two sides of the vessel. they should be equal distance forward and aft of amidships. this symmetrical disposition, with equal forces acting on each hydroplane, compels the boat either to rise or sink on an even keel, depending upon which face of the hydroplanes is presented to the passing water during the boat's progress. in the upper diagram the entering edges of the hydroplanes are inclined downward, and the force of the passing stream lines strikes upon the upper face of the blades. this exerts a downward force which causes the boat to sink, as indicated by the arrows marked "a, a." the opposite of this takes place when the forward ends of the hydroplanes are lifted. this brings the force of the stream lines against the under side of the hydroplanes, and the resultant is a lifting impulse in the direction of the line of least resistance, which is here indicated by the arrows marked "b, b." it is the lifting force so applied that makes it possible to raise hydroplane boats from the bottom even when having considerable negative buoyancy. [illustration: on picket duty this is a field of service to which the anchoring weights and the diving compartment of the lake boats lend themselves conjointly with especial fitness. the illustration represents a submarine doing picket duty on an offshore station. a junction box is placed in a known locality with telephone or telegraph cables leading therefrom to the shore. the submarine, having taken her position on the surface, lowers her anchoring weights, reduces her reserve buoyancy to the desired extent, and then draws herself down to the bottom by winding in again on the cables connecting with the anchoring weights. having reached the bottom, the diving door is opened and a diver passes out and makes the necessary connections between that junction box and the instruments in the boat.] =holding depth when not under way.=--if it is desired to bring the boat to rest while submerged, but when no motive force is being used, other methods must be used than that just described. one method is to have an anchor or anchors to hold the vessel at the desired depth. if it is desired to lie at rest off the entrance of the enemy's harbor to wait for her ships to come out, the submarine proceeds to her station submerged with a small amount of buoyancy,--which is the usual method of navigating submerged. when she arrives at the desired station the speed is reduced and an additional amount of water is gradually admitted to give her a small amount of negative buoyancy. at the same time her anchoring weights are paid out until they touch bottom. as soon as they do so water is forced out of the ballast tanks by compressed air until positive buoyancy is restored and the vessel stops sinking and remains at rest anchored between the surface and the bottom, like an anchored buoyant mine. by winding in on the anchor cables a submarine may then be hauled down nearer the bottom, and by paying out the cables she may rise nearer the surface. on picket duty off harbor entrances she remains sufficiently near the surface to project her telescoping periscope occasionally above the crest of the waves to keep watch and see that an enemy ship does not enter or clear. in this condition there is no necessity to have any machinery running on board the submarine, therefore she can remain for weeks at a time on station without exhausting her fuel supply. it is only necessary for her to renew the air supply now and then, which can be done at night. another method for holding a vessel at rest is by taking in and forcing out alternately small quantities of water so as to keep her in equilibrium between positive and negative buoyancy. another method is to use vertical propellers operating in wells extended from the sides, and by running these it is possible to exert an upward or downward pressure and so hold her at a depth. neither of these methods is as satisfactory, however, as the anchor weights, because the vessel will not hold a definite position on station, but will drift off with the current. they also make a drain on the storage battery and require constant attention on the part of the members of the crew. by the anchor weights scheme the vessel may stay on station as long as the food and fuel supply holds out. [illustration: showing various conditions in which a submarine of the level keel type fitted with bottom wheels, may navigate 1, running light on surface; 2, awash, ready for submergence; 3, submerged, depth controlled by hydroplanes; 4, running on bottom.] the above facts set forth simply the outstanding mechanical principles upon which the operation of the submarine is based. the submarine of to-day, however, has many auxiliaries, to describe which in detail would require several volumes of technical description. i will briefly enumerate a few of the more important of these devices and describe their function as applied to the war submarine. [illustration: the lower portion of galileo periscope] [illustration: the periscope is the eye of the submarine. (see description.)] =the periscope.=--the periscope is the eye of the submarine. in its simpler form it consists of a stiff metallic tube, from fifteen to twenty feet in length and about four inches in diameter. referring to figure 1, on page 23, it is made up of an object glass, _a_, which "views" or takes an impression of all objects within its range or field of vision, and transmits an image of such object through the right-angle prism, _b_, which turns the image so that it appears some distance down the tube, say, for purposes of description, at _c_. if a piece of ground glass were held at the focus of the objective lens at _c_, the image could be seen. the lens _d_, located farther down the tube, in turn now "views" the image and transmits it still farther down the tube, where it is turned through the right-angle prism, _e_, and where the image is again turned into an erect position. a piece of ground glass located at _f_ would show the image in the same manner as an image is shown on the ground glass of a camera. the magnifying eyepiece _g_ magnifies the image so that distant objects appear of natural size. other figures show a periscope as made by the officina galileo in florence, italy. this firm makes periscopes with binocular eyepieces. the success of any periscope depends upon the character of the material used in the lenses and prisms and the accuracy of the workmanship. this firm, which is probably the oldest optical manufacturing house in the world, said to have been founded by galileo himself, turns out instruments of the most beautiful workmanship. the flange of the instrument is bolted to the top of the conning tower, or deck, and a gate valve is arranged between the deck and the eyepiece so that in case the tube should be carried away the gate valve can be closed and thus prevent water from entering the vessel. a hand wheel arranged below the binocular eyepiece permits of easy rotation of the instrument. provision is made for introducing dry air; this prevents condensation forming on the lenses or prisms within the tube. owing to the fact that there is a certain loss of light in transmitting the image through the various prisms and lenses, it is customary to magnify the image so that it appears to be about one-quarter larger than when viewed by the natural eye. this has been found by experience to give, when viewed through the periscope alone from a submerged vessel, the impression of correct distance. previous to 1900 there was no instrument which would give through a long tube normal vision and a correct idea as to distance. at this time i took up with various opticians the question of producing such an instrument. they all contended that it was impossible to produce an instrument that would give through a long tube a field of vision equal to the natural eye or that would convey a correct idea as to the distance of an object when viewed through a long tube. the camera lucida which mr. holland and others had used in the earlier submarines simply threw a picture of the object on a bit of white paper, usually located on a table. this did not give to the observer any more idea of the correct distance of an object than a photograph would. believing, however, that a solution could be found, i then purchased a variety of lenses and started making experiments. without any special knowledge of optical science, one day quite by accident i secured the desired result and found that it was possible to secure practically normal vision through a tube of considerable length. about the same time, sir howard grubb, of england, brought out an instrument in which he accomplished the same result. i then continued in my experimental work and brought out an instrument which was designed to give a simultaneous view of the entire horizon. this instrument was called an "omniscope." it was first called a "skalomniscope," which was a word coined with the idea of describing the function of the instrument and which, translated, means "to view and measure everything." a scale was used in connection with this instrument which would convert it into a range finder by measuring the image of an abject of known dimensions, such as the length of a ship or the height of its smokestack, and give simultaneous reading as to its distance. for a time it was necessary for us to manufacture our own sighting instruments, but later, when the optical houses understood the principle of the periscope, they took up the matter of manufacture and have so greatly improved them that it is now possible to secure instruments of great accuracy and fine definition. the periscope, however, is faulty, in that it is only an instrument for day use. as soon as dusk comes on the periscope becomes useless. the passing of the image down the tube and through the various lenses and prisms reduces the brilliancy of the image to such an extent that, even though it is finally magnified to above normal, the image is so thin at night that it cannot be seen. this forces the submarine to become vulnerable in making an attack at night, as it is necessary for the conning tower to be brought a sufficient distance above the surface of the water to permit the commanding officer to secure natural vision. with the powerful searchlights and rapid-fire guns, the submarine would have little opportunity to approach a surface war vessel at night without great danger of being discovered and destroyed. [illustration: the voice and ear of the submarine a fessenden oscillator, before being installed. the flange of the oscillator is riveted to the shell of the ship and its diaphragm is caused to vibrate by the sound waves, which pass through water more distinctly than they do through the air. to send out signals it is caused to vibrate mechanically by electrical apparatus.] =invisible conning tower.=--for night observation it has been proposed to use transparent conning towers built of clear glass, in which the commander takes his station and just sticks his head above the crest of the waves in order to direct his vessel against the enemy. this has not as yet come into general use because of the difficulty of securing sufficiently clear glass in the desired form. experiments have been made, however, which show that quite a large transparent conning tower cannot be seen on a submarine at rest even when within a couple of hundred yards; the application of these conning towers will greatly increase the submarine's efficiency for night work. =submarine sound receivers.=--all modern submarines are fitted with devices which enable the commanders of submarines to communicate with each other when running under water even when considerable distances apart. one of these outfits consists of a signal bell and a powerful receiver with which sounds may be transmitted and heard. conversations may be carried on by the morse and other codes for distances of ten or twelve miles. [illustration: torpedo tubes assembled ready for installation in a submarine boat left view, the breech end of the tube. right view, the outboard doors, which must first be opened before the torpedo is expelled from the tube by compressed air. when the torpedo is expelled it starts a compressed-air engine supplied with air stored at high pressure within the torpedo, and will run several thousand yards under its own power.] a later device, called the fessenden oscillator, will transmit or receive sounds a distance of twenty miles. the principle of its operation is that of setting up wave vibrations by very large transmitters; these vibrations are carried by the water and taken up by receivers on other submarines. it has been found that the human voice will set up vibrations in the fessenden transmitter so clearly that wireless conversation may be carried on under water for several hundred yards. i discovered in my earlier experiments that when a submarine was lying submerged, with all machinery shut down, the noise of the machinery in an approaching ship could be detected quite a distance off without the use of any special kind of receivers. in this way the commander of a submarine can always note the approach of an enemy simply by shutting down his own machinery. the warning thus given him comes long before he could sight the enemy ship were he on the surface. after a little experience one can tell the type of ship approaching from the sound, as every type of ship has sounds peculiar to her class. the smash of paddle wheels, the deep, slow pound of the heavy merchant ships or battleships, the clack and the whir of the higher speed machinery on destroyers or torpedo boats, are all easily recognizable when one becomes familiar with them. at the present time all the larger submarines are fitted with wireless outfits on their decks which they may use when on the surface to communicate with other submarines or with their base. =torpedo tubes.=--these are used to start the automobile torpedo on its course toward the enemy. in simple form they are tubes about eighteen inches in diameter and seventeen feet long, placed in line with the axis of the vessel. they are fitted with doors both internal and external to the submarine. the inboard door of the tube opens into the interior of the vessel and permits the loading of the torpedo. when the torpedo is to be discharged the inboard door is closed and securely fastened. the outer door is then opened, and through the operation of quick-opening valves compressed air is admitted back of the torpedo and the torpedo is driven out of the tube in the same manner that the bullet is driven out of an air rifle or the cork out of a pop-gun. some of the larger modern submarines carry several torpedo tubes firing in line with the axis of the vessel both forward and aft. some carry torpedo tubes on their decks which may be made to train to fire broadside on either side of the vessel. [illustration: a whitehead torpedo courtesy of the scientific american the forward end of the torpedo is the war head filled with guncotton or trinitrotoluol. a detonator is screwed into the end of the war head to set off the main charge on contact. an air flask forms the middle portion of the torpedo. aft of this is the depth-control mechanism, in which a diaphragm controls the diving rudder by the pressure of the water against a spring set for the desired depth. a pendulum controls the levelling mechanism and a gyroscope its direction in the horizontal plane, tending to keep it on the course by its control of the vertical rudder.] [illustration: rear end of the whitehead torpedo courtesy of the scientific american showing compressed air engine and twin propeller with their control gear.] =automobile torpedoes.=--these are the projectiles which are used to destroy the enemy's ship. they are called automobile torpedoes because they will, on being ejected from the torpedo tubes, continue running in the direction in which they are aimed, from power and mechanism contained within themselves. they are wonderful pieces of mechanism and cost several thousand dollars each. they are virtually miniature submarine boats. the essential features of the automobile torpedo are the airflask, the warhead, the depth control, and steering and propelling machinery. the airflask forms the central section, which is a steel tank containing compressed air stored at high pressure; about twenty-five hundred pounds per square inch is the present practice. when the torpedo is expelled from the torpedo tube this air is automatically turned on to run the engines. it passes through reducing valves and heaters to drive either a multiple cylinder or a turbine engine, and revolves two propellers, running one clockwise and the other counterclockwise, set in tandem at the stern of the torpedo. the propellers, running in opposite directions, thus enable the torpedo to be more easily steered by the delicate automatic steering machinery. a diaphragm operated by the pressure of the water operates control mechanism which regulates the depth. an instrument called the "obry gear" steers it in the horizontal plane. the essential feature of the "obry gear" is a gyroscope which is started when the torpedo is ejected from the tube. it is instantly speeded up either by a powerful spring or an air turbine to about fifteen thousand revolutions per minute. the peculiarity of the gyroscope is that it has a tendency to hold the direction in which it is started. hence, if the torpedo starts swerving either to the right or left from the direction in which it is aimed, the gyroscope causes certain valves to function which will automatically set the steering rudder to bring the torpedo back into its original course. the "gyro" will continue this control until the torpedo has completed its course, which in some of the latest types is said to be about five miles. the warhead is the forward portion of the torpedo and contains usually wet gun-cotton, which is a safe high explosive and can be exploded only by a detonating charge of the more sensitive explosives. this detonating charge is placed in a tube screwed into the forward end of the torpedo. extending out from the forward end of the tube is a small propeller, the purpose of which is to set the firing mechanism after the torpedo has run a certain distance from the vessel from which it has been fired. this is a safety device to prevent the torpedo from being exploded near its own ship. the torpedo running through the water causes the propeller to revolve, which turns a shaft. after the shaft makes a certain number of revolutions it sets a firing pin, and then if it hits an object it will explode. many modern torpedoes are loaded with trinitrotoluol. this is a much more powerful explosive. according to experts, the explosion of two hundred and fifty pounds of t-n-t, as it is called, will destroy any battleship ever built. [illustration: rapid-firing guns courtesy of the scientific american rapid-fire disappearing guns may be quickly elevated above armored turret when the submarine rises to the surface.] =divers' compartment.=--some submarines are fitted with a divers' compartment, from which compartment mines may be planted, either when on the surface or when submerged. this compartment is fitted with a door which opens outwardly in the bottom of the boat. it is shut off from the living and machinery rooms of the vessel by an air lock and heavy pressure-resisting doors. the divers' door may be opened when the vessel is submerged and navigating on the bottom, and _no water will come into the vessel when the door is opened_. this is accomplished in the following manner: the members of the crew who wish to go outside the vessel first go into the diving compartment. they close the door which shuts them off from other parts of the vessel. they then turn compressed air gradually into the compartment until the air pressure in the compartment equals the water pressure outside. if the depth is one hundred feet the air pressure in the compartment would need to be 43.4 pounds per square inch; if the depth is two hundred feet, twice that, or 86.8 pounds per square inch, etc. when the air pressure in the compartment equals the water pressure outside, at any depth, the door in the bottom may be opened and the water will not rise up into the compartment, because the air pressure keeps it out. tests have been made which show that it is safe for divers to go out from compartments of this kind in depths up to two hundred and seventy-five feet. [illustration: diving compartment this view shows the diving compartment being used for the purpose of grappling for the electric cables controlling fields of submarine mines. operating in this manner, the diving compartment becomes a veritable travelling diving-bell, and when the air pressure in the diving chamber is made to balance with the water pressure outside the diving door may be opened and yet the water will not enter the working chamber.] =dangers.=--years of painstaking development work have eliminated most of the dangers connected with the operation of submarines in times of peace. the experienced designers have learned the importance of having great submerged stability, so that no modern craft is likely to make an unexpected headfirst dive into the mud, hard sand, or rocks on the bottom. this was a common occurrence not many years ago. another danger to be avoided is that of asphyxiation by the escape of noxious gases from the engines. the blowing up of the vessel by the ignition of hydrogen fumes from the battery is another risk to be guarded against. in the latest vessels the noxious gases from the engine are not permitted to escape into the engine-room; gasolene is rapidly giving place to heavy-oil engines which do not use an explosive fuel, and the hydrogen gas given off during the charging of batteries is pumped overboard as rapidly as it is generated. consequently modern submarines, when navigating on the surface, are as safe as any surface ship. in fact, they are safer, from the fact that they are so much more strongly built and that they are divided into compartments. any one of these compartments could be filled by water in an accident and the remaining compartments would keep the ship afloat. in submerged peace-time navigation the dangers are those of collisions with surface vessels, uncharted rocks, or sunken ships. the danger of collisions with surface ships may be avoided by keeping below the depth of keel of the deepest draft surface ship, when long under-water runs are being made, and always stopping machinery to listen for the sound of surface ships before rising to the surface. if running near the surface where periscopic vision is possible, constant vigilance must be maintained, as there are no rules of the road or right of way which may be claimed by the submarine commander, owing to the fact that the lookout on the surface craft, in all probability, cannot see his little periscope in time to avoid collision. [illustration: a modern submarine cruiser, or fleet submarine (lake type) the parts indicated by numbers in this illustration are as follows: 1, main ballast tanks; 2, fuel tanks; 3, keel; 4, safety drop keel; 5, habitable superstructure; 6, escape and safety chambers; 7, disappearing anti-aircraft guns; 8, rapid-fire gun; 9, torpedo tubes; 10 torpedoes; 11, twin deck torpedo tubes; 12, torpedo firing tank; 13, anchor; 14, periscopes; 15, wireless; 16, crew's quarters; 17, officers' quarters; 18, warhead stowage; 19, torpedo hatch; 20, diving chamber; 21, electric storage battery; 22, galley; 23, steering gear; 24, binnacle; 25, searchlight; 26, conning tower; 27, diving station; 28, control tank; 29, compressed-air flasks; 30, forward engine room and engines; 31, after engine room and engines; 32, central control compartment; 33, torpedo room; 34, electric motor room; 35, switchboard; 36, ballast pump; 37, auxiliary machinery room; 38, hydroplane; 39, vertical rudders; 40, signal masts.] =how the submarine works.=--reference to the diagrammatic view of a modern submarine will probably make clear the following explanation of the operation of a submarine. we will assume that our submarine leaves her own harbor with fuel, stores, and torpedoes on board, wireless and signal masts erected. she is bound to a station farther down the coast, but receives word by wireless that an enemy fleet has been seen approaching the coast in such a direction as to indicate an attack on new york. she receives instructions to return and take up a station fifteen miles off sandy hook, the entrance to new york harbor, and also that she is to coã¶perate with the smaller harbor-defense submarines that are permanently located in new york. she therefore puts back to the station designated. all deck fittings and lines are stowed except the ventilators and the deck wireless outfit; the latter is left standing so as to keep in touch with the scout ships and destroyers which are reporting the approach of the enemy. shortly after arriving at her station, the commander notes smoke on the horizon and orders are given to "prepare to submerge." each member of the crew then proceeds to his particular task; the wireless masts and ventilators are quickly housed, and all hatches are closed and secured. the quartermaster and submerged-control man who controls the steering and hydroplane operating gear take their stations in the control department. the engines are uncoupled by means of the rapid operating clutch, the electric motor is coupled, the hydroplanes are unfolded, the valves are opened, and the word is passed to the commander, "all ready for submergence!" all this is done in a modern vessel in less than two minutes. the command is then given: "fill main ballast!" quick-opening valves are opened and the water rushes into the ballast tanks and superstructure at the rate of fifty or sixty tons per minute. the order is then given: "trim for submergence!" sufficient water is then admitted into the final adjustment and trim tank to give the desired buoyancy and trim, and the vessel is now ready to submerge on signal from the commander, who now takes his station at the periscope. the gunners have also taken their stations at the torpedo tubes to prepare to load the tubes as soon as the torpedoes already in the tubes are discharged. the whole time consumed from the time word to "prepare to submerge" until the vessel is running under water has probably not been over two or three minutes. in the meantime the enemy has been rapidly approaching and her superstructure is already above the horizon. the commander of the submarine notes that if the enemy holds its course it will be advantageous to change his position to intercept the oncoming fleet. he therefore gives word to submerge to the desired depth and gives the quartermaster the course, and the vessel proceeds, entirely submerged, to get nearer the enemy's line of approach. the commander then brings his submarine to rest before extending his periscope above the surface. as soon as the enemy is found to be coming within range he manoeuvres his ship so that his torpedoes will bear the proper distance in advance of the ship he selects to destroy. to make a hit it is necessary to fire in advance of the oncoming ship to allow for the time the torpedo takes to reach the point where the enemy will be. range finders, torpedo directors, and rapid calculators enable the commander to calculate this to a nicety. if the distance is only a thousand or fifteen hundred yards, a hit is pretty certain to be made, but the greater the distance the less the chance of success and the greater the opportunity for error. chapter ii comedy and tragedy in submarine development one of the first queries which laymen usually direct at the submarine navigator is, "are you not afraid that the boat will never come up?" and other variants on the same theme. most people are surprised and many are very sceptical when they are informed that there is no sensation at all connected with the act of going under water in a boat except that due to one's own imagination. the fact is that if one were going down inside the vessel in some of the modern submarines he could not readily tell whether the vessel was running on the surface or navigating in a submerged condition. i remember the time when it was first decided to give a public exhibition of the _argonaut_ in 1897. various newspapers were permitted to send their representatives to make a submerged trip in the vessel. quite a large number of newspaper men were present, and among the reporters was one young lady representing a new york newspaper. this being the first time that the newspaper fraternity had been given the opportunity to make a submarine trip, speculation ran rife as to the outcome of the venture. so great a number of reporters came that all could not be permitted to board the vessel. lots were therefore cast as to who should go. the lady claimed the privilege of her sex, and all agreed that she should be one of the party. when the lots were drawn, one of those who had drawn a lucky number suddenly recalled that he was afflicted with a very diseased heart, and he did not feel it wise to go. another discovered that his life insurance had just expired, and he gave up his opportunity to a friend. finally the party was made up and the boat started away from the dock. they were all invited down into the cabin, where a general conversation ensued as to the possibilities of submarine navigation proving a success, upon the sensation of going under water, and other related subjects; i had given the signal to submerge, in the meantime, several minutes before they had finished visiting with each other. soon one of them asked me when i expected to submerge. they were all greatly surprised when i informed them that we had already been under water for several minutes, and they would hardly believe it until i took them into the conning tower, where they could see the dark green of the water through the glass of the eye-ports. two of the party promptly discovered that they had each a bottle of champagne concealed about their persons. it was their opinion that it was time to drink to the health of the lady and to the success of the _argonaut_. after we had rummaged around and finally found an old rusty tin cup, this was done. all first experiences, however, have not been so pleasant as that of the _argonaut's_ trial. the submarine _hunley_ (page 150) suffocated and drowned four different crews during her brief career. twice she was found standing on end with her bow stuck in the mud in the bottom of the river, with a crew of nine men dead in her fore part, where they had been thrown when she dived to the bottom. in these two instances the men were suffocated, due to lack of air, as no water was found in the boat when she was raised. the gradual exhaustion of the air and final unconsciousness which overtook these brave volunteers can only be left to the imagination. when experimenting with the _argonaut_, i received a visit from the late col. charles h. hasker, of richmond, va. he had volunteered as one of the party to try the _hunley_ after she had suffocated her second crew. on the trial, for which mr. hasker volunteered, she started away from the dock in tow of the gunboat _ettawan_ by a line thrown over the hatch combing. she had been trimmed down so that she had very little freeboard, and as she gained headway she started to "shear," due to her peculiar flatiron-shaped bow. lieutenant payne, who was in command, attempted to throw the towline off the hatch combing, but got caught in the bight of the line. on his struggle to free himself he knocked a prop from under the tiller of the horizontal diving rudder, which had been set to hold the bow up. as soon as the prop was knocked out the tiller dropped down and inclined the horizontal rudder to dive, and the vessel dove with her hatches open. lieutenant payne freed himself, and colonel hasker managed to get partly out of one of the hatches before the vessel sank, but the inrushing force of the water closed the hatch door, which caught him by the calf of his leg, and he was carried with the vessel to the bottom in forty-two feet of water. however, he maintained his presence of mind, and when the vessel became full it balanced the pressure so that he could release himself from the hatch cover. he was a good swimmer and escaped to the surface. two men escaped from the other hatch. the other five members of the crew were drowned in the vessel. notwithstanding that this was the third time she had sunk and killed a number of men, she was again raised and a crew of nine other brave men was found to man her. under command of lieutenant dixon, on the night of february 17, 1864, she was brought alongside of the united states battleship _housatonic_ and sank her, but lieutenant dixon and his crew went down with the _hunley_ at the same time. thus, in the various attempts to operate this vessel in a submerged condition, a total of thirty-two lives were lost. the new orleans submarine boat was also built by the confederates during the civil war. a friend who took the photograph of this vessel told me the following story as related to him by a southern gentleman who was familiar with the history of the boat. it appears that this submarine was the conception of a wealthy planter who owned a number of slaves. he thought that it would add considerable interest to the occasion of her launching if, when the vessel left the ways, she should disappear beneath the waves and make a short run beneath the surface before coming up. so he took two of his most intelligent slaves and instructed them how to hold the tiller when the vessel slid down the ways, and in which way to turn the propeller for a time after she began to lose her launched speed. he told them when they got ready to come up they should push the tiller down and the vessel would come to the surface to be towed ashore. a great crowd assembled to see this novel launching. "when things were all ready," said the old southern gentleman, "sure enough, them two niggers got into the boat and shut down the hatches; and do you know, suh, that at that time them niggers was worth a thousand dollars apiece." well, it seems that the boat slid down the ways and disappeared under the water just as had been planned. the crowd waited expectantly, but the vessel did not reappear. eventually they got into boats and put out hooks and grappling lines, but she could not be found. the designer of the craft stated as his opinion that "he might have known better than to trust them pesky niggers anyway," and he was willing to bet that they had taken the opportunity to steal the vessel and run away. he asserted that very likely they would take the boat up north and give it to the yankees, and that they could expect to hear of the "yanks" using it to blow up some of their own (confederate) ships. her disappearance remained a mystery for a great many years--until long after the war closed, in fact, and the incident had been forgotten. years afterward, during some dredging operations to deepen the harbor, the dredge buckets one day got hold of something they could not lift. a diver was sent down to investigate, and he reported that there was some metal object buried in the mud which looked like a steam boiler. they set to work to raise this, and putting chains around it they lifted it on to the wharf. the old gentleman, in closing the narrative, remarked, "and do you know, suh, when they opened the hatch them two blamed niggers was still in thar, but they warn't wuth a damned cent." one amusing experience that i had occurred in the chesapeake bay in 1898, a few miles below the potomac river. we were bound from baltimore to hampton roads, and a part of the journey was made on the bottom of the bay. we found this exceedingly interesting, as we could sit in the divers' compartment and view, through the open divers' door, the various kinds of bottom we were passing over, rake up oysters and clams, catch crabs with a crab net, and amuse ourselves in trying to spear fish. the _argonaut_ at this time had a double pipe mast fifty feet in height, through one of which we got air to run our engines. the other was to provide for the exhaust. we carried a red flag on top of this mast as a warning to surface vessels to keep clear. one afternoon we had been submerged about four hours, running on the bottom in depths varying from twenty-five to forty-five feet; night coming on, we decided to come up and seek a harbor. when we came to the surface we noticed a "bugeye" (a small schooner) "hove to" about fifty yards to the leeward. i blew the centre tank, which brought our conning tower up out of the water, opened the hatch, and hailed the skipper of the bugeye to ask our location and the nearest harbor. he did not wait to answer, but as soon as i yelled he squared away "wing and wing" for the shore. as there was a stiff breeze blowing, it did not take him long to make it, and he ran his vessel right up on the sandy beach, where we saw him and another man--who composed the crew--clamber out over the bow and start to run inland as fast as they could go, leaving their boat without so much as lowering their sails. we finally located ourselves as just north of the mouth of the rappahannock river, and saw that there was a good harbor very near, so we put in there for the night. after supper, as we were in need of fresh provisions, we went ashore and learned that there was a store a couple of miles down the peninsula. we walked down there and found the store full of natives who were obviously curious as to our identity and business. finally the storekeeper gathered up his courage and asked us who we were. when he learned that we were down on an experimental cruise in the submarine boat _argonaut_, he burst into laughter and told us that we had solved a mystery which had stirred up the entire community. he then explained that just about dark one of his neighbors, who never had been known to drink and whose reputation for veracity was excellent, had rushed into the store, followed by his mate. both were pale from fright, and sank on the porch completely exhausted. they then related a weird tale of seeing a red flag moving down the bay _against the current_ on a buoy. when they went alongside of it they heard a "puff-puff" like a locomotive--that was the exhaust from our engine coming up out of the pipe--and, furthermore, they stated that they had smelt sulphur distinctly. just then, they claimed, the buoy commenced to rise up and a smokestack--our conning tower--came up out of the water and "out stepped the devil"--myself, who at that time had on a rather brilliant red cap. then they had "moseyed" for shore as fast as they could go. the storekeeper said that they had put the honorable captain to bed, and implied that he would be "right smart mad" when he learned how he had deceived himself. we went back to our boat and got an early start in the morning, as we did not know but that the "guying" of his neighbors might "rile" the captain considerably--and these virginians are usually pretty good rifle shots. one of the greatest dangers in submarine navigation is that of being run down by surface vessels when the submarine comes to the surface after a deep submergence. i mean by a deep submergence when the vessel goes down so far that the water covers the top of her periscope and the commander gets out of touch with surface vessels. all submarine commanders have probably had narrow escapes from this danger; it is one of the chances that go with the business. i myself have had several very close calls. the first was with the _protector_ manoeuvring in rough weather in long island sound off bridgeport in 1903. the weather was exceedingly rough, the wind blowing a halfgale and blowing the spume from the white-caps into spray. some of our directors were in a large towboat at anchor and we were manoeuvring in their vicinity, running back and forth, submerging, etc., so that they might observe how steadily she could run in a rough sea. finally, upon submerging, we observed a sloop in distress; part of her rigging had been carried away, and she was half full of water. the sea had broken the cabin windows and she was on the verge of sinking. we observed this through the periscope, so we came up and got a line to her and took her into bridgeport. there were several young men aboard her, and when they first saw us standing on our conning tower they thought we also had been wrecked and were on top of a buoy. as the _protector_ had functioned beautifully and we had in addition saved a shipwrecked crew, i felt quite proud of the day's performance, and was greatly surprised, therefore, when i reported to the directors, who had preceded us into the harbor, to have one of them "call me down" for taking such a foolhardy chance in submerging just in front of the steamer _bridgeport_. he was astonished when i told him that i had never seen the steamer, and then he informed me that i had submerged just under her bow, and as she was going very fast they all expected us to be hit. the white-caps and spray had prevented us from seeing the steamer, as our periscope was a short one and only gave us intermittent views in the rough water. i was curious to learn whether the captain of the steamer had seen us, but i was told by him that he had not. the rough water had prevented the captain from seeing the wake of our periscope, just as it had made it impossible for us to catch a sight of his vessel. at another time of close escape i was in the channel leading from the gulf of finland into cronstadt, russia. we were requested to conduct some manoeuvres for the purpose of familiarizing the russian officers and crew with the method of handling the boat. admiral rodjevensky's fleet was outfitting off cronstadt, preparing to start for the orient. as the officers of the battle squadron had never seen a submarine in operation, we were requested to conduct our manoeuvres in their vicinity. one of the high russian admirals, whom i afterward met at the officers' club in cronstadt, said to me: "mr. lake, i do not like your submarine boat. one can never tell where it is going to bob up, and i think if you were my enemy i should slip my anchor and run." after manoeuvring around the fleet at anchor we took a run out in the channel. captain alexander gadd, the officer who was to command the _protector_, was in the sighting hood. our periscope had gone "blind" because one of the crew did not make up a joint properly. water had entered and dropped on the lower prism, which destroyed our ability to see. we were anxious, however, to continue our manoeuvres, and captain gadd had volunteered to "con" the vessel from the sighting hood and give us our steering directions. we were thus able to make submergences of short duration. in leaving the port we appeared to have a clear passageway down the channel. after running for a few minutes we brought the sighting hood above the surface, upon which captain gadd became very much excited and cried out in german--which i had no difficulty in understanding--that a big ship was coming right toward us. i was puzzled to know what to do, so i pulled the commander away from the sighting hood, got a look myself, and discovered a big white ship headed directly for us. the only thing to do under the circumstances was to blow the centre tank, give the signal to back up, and to blow our whistle, as there was hardly sufficient time to turn out of our course. blowing the centre tank relieved us very quickly of sufficient water to bring the conning tower above the surface. fortunately we were observed, and both vessels reversed and went full speed astern, thus preventing a collision which only could have been disastrous to us, because, as there was not sufficient depth of water in the channel to permit the large ship to pass over us, the small boat would have been crushed like an egg-shell. by looking at the chart i saw that we had sufficient water on either side of the main channel to carry on our work of instructing the crew, so i instructed the quartermaster, in english, to change his course. captain gadd, not understanding english, was not aware that i had changed the course, and i did not know that mines had been planted for the defense of cronstadt and admiral rodjevensky's fleet, so the next time we came to the surface captain gadd once more became very much excited, finally making me understand that we were in a mine field. it seems that the russians feared the japanese might by hook or crook, during the night or at a time of fog, which at that time of the year occurred frequently, get hold of some vessel, equip her with torpedoes, and make a raid on the fleet at anchor. consequently they had mined all except the principal channel, which could be watched. we immediately stopped the _protector_, blew tanks, and proceeded with caution back to the main channel and returned to cronstadt. i felt that we had had sufficient manoeuvres for that day at least. another experience which came very close to a tragedy was brought about by the spirit of mischief of one of the trial officers while conducting the official trials of the _protector_ in the gulf of finland. one of the trial conditions set by the russian government was that we were to be able to run the _protector_ under her engine with her decks submerged and conning tower awash, i standing in the open hatchway with the _protector_ running under these conditions, ready for instant submergence, her conning tower being held above the surface by setting her hydroplanes up. by pulling the hatch cover down and inclining the hydroplanes downward the vessel could be almost instantly submerged--submergence not occupying over fifteen seconds. i had so much confidence in the safety of the _protector_ running in this condition that i did not hesitate to leave the depth-control mechanism for considerable periods of time. during this official trial in the gulf of finland we ran through a school of small fish, and, leaving the hydroplane control gear, i went out upon the deck of the conning tower and watched the fish, which could be plainly seen as the _protector_ passed through them. at this time there was about three feet of water over the decks, and the deck of the conning tower was about a foot or eighteen inches out of the water. all at once the _protector_ started to go down. i jumped down inside the conning tower, pulling the hatch after me, and i am free to confess that my hair stood on end. i then observed that the _protector_ had gone back to her normal condition, and saw at the same time that the senior russian officer, a very tall man who had to stand in a stooping position in the conning tower, was shaking with laughter. captain gadd then explained to me that the other officer--i shall not mention his name, because he is now a high admiral--had "set" the hydroplanes a little down for the purpose of seeing if he could frighten me. he frightened me all right, and i assure you that i never ran the _protector_ afterward in that condition, because i came to the conclusion that, while it might be possible to make a submarine fool-proof, one could never make reasonable calculations which would eliminate danger from the actions of the practical joker. it was only a few weeks after this incident that i read the account of the a-8, one of the diving type of boats in the british navy, making the fatal dive when running on the surface with the hatch open, even though she had, according to the testimony of the officer, who was standing on the top of the conning tower at the time she went down--and drowned her crew--as much as six or eight tons reserve of buoyancy. some of the early boats of the diving type were fitted with fixed periscopes through which one could see in one direction only, and that straight ahead, and with a limited field of vision. in order to get a complete view of the horizon it was therefore necessary for the commander of a vessel equipped in this way to turn the boat completely around. this was the cause of the first serious accident and loss of life in the british submarines of the a type. the a-1, running in the english channel with her periscope extended above the surface, did not see a steamer following her at a speed exceeding her own; the lookout of the steamer did not see the periscope, and ran the a-1 down, drowning her entire crew. the foolishness of having a periscope that could see in one direction only was demonstrated by some of the officers in the austrian navy. our company had built the first two boats for the austrian government, u-1 and u-2. another type of boat had been built later which had only a fixed periscope of the type described. one day, when this submarine was running along with her periscope above the surface, which gave her commander no vision back of him, some officers approached in a speedy little launch and left their cards tied to the periscope without the knowledge of the commander of the submerged vessel. this demonstrated perfectly that it is essential, both in war and peace times, for the commander of the submarine to know what is going on in his vicinity on the surface. with the noise of machinery running it was difficult in the early boats for the commander to tell whether there was any other power boat in the vicinity of the submarine. that fact led to the practice of running mostly with the periscope above the surface, and eventually to the introduction of two periscopes, one to con the course of the ship and the other to keep watch of the surrounding water to see that other ships do not approach the submarine unawares. that is now the usual practice in peace-time manoeuvres. at hampton roads, on one occasion, after a submarine run, we came up under a small launch and picked her up bodily on the deck. we had not seen the boat until we heard her bump against the conning tower and heard some of the ladies scream. we submerged quickly and lowered them into the water again. another time we came up under a large barge, but all the damage incurred was a broken flagstaff. the best mode of procedure at such times is to bring the vessel to rest while submerged and stop all machinery, then listen for the sound of the machinery of surface vessels. these noises can be heard for a considerable distance under water. if no sound is heard it is then safe to come up. even in this case there is some possibility of coming up under or just in front of a sailing vessel. one has to take some chances, and i do not consider this taking any greater chance than is taken by the navigator of a surface vessel in running in a fog or in a snow storm. the question of air supply was at one time one of the most difficult problems to solve on paper with which early experimenters with submarines had to contend. there was no exception in my case. i thought it would be possible to remain submerged only a short time unless i provided some sort of apparatus to extract the carbonic acid gas and restore oxygen to the air after breathing and exhaling the air in an enclosed space like a submerged vessel. i took up the question with various physicians and with a professor of physiology at johns hopkins university, and, according to their information and text-books, it would be a very difficult matter to carry sufficient air to remain submerged without change of air except for a very short time. their text-books stated the quantity of free air that should be allowed per individual. this varied from fifteen hundred to three thousand cubic feet of air per individual per hour. it would be impossible to provide this amount of air in a submarine. what it was essential to discover was _how little_ air a man could live on without suffering ill effects. i then built a box containing twenty-seven cubic feet of air space. i entered this and was hermetically sealed within it. at fifteen-minute intervals i lighted matches to note how freely they would burn. at the expiration of three-quarters of an hour the matches still burned brilliantly at the top of the box, but went out when lowered to about the level of my waist. this indicated that about one-half of the oxygen had been consumed and converted into carbonic acid gas. i was surprised to find how distinctly the line was drawn between the air containing oxygen and that containing the heavier carbonic acid gas. i concluded from this experiment that from fifteen to twenty cubic feet of air per individual per hour was sufficient to maintain life for short periods of time without injury. on completing the _argonaut_ in 1897 we amplified these experiments, five men remaining hermetically sealed in the _argonaut_ for a period of five hours without admitting any air from our air storage tanks, and later on in the _protector_ eight men remained submerged for twenty-four hours, no fresh air being admitted during the first twenty hours. as the volume of air space in the _protector_ was about three thousand cubic feet, this averaged about eighteen cubic feet per man per hour. without the definite knowledge of my previous box experiment it is very doubtful if the crew would have consented to remain submerged so long without renewing the air supply, so great is the effect of imagination. in our first test to determine a practical time of submergence in 1897 we had been submerged for nearly two hours when i noticed some members of the crew showing signs of distress. after a time they got together in the after part of the boat and appointed a spokesman, who came to me and asked if i had not noticed that breathing had become very difficult. they urged that we should go up immediately. by this time two of the men were breathing with evident exertion, and beads of perspiration were on their faces. i told them they were suffering from imagination, and explained my experiment with the box. i then took a candle and proved to them that it burned freely in all parts of the boat. we measured the height of the candle flame at the floor of the boat and found it one and five-eighths inches high. in the twenty-four hours' test on the _protector_ the men became frightened in the same way, but after an explanation had been made and the candle demonstration had been shown them they lost their fear and in a few minutes all were breathing as normally as ever. i have always had some little sympathy for the sensations or fears which those without a knowledge of natural physics might experience on going down into the water; but i have had little sympathy for those who by their education should know and understand the principles of submarine navigation, when operating with a properly designed boat with an experienced crew. now, one of the features which the _argonaut_ possessed, which was new in its application to submarine boats at that time, was the use of a diving compartment and air-lock connected with the main hull of the vessel, which would permit divers to leave the vessel when submerged by opening a door in the bottom of this diving compartment after first filling the compartment with compressed air corresponding to the pressure of the water outside of the vessel, which varies in accordance with the depth of submergence. every schoolboy is taught the principle of the diving bell, which can be illustrated by the use of a tumbler or glass. if a tumbler is turned upside down and forced into water, the water will not rise to fill the tumbler, owing to the fact that the air, being the lighter, will remain in the tumbler and the water will simply rise, compressing the air to the same pressure per square inch as the pressure surrounding it. now if you push a tumbler down into the water a distance of thirty-four feet the tumbler would be about one-half full of water and one-half full of air, which corresponds to one atmosphere in pressure. now if an additional tumbler full of air was compressed to the same pressure and released in that tumbler it would force the water out, and there would be a double volume, or two atmospheres of air, in the tumbler, or just twice what there would be on the surface and under normal atmospheric pressure. this is the principle on which the diving compartment in the lake type boat operates, it being only necessary to admit air into the diving compartment until the pressure equals the outside water pressure; then a door opening outwardly from the bottom may be opened to permit ready egress or ingress, and so long as the air pressure is maintained no water will rise in the boat. a professor of physics in the university of pennsylvania visited the _argonaut_ in baltimore during some early experiments with her, and in discussing the features of the diving compartment with which, from his position as a professor of natural physics, he should have been entirely familiar, expressed some doubt as to its practicability. he said he understood the theory of it all right, but thought there might be some difficulty in carrying it out in a practical way as i had explained. i invited him into the diving compartment and told him that i would submerge the boat and open the door for him for his benefit, so that he could explain to his students that he had actually seen it done. he turned pale and said, "oh, no; i would not put you to that trouble for the world"; but by that time i had the heavy iron door closed between the diving compartment and the main hull, and had already started to raise the pressure of the air in the compartment, and assured him that it was not the least trouble in the world; on the contrary, it was a great pleasure. by this time beads of perspiration were standing on his face. when one undergoes air pressure for the first time considerable pain is ofttimes experienced in the ears, due to the pressure on the eustachian tubes and ear-drums not becoming equalized. to equalize this pressure it is necessary for divers or those undergoing pressure to go through the movement of swallowing, which has a tendency to relieve the unequal pressure and stop the pain. i noticed that the professor was experiencing quite a little pain and consequently told him to swallow, and it was really amusing to see the rapidity with which he worked his "adam's apple" up and down. he then asked if there was any danger. i answered him that there was none, except to those who were troubled with heart-disease. he immediately put his hand up over his heart and said, "well, my heart is quite seriously affected," but by that time we had secured the necessary pressure to enable me to open the diving door at the bottom, so i released the "locking dogs" and allowed the door to open, and when he saw the water did not come in, his face cleared and he said, "well, you know i never would have believed it if i had not seen it," and then he added that he would not have missed seeing it for the world. another interesting incident in connection with undergoing pressure occurred while at hampton roads, va. one day i received a visit from a professor of mathematics and his wife at the hampton institute, each of whom held a professorship in the college. they stated that the _argonaut_ had been discussed before the faculty and that they would like very much to go down in her and see the diving door opened, which i was very glad to show them. just previous to going into the diving compartment professor s---explained to me that his wife was deaf in one ear, that she had been under a physician's care for about two years, and he wanted to know if undergoing pressure was likely to have an injurious effect upon her. not being a physician or knowing what might occur, i advised against her undergoing pressure; but she insisted on going into the compartment, promising that if she felt any ill effect from the air pressure she would tell me and i could let her out. i was reluctant to have her go in, and when we entered the compartment i allowed the air to come in very slowly, in the meantime giving a general description of the vessel, and occupying as long a time in the procedure as possible. i noticed almost at once that she was in pain. although she turned her back to me, i could tell by her clenched jaws and hands that she was probably suffering agony. i then stopped the pressure and suggested to the professor that he had better let his wife go out, but through clenched teeth she still protested, "no, go ahead; i can stand it!" finally we got the pressure on and opened the door, but, while the professor seemed delighted, his wife made no remark. she simply stood with her hands clenched and i was afraid she was going to faint. then all at once she screamed; but immediately after her face lighted up with a smile and she exclaimed, "it is all gone!" when she came out of the compartment, after the experiment was over, i noticed her put her hand up to one ear, and she said to her husband, "do you know, i can hear as plainly out of that ear as i ever could!" about a year afterward i saw professor s---and he told me that apparently the experiment had cured his wife of deafness where physicians had failed to help her; that to date it had never returned, and that she could hear as well as she had ever heard. in discussing this matter with an ear specialist some time afterward, he explained to me that the lady had probably been suffering with a disease which caused the small bones connected with the ear-drum to freeze fast, so that the ear-drum did not vibrate. he stated that it is a very common cause of deafness and can seldom be cured; that the bringing of the uneven pressure on the eustachian tube or other parts had broken away the secretion which had cemented these small bones together and permitted the ear-drum to vibrate as it should, and probably that was the only way in which she could have been helped. i am publishing this incident in the hope that it may lead to the construction of scientific apparatus for the cure of deafness in cases where the deafness is caused by trouble similar to that of the professor's wife. after our experiments with the _argonaut_ in the chesapeake bay and on the atlantic coast, she was enlarged and otherwise improved and in the winter of 1899 i brought her to bridgeport, connecticut, which offered excellent harbor conveniences and deep water, as well as providing the necessary manufacturing facilities for continuing my experimental work. while there the request was made of me to let some of the newspaper people and some prominent men of the town witness her trials; i therefore invited them to take a trip out into the sound. i remember that we extended in all twenty-eight invitations to the mayor, to the press, and to some other prominent citizens, expecting that perhaps three or four of the number would accept. very much to my surprise, twenty-nine appeared, and only one of those who had received the invitation failed to come, while two others brought their friends with them. among the number was john j. fisher, at that time quite a noted singer for the american graphophone company. i had planned to cook and serve a dinner for the party on board, and we intended to be back about two o'clock in the afternoon, but when we got out on the bottom of the sound all the different members of the party wanted to see the bottom, so we travelled out over some oyster beds and clam beds and i opened the diving door and let the party all see the bottom of the sound and pick up clams and "jingle" shells, in depths varying from twenty-four to thirty-odd feet, while running along the bottom. the air-lock was small and we could take only two at a time through it into the diving compartment. in the meantime a meal had been cooked for the others and served. mr. fisher amused the company by singing "rocked in the cradle of the deep" and other songs appropriate to the occasion. we did not arrive at bridgeport until after four o'clock, and then found the wharf black with an excited populace, largely composed of friends of those who had taken the trip. tugboats had been engaged, and the editor of one of the afternoon papers gave me a very severe "dressing down" for having kept the party out so long, as the whole city was excited and every one feared that we had been lost. the afternoon editions of the papers had all been held up awaiting our return, and the editor of the paper in question informed me that they were just telegraphing new york for a wrecking outfit to come and raise us, as they had sent a tugboat out and the captain had reported that we were submerged off stratford point light and that our red flag, which extended from the top of the mast, was above water, but that we were not moving at that time and hence they thought that all hands must have perished. working under water from a submarine boat is very interesting work. the _argonaut_ was built with the idea of demonstrating the practicability of conducting explorations under water, locating and recovering beds of shellfish, in addition to locating and recovering wrecks and their cargoes. this line of work is the most interesting of the submarine work in which i have been engaged, and offers, in my judgment, great opportunities for the benefit of the human race. a submarine boat is a rather expensive craft, however, for conducting such operations, and there are certain disadvantages in operating around wrecks in a submarine without any surface connections, as there is always a possibility of the vessel becoming entangled in the wreckage of the sunken ship. i remember in one case we had located a sunken wreck and had gone down alongside of her with the _argonaut_. this sunken wreck had an overhanging guard and was quite strongly built. the tide carried the _argonaut_ up against the side of the sunken wreck, and after our divers had come in and made their report in regard to her we attempted to come up to the surface, but the argonaut could not come up, because the current had carried her in under the guard, and it was necessary for us to wait until the tide turned to enable us to get away from the obstruction. at another time we were operating alongside of a wreck in which we were demonstrating the practicability of removing cargo from the sunken wreck to a small experimental cargo or freight-carrying submarine. this freight-carrying submarine was practically a tank, and was built purely for demonstrating purposes. it was nine feet in diameter and twenty-five feet long, with conical ends (see illustration, page 278). it had wheels underneath so that it could be towed on the bottom by the _argonaut_. the _argonaut_ had gone down alongside of a sunken wreck loaded with coal, with the freight submarine alongside opposite to the wreck. the _argonaut_ had a centrifugal wrecking pump mounted on her deck, driven by a shaft extending through a stuffing box, and to fill the little cargo-carrying submarine it was necessary for the diver only to place the suction pipe connected with the wrecking pump into the sunken coal barge and the discharge pipe into the hatch of the cargo submarine, start the pump, and transfer the coal from the sunken wreck to the cargo-carrying submarine. we made several successful demonstrations of this, and actually transferred fifteen tons of coal from the sunken wreck to the cargo submarine with a six-inch pump in nine minutes. it was then necessary for the diver only to close the hatch of the freight-carrying submarine, admitting compressed air into the interior which blew the water out through check valves in the bottom of the freight submarine, and then the freight submarine would come to the surface with her cargo, which could be towed into port on the surface by surface tugboats. one day, when down on the bottom repeating this experiment, the diver came back into the diving compartment and said that he wanted the _argonaut_ moved ahead about twenty feet. the divers, having become familiar with the operation at this time, were a little careless. there were three of us in the diving compartment at the time, and it was "up to me" to go back into the machinery compartment and move the boat forward twenty feet; we could tell the distance by the revolutions of her wheels over the bottom. i told them to close the bottom diving door, and when i left the diving compartment they were in the act of doing so. as i looked back through the lookout window in the air-lock door i saw that the diver had taken off his helmet and was smoking his pipe--this being the first thing a diver always wants to do when coming out of the water. i then started to move the boat, assuming that the diving door was closed, but the boat did not move. having been at rest there for some time, i assumed that she had probably taken in through a leaky valve some additional water, and i decided that it was necessary to lighten her somewhat, so i called on the telephone and asked them if everything was all right in the diving compartment and they replied that it was. i then pumped and tried her again; still she did not move, so i pumped out a little more from the forward end of the boat for the purpose of lightening her burden some more. all at once she left the bottom with a rapid rush and ascended to the surface. there was something which held her down, i do not know what it was, but it was not released until we had given her a partial buoyancy of perhaps two or three tons. i submerged her again quickly and went back through the air-lock into the diving compartment and then observed that the diver was taking off his diving suit; he was pale and appeared to be very much excited. i asked his helper, who was laughing, what the matter was. to this question the diver himself replied, "i will tell you a funny story when we get ashore." the tender then explained to me that they had not closed the door entirely, but had left it open about four inches, and when the boat rose, the air, rushing out of the compartment with a noise like a thousand locomotive whistles, had scared captain s---half to death. the tender had been with me in the diving compartment once before when a similar accident occurred and consequently he was used to it. as soon as we got alongside of the dock the diver referred to jumped ashore and said, "the funny story i am going to tell you is this: i will never set foot in your d---boat again." another amusing situation occurred on the _argonaut_ which might have proved very serious. after we had completed our experiments with the _argonaut_ and started to build the _protector_, not having any immediate use for her, the _argonaut_ was anchored in the river off the place where we were conducting our building operations. our engineer, w----, received a visit one day from a friend of his who had visited bridgeport on his wedding trip and had left his wife in the depot between trains while he ran up to see his old friend, our chief engineer. the chief took him out on board the _argonaut_ to show him through, and in explaining the boat to him the two men went into the diving compartment. now the argonaut had been shut up for some months, but the chief found that there was still sufficient air in the air tanks to enable him to admit the air into the diving compartment and show his friend how the door could be opened. the door, which opened downward, was quite heavy, weighing something over four hundred pounds, and was raised by block and tackle. he got the air pressure on all right and opened the door; the boat was near the bottom, and when the door opened downward the lower end of it settled into the mud. in attempting to lift it again the rope, which had become rotten, due to dampness, broke, and consequently he could not lift the door. in the meantime the tide was falling and the diving door was forced farther into the mud. as no one at the works knew that the chief had gone on board the _argonaut_, when night came everybody went home and it was not until eleven o'clock that night that the watchman went down to the end of the pier and heard some one tapping on the _argonaut_. thinking this somewhat strange, he got into a boat and rowed out alongside. he still heard the tapping at regular intervals, and was astonished to see a small boat alongside; then he struck the _argonaut_ with his oar and immediately got a rapid tattoo in response. feeling sure now that somebody in distress must be down in the _argonaut_, he got a lantern, went down inside the boat and forward to the diving compartment. there, on the other side of the lookout window, he saw the face of the engineer. the chief had made the mistake of closing the forward air-lock door, so that when he got the pressure on in the diving compartment and the diving door open he could not close it again. there was no way for him to relieve the pressure and open the air-lock door without flooding the whole boat; while, had he closed the first or inner door he could have gone through into the air-lock, closing and securing the forward door behind him. he could then have released the air from the air-lock and escaped, in the meantime leaving the pressure on in the diver's compartment and the divers' door open. when the watchman appeared the chief wrote a note and put it up to the window, instructing the watchman to close the inner air-lock door. this was done, and then he and his friend got out. it was nearly midnight when they were released; and, feeling a natural curiosity in the circumstances, i asked the chief if his friend found his bride still waiting for him at the station. he replied that after they had managed to get out his visitor would not even speak to him, and that he had never heard from him since the occurrence. i have described above how i ran grave risks while navigating in russian waters, and it was in connection with the construction and delivery of these same boats for the russian government that i met with still other interesting experiences. [illustration: the launching of the "protector" built in bridgeport, connecticut, in 1901-1902. sent to vladivostock, russia, during the russian-japanese war, and was the only russian submarine in full commission during that war. she was the forerunner of the german u type of boat, with her large flat deck, light-weight watertight superstructure and hydroplane control.] at the time of the russo-japanese war the _protector_ was being tried out in long island sound, and representatives of both warring countries sent officers to witness her perform and to make propositions for her purchase. russia secured her, however, and it then became a problem to get her out of the country without evading the neutrality laws. we discovered that we were being watched by spies, and had reason to believe that if it became known that russia had purchased her, and that we were planning to take her out of the country, an injunction would be secured against us. we had secured high legal advice that if she were shipped incomplete we would not be evading the united states laws, but that she might, notwithstanding this precaution, be captured on the high seas or held in this country by injunction as contraband. we therefore removed her battery and sent it to new york, ostensibly for repairs; from there it was later shipped to russia _via_ steamer. the agents of the russian government then chartered the steamer _fortuna_ to carry a cargo of coal from norfolk, va., to libau, russia. while loading coal, heavy timbers to form a cradle on the deck were also shipped on board, and while coming up the coast this cradle was assembled and the _fortuna's_ decks strengthened sufficiently to carry the _protector_, which had been stripped down to about one hundred and thirty tons by the removal of her battery. the plan was that the _fortuna_ should come into sandy hook at midnight on saturday and proceed to prince's bay, a cove back of staten island. there the _protector_ was to be picked up by the powerful floating derrick, the _monarch_, and the _fortuna_, with the _protector_ on her deck, was then to get outside of sandy hook before daylight and pass the three-mile limit on sunday morning. none of my crew was in the secret that an effort was to be made to get the _protector_ out of the country before legal proceedings could be taken to prevent her going; and, as she had no batteries on board, they were much surprised to be informed on saturday--the morning of the day set to make the attempt--that they were to bring their suitcases and a change of clothing with them, as i was going to give the _protector_ a trial under her engines alone and we might be away a day or two. when we left bridgeport i headed the _protector_ away from new york, and our men thought we were bound for newport, but as soon as we got out of sight of the shore, in which we were assisted by a fog, i ran over under the long island shore and headed for new york. we remained in hiding during the day and passed through hell gate, the entrance into the east river, at about nine o'clock, and reached prince's bay according to schedule; but the _fortuna_ did not appear until eight o'clock on sunday morning. fortunately for the enterprise, a very heavy rainstorm came up and shut out all view of us from the shore until the _protector_ had been loaded and was out to sea. before she sailed i called my crew together and told them that the _protector_ had been sold to a foreign country, and that, although i could not tell them to whom or to what port she was bound, i should like some of them to go with me to assist me in training the foreign crew to operate her. every man volunteered and was anxious to go, so i selected those i wanted and they took their suitcases on board the _fortuna_. it was seven years before some of these men returned to america. the _protector_ was covered with canvas and she was sighted but once on her way across. to prevent suspicion i returned to bridgeport for a few days and then took the fast steamer _kaiser wilhelm ii_ to cherbourg and was met by the russian ambassador in paris, who gave me russian passports under the assumed name of elwood simons, as the russian government did not wish it to become known that it had purchased the _protector_ or that the builder was coming to russia to instruct their officers and men in the use of submarines. this travelling about under an assumed name brought about some amusing complications and experiences later. i arrived at libau by train the morning the _fortuna_ and _protector_ arrived off that port, but the government had decided to send her on to cronstadt, the principal naval station and defense of st. petersburg, now called petrograd, so orders were given accordingly. on the way up the baltic the coverings over the _protector_ had been removed, and a russian torpedo boat, seeing her, made off at full speed, soon to return with another torpedo boat and a larger gunboat and beginning to fire blank shots for the _fortuna_ to stop. the captain did not stop quickly enough, and then they fired solid shot just in front of the _fortuna's_ bow and she was forced to stop. it developed that one of the officers had recognized the _protector_ from having seen the pictures of her, but, not knowing that she had been bought by his own government, suspected that the japanese government had purchased her, and that she would probably be launched somewhere in the baltic and attack the russian fleet. he then sent an armed prize crew on board the _fortuna_ to take her into cronstadt as a prize--which incidentally was where she was bound, anyhow. on arriving at cronstadt we were met by a number of officers of the russian navy, among whom were captain becklemechief and chief constructor bubonoff, who were the joint designers of the russian submarine _delphine_, which had recently been completed. while sitting in the _fortuna's_ cabin exchanging congratulations upon the safe arrival of the _protector_ a telegram was brought in to captain becklemechief which, i noticed, caused his hitherto cheerful face to assume a grave aspect. he handed it to constructor bubonoff with a word in russian which i could not understand. a little later, on our way to petrograd, he informed me that the _delphine_ had sunk and drowned twenty-three officers and men, a number of whom were in training to be transferred to the _protector_ to make up her crew upon her arrival. we passed her on our way into petrograd. she lay just off the baltic works dock, and divers were then recovering the bodies. [illustration: the "delphine" russian submarine, which drowned 23 of her crew the day the author arrived at cronstadt.] it appears that thirty-five men, all told, were on board, and that her conning tower hatch was closed by a lever arm connected to a nut which travelled on a threaded shaft operated from down inside the vessel, and it is believed that the officer in command gave the order to fill certain tanks which were usually filled previous to closing the hatch, not taking into consideration the fact that there was so much more weight on board than usual, due to so many more men--eight being the usual crew--and at the same time giving the order to close the hatch. just then a steamer came by and a sea broke into the hatch, which frightened one of the men so that he tried to get out, and succeeded in getting one shoulder and his head out of the hatch. his body prevented the man down below from closing the hatch before the vessel had sunk with all hands; but after she sank either the man at the closing mechanism or some one else must have had sufficient presence of mind to open the hatch again, as twelve of the men were carried up out of the boat, presumably by the air bubbles which must escape from any enclosed airtight vessel before it can become entirely filled with water. this phenomenon may be observed by taking a bottle and forcing it down under water; the water will rush in and compress the air, and then the compressed air will overcome the pressure of the incoming water and rush out, carrying some of the water with it. two of these men and captain tillian, who escaped, were afterward members of the _protector's_ crew. captain tillian told me that he was in the after part of the boat when she sank, and the last he remembered was being in water up to his breast and that one of the sailors asked him to kiss him good-bye. the captain was picked up on the surface unconscious. another of the men said that he was carried to one end of the boat on the first inrush of water and then he felt himself being rapidly carried back to the centre of the boat and heard a sharp hissing sound like the rush of air. the next thing he recalled was coming to on the dock. the _alligator_ was the first of the large cruising type of submarines which we built for the russian government. these vessels were five hundred and thirty-five tons submerged displacement, which was about twice that of the displacement of any submarines which had previously been built; and i was very anxious to get a trial of her before the winter season came on in the fall of 1907. as the winter closes all navigation in the gulf of finland for six or seven months, and as there were a number of new features to be tried out in this boat, i knew that unless i succeeded in getting a trial before the winter shut down i would have several months of worry as to whether or not the boat would function satisfactorily when submerged. delays occurred, so that we were not able to get our trial as early as expected. the action of the weather indicated that navigation was likely to be closed within a day's time, as frequently occurs in those northern latitudes. we had not received the periscopes or lights, and the boat was not entirely completed, but was sufficiently far advanced to make it safe for me to try her on a submerged run. consequently we arranged with the commandant of cronstadt to supply us with a sea-going tender and went out for a trial in the open gulf, where we could get sufficient water to navigate such a large boat. it was very rough and stormy, and it took us some little time to get our final adjustments to enable us to submerge completely. we found that we did not have sufficient ballast to enable her to be submerged by filling the usual water ballast tanks, so we had to let some additional water in her motor-room, being careful not to let it rise high enough to saturate the windings of our dynamo-motors. in the meantime the storm had been increasing in velocity and a very rough sea had arisen. i had observed through the sighting hood that the tender was making very bad weather of it; the last i saw of her she was pitching and jumping out of the water to such an extent that at times i could see her keel from the stem to nearly one-half her length. when we got under water we became so much interested in the operation, which was entirely satisfactory, that we did not come to the surface again for about fifteen minutes. then we simply rose for a look around and submerged again, giving no thought to the tender. the seas were so high that we could not see any distance from our sighting hood, and supposed she was somewhere in the vicinity. we continued our tests, alternately submerging and trying her out on the turns and at different speeds of motors until our battery was nearly run down, then we blew tanks and came to the surface just at dusk, expecting to find the tender to lead us back to cronstadt. we had no lights or compass at this time, but fortunately we were able to catch sight of one of the lightships off the entrance to the channel leading to the harbor of cronstadt, sufficient to set our course for port. by this time it was blowing a gale; in fact, it was the north storm which preceded the close of navigation, which followed a day or two later. finally it set in to sleet and rain, and shut off our view of the light. we had nothing to guide us, but took a chance on the general direction. fortunately we had no mines to fear, as the war had closed and they had been removed. finally it "cleared up" sufficiently for us to make out the lights again, and we got into cronstadt in the early hours of the morning. on our arrival at the dock we found the commandant of the port and a number of officers who had been informed of our arrival when we came through the war harbor gateway. we found the officers and men of the tender which had escorted us, all under arrest, and the commandant of the port asked me with very great seriousness if i would like to have them sent to siberia. it seems that they had waited about an hour after they saw us disappear, and had come to the conclusion that we were lost. the commander of the tender said that if he had remained out any longer he thought that he himself would have been lost, as the storm was so severe. it broke loose nearly everything he had in the boat, washed all of his portable deck fittings overboard, and he feared his vessel would founder. i explained to the commandant of the port that under the circumstances, and from my observations of the way the boat had jumped around when we submerged, as well as from the fact that the commander of the tender could not see us, he was justified in coming into port. i also said that i would be very greatly obliged to him--the commandant of the port--if he would release the captain and crew from arrest, with my compliments; and this, i am glad to say, was done. a number of submarine vessels with their crews have been lost in peace-time manoeuvres. the cause of loss has not always been easy to determine. in numerous cases it was undoubtedly due to faulty design, especially in boats of the diving type, where they lacked sufficient static stability and plunged headfirst into the bottom. numerous lives have been lost by the explosion of either gasolene fumes or hydrogen gas given off by the batteries, and some by asphyxiation, caused by the escape of the products of combustion from the engines, the accumulation of carbonic acid gas or chlorine gas generated by salt water getting into the batteries. these accidents are usually brought about by the carelessness of some member or members of the crew. i had been fortunate in not having any loss of life on any of my boats up to the beginning of the war, but ignorance and carelessness have, in several instances, caused injuries, and might as readily have caused loss of life. i have had a commander, after being coached as to proper procedure, to attempt to submerge his submarine vessel without checking up to see that hatches and ventilators were closed. when we were enlarging the _argonaut_ at erie basin, in brooklyn, i went down into the boat one day and found a strong odor of gasolene and saw numerous kerosene torches burning. upon investigation i found that two machinists who were dismantling the engine had broken the gasolene supply pipe and allowed the gasolene in the pipes to run out on the floor of the engine-room--about a half-gallon, i should judge. i ordered the men all out of the boat and blew out the torches, even taking the precaution to pinch the wicks. upon going up on the deck, a sub-foreman in charge of the men declared that there was no danger and ordered the men back to work. i objected, and went up to the main office to report that they were doing a dangerous thing, and to see if i could not get the superintendent to order a blower sent down to blow the gas fumes out of the boat. but before i could get his attention i saw the ambulance drive by, and learned that as soon as i had left the deck a couple of the men said i must be a d---fool to be afraid of a little gas, and they had then gone down in the boat and struck a match to relight one of the torches. by this time an explosive mixture had been formed, and i can only hope that the explosion which occurred, as well as the following weeks which they spent in hospital, have now convinced them, as well as some of the other doubters, that a little gasolene in an improper place is exceedingly dangerous. another more serious explosion occurred on one of our large cruising submarines at the new admiralty works in russia, which was due to a combination of both carelessness and ignorance. in this instance, gasolene had been sent down to the admiralty dock for conducting dock trials of the engines. when the fuel arrived, the boat was full of workmen, carpenters, pipe-fitters, machinists, etc., but, notwithstanding the fact that there were rules posted that all men should leave the boat when taking on gasolene--except an inspector, who should check up to see that the proper valves were opened and everything tight--the quartermaster in charge of the labor crew, without notifying anyone in charge or anyone aboard the boat, connected up with the supply system and started pumping the gasolene into the boat. the engine was then running and charging batteries. now it appears that one of the naval officers had--also without notifying the engineer--ordered a section of the filling pipe taken down for the purpose of having a branch pipe connection made in order to carry some additional fuel in the centre ballast tank--something we did not approve of; so, when the gasolene was pumped into the boat, instead of going into the proper tanks it ran out on the floor of the conning tower, then down through some openings for electric wires that had not yet been sealed, over the switchboard, and collected in a large puddle on the floor. one of the russian electricians, who had been aft adjusting the dynamos, finally noticed this gasolene running down over the switchboard and cried out in russian, "quick, leave the boat for your lives!" and in his excitement he pulled the switch through which the dynamos were charging the batteries. this created a spark, which was all that was needed to create an explosion. fortunately, this was a large boat and she had three exit hatches, all of which were open. a number of men were just in the act of going through the hatches; they were blown up into the air twenty-five or thirty feet, according to some observers, two of them falling into the water, from which they were rescued. many of the men were seriously burned, but none fatally. those most seriously injured were those near the hatches, as the flash of flame rose toward the hatches, the openings being the line of least resistance for the compressed air and gases. the men in the ends of the boat were not injured, while those midway between the hatches had about six inches of the bottom of their trousers burned to a crisp, which shows that the heavy gasolene fumes had not yet become thoroughly mixed with the air. i had been on board this vessel only a few minutes previous to this explosion and at that time everything was in proper order, but i had left to keep an appointment with the minister of marine. before reaching his office, however, one of our office men overtook me and notified me of the explosion. on my return i found great excitement, as it was reported that many men had been killed. the explosion had set fire to a lot of shavings and the wooden deck covering over the batteries, as well as some joiner work which was in process of erection. some of the yard officers had ordered the hatches battened down, but the engines were still running, receiving sufficient air through ventilators to supply combustion. it was reported that several men were missing, and it was believed they had been killed by the explosion and were still on board. in the meantime the minister of marine and other officers had arrived, also a couple of fire companies, and i requested them to open the hatches and see if they could not put out the fire and get out the bodies if any were there. the officers objected on the ground that if any water were put on board it probably, upon coming in contact with the batteries, would create a lot of hydrogen gas and cause a further and perhaps more disastrous explosion. finally i procured a couple of flasks of carbonic acid gas and let that into the boat over the battery compartment where the fire was, which smothered the flames, and then borrowed one of the firemen's smoke helmets and went down into the vessel, expecting to find some of the bodies of our missing men. the fire had burned the rubber insulators off the wires and some of the asphaltum insulators around the batteries, and the smoke was so thick that it was impossible to see anything, even with an electric lamp which i carried, but the heat was not very intense, as the flames had been put out by the carbonic gas and i found no bodies, so i ordered the hatches open, blowers put in, and a few buckets of water, which put out the embers. our missing men were later found in the hospital, where they had been rushed before their names had been taken. seventeen of the men were injured so badly that they had to go to the hospital, but the burns were mostly superficial, only the outer skin and hair being burned, and this was due to the instantaneous flash of the gasolene. they all eventually recovered. the following day i held an investigation and learned the above facts regarding the delivery of the gasolene on board, the breaking of the pipe, etc. several of the russian workmen saw the gasolene leaking down into the compartment; one whom i interrogated said it had been leaking in for about five minutes before the explosion. i asked him if he knew it was gasolene. he said, "yes." i asked him if he knew it was dangerous, and he said, "yes." i asked him then why he did not report it, and his reply was characteristic of the russian "moujik." he said, "i was sent down there to clean up the shavings after carpenters and not to look after the gasolene, as to whether that was being put on board in a proper manner or not, and i know enough to attend to my own business and do only what i am told to do." the evidence further shows that about a quarter of a barrel of gasolene had been pumped into the boat before it was discovered that the pipe had been disconnected. from the fact that the trousers of the men standing between the hatches were burned only about six inches up from the bottom, it shows that the gasolene fumes were still lying close to the floor, owing to the fact that the fumes of gasolene are heavier than atmospheric air. had the explosion come a few minutes later, when the gasolene fumes and the air had been more thoroughly mixed, the explosion would have been more powerful and would probably have killed every man on board, as it did in the italian submarine _foca_, when twenty-three men were killed by an explosion due to a leaky gasolene tank. there have been many other explosions, resulting in fatalities, in almost all of the navies using gasolene boats, especially where the fuel was carried in tanks built within the main hulls of the vessel, as it seems impossible to so "caulk" a seam in a tank that the fumes of gasolene will not leak through. the fact that it first settles to the floor makes it not easy to detect by the nostrils. when gasolene fumes become sufficiently mixed with air to rise up to the height of one's nostrils i always consider it an explosive mixture and would not think of striking a spark, as experiments show that a proper mixture of air and gasolene or hydrogen and air at only atmospheric pressure in an enclosed vessel will exert an explosive force of about ninety pounds per square inch, which will cause practically instant death. the above case, in regard to the russian vessel, was undoubtedly due to carelessness or thoughtlessness of the officer who ordered the pipe to be disconnected, and the ignorance of the "moujik" who failed to give warning when he saw the gasolene coming into the boat; also to the further thoughtlessness of the electrician who pulled the switch which made the spark. among other accidents that have happened in peace times, causing loss of life, are several in the british navy in vessels of the diving type; the _farfadet_ and _lutine_ in the french navy, due to lost control in diving; also the _pluviose_, which was run down and cut in two as she was coming to the surface; the _fulton_, during an experimental cruise, and the f-4, e-2, and f-1 in the american navy. in war time there have undoubtedly been many submarine vessels and entire crews lost, with none to tell the story of their passing. chapter iii experiences of pioneer inventors of the submarine the experiences of the pioneer inventors of the submarine, if known in detail, would undoubtedly afford many amusing incidents as well as some tragic ones. some of these have been treated in the previous chapter on the comedy and tragedy of submarine development. cornelius debrell must have been either something of a joker or else he was much further advanced in the art of revitalizing the air than are any of our modern scientists. his experiments attracted much attention during the reign of king james the first, and, according to the accounts published at that time, he must have been quite a court favorite, for it is reported that king james made a trip with him from westminster bridge to greenwich. the accounts assert that he could remain under water for long periods of time by simply pouring out a few drops of some secret liquid from a bottle which he carried with him. the celebrated ben jonson, in one of his works, refers to debrell and his celebrated boat in a humorous passage from one of his plays, "the staple of news," acted by "his majesty's servants" in 1625. p. jun.--have you no news against him, on the contrary? nath.--yes, sir. they write here, one cornelius-son hath made the hollanders an invisible eel, to swim the haven at dunkirk and sink all the shipping there.... p. jun.--but how is't done? cym.--i'll show you, sir. it is an automa, runs under water, with a snug nose, and has a nimble tail, made like an auger, with which tail she wriggles betwixt the costs (ribs) of a ship, and sinks it straight.... p. jun.--a most brave device, to murder their flat bottoms. (_act_ ii, _s._ 1.) of course, there are no authentic plans of debrell's boat in existence, but from the descriptions which were published in regard to it i am under the impression that probably he did succeed in submerging below the surface of the water and propelling her with the tide for some distances. the description tells of some very ingenious arrangements for submerging the boat, in which he used goatskins sewed together in the form of bags. the mouth of each bag was nailed over an orifice opening from the interior of the boat into the sea. these goatskins were placed between planks, with a sort of a chinese windlass arrangement for squeezing the planks together. when he wished to submerge the boat he allowed the planks to open out, and the water, rushing into the goatskins, increased the vessel's displacement so that it sank. when he wished to come to the surface he simply drew the planks together and squeezed the water out of the goatskins, thus restoring the vessel's buoyancy. according to description, the boat was propelled by oars extending through ports opening into the sides of the boat. goatskins sewed in the form of cones prevented the water from entering the vessel, the base of the cone being nailed to the sides of the boat, the apex of which was cut off and bound around the staff of the oar. this gave sufficient flexibility to feather the oars and row under water. nearly one hundred years after cornelius debrell's experiments an englishman by the name of day built a small wooden submarine and descended in it under the water. this experiment gave him sufficient confidence to undertake the construction of a large vessel, and he proposed to make a profit from its use by making wagers that he could descend to a depth of one hundred yards and remain there for a period of twenty-four hours. he built the vessel, placed his wagers, and descended. he won his wagers but never returned to the surface to claim them. [illustration: bushnell's submarine, the "american turtle"] during the revolutionary war dr. david bushnell, a resident of saybrook, connecticut, devised a submarine vessel called the _american turtle_. he aimed to destroy the british fleet anchored off new york during its occupation by general washington and the continental army. thatcher's _military journal_ gives an account of an attempt to sink a british frigate, the _eagle_, of sixty-four guns, by attaching a torpedo to the bottom of the ship by means of a screw manipulated from the interior of this submarine boat. a sergeant who operated the _turtle_ succeeded in getting under the british vessel, but the screw which was to hold the torpedo in place came in contact with an iron strap, refused to enter, and the implement of destruction floated down stream, where its clockwork mechanism finally caused it to explode, throwing a column of water high in the air and creating consternation among the shipping in the harbor. skippers were so badly frightened that they slipped their cables and went down to sandy hook. general washington complimented doctor bushnell on having so nearly accomplished the destruction of the frigate. if the performance of bushnell's _turtle_ was as successful as this, it seems strange that our new government did not immediately take up his ideas and make an appropriation for further experiments in the same line. when the attack was made on the _eagle_, doctor bushnell's brother, who was to have manned the craft, was sick, and a sergeant who undertook the task was not sufficiently acquainted with the operation to succeed in attaching the torpedo to the bottom of the frigate. had he succeeded, the _eagle_ would undoubtedly have been destroyed, and the event would have added the name of another hero to history and might have changed even the entire method of naval warfare. bushnell's plans did not receive any encouragement, however, and were bitterly opposed by the naval authorities. his treatment was such as to compel him to leave the country, but, after some years of wandering, under an assumed name he settled in georgia, where he spent his remaining days practising his profession. doctor bushnell was also the inventor of the submarine mine, with which he blew up a schooner anchored off new london, connecticut, and attempted to sink some british men-of-war in the delaware river off philadelphia by setting them adrift with the tide, expecting them to float down, strike against the sides of the ship, and then explode. fortunately for the ships, none of them happened to strike, but the fact becoming known that torpedoes were being set adrift in the river caused great consternation among the british shipping people. when some wag set a lot of kegs adrift, which floated down the river, it caused tremendous excitement, the english crews firing at the kegs as they came floating down the river. this has been recorded in that humorous poem called "the battle of the kegs," by francis hopkinson, one of the signers of the declaration of independence. =fulton's attempt.=--robert fulton, the man whose genius made steam navigation a success, was the next to turn his attention to submarine boats, and submarine warfare by submerged mines. a large part of his life was devoted to the solution of this problem. he went to france with his project and interested napoleon bonaparte, who became his patron and who was the means of securing sufficient funds for him to build a boat which was called the _nautilus_. with this vessel fulton made numerous descents, and it is reported that he covered fifty yards in a submerged run of seven minutes. in the spring of 1801 he took the _nautilus_ to brest, and experimented with her for some time. he and three companions descended in the harbor to a depth of twenty-five feet and remained one hour, but he found the hull would not stand the pressure of a greater depth. they were in total darkness during the whole time, but afterward he fitted his craft with a glass window, one and a half inches in diameter, through which he could see to count the minutes on his watch. he also discovered during his trials that the mariner's compass pointed equally as true under water as above it. his experiments led him to believe that he could build a submarine vessel with which he could swim under the surface and destroy any man-of-war afloat. when he came before the french admiralty, however, he was met with blunt refusal, one bluff old french admiral saying, "thank god, france still fights her battles on the surface, not beneath it!"--a sentiment which apparently has changed since those days, as france now has a large fleet of submarines. [illustration: robert fulton's submarine] after several years of unsuccessful efforts in france to get his plans adopted, fulton finally went over to england and interested william pitt, then chancellor, in his schemes. he built a boat there and succeeded in attaching a torpedo beneath a condemned brig provided for the purpose, blowing her up in the presence of an immense throng. pitt induced fulton to sell his boat to the english government and not bring it to the attention of any other nation, thus recognizing the fact that if this type of vessel should be made entirely successful, england would lose her supremacy as the "mistress of the seas," a prediction which seems now somewhat verified, judging from the work of the enemy submarines in the past few months. fulton consented to do so regarding other european countries, but would not pledge himself regarding his own country, stating that if his country should become engaged in war no pledge could be given that would prevent him from offering his services in any way which would be for its benefit. the english government paid him $75,000 for this concession. fulton then returned to new york and built the _clermont_ and other steamboats, but did not entirely give up his ideas on submarine navigation, for at the time of his death he was at work on plans for a much larger boat. tuck, the inventor of the _peacemaker_, had an unhappy lot. he spent a considerable portion of his wealth upon his experiments, and it is reported that his relatives, thinking he would spend all of his money in this way, and consequently leave nothing to them, had him adjudged insane and incarcerated. some years ago i met a diver who had been employed by tuck in his submarine boat experiments. this diver related to me an incident that nearly caused them to lose their lives. it appears that the boat had been first submerged in shallow water to find out if it was tight, which it was under a moderate pressure. they then took it out in the hudson river, but on reaching a greater depth, water started to come in around the gasket of the hatch, the hatch not being constructed in a manner to increase its tightness as the pressure on the same increased. the water came in so fast that they could not rise. he said they tried to caulk the leak by stuffing their handkerchiefs in between the hatch covering and the combing, but they could not stop it. finally one of the men became so hysterical that it was necessary for the diver to take up a hammer and tap him on the head with it and threaten to brain him unless he became quiet and did as he was told. the diver told me that he became satisfied that the only chance for their lives was to allow the boat to fill, then hold their breath as it was filling, until the external pressure on the hatch was equalized, and then open the hatch and swim to the surface. they followed this plan and escaped safely. [illustration: tuck's "peacemaker"] =holland's achievements.=--while mr. john p. holland and i worked in adjoining rooms at the columbian iron works, in baltimore, in the years 1896 and 1897, at the time he was building the _plunger_ and i the _argonaut_, and saw each other almost every day, we never became sufficiently intimate to exchange personal experiences. i am therefore indebted to his son, mr. john p. holland, jr., for the loan of notes left by his father and compiled by himself regarding his father's early and later experiences. i quote from the notes: on the southwest coast of ireland, a few miles from the famous cliffs of mohar, and overlooking the river shannon, stands the village of liscannor. here was born on february 24, 1841, john p. holland, later to become famous as the inventor of the holland submarine. he was the second son of john and mary holland, who had long been residents of the place. his father was a coast guard, and from him little john heard the stories of the sea that inspired in him the love he had for it in later years. his elder brother, alfred, was a strong, healthy boy of great intellect. when john was six years old he was sent to the irish christian brothers school at ennistymon, in the same county. he always credited the irish christian brothers with giving him the early education that made him capable, later, of achieving results that scientists of to-day can hardly credit as being true. in 1853 the family moved to limerick, causing john to be transferred to the schools taught by the christian brothers at sexton street, that city. he was a very studious boy and made great progress in his studies. he loved to tell how he was in the habit of rising early in the morning and going into the fields, where he would climb a tree and there study his lessons for the day. the family had not resided long in limerick when the father was taken from them very suddenly. he had been suffering from some slight ailment, and mentioned the fact to a friend. the friend advised that he take a home remedy, composed mostly of potash. he took the prescribed dose and died within a few hours. on the death of his father john was compelled to give up school and seek employment in a tobacco shop. in 1858 he left the position and became a teacher in the christian brothers schools. in 1860 he showed signs of failing health; accordingly the brothers transferred him to one of their schools in waterford, in the hope that the climate there would prove more beneficial to his impaired health. however, after residing in that town for a time it was seen that the looked-for improvement did not materialize, and he grew worse instead of better. during the following twelve months he was assured by the best medical advice available that his health would not permit him to continue his studies, and that in order that it be restored he would do well to live in some place having a mild and dry climate, such as is found in the madeira islands. for several reasons this was impracticable, so he went to cork to wait until he could find a suitable climate in which to live. while staying in cork he lived at ashburton, at the western end of clanmire hill, for about one year. while here he improved greatly in health and strength. the war of the rebellion in the united states had started a few months before he came to live in cork. toward the end of november, 1862, he read in the cork _examiner_ an announcement of the first combat between armored ships that had occurred about two weeks previously; that is, the battle between the _monitor_ and _merrimac_ at hampton roads, va., in which the little _monitor_ defeated the _merrimac_, of twice her bulk and power, after a short contest. just before the remarkable duel the _merrimac_, ignoring the guns of her opponent, the wooden ship _congress_, sank her by striking her with her massive iron stem. the _cumberland_, another ship like the _congress_, lying in the water near her, did not wait to be similarly rammed, but made haste to run aground on the nearest shallow place. but this did not save her, as the _merrimac_ attacked her and set her on fire with her heavy guns, while ignoring her fire, which did very little harm. this epoch-making contest in virginian waters astonished naval authorities the world over, especially in england, whose main reliance for the maintenance of their power was placed in the "wooden walls," and in the bravery and skill of their seamen. the english nervousness was due to the demonstration at hampton roads that wooden ships could be no more of a hindrance to an armorclad than the _cumberland_ and _congress_ were to the _merrimac_, and that if the yankees built a few more monitors and sent them across the atlantic quickly, they could come to london by water absolutely unhindered and destroy london and all the english navy within reach. all the english naval depots could, with practically no hindrance, be treated similarly within a few months, and an end made of english oppression from which it could never recover. that this is no wild dreaming will be evident to everybody, when the action of the english parliament regarding a proposal made there by a lord of the admiralty was considered and acted upon favorably in rapid order. a certain lord paget, who commanded an english ship at the bombardment of sebastopol, proving that he was not without experience in justifying the assertion, told them that if all the five hundred and eighty english warships then in existence were sent into the cork harbor; and if the little american _monitor_ were to get in there, too, at the same time; and also if a suitable chain boom were fixed so as to enclose the whole lot, that the same little _monitor_ could send them all to the bottom within a few hours without being compelled to fire a single shot. lord paget made these assertions in support of a motion he made before the house of commons, proposing that the unspent part of an appropriation of about $75,000,000 designed to build forts to defend harbors in the south of england for the protection of their fleets against the french and yankees should be immediately applied to the construction of armorclad ships. without any delay a bill was passed making the required change in the appropriation bill. very shortly after the admiralty proposed the construction of four ironclads, which proposal was immediately adopted. four large battleships were taken and razed and covered with armor-plate. they were followed later by many much more powerful vessels designed especially to carry armor, _until at the present day the english navy is competent to engage all the european navies together_. mr. holland, reflecting upon the result of the duel at hampton roads, foresaw this result clearly, because he knew that england possessed the necessary materials, money, and mechanical skill required to provide ships enough to maintain her claim to her assumed title, "mistress of the seas," and to enable her to terrorize the greatest nations of europe that had persistently shown lack of wisdom by their neglect to properly provide themselves with the only weapon that could resist her; that is, a sufficiently powerful navy. they trusted, to their undoing, to great armies, forgetting that england had already proved her ability to cause combinations of her former enemies against any one of them. but, having carefully noted the development of armored ships in the american, english, and french navies since the first duels of armorclads at hampton roads, mr. holland conceived the notion that it would be possible to build a vessel that would utilize water cover as a protection against an enemy's projectiles and thus be capable of ramming her enemy without exposing herself to attack. the study of the possibility of designing a practicable submarine boat to encounter english ironclads in this manner became the most interesting problem that he had to solve for a considerable time afterward. he further relates the physical difficulties that had to be overcome; bad health and hard work hindered consideration of the problem for a long time, until one day he happened to see in a newspaper an account of the experiments made with a submarine in new york harbor.[1] the description of its performances appeared to be incredible when he remembered the physical difficulties that had to be overcome, as his former study of the subject revealed them. reflecting later that it was foolish and unfair to ridicule and laugh at a project which was described only by a short notice in the newspaper, and that described only its success in overcoming the physical difficulties in its operation, he started on a thorough study of the question in connection with a design roughly sketched on a sheet of paper; giving due attention to the essential points concerned in using a submarine boat so that it would be practical to live and work while completely submerged even in rough water; so as to propel it, first, at an even or any required depth; second, to be able to steer it with certainty in any required direction; third, to have an ample supply of compressed air on board, as well as the necessary apparatus to renew it when exhausted. fortunately he had sufficient engineering knowledge to determine the thickness and weight of a spindle-shaped steel shell competent to endure the external water pressure due to a submergence of two hundred and fifty feet depth, which was probably the greatest pressure it would ever be compelled to endure when in action. he was also competent to provide for a change of trim and for regulating the degree of submergence, as well as to provide for a slow or a rapid rise to the surface as circumstances might require. after completing his design, however, he found there was no one with confidence enough in the idea to give him backing. he was regarded as a second jules verne; in a word, a dreamer. he accordingly locked his plans in his trunk and for the time being forgot all about them. a few years later his mother came to the united states and he decided to follow her. he landed in boston in the winter of 1872, and in the middle of typical new england weather as found at that time of the year. everything was covered with ice and snow, quite different from the mild winters he had known in the little "green isle." one morning after his arrival he was walking through one of the streets of the "hub," and, not being possessed of the agility of a mountain goat--so necessary for a man to navigate one of our american streets during an icy spell--he had not gone far before he fell and broke his leg. passersby helped him home, and he was assured by the physician who set the fracture that he would not be able to move about for at least two months. finding himself with so much idle time on his hands, he decided to get out his forgotten plans and study them again. the result was that by the time his convalescence was over he had drawn a new and much superior design. but it was not until 1876, when he was teaching school in paterson, new jersey, that he succeeded in securing financial backing for his first boat. a friend at that time raised the necessary capital, about $6000, and the building was done at the albany street iron works, corner of albany and washington streets, new york, in 1876, in the shop owned by messrs. andrew and ripley. to their courteous superintendent, mr. dickey, he was indebted for many suggestions toward rendering the boat practical and useful. early in 1878 she was removed to todd and rafferty's shop in paterson, new jersey; he, being a resident of that city at that time, could complete her outfit more easily there. toward the end of july, 1878, she was taken to a point where she could be more easily launched, about one hundred yards above the falls bridge, on the right bank of the river. she was taken there late one fine afternoon and launched from the wagon on which she was moved. mr. william dunkerly, the engineer in charge of the operation, fastened a strong line on her bow to bring her to when she was afloat; but she did not float long, for the wagon wheels sank in the made ground where they launched her, the greater part of the wagon being submerged, as well as nearly one-half of the volume of the boat, leaving the boat with the stern considerably elevated. after hard work on the part of messrs. dunkerly and john lister, the owners of a boathouse above the bridge she was pulled off the wagon and floated for a few minutes, amid the cheers of mill operatives who lined the banks and covered every available spot on the bridge. but the cheering suddenly ceased when the boat backed a little out in the river, for she settled deeper in the water and finally sank, to the great disappointment of the crowd, who expressed their feelings in loud yells until messrs. dunkerly and lister moved the wagon out of the way, took hold of the boat's painter, and pulled her out of the water high and dry on the spot previously occupied by the wagon. it is no exaggeration to say that the natives were much astounded to see a little iron boat weighing four tons pulled by two men from the bottom of the passaic and left standing high and dry on the bank. the next day the accidental submergence was explained by the absence of two five-eighths inch screw plugs from the bottom of the central compartment in which the operator would be seated while the boat was in operation. by opening a stop valve while the boat was in operation under water a sufficient quantity of water would enter, surround the operator in his diving suit, and render the boat and its contents heavier than water, so that it would sink as it did after having been launched with the plug holes open. the reason that it did not sink, and that it was so easy a matter to pull it ashore, was because the total weight on board on that occasion was much more than it was designed to carry. the central space then carried water equal to the weight of the diver and his suit of armor, as well as the additional quantity that would fill the space around him, as well as that which would be due to the distention of the suit by air pressure while it was in action during diving. the actual practicability of being able to handle the boat under these conditions was the first important point proved by experiment on the day following the launch. "we proved conclusively, a few weeks after, that our estimate of the quantity of fresh compressed air required to support life comfortably in the operator was probably a little excessive. the quantity of compressed air, as well as the pressure required to force all water out of the boat and to cause her to float light on the surface, was ample. a few days after the launch, the engine having been given a slight test, the boat was towed up the river to a point opposite the old pennington house. in the launch that towed her were mr. dunkerly, captain john lister, and three men prominent in the 'fenian' movement." what happened when the boat reached the point for the test is best told by mr. dunkerly: "we fastened ropes to the bow and stern," mr. dunkerly said; "mr. holland climbed into the submarine, closed the hatch, and started the engine. the bow went down first, and before we realized the fact the boat was under twelve feet of water. the ropes were a safeguard in case the compressed air should not prove sufficient to expel the water from the ballast tanks. holland was also given a hammer with which to rap upon the shell of the boat should he find himself in difficulties. after being submerged one hour, holland brought the boat to the surface, to the great relief of all who were witnessing the test. as soon as the boat came up the turret opened and holland bobbed up smiling. he repeated his dive several times, and then he invited us to try it, but we preferred to 'stick to the ropes.' about the third trip we made up the river a stranger was seen hiding behind the rocks on the river road. he had a powerful field glass, and it was said that he was an agent of the british government. his presence caused a commotion for a time." from here we will continue in mr. holland, senior's, own words: "continuous submergence trials for various periods were next undertaken. we had one serious setback that caused no greater trouble than shortening our experiments by compelling us to omit all running trials and to confine ourselves to testing matters of essential importance. this was due to the failure of the misnamed braton engine that was installed in the boat. the builders assured me that it was a braton engine, but they had improved on braton's designs by employing two double-acting cylinders, having both ends of each supplied with charges from one central combustion chamber. on trial in the boat this engine failed to develop any noticeable power, so we were compelled to employ mr. dunkerly's launch, supplying her engines with steam, which was conducted from the boiler of his launch by way of a hose to the engine of the submarine, which was now employed as a steam engine. this entailed a considerable loss of steam, due to condensation, but it produced enough power to propel the submarine, having mr. dunkerly's launch alongside so as to allow free vertical movement, as when diving, so that we could test the efficiency of the boat's horizontal and vertical rudders. the vertical rudders, those that controlled horizontal motion, proved to be very effective, but the horizontal rudders, placed on the level of the centre of buoyancy, proved to be useless. we proved that the boat should move three or four times more rapidly before they could produce a useful effect. this experiment showed the folly of attempting to control the degree of submergence of the boat by the employment of central horizontal rudders, a method on which so much importance was placed by some of my predecessors and successors, in attempts at submarining, and, strange to say, some of them still believe in it, very evidently because they have never tested them. a good many submarine and other inventors are satisfied with designs on paper and do not bother to make experiments. we determined some other very evident matters that it was necessary to prove by actual experiment; that is, that it is not practical to cause a boat to lie still at any given depth without the employment of complicated machinery that should have no place in a submarine boat. several other important points regarding the design, construction, and management of submarines, which still cause difference of opinion and design, were determined fairly well. for instance, the modern craze for 'good, big boats,' as well as for large, high conning towers, was proved to be absurd. even though our views on these and other matters were exhibited to the navy department ordnance bureau, practically no notice was taken of them. i disliked the idea common among politicians that my failures to get a government contract was owing to political influence or 'pull,' but, judging by my short experience in washington, i concluded that there was another, and much more serious, hindrance to the adoption of my ideas. "the history of the efforts i made to induce the government to consider the claims of the first submarine boat proposed to them by me in 1875, as well as the results, reflects no credit on the officials that had anything to do with it, as can be clearly seen from what follows. "the first proposition was made in 1875, through a friend of the late secretary of the navy robeson, for his consideration. it was referred by him for a report to the late admiral sampson, at that time commander of the torpedo station at newport, rhode island. the admiral reported in good time that the project was practically impossible, owing mainly to the difficulty of finding in what direction to steer the boat under water, and the attempt to do so would be an aggravated case of trying to find one's way in a fog. very evidently he had no notion of the possibility of steering by compass under water. the same incredulity was expressed by a distinguished swedish officer whom i afterward met in new york. "after having determined the correctness of my ideas regarding submarines, and adding a few points revealed by the experiments made on the passaic river, my financial supporters, the trustees of the fenian skirmishing fund, determined to build a larger boat that could be employed for breaking blockades.[2] toward the end of may i started to design a new boat of about nineteen tons displacement; in other words, one small and light enough to be carried on ship's deck and launched overboard whenever her services would be required. only three men were required for her crew. [illustration: the "fenian ram" the first holland power-propelled submarine boat (built 1881). sketch made by the author after measuring the boat at new haven, connecticut, in 1915.] "she was built at the shops of the delamater iron works, at the foot of west thirteenth street, new york, and launched in may, 1881. during her construction my curiosity was excited by the apparent incredulity of some of the engineers in the shop regarding the practicability of such a boat. many objections were urged against her, especially by men who should have known better, but the trouble with them was almost the same as i encountered later among the staff officers of the navy, viz., because they were, almost without exception, of english, welsh, or scotch descent, experienced in all kinds of shipbuilding. they appeared to know by intuition that the project was absurd. they proposed many difficulties that were not solved for them. i also noticed that many of the men appeared to take a deep interest in the progress of the work, even though they never made any inquiries to my knowledge, yet they observed everything, because there was no way of preventing them. i also noticed what appeared to be consequences of this curiosity of foreigners regarding an american machine. "during the following twelve months many visitors came to look over the submarine, mostly swedes, russians, italians, and germans. i was much pleased to meet two of them who apparently had no idea of the jealousy with which some people guard their military secrets, viz., ali ritza and hassan effendi. but, very clearly to me, they had no idea of the importance of what was expected from the machine, or, much more likely, they had been persuaded by their acquaintances of english connections that the project would never amount to anything because it did not originate in england. the fact that english opinion in naval matters governed the opinion of every american was made quite clear to me later on. "this nineteen-ton boat was launched in 1881. she was thirty-one feet long, six feet beam, seven feet four inches in depth, and was propelled by a brayton petroleum engine. her crew consisted of three men--the pilot, engineer, and gunner. she laid at the morris & cummings dredging company's dock in jersey city until july 3, 1883, during which time many interesting experiments were made with her. "the first run on the surface and while submerged was made in the basin, or passage, east of the lehigh valley railroad. the first tests made were the surface runs to test the engine, clutch, gearing, etc. these proved very successful, and the next in order was to submerge the boat at the dock and determine whether the seams were all right, and also to test the efficiency of the compressed-air tanks for supplying oxygen for breathing and giving impulses for expelling water from the ballast tanks. "accordingly richards, the engineer, and myself entered the boat and closed the hatch. this shut us off from the air, and our breathing now depended entirely on the compressed-air reserve. after waiting a few moments and finding no ill effects from the compressed air, i decided to submerge. i drew back the little iron levers on either side of my head (these operated the kingston valves in the bottom, through which water was admitted to the ballast tanks). almost immediately the boat began to settle, giving us the suggestion of slowly descending in an elevator. i now looked through the ports in the superstructure and observed that the bow had entirely disappeared and the water was within a few inches of the glass. a second or two later everything grew dark and we were entirely submerged, and nothing could be seen through the ports excepting a dark-green blur. "our next suggestion was a slight jar when the vessel struck the bottom. it might also be mentioned here that we had no light except the glow that came through the conning tower. this just about sufficed to read the gauges, but was too poor to be of much interest to the engineer. the engine was not needed at that time, however, but we decided to carry a small lantern, to be used when any adjustment was necessary, but not otherwise, as it consumed too much of our precious oxygen. "richards having made an examination and found everything tight, i decided to blow out the ballast and come up. accordingly i opened the valve admitting air to the ballast tank, and at once heard a hiss that told me that the air was driving out the water. the green blur on the ports in the conning tower grew lighter as i gazed through them until suddenly the light of full day burst through, almost dazzling me. after blinking my eyes a few times i looked out again and saw the familiar surroundings of the 'gap.' i now opened the hatch and stood on the seat, thus causing my head and shoulders to protrude from the tower. as soon as i was observed doing this a cheer burst from the crowd of observers on the dock, among whom opinion was equally divided as to whether we would ever emerge alive from our dive or not. we had now demonstrated the fact that our boat was tight, that our air was sufficient for breathing, and that our ballasting system was perfect. "our next test was to prove that we could dive with our engine running. many were the gloomy prophecies advanced as to what would happen when we attempted to force our exhaust outboard against the water pressure found at eight or ten feet depth. for this occasion richards and i entered the boat, i taking my place in the conning tower, while he went forward to start the engine. after a little kicking and sputtering he succeeded in getting it started. we then let in the clutch and the boat started forward. when we reached the far side of the basin i turned her around and threw out the clutch, causing the boat to slow down and stop. closing the hatch, we then made sure that everything was tight, and opened the kingston valves. when the water reached the observer's ports in the conning tower, i closed them again. we then proceeded along awash; that is, with only the little tower showing above the surface. i found that from this position i could observe objects quite a distance ahead, and my vision was obscured only occasionally when a wave washed against the glass. i next threw forward the lever on the right side of my seat (this was connected with the diving, or vertical, rudder by a lever action). immediately the nose of the boat went down, and before i realized it our gauge showed a depth of about ten feet. i now drew the lever back to centre, and the boat straightened out on an even keel. there was very little or no tendency to buck or be cranky; in a word, i had no difficulty in preventing her nose from rising or dipping down. "after running about one hundred yards submerged i steered the boat up, and in a few seconds the superstructure of the boat was again above water. i then opened the air valve and expelled my ballast, causing the boat to rise and assume her normal position. this dive was practised for some time in order that we might gain facility in handling the diving and steering gear. "captain john ericsson was at that time preparing to build his _destroyer_ in the same part of the shop in which my boat had been built. somebody in delamater's described my boat to captain ericsson and explained the purpose of a nine-inch tube placed in the axis and having a breech and bow cap. the object of this fitting was to permit the insertion of a six-foot torpedo that could be shot out at a target while the boat was under water by air at a heavy pressure contained in steel flasks connected with the breech of the gun by a balanced valve. after the torpedo was ejected the breech and muzzle were closed, and the water contents of the tube were permitted to flow into two tanks to correct the position of the centre of gravity. "not having any torpedo models ready for experiment when the boat reached jersey city, captain ericsson very kindly sent me word that i might build a few like those he proposed to use in his _destroyer_. i therefore deferred building any on my own ideas, and decided to use his, should they prove suitable. the delamaters built me two on his models and sent them to jersey city for trial. for the trials of ericsson's torpedo models the boat was set awash in the water, with the axis of the torpedo placed horizontally and about three and one-half feet below the water surface. because there was a new floating dock lying in the water about one hundred and fifty yards from the submarine, and in a direct line with it, the firing pressure was reduced to about three hundred pounds on the square inch. when the firing valve was opened the projectile passed out and travelled about six or eight feet beyond the muzzle of the gun, then it turned upward and arose in the air to perhaps sixty or seventy feet; then it fell point foremost in the water and buried itself so deeply in the mud that we could never find it again. for the second shot the boat was depressed a few degrees and was swung to port so as to avoid butting the floating dry dock. it travelled about twice as far as its predecessor, then rose fifteen feet in the air and passed over the wall limiting the basin, striking a pile that projected above it, and frightening a fisherman who was dozing thereon. he was in no danger, however, as the pile and string-piece of heavy pine afforded him ample protection. "while the boat lay at gorky's repair shop at the point called the 'gap,' a test was made of the efficiency of the apparatus provided for using the boat as a diving-bell, viz., a watertight hatch placed over a hatchway on the bottom, with valves leading from air-chambers, through which air under pressure was permitted to flow and fill the space occupied by the operators. "when employing the boat as a diving-bell everything was closed tight and air was admitted to the central space until the external water pressure was exactly balanced, and when the lower hatch might be opened without any risk of water entering. the first man to make a test was mr. george m. richards, of erie, pennsylvania, my engineer. he sank the boat at high water while she lay at the dock. when she rested on the bottom he opened the test valves to make certain that the external water pressure was balanced by the internal air pressure, admitting an excess of water equal to his weight to hold her on the bottom. this operation did not consume more than a minute. he did not actually go out of the boat, but only dropped his feet on the bottom, passed his hands under the boat, one on either side, and lifted the boat slowly and with little exertion about one foot from the bottom. had i provided the boat with a diver's outfit he could have gone out and come back again without trouble or risk. on july 3, 1883, we left the 'gap' in jersey city in order to do some diving in the deep water of the narrows. "the boat went out under its own power, unaccompanied by anybody save a small colored boy who had managed to drop on the turret when we were leaving the dock. the first intimation i had that we were carrying a passenger was shortly after we had passed robbins's reef lighthouse. then i found my view of staten island and bay ridge became obscured by what seemed to be a pair of brown rags hanging on either side of the turret and blocking the vision through the side lights. when we passed robbins's reef the water became a little rougher, so that the water passed up on the hull and washed over the turret. after the windows had been wet a few times i heard noises that plainly indicated that we were carrying an uninvited and unwelcome passenger. fearing that the waves would wash him off, i headed the boat upstream, opened the hatch, and invited him to come inside, as i feared running through rough water with him on top. he politely refused my invitation, assuring me that he was 'puffectly safe' where he was, and that he would 'hold on like grim death.' this unfortunate circumstance spoiled my chances of diving in deep water that day, so we were compelled to abandon it. this interruption by the young colored gentleman wasted so much time that it was after sunset when we headed for the bay ridge shore, with which i was unfamiliar, to look for a landing place. seeing through the twilight unmistakable signs that the shore was rocky, i ran the boat out about one hundred yards and then headed her up toward the bay ridge ferry landing, with the intention of leaving her there until daylight the next morning. before starting north we noticed two boys in a rowboat approaching us from the shore. we stopped until they came alongside and inquired: 'what is this thing?' they came on board and inspected her at our invitation, and expressed great astonishment at the strange boat they had picked up. but what was much more to the purpose was that when they found we had no particular landing place in view they very kindly offered us the hospitality of mr. vanderbilt bergen's dock at bay ridge for as long as we wished to stay there for experiments. then they took our 'painter' and towed us into his dock on the site of the present crescent yacht club station. the two young gentlemen, tunis bergen and his cousin harry midgley, also contracted to take care of our material and help us out during our stay at their dock. what was of great importance to us was that we learned from mr. vanderbilt bergen, tunis's brother, that the place we had happened upon was by far the most suitable of any within miles for diving and experiments. we left the boat there over two months, making experiments to determine the value of our devices and to improve them wherever possible. "every time we went out we took two or more dives of various lengths, most of these quite across the narrows, a little below stapleton. during these dives i always made certain that there was no ship of twenty-five or thirty feet draught passing. ordinarily we ran at a depth of not less than twenty feet, so that we could afford to ignore excursion steamers, fishing boats, and small yachts. the paddles of excursion steamers we could hear a long distance away, so that we never had any difficulty in avoiding them by changing our course or running at a greater depth until they had passed. we had a rather exciting experience on one occasion when we started to run submerged from stapleton to bay ridge. at starting there was no large vessel in sight, but when about two hundred and fifty yards from shore i distinctly heard the paddle of a steamer. i instantly changed the vessel's course from directly across the narrows, heading her upstream and running to twenty feet depth so as to eliminate any danger of a collision. running along i listened for the sound of paddles, but could hear nothing, so i concluded that the steamer must have passed beyond the range of hearing or else had changed her course. therefore i thought it would be safe to come within fifteen feet of the surface and listen again. i did so, and, hearing no sound, brought the turret above the surface to look around, but i could see no steamer. i then resumed my course back to bay ridge. on approaching mr. bergen's dock i saw three or four men jumping around and acting as if demented, so on landing i asked bergen the cause of their hilarity. 'oh,' he said, 'you frightened the d---out of the _st. johns_, the long branch steamer. you remember having come near the surface shortly after you started across and then diving? we didn't see you again until you rose three hundred yards out at this side.' i said that i remembered it. 'well, when you went down that time your propeller shot a great mass of water out backward, just as big as, or bigger than, any whale could blow. the _st. johns_ was about two hundred yards astern of you, and she stopped instantly, not being able to tell what the trouble was ahead of her. after a while she started up and headed into the staten island shore, keeping on until i thought she would run ashore. she ported her helm and kept close along shore until she passed the quarantine anchorage, then she headed straight for new york.' "experimental runs were made almost every day during the months of july and august, and continued until september, when we returned to the 'gap' in jersey city. during our experiments we were never without a considerable crowd of witnesses, sometimes numbering hundreds, especially in our runs from the 'gap' up the hudson and return. one morning in july a very patronizing gentleman, who announced himself as a reporter from the _new york sun_, requested permission to go into the boat and examine it, but, much to his surprise, i was compelled to refuse him permission. the next morning there appeared in his paper a long report describing the performances of the _fenian ram_, a new name to which i had no objection excepting its incorrectness. because public curiosity was aroused, the same mr. blakely hall seldom missed reporting every run or experiment we made while at bay ridge. he explained to me that i was foolish in not wishing to advertise my invention, because the government would certainly wish to acquire boats of the same type, as he could see by the newspaper reports that they were already preparing to build them in france. "shortly after our return to the 'gap,' an amusing incident took place which is well worth recording. a number of friends and myself decided to take a trip up the hudson. there were eight or ten in the party, and, as the submarine could accommodate only four, a small sloop was hired to carry the overflow. when we got under way, the submarine towing the sloop, we found the going rather hard, owing to cakes of ice floating down the river. when we were off hoboken i slowed down to allow a steamer to cross our bow. this, of course, slackened the towline, with the result that when i got under way again said line fouled the propeller, held for a second, and then broke, sending the sloop adrift among the cakes of ice. the crew of the derelict bark shouted to attract my attention, but i had the hatch closed and could not hear them. i proceeded about a mile upstream from the point of the accident before i discovered that my tow was missing. i turned back and found my unfortunate mariners had been picked up by a passing boat and towed back to jersey city. "in november, 1883, while returning from a run through the narrows, we dove to a depth of sixty feet, remained on the bottom for an hour, and came to the surface with no more trouble or inconvenience than if we dove only eight or ten feet. shortly after this the _ram's_ career ended in a rather odd way. i have no intention of advancing any excuses for the incident, as no official explanation was ever made to me concerning it. as a result, i never bothered again with my backers nor they with me, but before recording the more solemn incident i would like to mention a rather amusing one that has just come to mind. "one morning, on going down to board the boat, i was surprised to find no boat there. i was puzzled for a minute, but, on inquiry of the bystanders, i found that my engineer, richards, had decided to take the boat out for a run by himself. he had proceeded down stream, but that was about all the witnesses could tell me. i therefore walked along the wharves until i came to a crowd of men standing on a pier and pointing out into the river. my attention was called to a point on the surface about two hundred yards off the pier head. there a great deal of air was coming to the surface in countless little bubbles. the man told me that the _irish ram_ had just gone down there, owing to the fact that the conning tower was open when it passed close to a barge and tug. the wash from the tug passed over the little boat, flooded the hatch, and came near catching richards below. he happened to be just below the hatch, however, and was blown out by the escaping air when the boat went down. he floundered around in the water for a few minutes and was finally picked up by the crew of the tug. a few minutes later richards appeared, still a bit pale from his rather startling experience. it cost my backers about $3000 to raise the boat and put her in shape again. "the final history of the boat is told in a few words. she was taken one night from her slip in the 'gap' and towed to new haven, connecticut. during the trip she was in charge of breslin, one of the trustees of the fund. i received no notice of the contemplated move then, nor was i notified after. i am told that when they arrived in new haven they attempted to make dives, but handled the boat so awkwardly that the harbor master decided that she constituted a 'menace to navigation' and demanded a bond if any further trials were to be made. as a result she was hauled out of the water on the property of reynolds, another member of the committee, and there she still is. there is also a rumor that they have tried to sell her to the russian government, but failed, as on investigation the prospective buyers found that title to her was not clear. "after the _ram_ was taken from me, i had no means of experimenting further or building another boat. after a time i secured a position with the pneumatic gun company as a draughtsman. while employed there i managed to interest some members of the company and some friends of theirs in a design that i had drawn immediately after the loss of the _ram_. i allowed these men to examine my plans, and they, approving of them, set about to organize a company, known as the nautilus submarine boat company. "during the organizing of the company i became acquainted with captain zalinski, u. s. a., an expert on heavy artillery. through captain zalinski i met many influential men, who not only helped me with the project in hand at the time, but were largely instrumental in having my boat adopted by the united states navy. "at the suggestion of captain zalinski the boat was built at fort hamilton, as he was stationed there at the time, and, being on the army active list, could not be away from his post of duty. during the time of her construction everything was under his supervision. the boat was fifty feet long, six feet beam, and the hull was constructed of wood. in 1886 the boat was launched. the launching ways ran down from the fort wall to the water's edge. this part of the program was in the hands of a young engineer who had either an insufficient knowledge of the subject or lacked the ability to put his knowledge to practical use. the result was, that when the heavy boat started down the launching ways they suddenly collapsed and she crashed into some piling near the water's edge, tearing out the greater part of her side and bottom. "on investigation it was found that the cost of repairs would exceed the amount of money still on hand in the company's treasury. accordingly the wrecked boat was broken up where she lay, the engine and fittings removed and sold, and the proceeds used to partly reimburse the stockholders for the money they had invested. this accident discouraged my company from any further attempts at submarine construction. had this boat been successful, submarines would have become an accepted success years before they did. this unfortunate incident held me back at least ten years, as it was that long before i was able to secure backing to construct another boat. "about this time the united states navy department was mildly interested in the performances of submarines in france, where they had attained some slight degree of success. the designs for these boats, i am sure, were based on certain fundamental points of my _fenian ram_ design. as i have said previously, there were a number of foreign officers present at delamater's yard from 1879 to 1881, while the boat was in course of construction, and it is hardly to be expected that they failed to take notes. however, the knowledge they secured did them very little good, because, while they secured a lot of valuable data, their inexperience caused them to disregard the most vital points, with the result that their boats never attained any degree of success. however, i do not wish to convey the impression that the united states navy department was at this time considering building submarines as the results of the french experiments; far from it. had it not been informed of the success of my _fenian ram_, which was far more interesting and wonderful than anything the french had done, and still remained unconvinced? i was totally sick and disgusted with its actions, and was seriously tempted to abandon all further attempts to convince and awake it from its lethargy. about this time i wrote an article, "can new york be bombarded?" with the intention of bringing before the public the pitiable condition of our fleet and coast defences, and showing how a few submarines would place us in a position to ward off an enemy's attack from mostly any point on our coast as effectively as if we had an adequate shore defence and a fleet equal to great britain's." the article referred to treats of other types of ships. this is not of interest now, but we quote what he says concerning "the submarine, or diving boat "this boat has a speed of eight miles per hour; she can remain under water for two days, or longer, without having any connection with the surface. she can be steered by compass when under water, and her course may be laid and corrected without obliging her to remain more than a few moments on the surface. this can be done without ever appearing over water. she can move at any required depth, and is more thoroughly under control when completely submerged than when on the surface. her horizontal and vertical motions are controlled automatically or by the pilot. "the torpedo, carrying a one-hundred-pound charge, can be projected in a straight line to a distance of eighty or ninety feet, according to the power employed in expelling it. the method of attack will probably be as follows: the diving boat, with only her turret above water, moves toward the ship. when she gets so close that her presence may be discovered, say half a mile, she descends a few feet under the surface. once or twice, after the bearing of the ship is observed by means of a telescope projected for a few minutes over the water, corrections are made in the course for deviations owing to currents. "when near the vessel she goes deeper, so as to bring her stem ten or fifteen feet beneath the surface. netting can thus be avoided. she can now discharge her torpedo, to explode on contact. as soon as this strikes, the explosion occurs and a large hole is torn in the ship's side. the ship will now become unmanageable, and with assistance may be captured. experience has shown that in a seaway she rolls or pitches very little, apparently following the wave slope in large waves. in short, sharp ones, she seems to rise and fall bodily with very little tendency to pitching. "a notion seems to prevail that the proper duty of a diving boat would be to carry a diver, who could come out and fasten a torpedo to a ship at anchor, then retire into his boat and move away; also, that it would be useful in placing and removing stationary mines. it is very evident that if a diving boat can attain a speed of ten or twelve miles per hour, fire torpedoes at ships moving at full speed, and keep to sea for days together, her sphere of usefulness would be greatly extended. in fact, there is no insuperable objection to the employment of such vessels for coast defence and operations against ships. submarine mines are not so effective against them as vessels on the surface, because they can pass them unobserved. they can enter a harbor that may be thoroughly defended, should it be necessary to destroy vessels inside the defences. if those on the fleet become aware of their presence it is more than probable, judging from the action of the french fleet in 1877-78, that the moral effect of the discovery will be that they will feel convinced of the foolishness of awaiting an attack when the time so employed may be more wisely expended in moving to a safe distance, and in getting there at full speed. thus, in 1886, did i try to show by comparison the superiority of the submarine over the torpedo boats and gunboats, the two arms of defence on which the navy placed all its confidence at the time." from the above words concerning john p. holland's various efforts to secure recognition of his inventions, and his years of strenuous endeavor to devise a weapon capable of providing a means of defence, there is no question but that it is due to his initiative, perseverance, and success that the diving type of boat was ever brought to be manageable and adopted by the united states and england. mr. holland's health broke down in his later years, said to have been caused by the treatment which he received from some of his associates. the testimony which mr. holland leaves among his notes, and the opinion given me by his son, would indicate that his name and services were used to enable others to make large financial gains, and that he himself received little, if any, benefit from his life's work. his son is authority for the statement to me that such competence as he was able to leave for his family was derived from his other business outside of that of his submarine work, and that his connection with submarine matters undoubtedly affected his mind and health in later years and probably shortened his life. an appeal found among his papers, addressed to the chairman of the committee on naval affairs of the house of representatives under date of february 8, 1906, would appear to bear out this statement. i quote: "appeal of john p. holland, inventor of submarine boats, to the committee on naval affairs of the house of representatives, not to legislate in the interest of the electric boat company's monopoly, but to give him a square deal" 38 newton street, newark, new jersey, february 8, 1906, hon. c. e. foss, _chairman committee on naval affairs, house of representatives_. dear sir: i am the inventor of the holland submarine boat, now in use in the united states navy and in europe. my old patents, to the number of about twenty, are owned by the electric boat company. on june 16, 1900, i entered into a contract with that company to serve as their engineer for five years, dating back to april 1, 1899, and expiring april 1, 1904. since the expiration of my contract with the electric boat company i have devoted myself to remedying the defects in my old inventions, and perfecting designs by which the low speed of the present holland boats can be increased three or four times. having perfected these inventions until i was sure i could obtain about 25 knots per hour submerged, and after making numerous other alterations, greatly improving the efficiency over my submarine boats now in use in the navy, i procured the organization of a company, "john p. holland's submarine boat company," may 18, 1905, with sufficient capital to build a boat under my new plans and inventions, and was about to start to work, when the electric boat company filed a suit against me in the court of chancery of new jersey, applying for an injunction, and claiming substantially that i had agreed to assign to them all my inventions and patents during the term of my natural life. two other suits have been started, one against my new company in the united states circuit court to enjoin the use of the name "holland"; the other against me personally, alleging a verbal contract never to compete with the electric boat company, was commenced in the new jersey court of chancery. my contract with the electric boat company to act as their engineer, and to give them my patents and inventions, was for the five years during which i acted as engineer, and no longer, and expired april 1, 1904, as stated above. these suits have had the effect of frightening off the capital that i had enlisted, and i have not as yet been able to get the capital to build my new boat, by reason of these suits. the only object of these suits was to prevent me from building a boat and going into competition before the navy department with the submarine boats now being built by the electric boat company under my old patents. the electric boat company makes the allegation in their last bill of complaint that by threatening to discharge me from their employ and break their contract with me and stop my salary, that i agreed to a contract which prevents me from using my brains and inventive talent in building submarine boats for the balance of my life. this allegation is absolutely false, even though under affidavit by mr. rice, and would be, if true, most inequitable on account of duress and on account of want of consideration. this alleged agreement was not reduced to writing; the only evidence the court has is the sworn statement of mr. rice; and when the fact is considered that mr. rice, formerly a professor of law at columbia university, and having the assistance of mr. frost, also a lawyer, failed to have such an important agreement reduced to writing and signed by me, the whole proposition appears ridiculous and silly. the further fact that this bill of complaint containing these allegations, has been printed and distributed at the capitol would seem to indicate that the principal object of this suit is to frighten away the capital i had enlisted, and prevent the consideration of my new patents and claims by your honorable committee. my attention has been called to the bill (h.r. 10070), entitled "a bill to increase the efficiency of the navy." it must be apparent to every member of your committee that this bill is drawn solely in the interest of the electric boat company monopoly. the clause in it that "the secretary of the navy shall purchase or contract for said submarine boats within four months of the completion of the contract trials of the submarine boats now building for the navy" is against all public interest, and is something extremely unusual. if the electric boat company should not complete its contract for a year or two years or never, the whole business of the navy department in this line would be held up. the bill excludes me, the inventor of the holland boats and who constructed and built the original _holland_, which is now in the service of the navy, from submitting my plans and models to the navy department for consideration, for it would be useless to do so if the secretary is deprived, by the proposed law suggested by the electric boat company, from adopting them, though considering them superior in efficiency and economy to the plans upon which the present boats are being built. i have recently had my models tested in the government tanks at the navy yard in washington by the united states officers in charge, and their official reports will show that i can get a guaranteed speed of 22 knots per hour submerged, and the same speed on the surface, and this speed can be obtained in vessels of the same or greater tonnage as those now being built by the electric boat company. i hardly think, mr. chairman, that your committee, in making an appropriation for submarine boats, will exclude the navy department from any consideration of the plans made by me when i say to you that these plans have the approval of some of the most expert officers in the navy on the question of submarine boats, and that the boats can be built at one-third less than is now being paid the electric boat company for boats of two-thirds less submerged and more than fifty per cent. less surface speed. if i am prevented by the suits filed against me by the electric boat company from obtaining capital with which to build my boats, which will have three times the submerged speed of the present boats, and a vast improvement in other directions, then i want the law so framed that i can present a proposition to the secretary of the navy to cause my plans and new inventions to be thoroughly examined by a board of experts, and if favorably reported on, that the government may build the same in its yards under my supervision, and pay me a reasonable royalty. that is all i ask your committee to do, and to not frame a law that will exclude me, the inventor of the present submarine boats, from having my improvements considered by the secretary of the navy, and pass one in the interest of the electric boat company under its monopoly now of the business of the department under my old and obsolete patents. the title of the bill (h.r. 10070) should be: "a bill to prevent the increase of the efficiency of the navy, and prevent economy being considered." if your committee is desirous of increasing the efficiency of submarine boats for the navy, and at the same time reduce the cost to the government at least one-third, if not one-half, of the prices now being paid for submarine boats, a clause in the naval appropriation bill on the following lines would effect the object: "the sum of _________ dollars is hereby appropriated for submarine boats, and the secretary of the navy is hereby authorized to contract for or purchase or build in a navy yard of the united states these submarine boats, whichever in his judgment will increase the efficiency of the navy and will be in the interest of economy to the department." i consider my old patents assigned to the electric boat company as obsolete; they are ten years behind the age. i can build in the navy yard at brooklyn boats under my new patents, designs, and inventions, in six months, and guarantee a submerged speed of 22 knots per hour. admiral bowles testified before the senate committee on naval affairs at its hearing on submarine boats. he was at that time chief of the bureau of construction and repair of the navy department, and his statement at that time is entitled to the serious consideration of your committee, because it was that of a government expert, and is true in every respect. this hearing before the senate committee is printed and the hearing took place on may 29, 1902. admiral bowles's testimony can be found in senate document 395, 1st session, 57th congress, page 82. he said that the holland boats ought not to cost more than $89,489, and in this sum he said he had allowed an ample profit, and in addition had included $11,000 for experiments and tests. admiral bowles is now president of the fore river shipbuilding company, and is building the submarine boats that the navy contracted for last year, and they are now being built under my old plans and patents, so alleged. if your committee will call upon the present chief of the bureau of construction and repairs, he will undoubtedly inform you that he can build in the brooklyn navy yard my submarine boats as quickly and as expeditiously as they can be built by the fore river shipbuilding company. i am a poor man, while the electric boat company has among its principal stockholders three or four millionaires, including august belmont, isaac l. rice, and others. the capital stock of that company is ten million dollars. they have deprived me, by their flimsy lawsuit, from getting capital to build a boat under my new inventions and patents, and are now asking congress to pass a law which will prevent the navy department from adopting my new plans and inventions, even should the entire department consider that they are far superior in every way to the plans now being used by that department. i do not believe that your committee will commit itself to this monopoly which is against the interest of the government. i am advised by my attorneys that as soon as the suits of the electric boat company can be reached and tried the court will undoubtedly dismiss them, but in the meanwhile they act as an injunction against me, as they prevent my enlisting capital which is timid and dreads a lawsuit. very respectfully, mr. holland and i worked on entirely different lines in the development of our respective types of boats, he being a consistent advocate of the diving principle. he contended for many years that a submarine boat should be built small in size and with little statical stability, so as to dive quickly, while i have stood for great statical stability and for methods of submerging the vessel bodily on a level keel instead of diving at excessive and dangerous angles. i have never refused to accede to him the credit of having been the man who first made the diving type of submarine practical, and to acknowledge his genius and attention to detail which overcame the difficulties which caused the failure of many of his predecessors who attempted to build boats of the diving type. he died on august 12, 1914, just at the beginning of the present european war, and consequently did not live to see the fulfilment of his prophecy that the submarine would prove the superior of the battleship if they ever became opponents in actual warfare. my own experimental work began when i was a mere schoolboy. i had become interested in the submarine by reading jules verne's "twenty thousand leagues under the sea." shortly afterward i took up the study of natural physics and became interested in the use of the diving bell. being an excellent swimmer and fond of boats, i spent most of my vacation times on or about the water. i remember building a canvas canoe from a description published in _golden days_. this canoe was very "cranky," being only about eighteen inches wide and the sides eighteen inches high. the only way i could learn to sit in the canvas canoe was by ballasting her with pig iron and gradually reducing the ballast as i became more expert, until finally i learned how to keep an equilibrium and maintain the canoe upright. there was only one other boy i remember in the village of toms river, where i lived at that time, who could ride this canoe, consequently some of the boat men, when they saw it one day drifting bottom side up down the river, came to the conclusion that i had been dumped out and drowned. when they came alongside and righted the canoe they were much surprised to find me in it. i had turned the canoe upside down and crawled up into it, the air pressure keeping the water from rising into it. i had crawled in there for the purpose of finding out how long i could live on the volume of air contained within the canoe; in the meantime it was drifting down the river. strange to say, the design of the submarine boat which i made at that time, when i was only about fourteen years of age, contained most of the elements which are being used successfully in the lake type of boat to-day: the use of the hydroplanes for control of depth, bottom wheels for navigation over the bottom, and a diving compartment with an air-lock so that the crew could enter or leave the vessel when submerged. these plans were shown to my father at that time, who rather discouraged me in the matter on the ground that submarine navigation was something that great engineers had given a lot of attention to, and that i had better give more attention to my regular school studies than to fooling around with experiments of that nature--which was good advice. consequently i did nothing further in the matter until 1892, when my attention was called to an advertisement of the united states government for inventors to submit designs of submarines to the navy department. then i prepared plans which, in my judgment, would meet the department's requirements. i was still a youngster, and knew nothing about the difficulties met by outsiders in getting hearings before government officials in washington. on the appointed day, in june, 1893, on which the bids were to be opened i appeared in washington with my plans and specifications under my arm, and was directed to the room adjoining the secretary's office, where a large number of people were assembled. at this time i knew nothing of anyone else's experiments in submarines, and thought that i was the first and only one. i was consequently much disturbed to see so many people present. i sat down on a lounge, and a young man a little older than myself sat down on the lounge alongside of me and said to me, "well, i suppose you are here on the same errand as the rest of us; i see you have some plans, and i suppose you have designs of a submarine boat which you are going to submit." i said, "yes, and i guess there are going to be a good many plans submitted, judging by the number of people who are here." the gentleman then said, "no, i only know of two others who are going to submit plans: there is mr. j. p. holland, the gentleman standing over there, and my father, mr. george f. baker, of chicago." he then explained that he was the son of mr. baker, the man who had built the baker boat, and whose experimental work was responsible for the appropriation of $200,000 by the government for building a submarine. i then said to him, "well, then, who are all these other gentlemen present? "he knew most of them and obligingly pointed them out to me, saying, "there is senator so-and-so and congressman so-and-so, and mr. so-and-so the great lawyer," etc. i then said to myself, "well, lakey, it looks as though you were not going to have much of a show here." i submitted my plans and specifications, however, and returned to baltimore and to my other business. i was much surprised, therefore, to receive, some time afterward, a telegram from the editor of the _new york tribune_, a mr. hall, stating that he had received information from washington that my plans were looked upon most favorably by the majority of the naval board and that they were going to adopt my type of boat. he asked for an interview and a description of the boat. i did not go over to washington, expecting to receive notice in good time that the award had been granted--which is proof positive that i was still young and ignorant. nothing further was heard of the matter until i saw a notice in the paper that it had been decided not to build any submarines at that time, and that the matter had been postponed indefinitely. some years afterward i met the late admiral mathews, and he informed me then that he had been a member of the board, and that four of the five members of that board were in favor of adopting my type of boat and of having the government start the development of a submarine on those lines, but that the constructor of the board opposed it on the grounds that when the boat was running on the bottom on wheels she might run off from a precipice and go down head first, and reach so great a depth as to be crushed, evidently not realizing that her great static stability and the use of her hydroplanes would prevent this from happening. anyway, they did not arrive at a conclusion, and any action was postponed for the time being. in the meantime mr. george f. baker, who had moved to washington in the full expectation of getting the contract, had died, and the holland torpedo boat company had offered to build, under guarantee of its performance, a boat to meet the department's desires. as i had no company back of me, and, being only a youngster, was without capital of my own, the department decided it was better for them to place a contract under a definite guarantee of performance than to undertake to develop a submarine themselves. i did not name any price for building the boat at the time i submitted my plans, but expressed the desire to coã¶perate with the government in any way that they wished. my youthful hopes at that time were that if they considered my general plans worthy of adoption i should be taken into the navy and given some sort of a commission to work out the details of the boat. when i saw some mention in the paper that the matter was to come up for consideration again, i did, however, make a visit to the navy department, and assuming, from my observation of the senators, congressmen, and representative men who were present at the time of the first opening of the bids, that it was necessary to have some sort of a standing, i secured a letter of introduction from the governor of my native state, new jersey, who at that time was mr. leon abbott, introducing me to the gentleman who at that time was acting secretary of the navy, for the purpose of finding out, if possible, whether i had any chances, and the proper procedure to pursue in getting further consideration of my invention. presenting myself in the secretary's office, i sent in my letter of introduction, and the word came back that the secretary would see me in a few minutes. i waited in the ante-room for a couple of hours, but no word came from the secretary. finally he appeared in the doorway and said, "now, gentlemen, i am going to my lunch, and will be back at half-past two." i went out to my lunch and was back in the waiting room a little before half-past two, shortly after which the secretary came into the room, passed around, shook hands with every one, and talked a minute or two with some of his visitors. when he came to me he shook my hand, and i explained to him that i had sent in a letter from governor abbott and had been awaiting an opportunity to see him. his reply was, "i will see you in a few minutes." he returned to his office; at four o'clock he appeared at the door again and said, "gentlemen, i will not be able to see any of you again to-day, as i must now sign my mail." i was on hand again the following morning, and notified the colored man that i was still waiting for the interview which the secretary had promised me. the word came back that he would see me in a few minutes. i waited all the morning; the noon hour came, and the secretary then stated that he was going out to lunch and would be back at half-past two. every one else who had appeared in the morning the day before had been granted his interview and a new crowd was waiting. i was the only chap who had "stood pat." by this time i was pretty much disgusted. as i went out into the hall the secretary came out of his door and, putting his hand on my shoulder, said, "i am sorry to have kept you waiting, but as soon as i have finished my lunch i will take up your matter." you may be sure i was on hand, and after he returned he sent for me. he called a colored man and said, "i want you to take this young man down to captain sampson (afterward admiral sampson, who was at that time head of the bureau of ordnance), and tell captain sampson that mr. lake comes with a letter of introduction from the governor of my state, and i want him to listen to what he has to say about submarine boats, and report to me." this colored man, instead of taking me to captain sampson, turned me over to another colored man, and did not report the message which the secretary had given him. this second colored man took me to captain sampson's clerk, and finally i was ushered into the captain's presence and started to tell him about my boat and its possibilities. he immediately assumed a bored expression, turned his back to me, put his feet up on a chair, and said, "well, go ahead, but make it brief." i admit that i was pretty much tongue-tied by this time, and i do not flatter myself that i impressed him in the least degree, as his manner had the effect of a cold douche upon my enthusiasm. i remember that as i walked out of the navy department i vowed never to return until i was sent for, and i never did. i now started making experiments on my own account, and built the _argonaut, jr._, and later the _argonaut_; and i did not return to washington until i was sent for by a telegram from the late senator hale, at that time chairman of the senate navy committee, asking me to come to washington and submit a proposition for building submarine boats for the united states government. i was never able to account for my treatment in washington until some time afterward, when i had an office in new york. the former acting secretary had at this time left the navy department and was practising his profession of law in new york, where i believe he is still engaged. having some legal business at that time which i thought he might be able to handle because of his experience in the navy department, i called upon him in regard to it. he stated that, as he was then free, he could handle it for me, and when i recalled my visit to him when he was secretary of the navy he said he remembered it very well. he laughingly remarked that i may have thought him a little slow in receiving me at that time; and then explained that, previous to his accepting the portfolio as assistant secretary of the navy, he had been the attorney for a rival submarine boat company; that he knew all about their boats, and the fact that they had expended large sums of money in the development of submarines; and that, although he had resigned as attorney for the company before he became acting secretary, perhaps his former association with them had led him to give less consideration to my proposition than he otherwise might have done. as i believed the submarine to have great possibilities commercially as well as for war, i gave up my other business and came to new york, opened an office in the old cheeseborough building, and tried to secure capital to build a commercial submarine. i advertised in the papers and visited a number of capitalists in the effort to interest them, but usually, after obtaining an interview, as soon as i asserted that it was possible to navigate over the bottom of the ocean as readily as it was over the land, and that when on the bottom i could open a door in the boat but that no water would come in; and, further, that divers could very readily pass in and out of this open door, i observed in most cases a look of dread in their eyes and their hands would slide over and push a button. an attendant immediately came to the door and reminded mr. "blank," whoever he might be, that he had a very important engagement or that some other visitor was waiting to see him. unfortunately for me, this was about the time that a madman had attempted to bomb russell sage in his office. the result was, that after spending six months and all of my savings i had not raised a dollar. i then decided that it was necessary to get some engineer of national prominence to endorse my project, so i went to charles h. haswell, author of "haswell's handbook," and former chief engineer of the united states navy, and explained to him that i wanted him to give me a professional opinion on the practicability of my boat. i offered to submit him my plans of the boat--of which i also had a model in the tank of water in the cheeseborough building which i would like him to see, as i thus would be better able to explain to him its method of navigating on the surface and submerging beneath the surface and on the bottom itself. and i then asked him how much he would charge me. he stated that he should want $1500 for the investigation and opinion. by this time i had expended my savings and hardly had $15--let alone $1500. i explained the situation frankly to him, and he said, "well, i will go down and look it over and give you a report anyhow, and you can repay me at some future time when you are able." he did so, and gave me a very excellent endorsement, but i found that even his endorsement was not sufficient to induce capitalists to invest their hard-earned money in any such crazy scheme as mine appeared to them. i finally decided to build a small experimental boat myself to demonstrate the two principal features over which almost every one seemed to be sceptical. these were the ability to navigate over the bottom of the ocean and the ability to enter and leave the boat while submerged without any water coming in and foundering her. i therefore gave up my office and moved down to atlantic highlands, where, with the financial assistance of my uncle and aunt, mr. and mrs. s. t. champion, i was able to build the _argonaut, jr._ she was built of yellow pine planking, double thick, lined with canvas laid between the double layers of planking, the outer seams caulked and payed. she was a flat-sided affair and would not stand great external pressure. she was propelled when on the bottom by a man turning a crank on the inside. our compressed-air reservoir was a soda-water fountain tank. the compressed-air pump was a plumber's hand-pump, by which means we were able to compress the air in the tanks to a pressure of about one hundred pounds per square inch. my diving suit i built myself by shaping iron in the form of an open helmet, which extended down as far as my breast; this i covered with painted canvas. i used the dead-light from a yacht's cabin as my eyeglass in front of the helmet. i tied sash weights to my legs to hold me down on the bottom when walking in the vicinity of the boat. a cousin, b. f. champion, accompanied me on my first submerged run with the _argonaut_, which was in blackfish hole in the shrewsbury river. we submerged the boat alongside of a dock and started across stream in the river. the first time we went under water a stream of water came through a bolt-hole which had not been plugged and struck "bart" on the back of the neck. he said, "ugh!" and made a dive. the _argonaut_ had a little port-hole in one end about six inches in diameter, and "bart" said afterward, "i made a dive for that port-hole, but came to the conclusion that i could not get through, so i stopped." it was a simple matter, however, to drive a plug in and stop the water from coming in. on our first trip we ran across the river and back, and, although there was a strong current in the river, she "backed" right back to her starting place, having rested on the bottom firmly enough to prevent the current from carrying her down stream. [illustration: "argonaut, jr.," 1894 a small experimental boat built by the author to demonstrate the practicability of wheeling over the bottom and of sending divers out from the boat without water entering the vessel. she was propelled by hand over the waterbed; she had an air lock and diver's compartment which permitted egress and ingress of a diver when submerged.] later we took the boat up to atlantic highlands and had a lot of fun running around on the bottom of new york bay picking up clams and oysters, etc. we finally decided to organize a company and build a larger boat; so one day we invited the mayor of atlantic highlands, the president of the bank, and a number of other prominent people of the little community to witness our trials. a number of the men wrote their names on a shingle, which was tied to a sash weight and then thrown off the end of the atlantic highlands pier in about sixteen feet of water. my cousin and i got into the boat, submerged her, wheeled her forward to where the sash weight had been thrown overboard, picked it up, and had it back on the dock again in five minutes. the performance of the _argonaut, jr._, becoming known, she received no little newspaper notoriety. in looking over my old clippings i find that there was a vein of scepticism and sarcasm running through most of these early accounts of her performance. i just quote briefly from one of the papers describing her, the _new york herald_, of january 8, 1895: this boat crawls along the bottom. at least that's what it was to do, but it escapes and astonishes folks in oceanic, n. j. drifts up the shrewsbury it will crawl five miles without coming up to breathe when inventor lake completes it. fun for merry mermen. "red bank, n. j., jan. 8, 1895.--strange things come in with the tide in the ungodly hours of the night, and in the stillness of the night strange things follow them, but the strange thing which came up the north shrewsbury a day or two ago, and which lies high and dry on barley point, is a 'new one' on the good folk of oceanic. now that they have fairly discovered it, they are sorry that it didn't wobble ashore in the summer, when normandie-by-the-sea below the point is crowded with curious persons from the city. any enterprising oceanic man might have fenced in the queer thing and charged every one a quarter to see it." the few substantial persons who had witnessed the _argonaut's_ experiments provided the capital for the construction of the _argonaut first_ and enabled me to complete her, and she was launched on august 17, 1897. i had called the little experimental boat the _argonaut, jr._, because it was born before its mother, although the mother (the _argonaut first_) had been conceived and designed first. i did not have sufficient capital to go ahead with her construction, and even the design of the _argonaut_ itself was cut down to correspond to the size of the subscriptions that we had been able to secure. the raising of capital to most inventors is a serious problem; it has always been so with me. i have always been interested in mechanical accomplishments, but always dreaded the necessity of trying to raise capital to carry on those experiments. i have never valued money for itself or felt the need of it except when i did not have it. i think this is the case with most inventors, which is the reason why so many of them go to unscrupulous promoters who rob them of their inventions, or else often tie them up so that they themselves are incapable of continuing their development work. having made an initial success by my experiments, like most unsophisticated inventors i also fell into the hands of a promoter of this type. he was introduced to me by an officer of a bank, and, after an investigation of my project, claimed that he could raise all the money necessary to float a project of this kind, which in his judgment had the greatest possibilities of anything he had ever learned of. he said that his friends, the vanderbilts, "jack" astor, and the goulds, would immediately subscribe large sums upon his submitting the proposition to them. he secured possession of my plans, and took me to his house, which was a handsome brownstone structure standing in beautiful grounds. another evidence of wealth was that he always had a smart carriage with liveried coachman waiting for him at our various conferences, held frequently in the directors' room of the bank. he had himself made the general manager, myself the president, and hon. william t. malster, of baltimore, the treasurer of the company. at his suggestion we sent out a notification to our subscribers that twenty-five per cent. of their subscriptions was due and payable. mr. malster was president of the columbia dry dock and iron works, baltimore, the company with which we had placed the contract for building the _argonaut_, and as he was a baltimorean he had kindly consented to serve as treasurer of my company. everything now looked rosy, and i gave my attention to preparing the detailed plans of the _argonaut_. one day the general manager came into the room and said, "now i have arranged for the sale of $100,000 worth of our stock." (he was to get a certain percentage of the stock for selling it to his friends, the astors, goulds, etc.) "so," he continued, "i want you to go to baltimore and get mr. malster to sign up a lot of this stock so that we can make immediate delivery of it and get the money, and it would also be advisable for you to have mr. malster sign some checks in blank," the checks of the company requiring the signatures of both president and treasurer. i visited baltimore and explained to mr. malster what our general manager told me, and he said, "well, simon, you are a young man, and i think an honest one, and i am willing to trust you. i will sign these certificates, but don't you let them go out of your hands or sign them yourself until you have some definite written obligations on the part of those who are going to purchase this stock that they will pay for it." i returned to new york and told mr. h---that i had the certificates, etc., signed, and asked him when he would be ready to deliver the money and receive the stock. he stated that his friend "jack" astor was then out of town and he wanted him to be on the list first and would wait until he returned. he said, "i will see him at the first opportunity, but in the meantime you had better sign these certificates in blank and leave them with me, as i will have to fill out the names as he wants them, and i have had to agree to give him the biggest part of my commission to get it started." at the same time he told me that he would like to have a loan of a couple of thousand dollars for a few days (this we had on deposit there in the bank in the company's name). he said, as i had mr. malster's signature, i could easily make him the loan and he would return it soon, for he had a large piece of property which he had arranged the sale of, but there were some back taxes due on it which he wanted to clear off before turning over the deed. i told him that i could not make a loan of the company's money. he then became very angry and said, "well, if i did not trust him to that extent he would not go to his friends or dispose of the stock." he was a very pompous individual, wore gold eyeglasses, and had a large acquaintance, formerly having been a business man of standing. the fact that he had been introduced to me by an official of the bank led me to investigate him no further, but when he attempted to get the company's funds and its stock in blank i started an investigation, and found that the house that he was living in, and the horses and carriages, had been secured from another unsuspecting individual much older than myself in much the same manner. this individual had been in business for many years, nevertheless the promoter induced him to reorganize his successful business on a much larger capitalization. the promoter made an agreement with this man to sell the stock of the new company, and promised he would interest his friends, the astors, goulds, and vanderbilts. as a partial consideration for this he was to receive this mans beautiful home and a certain percentage of the stock. the man's wife having died, he did not care to live longer in the house, so he agreed that the house should be given as a part consideration, and as a guarantee of his delivery of the house and stock as a part consideration on this promoter's agreement to float the stock of the much larger capitalized new company, he had placed both the controlling stock of the company and the house in escrow, and had turned the possession of the house over to this promoter, who was now our general manager, with the deeds of same to be held in escrow and not to be finally recorded until the goulds, vanderbilts, astors, etc., had come into the new company. hard times occurred about this time, so he claimed, which prevented promised capitalists from coming in, but, as mr. h---held the control of the company by holding the control of the stock, he had himself elected an officer of the company at a handsome salary and still held possession of this most beautiful home without ever having paid a dollar. i merely recite this as a warning to inventors to look out for the plausible new york promoter. i also discovered that mr. h---had made application for patents, my own patents not yet having been issued, with the idea of getting me into interference in the patent office, and it was necessary for us to threaten him with arrest and bring a suit against both himself and the cashier--whom we now learned had known of his previous experiences and expected to share in his profits this time--in order to get a legal release so that we could proceed with the work. many of the troubles of inventors can be traced originally to certain semi-professional men who call themselves patent attorneys. there are two classes of patent attorneys, one class consisting of conscientious, honorable gentlemen, who consider it their duty, when an unsophisticated inventor comes before them with an idea which the inventor considers new, to tell him the truth about his invention and to inform him whether it is really an original invention or not, or merely a slight modification of some old idea on which no protection can be secured. there is another class of attorneys who have been more properly termed patent sharks, who will get a patent on anything brought to them; for by juggling words they are able to get claims which mean nothing, except that they serve the purpose of getting the attorneys their fees. many an inventor has an idea which is original with him but which may be as old as bushnell's submarine or entirely impractical. the patent shark will get him a patent on this, and the inventor then thinks his fortune is made. he is very likely then to sell his farm and go to new york and advertise in the papers that he has a valuable invention, there to fall into the hands of some unscrupulous promoter who secures all of his money without letting him know that the patent is worthless; or if he happens to have a valuable invention the promoter will in all probability arrange matters so that he himself gets the cream and leaves the inventor a mere pittance. since the war began, and there has been the general editorial demand by the papers of the country for some means to destroy or offset the submarine menace, i have received hundreds of letters asking advice, etc., regarding various devices. i have received visits from a number of people who have come from long distances, some from the west, others from canada and from the south, to ask my opinion regarding certain attachments to be applied to submarines or on devices to capture submarines. many of the ideas were old and some of them pitiful in the fact that they showed such ignorance of the laws of nature and of mechanics on the part of their projectors. one man sends me a copy of his allowed patent with a letter from one of these patent sharks acknowledging the receipt of final payment of a considerable amount for his having received an allowance of his patent. i will, without betraying the name, quote in part from his letter: i would kindly ask if you would take hearing from me and take notice of my new invention, which is called the power transmitting mechanism. the machine is started by spring or batteries; the first start is the spin of the fly-wheel; the fly-wheel pumps on the handle of the jack: one revolution to the one pound on the fly-wheel drives the handle of the jack back and forth. the jack will throw the crank one revolution with ninety-seven pounds. the jack is the result of multiplying power, and the jacks can be used in the same position as any and all cylinders. this machine will nicely furnish you the power for your undersea liner. no fuel is needed.... now anyone can see that this proposition is nothing more or less than an impractical proposition mechanically, and that it is on the perpetual-motion order, yet this patent shark mulcts the poor man of a considerable sum to secure him some kind of a worthless patent. he is likely to expend much further sums in trying to get it on the market. a patent lawyer of that stamp should be put in jail for fraud, and should not be permitted to practise in an honorable profession. i have already recited my own difficulties in attracting the interest of the united states government to my work, and i call attention to the fact that it required many years of persistent endeavor and the expenditure of vast sums of money furnished by patriotic individuals, and also the recognition of my devices by several foreign governments, before our own government recognized any merit in my work. that has been the experience of almost every american inventor, so far as i am aware. we have seen how bushnell was derided and driven from his home; and that robert fulton received no recognition from his home government, and that the only recompense he ever received for his submarine work was from the british government. strangely, the money paid him was not for the purpose of enabling him to develop his invention, but rather to suppress his inventive genius. ericsson could get no recognition or assistance from the government when he presented his design of the _monitor_. she was built by private capital, and her builders assumed all the risk, and it is stated that at the time she fought the _merrimac_ and helped to save the united states from being divided internally, she was on a builder's trial and had not been accepted or paid for by the government. all readers of the life of ericsson are familiar with the lack of consideration he received from the naval authorities of the united states at that time, and that his epoch-making invention was derided as a "cheese-box on a raft." it was strange that he received such little consideration, as at the time of his arrival in america he was an engineer of note and while still a young man had built the wonderful canals of sweden. i had never really appreciated ericsson's great engineering ability until i made a journey over these canals, which are virtually carried up over mountains, and offer one of the most interesting european trips a tourist can make. maxim had to go to england and hotchkiss to france to get their guns adopted. sir hiram maxim told me of the heartbreaking time he spent in his native country, america--he was born in maine--trying to get his inventions properly developed, and the lack of consideration he received here by our own government officers, while in england, on the contrary, he was received with open arms. the late king edward visited him, and the english took up his invention and knighted him. the wright brothers' first recognition and the first dollar they ever received as profits in their years of experimental effort came from france. i remember well when wilbur wright came to france with his flying machine and secured the recognition that the wright brothers had not been able to secure in the united states, their native country. the wright brothers and their and our own european representative, mr. hart o. berg, occupied for a time one of the rooms in our suite of offices in regent street, london, as their headquarters, and i am therefore familiar with some of their difficulties in getting recognition in this country. it has been said that americans invent and the europeans develop. this statement seems to be borne out in fact, so far as our military inventions at least are concerned. from the time the wrights first introduced the flying machine in europe all the important countries over there have been consistently assisting inventors in improving the construction of the planes and machinery for driving them, while our own country has stood almost at a standstill. our government gave no aid to foster this american invention so that it could be gradually developed, but rather our authorities made the first requirements so difficult to fulfil that there was no incentive to work; which is a mistake often made by men with a theoretical rather than a practical education. a practical man may evolve something radically new in the arts or sciences, but to get it introduced into the government service it must first be passed upon and approved by men who at the country's expense have received, for the most part, a purely theoretical education; and nine times out of ten these men get some additional theories of their own which they insist must be incorporated in the machine or apparatus, and thus make it impossible of operation or delay its accomplishment. it is probably due to this cause that we are now forced to go to france for plans of our aeroplanes and their driving machinery to enable us to compete with the germans' machines. what is the reason for this lamentable state of affairs in respect to american military inventions? i believe that i can partially explain it. i believe it is because our army and navy officers are too busy with the routine of their profession to give the necessary time to a thorough investigation of devices other than those with which they are forced to become familiar by their training. i believe that there is not a single fundamental invention which has emanated from an army or navy officer during his service, although it is true that such men have made some improvements upon devices in their hands, based upon working experience. their education and routine require them to be well-informed as to the _proved_ devices of which they make use in the service. on looking over the volume of text-books, rules and regulations covering in the most minute details all the methods of construction, tests of strength, chemical analyses, etc., with which officers are obliged to become familiar, i can fully appreciate the fact that they are too highly educated in the knowledge of accepted devices to be able to find time to look into the future. i believe that the present secretary of the navy, mr. josephus daniels, in his creation of a civilian board of advisers to the navy to pass upon new inventions of value to the navy, has taken an important step in the protection of this country; the creation of this board i consider one of the greatest achievements of the present administration. the few inventions which have gained sufficient early recognition and have received governmental aid in their development have usually been forced on the army or navy by either political or financial interests. the intrigue and lobbying conducted in washington to secure exclusive privileges would make volumes of interesting and spicy reading, and it is possible that the knowledge of these well-known intrigues makes officers very chary in recommending or taking up devices that may appear to have merit. the usual answer to inventors of untried devices who offer their plans to the government has been, "well, if you try it out and it proves successful, we will then consider it"; and in such a case should the inventor have no means or financial backing the invention is lost to the united states and is adopted abroad. this policy is "penny wise and pound foolish" when it so directly affects the safety of the nation. i was informed by mr. otto exius, the managing director of the great krupp works in germany, that the imperial german government has followed a far different method in fostering inventions that might be of benefit to the state. mr. exius informed me that when they undertook the development of a new invention for the purposes of national defence the government paid them for the cost of all material used and allowed them a sufficient percentage over labor costs to cover their overhead, plus a fair amount of profit. this probably accounts for the fact that germany to-day is far ahead of us in her development of engines for the military submarine. there is no gainsaying the fact that the policy of our government has been to make up an ideally perfect weapon and then invite manufacturers to bid for the work. they have thus thrown the burden of development upon individual firms, many of whom have been forced into bankruptcy in their patriotic desire to furnish acceptable devices to the government. we have the inventive genius in this country to _create and originate_ new machines and new methods of manufacture. in most commercial and industrial lines we are able to maintain a leading position, but in devices designed for the national defence we originate, and other nations develop and profit. had we supported our inventors and held within this country as far as possible the knowledge of their devices, and withheld the secrets of their work from foreign powers, as indeed we should have, the united states to-day would be in a position of military effectiveness very different from that in which we are found. all this is due to the fact that the government does not foster and protect our newly created devices, and to-day we are behind the continental powers in our gunnery, our airplanes, in our dirigibles, and in our submarine engines, as well as in many other auxiliaries necessary to our national protection. i feel that it lies within the province of the civilian board to correct the mistakes in our governmental policy, provided, of course, that congress makes suitable appropriations to enable it to carry on investigations in a proper manner and to protect the inventors who submit new and original ideas. at the time secretary daniels created the board i wrote him, in part, as follows: "i notice by to-day's _new york herald_ that you are proposing to appoint an 'advisory board of civilian inventors for a bureau of invention and development,' to be created in the navy department, and that you have asked mr. thomas a. edison to be the chairman of said board. "i wish to congratulate you upon this conception. i believe such a board, if its work is properly systematized, can be made of great and permanent value to the nation. "many illustrations could be found in which other nations have been the first to take up and reap the benefit from american inventions. it is doubtful if morse, edison, bell, the wrights, or any other pioneer american inventors have received any reward whatever from many countries whose own citizens have grown rich and prosperous by taking up and manufacturing american inventions without giving consideration to them. "when i first submitted my plans of a submarine boat to the navy department in 1893 i had no company back of me and did not make a proposition to the department to build a boat. i suggested to them that i would coã¶perate with the navy department in a way satisfactory to them. "my hope was, at that time, as i was only a youngster, to receive some sort of a commission in the united states navy and to be placed in charge of the development of the submarine, but the submarine was a discredited machine in those days, and after i had spent several days in trying to interest the authorities at that time in my proposition i failed, and felt very much discouraged, and did not again return to the navy department until called there in 1901 by a telegram from senator hale, who was then chairman of the senate navy committee. "since that time i have been offered a splendid position with very large financial backing if i would take charge of the development of submarines for a foreign government. this i refused to do, because i had a natural desire to receive some recognition in my own country. "the principal aim and ambition in my life has been to be able to make sufficient money to endow an institution for the protection of american inventors. "i tried to interest enoch pratt in this scheme twenty-three years ago in baltimore. i have given a great deal of thought to such an institution. it does not look now as if i should be able to carry out my plans. if i had had sufficient financial backing in the early days of my experiments and development of the submarine to have protected myself fully by foreign patents, all of the european countries to-day would be paying me royalties, as they are all using a number of features in their boats which i originated. "while i regret that the probabilities are that i will not be able to carry out my ambition, your proposition would, if carried out, go a long way toward improving the opportunities of american inventors to secure proper recognition of their inventive genius so far as they could be applied to the protection of the nation. "i can, however, foresee certain oppositions to this scheme: first, there will be opposition from the vested interests who have held for years control of certain lines of manufactured articles and material used in the service. "the scheme would also fail unless it would be possible for this board to secure the entire confidence of the american inventors. very few inventors have had large business experience or know how to protect themselves from the various parasites who thrive upon them. "a man gets an idea--it may be an old one, but he considers it original--and becomes obsessed with the idea that he has made a great discovery. he may be a farmer, a mechanic, a clergyman, or any other form of good american citizen, but not an experienced business man. in many cases he becomes a prey to people who live entirely upon their wits and the inexperience of others. "first, if he is unfortunate enough to fall in the hands of an unscrupulous patent attorney, he will get all the money he can out of him by securing him a worthless patent. probably 75 per cent. of the patents issued are not worth the paper they are written upon. after securing the patents he will then give up his farm or his position, take his savings and go to new york or some other city, and fall into the hands of an unscrupulous promoter, who makes the inventor believe he can place his patents, or, if he has a good invention and falls into the hands of an unscrupulous promoter, the invention is taken away from him, or he is given a mere pittance for it. "i know of one case where an inventor of one of the most successful typewriting machines on the market, who spent his life in developing it, is receiving the munificent sum of eleven cents from each machine as a royalty. there is a large number of these machines being manufactured, and of course he is receiving a comfortable income even at this small rate, but the promoter who had nothing to do with its origination and who only happened to know the capitalists to go to, and the capitalists, are receiving a princely income. "so many instances of inventors being deprived of a fair remuneration for their inventions have occurred that as a class it will be found that many of them will hesitate to submit their ideas to the board. "i have received many letters from inventors throughout the country who had all sorts of schemes for improving submarine boats, for detecting their presence under water, for destroying them, for protecting battleships against them, etc. in some cases they were accompanied by plans and descriptions, and they are usually old ideas, in many cases already patented. in other instances i have received letters stating that they had ideas which they would submit to me if i would pass upon them or coã¶perate with them in developing or introducing them to the navy department. my practice has always been to refuse to consider any device or invention unless the inventor had made application for a patent, as i did not want to be accused of taking another man's ideas, as he might submit to me ideas similar to my own and which i might have already had either patents pending in the patent office for same, or had made similar plans upon which i might expect to take out a patent at some future time. "this feeling of uncertainty may cause inventors to hesitate to send their ideas in, but i think that could be overcome by having certain rules of procedure; that is, any idea submitted must be put into form, sworn to as original by the man who submitted it, which must be attested by witnesses. it could then be sent to examiners--first, to find out if it was an original idea; second, to find out if it was a mechanically operative idea; and, third, to find out if there was any need for such a device. "i think your naming mr. edison as the head of such a bureau will go a long ways toward creating confidence in the mind of the inventors, that they would receive proper consideration. most every one knows of mr. edison's perseverance in his early days in getting his inventions upon the market. a great many people know that he himself has not received a fraction of the reward that he is entitled to because of his great inventions. he is, without doubt, the greatest inventor the united states has produced. while i have never met mr. edison personally, i have always been a great admirer of him, because he is the man most responsible for raising the title of 'inventor' from that of crank to that of honor. i was such an admirer of him in my youth that i named my son after him. i do not think you could have made a better choice than he to head this bureau. "if the bureau is organized, permit me to suggest that there should be some definite inducement held out to the inventors in the way of a royalty compensation or some other form of compensation for such ideas as the government might take up and utilize. the plan which i had in mind for my inventors' institution was to erect buildings, machine shops, laboratories, with a staff of patent experts, draftsmen, and engineers, so that the crude idea could first be investigated to see if it was original, then passed on to the engineers, who would coã¶perate with the inventor, and they would see that proper plans were made covering the proper kinds and strength of material to accomplish the purpose, and then it would be sent to the shops, all this work being charged up to the invention, or to the inventor if he was in a position to pay for it, at cost. "the institution would, in consideration of its placing all these facilities available to the inventor, receive a certain percentage for its part of the work. in that way a properly endowed institution would probably be self-supporting. it might be possible to work that idea into your scheme. take, as an illustration, the submarine boats. something new and revolutionary might be introduced in the way of propulsive means which would enable submarines to make very much greater speed, both on the surface and submerged. as soon as the submarine has the speed of a battleship, it will be able to drive the battleship from the seas. without battleships to cover the landing of troops from transports, no invasion of one country by another country, from the sea, can be made. therefore, no more wars between maritime countries. "such a propulsive means, therefore, will become a great and valuable adjunct to any nation. if the government developed such a machine it would be only right for them to pay a royalty to the inventor. on the other hand, this same machine would undoubtedly be very valuable for a great many other industrial purposes. if it was used for other purposes, it would only be right that the inventor pay the government in return a royalty or percentage of his profits in consideration of the government having developed it for him. "i hope you will not think i am officious in offering these suggestions. having given so much thought to the matter in the line as above referred to, i felt that you were entitled to have my thoughts for what they were worth. "i certainly hope you will be able to get the support of congress, the naval officers, and the inventors in carrying this scheme through to a successful conclusion, which, if done, i believe will be one of the greatest constructive pieces of legislation accomplished in years." a larger institution along the same lines might well be endowed by a number of america's bright business men who have made fortunes based upon the ideas of some poor, unsophisticated inventor who has not been brought up to worship wealth, but who had an original idea of value to the world and to the individuals who had the business capacity to get the money out of it. original ideas are creations, and the creation of ideas may become possible by constant study and research. in this class are all the professional inventors; but many good ideas are spontaneous and occur in brains not educated along mechanical or scientific lines. the establishment of such an institution as above outlined would conserve these spontaneous inventions for the benefit of the nation, as well as assist the professional inventor in his research. chapter iv the evolution of the submarine among the many submarines which were built previous to the beginning of the present century, very few taught lessons of positive value, for the great majority of these experimental craft were total failures. knowledge of the causes of their failures is important, however, because it teaches us what errors in construction to avoid. practically all of these early submarines were built secretly; when failures resulted the vessels were abandoned and the results of such trials were not published, consequently the succeeding designers were very apt to make the same mistakes. it was not until the past decade that any general description of many of the early submarines was published and made available to students of this problem. in looking over the published plans and descriptions of a number of those early submarines, i have been convinced that many lives and much capital could have been saved had the results of the various experiments been openly disclosed for the guidance of later designers. the desire to navigate in the depths of the sea has possessed the minds of many men since the beginning of history, and even at very early times several crude submarines were devised in the attempt to solve the problem. but, as i have related in the preceding chapter, it was not until the period of the war between england and her american colonists that any important progress was made. bushnell's little submarine, called the _american turtle_, was built at that time. it took its name from its shape, which resembled the back shells of two turtles joined together. from the rather complete description of this vessel contained in one of dr. bushnell's letters, it appears to have been propelled by a screw propeller to obtain forward or reverse motion. it was ballasted in such a manner as to give the vessel great inherent stability. it had water ballast tanks which could be filled to give the vessel negative buoyancy, if desired, or to reduce the positive buoyancy so much that the vessel could be readily drawn under water by another screw propeller which was operated by a vertical shaft extending through a stuffing box into the vessel. this submarine carried a mine on its back, and provision was made to enable the operator inside the submarine to attach the mine to the bottom of a ship at anchor. this vessel was regulated in such a way that the mine could be exploded by a clockwork mechanism after the submarine had reached a safe distance from the vessel. with this submarine a mine was placed under the bottom of the english frigate _eagle_, anchored in new york bay, but the mine drifted clear before the clockwork mechanism caused it to explode, otherwise the frigate would undoubtedly have been destroyed. general washington complimented dr. bushnell on having so nearly succeeded in his attempt to sink the ship. [illustration: sketch of the confederate submarine "hunley" made after she was recovered and hoisted on the dock years after the war. (drawing by r. s. skerrett.)] this submarine was unquestionably a successful model. it had one important feature that many designers have failed to appreciate, and that was great inherent stability. great stability in a submarine means the carrying out of the now popular maxim "safety first." sufficient static stability is a guarantee that during all the manoeuvring evolutions of a submarine she will always remain right side up and not dive into the bottom unless the hull is punctured or flooded at one end or the other. bushnell's model was not suited to high speed, but high speed was not essential in the days of the sailing ship. if this design had been developed further, so that several men could have been used to operate the propeller, it should have given a good account of itself. robert fulton's boat, to which i also have made reference in the foregoing chapter, differed from bushnell's in its method of submerged control, which was by vertical and horizontal rudders at the stern. it also carried a collapsible mast on which a sail could be spread for surface navigation. a bavarian by the name of bauer built a submarine in 1850. its method of control was by shifting a weight forward to dive and aft to rise. it was a flat-sided and flat-decked vessel with comparatively thin plating and entirely unsuited to resist the pressure of the water at any considerable depth. it collapsed in the harbor of kiel during one of its trial trips. bauer kept his presence of mind, however, and when sufficient water had entered and raised the trapped air pressure inside of the boat equal to the pressure outside, he opened the hatch and swam to the surface. this vessel remained partly buried in the mud into which it had sunk until 1887, when it was located during the deepening of kiel harbor and taken to berlin, where it is now kept in the museum of oceanography as an exhibit of germany's first submarine. no further important advance was made in the art of submarine navigation until the period of the civil war, when the confederates built several small submarines, called "davids." one of these was called the _hunley_, after her designer. during her brief career she suffocated or drowned thirty-two men, including her designer. during my early experiments with the _argonaut_ in 1898 i received a visit from col. charles h. hasker, of richmond, virginia, who explained in detail the method of operating the _hunley_. she was a cylindrical-shaped craft, about thirty feet long and six feet in diameter, with both bow and stern flattened to form a stem and stern-post, respectively. water-ballast compartments were located in either end of the vessel. she was propelled by eight men, who turned the cranked propeller shaft by hand. these men sat on benches on either side of the shaft. she had the usual vertically hung rudder aft, and a diving rudder forward to incline her bow down for diving, or to raise her bow to bring her to the surface (see page 150). unfortunately she lacked longitudinal stability, and during her experimental trials twice dove head first into the bottom. of her experience i have given an account elsewhere. the lesson to be learned from the disastrous trials of this vessel was that sufficient statical stability should always be secured to prevent the vessel taking on an excessive inclination due to shifting of water ballast or movement of crew. [illustration: the new orleans submarine built by the confederates during the civil war.] another submarine built by the confederates shows a much safer design. it is shown as the new orleans submarine. according to the story told by a native of new orleans, this vessel was built during the civil war to destroy the northern ships. the story of her launching has been given in a foregoing chapter. it is evident that the designer of this vessel miscalculated and made his boat so much overweight that she could not be given sufficient buoyancy to bring her to the surface by the means provided. from a study of the form of this vessel, she should have been very stable, and i am of the opinion that she could have been successfully navigated submerged had she been properly ballasted. [illustration: the "intelligent whale" built by o. s. halstead of newark, n. j., and sold to the u. s. government in 1870, now in brooklyn navy yard.] during the years 1863 and 1864, messrs. bourgois and brun brought out for the french navy the largest and, in some respects, the most completely equipped submarine that was produced during the nineteenth century. this was _le plongeur_, a vessel about one hundred and forty feet long, ten feet depth, and twenty feet beam, with a displacement of over four hundred tons. her motive power consisted of compressed-air engines of eighty horsepower. the compressed air was carried in air tanks at a pressure of one hundred and eighty pounds per square inch. it is reported that the capacity of the air tanks exceeded one hundred and forty cubic metres. [illustration: longitudinal section of the french submarine "le plongeur" this vessel was built by messrs. bourgois and brun in 1864 and was backed by the french government. she was the largest and the most costly vessel built in the attempt to solve the problem of successful submarine navigation up to about the beginning of the 20th century. (see text.)] her submerged control system consisted of the usual water-ballast tanks for reducing the vessel's surface buoyancy preparatory to submerging. the final adjustment of displacement was to be effected by means of cylinders which could be forced out through stuffing boxes to increase her displacement or withdrawn to reduce her displacement. it was hoped that by manipulating these cylinders she could be put in equilibrium with the water she displaced, and that she could then be steered in any desired direction by the vertical and horizontal rudders placed at her stern. theoretically this is an ideal method for submerged control, but in practice it works out badly, especially when a vessel has little stability, for the reason that there are so many disturbing influences to cause the vessel to take on dangerous angles in diving. if free surfaces exist in the water-ballast tanks, the slightest change from a level keel causes the water to flow to the lower end of the ballast tank. this is apt to augment the inclination still further, and cause the vessel to dive, or, _vice versa_, to broach. the density of the water also varies, especially where freshwater rivers empty into salt water. at times quite different densities are found at various depths. the fresh water and salt water, instead of rapidly mixing, seem to have a tendency to remain in strata which extend, in some cases, considerable distances off shore. therefore it is practically impossible to secure and maintain a vessel in perfect equilibrium. the movement of the crew forward and aft, or the effect of the sea, which imparts a vertical motion to the water beneath the surface, all tend to destroy both trim and equilibrium to such an extent that many failures have resulted in vessels of this type. _le plongeur_ was no exception to this rule, because it was found impossible to control her depth when running submerged, and she would either dive into the bottom or broach to the surface. one report stated that even in depths of thirty feet she would make progress "by alternately striking the bottom and then rebound to the surface like an elastic india-rubber ball." one other novel feature introduced in _le plongeur_ was an "escape boat," which was carried on top of the main hull, to which it was secured by bolts. a double hatch connected the submarine and the escape boat together. in case the submarine became disabled or entangled in wreckage and could not be brought to the surface, the crew could enter through double hatches into the escape boat, secure the bottom hatch, and by turning the securing bolts from the interior release the escape boat and ascend to the surface. mr. o. s. halstead, of newark, new jersey, completed, in 1866, a submarine vessel on which the united states government made a partial payment. this vessel is known as the _intelligent whale_, and is now installed as a permanent exhibit on the green at the brooklyn navy yard, new york. the vessel had a vertical and horizontal rudder at the stern for submerged control. according to official reports, she must have functioned fairly well when submerged. one of the features of this vessel consisted in its ability to be converted into a diving bell when resting on the bottom. a large trap-door was arranged in the bottom of the vessel. after filling the whole interior of the vessel with compressed air equal in pressure to the pressure of the water at the bottom of the vessel, the trap-door could be opened and the air pressure would keep the water from rising, the same as in a diving bell. a study of this vessel shows that she must have been a very stable craft and not likely to dive at an excessive angle or to stand on end, as was the tendency of many of the early diving boats. a report signed by gen. t. w. sweeny, u. s. a., and col. john michal, col. t. r. tresilian, and major r. c. bocking, engineers, strongly endorsed this vessel. on the strength of the above-mentioned reports and endorsements, the government, through the navy department, appointed a commission composed of commodore c. m. smith, commodore augustus l. chase, chief of bureau of ordnance, and edward o. mathews, chief of the torpedo board, "to examine, inspect, and report on the merit of said boat." as the report of this commission confirmed the capacity and efficiency of the boat for submarine purposes, the government made a contract for her purchase for the sum of $50,000 (â£10,250). the contract specified certain conditions which were to be fulfilled before the final payment was made, one of which was that halstead should "write out fully and describe, without reservation, all the inventions, secrets, and contrivances necessary to enable any competent person or persons to operate and manage said boat as contemplated, desired, or designed, more especially the methods of furnishing, managing, controlling, purifying, and renewing the air when and in quantity as needed, so as to enable those in the boat to descend and ascend or remain under water any reasonable length of time; also, to open the doors in the bottom of the boat and keep the water from coming therein at any reasonable and regulated depth." for this information halstead was to receive such further sum as a board of officers might grant. halstead was to have the further right to apply to congress for additional compensation. in carrying out the provisions of the contract, the government, on may 27, 1870, took over the _intelligent whale_ and then paid $12,050 (â£2,470) on account of the contract. shortly after this halstead was instantly killed. differences then arose between halstead's heirs and others who claimed an interest in the contract. it does not appear that anything further was ever done with the boat to carry out the terms of the contract. she lay neglected for years on the old "cob dock" in the brooklyn navy yard, but was recently erected as an exhibit on the green. some years later that famous inventor, mr. j. p. holland, brought out a submarine vessel called the _fenian ram_. this vessel was about thirty feet long and six feet in diameter. she was navigated, when submerged, by the use of vertical and horizontal rudders located at the stern. the novel feature introduced in the vessel was an under-water air-gun which was designed to fire a shell under water. mr. holland was originally a school teacher in ireland, from which country he was exiled because of his political beliefs. on coming to the united states he became affiliated with the fenian movement. previous to his construction of the _fenian ram_ mr. holland built experimentally a small one-man boat. the money to build the _fenian ram_ was subscribed by the "clan-na-gael" and other irish patriotic societies, and an associate of mr. holland recently informed me that over $200,000 (â£41,000) was subscribed to enable mr. holland to carry on his experiments. after the collapse of the fenian movement the _fenian ram_ was towed up to new haven, connecticut, and hauled out on the banks of the mill river, where it has lain ever since, hidden under a pile of lumber. one of the former leaders of the fenians informed me that the scheme was to build a number of submarines of about the size of the _ram_. they were to have been carried across the atlantic in a special ship with water-tight compartments extending below the water line, into which the submarines were to have been floated and a sea door closed. on arrival on the english coast, this special ship, which was apparently a harmless merchantman, was to locate the british war vessels in some one of the harbors, sail in and anchor near them; then the little submarines were to be released from their mother ship and proceed to sink as many of the british ships as they could by firing explosive shells into them below the water line. the novelty of such an attack was relied upon to spread consternation among the british fleet and thus enable the submarines to escape. in 1878 mr. g. w. garrett, of liverpool, took out a patent and constructed a small boat whose equilibrium was to have been maintained by the admission of water into a cylinder and forcing it out by a piston. in 1879, mr. garrett brought out a larger vessel, called the _resurgam_, in which his means of control were forward diving rudders similar to those of the confederate _hunley_. the novel feature of this vessel was the installation of a very large steam boiler in which sufficient heat could be stored to enable the vessel to make a submerged run of several miles after the fires were shut down. this vessel was lost during her experimental trials. mr. garrett then interested mr. nordenfelt, the inventor of the celebrated nordenfelt gun, in his boat. mr. nordenfelt improved upon garrett's boat and built vessels for greece, turkey, and russia. his first boat was sixty-four feet in length by nine feet beam, with a displacement of about sixty tons. the method of submerged control, which he devised, consisted of the use of two downhaul screws located in sponsons on either side of the vessel. these screws were operated by bevel gears and were run at sufficient speed to overcome the reserve of buoyancy. the vessel was intended to be always operated with a reserve of buoyancy. to submerge, therefore, it was necessary to run the propellers at a speed sufficient to exert a thrust to overcome this buoyancy and pull her bodily under water. after reaching the desired depth, forward motion was then to be given by the usual screw propeller, and she was expected to make progress on a level keel and in a horizontal plane. the level keel was to have been maintained by the use of a horizontal rudder placed in the bow. this method of submerged control for submarine vessels of moderate speed seems to me to be an excellent one in principle. i have been surprised that further development has not been made along these lines. i think the final abandonment of the nordenfelt type of vessel was due to failure in carrying out the details of design rather than to faulty basic principles. a former chief engineer of mr. nordenfelt informed me that the heat from the large amount of hot water stored up in the reservoirs--for submerged power--made the interior of the vessels almost unbearable for the crew when the hatches were shut down, and that he did not believe the submarines ever made any submerged runs after being delivered. i also judge, from his description of his experiences with the vessels, that they lacked longitudinal stability and were difficult to hold in the horizontal position, which mr. nordenfelt claimed was a _sine qua non_ for a submarine boat. i concur in this claim. in an article on his boats, mr. nordenfelt stated that they were very sensitive, and that he had purposely made them so in order that the horizontal rudder might easily maintain the boat in a horizontal position. my experience has led me to prefer great statical stability rather than sensitiveness. mr. nordenfelt's boats had means for discharging the smoke from the fires under the water. this was done so as not to betray the submarine's position to surface vessels. he also seems to have been the first to incorporate torpedo tubes within his hull for the discharge of the whitehead torpedo. the spanish lieut. isaac peral built, in 1887, a vessel in which the motive power was supplied from electric accumulators. it was operated by the usual vertical and horizontal rudders. its submerged control was bad, but its electric propulsive system worked well. mons. goubet built several small boats during the period from 1885 to 1890 with a propeller which worked on a universal joint so arranged that the direction of thrust could be changed to drive the boat under water or to bring her to the surface when submerged. this propeller took the place of the usual vertical and horizontal rudders. prof. josiah l. tuck built, in 1885, a vessel called the _peacemaker_, the novel feature of which consisted of a "caustic soda" boiler for generating steam for submerged work. in 1886 a mr. waddington, of england, brought out a small electric accumulator boat with downhaul screws arranged in vertical tubes. he also used side rudders to assist in control of depth. it is reported that this vessel functioned quite successfully, but she was abandoned, and mr. waddington does not seem to have developed anything further. in 1892 george h. baker brought out an egg-shaped vessel which he ran submerged by the use of side propellers driven by bevel gears. these propellers were carried in frames so that they could be inclined to exert a thrust downward or upward, or at any desired angle so as to pull the boat downward and drive her forward at the same time. this was an improvement over nordenfelt's side propellers, which ran on fixed vertical shafts. this vessel functioned fairly satisfactorily at slow speeds, but neither the form nor driving mechanism was suitable for the higher speeds required by modern practice. a number of other boats were built, but there does not appear to be anything new in principle in them. this brings us up to 1893, when the united states government made an appropriation of $200,000 (â£41,000) for a submarine boat and advertised for inventors to submit designs. this was the first time that it was officially recognized in this country that there _might_ be possibilities in this type of boat. most of the naval officers, however, were very sceptical of the practicability of such craft, and, from the conservative point of view, they were perhaps justified, as no satisfactory boat had been built up to that time. a program of requirements, which undoubtedly would produce a weapon valuable for defence, was made up by the navy department, and these requirements were designated in the following order of importance: 1. safety. 2. facility and certainty of action when submerged. 3. speed when running on the surface. 4. speed when submerged. 5. endurance, both submerged and on the surface. 6. offensive power. 7. stability. 8. visibility of object to be attacked. this standard of accomplishments is as important to-day as when it was first promulgated. this first appropriation was brought about by a recommendation to congress, made by commander folger, chief of ordnance, who had been much impressed with the possibilities of submarines after witnessing a test of the baker boat in lake michigan. commander g. a. converse, president of the torpedo board, also made a report certifying that it was his belief that a larger vessel operating on the baker principles would, with some modifications, prove valuable for defensive and offensive purposes. france at this date was the only other country which was giving official encouragement to the development of the submarine. she was conducting experiments with the _gymnote_, a small vessel of the diving type, and had under construction a much larger vessel to be operated on the same principle. this vessel was afterward called the _gustave zã©dã©_, but she did not go into commission for some time, as her submerged control was found to be bad. one report of her trials states that, "with the committee of engineers on board, her performance in attempting to keep an even depth line was most erratic, and frequently a thirty-degree inclination was reached before the boat could be brought up. on one occasion she hit the bottom in ten fathoms with sufficient force to unseat the engineering experts." the _gymnote_ was five feet ten inches in diameter amidships and fifty-nine feet ten inches in length. the _gustave zã©dã©_ was ten feet nine inches in diameter and one hundred forty-eight feet long. it is very difficult to secure sufficient metacentric height in a boat of the above proportions, which probably accounted largely for their erratic behavior when submerged. in response to the united states government's advertisement for designs of submarine boats, only three inventors submitted plans and specifications. these were mr. george c. baker, mr. j. p. holland, and myself. mr. baker submitted designs of a boat sixty feet in length and of about one hundred and twenty tons displacement. this vessel was expected to have a speed of about eight miles per hour. the method of submerged control and known characteristics were the same as have already been described in connection with his boat as built in 1892. mr. holland proposed to build a vessel eighty-five feet in length, eleven and one-half feet in diameter, of one hundred and sixty-eight tons submerged displacement, and of one hundred and fifty-four tons light displacement. this gave a surface "reserve of buoyancy" of only fourteen tons, or less than ten per cent. the method of control was by the use of vertical and horizontal rudders on the same principle as was used in his _fenian ram_, described above. in 1897 mr. holland published in _cassier's magazine_ an article on submarine navigation, giving some of his experiences with the _fenian ram_. this article explains very well the state of the art of submarine navigation in 1893. one of the early difficulties encountered was how to know the direction one was going when submerged. referring to his experience in the _fenian ram_, mr. holland said: "experience with submarine boats had been so very limited up to 1881 that more difficulty in steering a straight course by compass while submerged than while moving on the surface was scarcely expected. the writer had no suspicion that his boat could not be steered perfectly until he had tried it after making about half a dozen preliminary dives to adjust the automatic apparatus. having become doubtful of the reliability of the compass, he had it carefully compensated, and then made a trial submerged run in new york harbor, heading the vessel toward a point which he knew was about twelve minutes' run distant. "the boat dived at an inclination of about fifteen degrees, and it was noticed that when she again reached a horizontal position the compass needle swung around a complete circle and vibrated a good deal before coming to rest. the boat was then discovered to be about ninety degrees off her course. it was steered again in the proper direction, and then inclined upward at a sharp angle to find whether the action of the compass would be as erratic while rising as while running downward. one end of the needle dipped to the bottom of the cup when beginning the ascent, and remained there during the rise. when the boat approached a horizontal position, a few feet below the surface, the needle swung around as violently as it had done during the boat's descent, and then came to rest again at a point that indicated the boat to be far off the true course. "as it appeared quite clear that the run was not made in the direction intended, and that about one mile must have been covered from the start, ten minutes having already passed, the boat was brought to the surface of the water just in time to prevent her from running on rocks that lay about twenty yards straight ahead and sixty yards down from the starting point. "the boat had been started to run over one mile up stream, and the mile-run ended sixty yards down stream, with the boat heading exactly opposite to her original direction. this erratic action of the compass was discovered to be due to heeling, or inclining from the horizontal position, and that it could not be corrected in that boat on account of the near proximity to the compass needle of considerable masses of iron that were liable to have their position changed while the vessel was submerged." to overcome the above-mentioned difficulties, mr. holland invented a device and was granted a patent (no. 492,960) for a triangular drag, which was expected to keep the vessel on a true course when under water. this triangular drag was the novel feature of mr. holland's 1893 design, and was intended automatically to steer the vessel on a straight course when submerged. it was intended to operate on the following ingenious principle: while the vessel was running on the surface the steering gear was under the control of the steersman. in this condition the compass could be adjusted, as the vessel was on a substantially level keel and the masses of metal remained fixed in their relation to the compass, but when the vessel was caused to dive the masses of metal changed their relation to the adjusting magnets and the compass was thrown out of true. therefore, on beginning a dive the vessel was first started on the surface on the course it was intended to follow submerged until the triangular drag, being drawn through the water, assumed a direction parallel to the axial line of the boat by reason of the rush of water against said drag, and especially against the rib thereon. as soon as the boat was on her course the steersman was expected to disconnect his hand steering gear and allow the drag to control the rudder to hold her to her original course. mr. holland maintained that any departure from a straight line would cause the drag to produce swinging motion of a lever, which was expected to throw the rudder in a reverse direction, thus returning the ship to her original course. another automatic steering device operated by the pressure of the water was expected to automatically control the depth of submergence, it being only necessary, theoretically, to move a control lever to a point on a dial corresponding to the desired or predetermined depth of submergence, and the horizontal diving rudder would then be automatically manipulated to incline the bow of the boat down so as to dive until the desired depth was reached and then to be manipulated to throw the bow up or down to maintain that depth. in further describing his 1893 design for the _plunger_, for which he received the award based on a guarantee of performance, mr. holland describes her as follows: "the boat now being built for the united states government satisfies all the requirements detailed earlier in this article. it will have a length over all of eighty-five feet, and diameter of eleven and one-half feet; total displacement, one hundred and sixty-eight tons, and a light displacement of one hundred and fifty-four tons. the guaranteed speed on the surface will be fifteen knots, the speed awash fourteen knots, and submerged eight knots. at full speed the boat will have an endurance of twelve hours and a radius of action of one thousand miles at slower speed. the endurance, when submerged, will be ten hours at a speed of six knots. the boat will be propelled by triple screws, operated by three independent sets of triple-expansion steam engines, capable of developing 1625 indicated horsepower. there will also be electric storage batteries and a motor of 70 horsepower for submerged running. the armament will consist of two expulsion tubes and five whitehead torpedoes. [illustration: the plunger (holland type submarine), launched in august, 1897 machinery not drawn to scale. the engines of 1,600 horse-power, with the necessary auxiliaries, nearly filled the after portion of the vessel.] "steering on the horizontal plane while submerged is accomplished by an automatic apparatus that performed very well in one of the boat's predecessors. steering in the vertical plane is also done automatically, and with considerable exactness, while submerged. steering in both planes can also, at the same time, be controlled manually. there will be a steel armored turret, four feet high, to protect the pilot and smokestack, and the hull will be covered by three feet of water while the vessel runs awash to attack. "when engaged in harbor defence duty its position will be outside the outer line of harbor defences; that is, beyond the reach of the guns defending the entrance. while performing this duty it will lie awash; that is, with only the top of its turret over the surface of the water. on the approach of an enemy's vessel the smokestack will be shipped and the aperture on top of the turret through which it passed will be quickly closed watertight. she will then run in a direction to intercept the enemy's ship, still remaining in the awash condition, until she comes near enough to be discovered by the lookouts on the ship, when she will go from the awash to the entirely submerged condition. the distance from the ship at which she will dive will depend upon the weather. in rough weather she can come quite close without being observed. having come within a distance that the operator estimates at two or three hundred yards from the ship, the diving rudders are manipulated so as to cause the top of the turret to come for a few seconds above the surface of the water. during this short exposure of the turret--much too short to give the enemy a chance to find its distance and train a gun on it capable of inflicting any injury--the pilot ascertains the bearing of the enemy's ship, alters his course or makes another dive if necessary. if he finds that the submarine boat is within safe striking distance, say one hundred yards, a whitehead torpedo is discharged at the ship. a heavy explosion within six seconds after the torpedo is expelled will notify the operator that his attack has been successful, and he may then devote his attention to the next enemy's ship that may be within reach. when the boat is running on the surface of the water, with full steam power, and it becomes necessary to dive quickly, the pilot gives the order, 'prepare to dive.' the oil fuel is instantly shut off from the furnace, the valves are opened to admit water to the water-ballast tanks, an electric engine draws down the smokestack and air-shaft into the superstructure, and moves a large, massive sliding valve over the aperture on the turret through which the smokestack passes. these operations will be completed in about thirty seconds, when the boat is in the awash condition and prepared to dive. in twenty seconds more it will be running horizontally at a depth of twenty feet below the surface of the water and quite beyond reach of the enemy's projectiles." i submitted designs of a twin-screw vessel eighty feet long, ten feet beam, and one hundred fifteen tons displacement, with 400-horsepower steam engines for surface propulsion and 70-horsepower motors for submerged work. this design introduced several new and striking features into the art of submarine navigation which have been the cause of considerable scientific discussion. the design called for a _double hull_ vessel, the spaces between the inner and outer hulls forming water-ballast tanks; the design also called for twin screws and four torpedo tubes, two firing forward and two aft. [illustration: lake design as submitted to the u. s. navy department in 1893 novel features consisted in: (a) wheels for running on the bottom; (b) rudder forming also a steering wheel when navigating on the bottom; (c-c) propellers for holding vessel to depth when not under way; (d-d) depth regulating vanes or hydroplanes for causing vessel to change depth while under way and to accomplish the changes of depth on an even keel; (e-e) horizontal rudders or "leveling vanes" designed to automatically hold the vessel on a level keel when under way; (f) a weight automatically controlled by a pendulum; (p) mechanism to correct trim; (g) gun arranged in watertight revolving turret for defense purposes or attack on unarmored surface craft; (l) propeller in tube for swinging vessel at rest to facilitate "pointing" her torpedoes; (m) conning tower; (n) telescoping smokestack; (o) observing instrument arranged to turn down on deck when under way; (t-t) torpedo tubes, two firing forward and two aft; (w-w) anchoring weights to hold the vessel at rest at any desired depth between the surface and bottom; (x) an "emergency keel" which would be automatically released if the vessel reached an unsafe depth. she was a double-hull vessel, water being admitted to the space between the inner and outer hulls and in trim tanks forward and aft to effect submergence. a diving compartment was also provided to enable the crew to leave or enter the vessel while submerged.] the novel feature which attracted the most attention and scepticism regarding this design was--so i was later informed by a member of the board--in the claim made that the vessel could readily navigate over the water-bed itself and that while navigating on the water-bed a door could be opened in the bottom of a compartment and the water kept from entering the vessel by means of compressed air, and that the crew could, by donning diving suits, readily leave and enter the vessel while submerged. another novel feature was in the method of controlling the depth of submergence when navigating between the surface and the water-bed. the vessel was designed always to submerge and navigate on a level keel rather than to be inclined down or up by the bow to dive or rise. this maintenance of a level keel while submerged was provided for by the installation of four depth-regulating vanes, which i later termed "hydroplanes" to distinguish them from the forward and aft levelling vanes or horizontal rudders. these hydroplanes were located at equal distances forward and aft of the centre of gravity and buoyancy of the vessel when in the submerged condition, so as not to disturb the trim of the vessel when the planes were inclined down or up to cause the vessel to submerge or rise when under way. i also used, in conjunction with the hydroplanes, horizontal rudders, which i called "levelling vanes," as their purpose was just the opposite from that of the horizontal rudder used in the diving type of vessel. they were operated by a pendulum-controlling device to be inclined so as always to maintain the vessel on a level keel rather than cause her to depart therefrom. when i came to try this combination out in practice i found hand control of the horizontal rudders was sufficient. if vessels with this system of control have a sufficient amount of stability, they will run for hours and _automatically maintain both a constant depth and a level keel_, without the depth-control man touching either the hydroplane or horizontal rudder control gear. this automatic maintenance of depth without manipulating the hydroplanes or rudders was a performance not anticipated or claimed in my original patent on the above-mentioned combination, and what caused these vessels to function in this manner remained a mystery, which was left unsolved until i built a model tank in 1905, in berlin, germany, and conducted a series of experiments on models of submarines. i then learned that the down pull of a hydroplane with a given degree of inclination varied according to its depth of submergence, and the deeper the submergence the less down pull. this works out to give automatic maintenance of depth so long as the vessel is kept at a constant trim on a substantially level keel, and i have known of vessels running for a period of over two hours without variation of depth of one foot and without once changing the inclination of either the hydroplanes or the horizontal rudder. the capability of this arrangement of hydroplanes and horizontal rudders to control the depth of submergence was questioned and doubted for many years. as late as 1902, nearly ten years after i first submitted this method of control to the united states navy department, naval constructor l. y. spear, u. s. n., testifying before the committee of naval affairs, house of representatives, in reference to the "lake even-keel boat" and my use of hydroplanes, said, "as an expert i do not think he will make his hydroplanes work"; and strongly contended that submergence by inclining the vessel itself was the proper method. several years later, in 1908, in paris, i met captain lauboeuf, the celebrated french naval constructor, who has perhaps done more toward perfecting the french submarines than any other designer, and he informed me that after the french government had its sad experience in the loss of the _lutine_ and _farfadet_ with their crews, it had changed all their diving boats into even-keel boats and was now using substantially my method of even-keel submergence with hydroplane control. he also informed me that it had, at that time, thirty-five new boats under construction to operate on the even-keel principle, eighteen of which were of five hundred and fifty tons displacement. captain lauboeuf was kind enough to compliment me as having been the first to introduce this method of submerged control. commander murray f. sueter, royal british navy, in his most complete work on "the evolution of the submarine boat, mine and torpedo, from the sixteenth century to the present time," published in 1907, said: "after scrutinizing all the information available, i am certain that several features of the 'lake' design will be embodied by most nations in the construction of future boats, the chief of which, perhaps, are 'the even-keel method of submergence' in preference to the 'dynamical dive' of the holland boats; also the provision of a safety keel and diving compartment. this latter forms a ready means of communicating with the surface should the boat, through some small mishap, find herself on the bottom and unable to rise." sir trevor dawson, formerly (r. n.) manager of "vickers," in discussing submarine boats before the institution of naval architects in 1907, said: "mr. lake mentioned the question of the importance of horizontal stability and the use of hydroplanes. i think these have been used by the holland company in america in connection with the experiments they made for the american government. in one of the boats i saw they gave me particulars of such experiments. i know, too, that they have been used considerably in france with satisfactory results, and i think his contention as to the importance of horizontal stability, as things exist to-day, is fully justified." captain edgar lees (r. n.), who was the officer in charge of the british submarines, said: "i may say, with regard to the features that mr. lake has brought to our notice--the hydroplane, for instance, and getting good freeboard and seaworthy boats--the mere fact that they have been largely copied and that most nations build these submarine boats is, as mr. lake contends, a conclusive proof that he has been for years on the right tack. well, i do not think at the present moment submarine boats are being built in any country without hydroplanes, in order to dive, if desired, almost horizontally." one of the latest contract requirements of the united states government, specifying the characteristics of the new boats to be built under the appropriation for submarines for the year 1915, stated: "the vessel shall make also the necessary trials to demonstrate her ability to effect initial submergence, to maintain submergence under way, and to change depths without exceeding an angle of inclination of one degree." this, in substance, calls for "even-keel submergence" when one considers that it was common for early boats of the diving type to take on an inclination of fifteen to twenty degrees, and inclinations of as much as forty-five degrees were not unknown. all governments and submarine builders have at present in their latest boats adopted the method of even-keel submergence by the use of hydroplanes, and i am gratified that this method of control has been finally adopted as the standard, as i believe none of the latest modern submarine boats will make the uncontrollable dives to the bottom common in the boats of the diving type, which have been accompanied in many cases by the loss of their crews. i did not make a proposal to build a boat from my designs as submitted in 1893, but offered to coã¶perate with the government in developing submarines under my patents, which were then pending, on such terms as the government might desire. not being fortunate enough, however, to secure the financial assistance of the government in developing my inventions for the protection of our country, i turned my attention for a time to applying my inventions to commercial purposes and to prove the practicability of navigating on the bottom. for this purpose i built, in 1894, the _argonaut, jr._, which i mentioned in the preceding chapter, and will now describe more fully. this vessel was provided with three wheels, two on either side forward and one aft, the latter acting as a steering wheel. when on the bottom the wheels were rotated by hand by one or two men inside the boat. her displacement was about seven tons, yet she could be propelled at a moderate walking gait when on the bottom. she was also fitted with an air-lock and diver's compartment, so arranged that by putting an air pressure on the diver's compartment equal to the water pressure outside a bottom door could be opened and no water could come into the vessel. then by putting on a pair of rubber boots the operator could walk around on the sea bottom and push the boat along with him and pick up objects, such as clams, oysters, etc., from the sea bottom. experiments with this vessel on the bottom of sandy hook bay convinced a sufficient number of people who were permitted to witness the experiments that submarine navigation in this manner was practicable, and i succeeded in raising sufficient capital to build a larger vessel to continue my experiments on a broader scale. therefore, in 1895, i designed the _argonaut_. [illustration: "argonaut" as originally built. launched in august, 1897 built to further demonstrate the possibility of navigation over the waterbed of seas or the ocean. she covered thousands of miles in her experimental work, testing out the practicability of the submarine for various kinds of commercial work.] at this time i was living in baltimore, md., so i made a contract with the columbian iron works and dry dock company, of that city, for her construction. this company was also building for the holland torpedo boat company the _plunger_, which was being constructed for the government under the 1893 appropriation. both vessels were completed about the same time. they were launched in august, 1897, and went into dry dock together. the _argonaut_, as originally built, was thirty-six feet long and nine feet in diameter. she was the first submarine to be operated successfully with an internal-combustion engine. she was propelled with a thirty-horsepower gasolene (petrol) engine driving a single-screw propeller. she was fitted with two toothed driving wheels forward, which were revolved by suitable gearing when navigating on the water-bed. they could be disconnected from this gearing and permitted to revolve freely, propulsion being secured by the screw propeller. a wheel in the rudder enabled her to be steered in any direction when on the bottom. she also had a divers' compartment to enable divers to leave or enter the vessel when submerged, so as to operate on wrecks or to permit inspection of the bottom or to recover shellfish. she also had a lookout compartment in the extreme bow, with a powerful searchlight to light up a pathway in front of her as she moved along over the water-bed. this searchlight i later found of little value except for night work in clear water. in clear water the sunlight would permit of as good vision without the use of the light as with it; while, if the water was not clear, no amount of light would permit of vision through it for any considerable distance. [illustration: the "argonaut" after lengthening and addition of buoyant, ship-shaped superstructure, increasing the surface buoyancy over 40 per cent] as the _argonaut_ was principally built in order to further test out the possibility of navigating on the water-bed in exploration and commercial work, she was propelled, both when on the surface and submerged, by her gasolene (petrol) engines. storage batteries were carried only for lighting purposes. the air to run her engines was first drawn into the vessel through a hose extending to a buoy floating on the surface. later she was fitted with pipe masts, which enabled her to navigate on the bottom in depths up to fifty feet. she functioned satisfactorily from the start. we found we could readily navigate over any kind of bottom, soft or hard, by regulating her buoyancy to suit, and she would, due to her buoyancy, readily climb over any obstruction that did not reach higher than her forefoot. [illustration: submarine with cushioned bottom wheels showing how such a vessel will surmount a steep declivity while a boat of the diving type (d) will likely "bury her nose" into it or strike with sufficient force to disarrange her machinery. if the submarine has sufficient statical stability she will maintain substantially a level keel even when riding over a steep declivity.] there were three things which caused us to delay her departure on a submarine exploration trip for a few weeks. the first was the escape of gasolene (petrol) fumes in the boat. when first built, fuel tanks were built in the hull itself and formed an integral part of the vessel. special care was given to make these fuel tanks tight. they were tested under hydraulic pressure and found to be tight, but the fumes from gasolene (petrol) are very searching, and, after filling the fuel tanks and keeping them filled over night, gasolene fumes were found to exist in the boat the next morning to such an extent that i would not venture to make a start until a fuel tank had been built outside of the vessel, where any escape of fumes would not form an explosive mixture. i followed this practice in all our later gasolene-engined boats, which largely eliminated the danger from carrying gasolene as a fuel. a number of explosions have occurred in other types of gasolene-propelled boats, in some cases with fatal results, from gasolene fuel being carried in built-up tanks within the hull itself. the next cause of delay was due to the escape of and collection of carbon monoxide within the vessel. this developed on our first submarine run. after we had been down about two hours some of us commenced to experience a dull pain at the base of the brain and a decided feeling of lassitude. on coming to the surface a couple of our men collapsed completely, and one was very sick all night. i could not understand the cause of this, as nothing of the kind had occurred in my previous hand-propelled vessel, so we made another submerged run the following day, and after about the same period of time the pain in the head and weariness came on again. i then discovered that the engine would occasionally backfire out into the boat and that gas was escaping past the piston rings into the base of the engine and from there into the boat. to overcome this difficulty i installed what i called an induction tank, which was piped up to the air intake of the engine and also the engine base. a check valve admitted air into this induction tank. when the engine was started the check valve was automatically lifted and induced a flow of air through the tank, in which a slight vacuum was maintained, which also served to draw the gases out from the engine base. in case of a backfire, the check valve automatically closed and the gases from the backfire were caught in the induction tank, from which they were drawn out on the next stroke of the engine. this solved the difficulty, and thereafter the air was always fresh and pure when running submerged even after a submergence of several hours' duration. like mr. holland, i also had difficulty on our first submergence in always knowing where we were going. our compass was first installed in the boat itself, where it was surrounded by steel. the compass adjuster had searched for and found what he considered the most _neutral_ place in the ship to install the compass, and had adjusted it by magnets in the usual manner, but it was too "loggy" for correct navigation and we were forced finally to install it in a bronze binnacle directly over the conning tower, where it could be viewed by mirrors from the steersman's station. this cut out most of the adjusting magnets, and the compass was nearly accurate on all courses. submarine navigation thus became reliable. on the completion of these changes the _argonaut_ was taken down the chesapeake bay to hampton roads, where several months were spent in examining the bottom conditions in the bay and out on the ocean, and in locating and picking up cables and in examining wrecks. the spanish-american war was on at this time, and an effort was made to interest the government officials in charge of the mines at fortress monroe. i tried to get some of the officers to go down in the _argonaut_ and see how easily observation mine cables could be located and cut if desired, as i was making almost daily submerged runs in their vicinity. finally i received peremptory orders not to submerge within a mile of the mine fields, as i might accidentally sever one of the cables, and then, as the officer in charge said, "there would be the devil to pay in washington." it was about this time that admiral sampson's fleet was holding at great expense its long vigil outside of santiago, waiting for cervera's fleet to come out. our fleet was kept outside the harbor for fear of the mines, while here in hampton roads all this time was a vessel capable of clearing away the mine fields, but which was not given serious consideration, as it was thought that the submarine was impracticable. experiments were also made showing the possibility of establishing submarine telephone stations at known locations on the bottom of the ocean. in january, 1898, while the _argonaut_ was submerged, telephonic conversation was held from submerged stations with baltimore, washington, and new york. in 1898, also, the _argonaut_ made the trip from norfolk to new york under her own power and unescorted. in her original form she was a cigar-shaped craft, with only a small percentage of reserve buoyancy in her surface cruising condition. we were caught out in the severe november northeast storm of 1898 in which over two hundred vessels were lost, and we did not succeed in reaching a harbor in the "horseshoe" back of sandy hook until three o'clock in the morning. the seas were so rough, and broke over her conning tower in such masses, that i was obliged to lash myself fast to prevent being swept overboard. it was freezing weather, and i was soaked and covered with ice on reaching harbor. this experience caused me to apply to the _argonaut_ a further improvement, for which i had already applied for a patent. this was to build around the usual pressure-resisting body of a submarine a ship-shape form of light plating which would give greater seaworthiness, better lines for surface speed, and make the vessel more habitable for surface navigation. it would, in other words, make a "sea-going submarine," which the usual form of cigar-shaped vessel was not, as it did not have sufficient surface buoyancy to enable it to rise with the seas, and the seas would sweep over it as they would sweep over a partly submerged rock. [illustration: the "argonaut," after being lengthened and rebuilt, in 1898, showing ship-shaped, watertight, buoyant superstructure] the _argonaut_ was therefore taken to brooklyn, twenty feet added to her length, and a light, watertight, buoyant superstructure of ship-shape form added. this superstructure was opened to the sea when it was desired to submerge the vessel, and water was permitted to enter the space between the light plating of the ship-shape form and the heavy plating of the pressure-resisting hull. this equalized the pressure on the light plates and prevented their becoming deformed, due to pressure. the superstructure increased her reserve of buoyancy in the surface cruising condition from about ten per cent. to over forty per cent., and she would rise to the seas like any ordinary type of surface vessel, instead of being buried by them in rough weather. this feature of construction has been adopted by the germans, italians, russians, and in all the latest types of french boats. it is the principal feature which distinguishes them in their surface appearance from the earlier cigar-shaped boats of the diving type. this ship-shape form of hull is only suited to level-keel submergence, and must be controlled by hydroplanes. i also departed from the cigar-shaped inner hull and was granted a patent on a form of pressure-resisting hull with rising axes. this improvement overcame the tendency to dive by the head common to the cigar-shaped form, increased the surface speed on an equivalent displacement, and gave a considerable increase in metacentric height over a vessel of equivalent length and beam. some incorrectly informed writers of books and magazines have, through their lack of complete information, given the credit of inventing and developing this seagoing type of submersible to the krupps of germany, to former naval constructor lauboeuf, of france, or to former naval constructor laurenti, of italy. for the purpose of giving a correct history of this development, perhaps i may be pardoned and not considered overconceited if i mention a few facts in connection with the development of this type of boat in european countries. on april 2, 1897, i applied for a patent on a combined surface and submarine vessel, the specifications of which began as follows: "this invention relates to a combined surface and submarine vessel and may be employed either as a torpedo boat _or for freight and general cruising purposes_, or for submarine work of all kinds. it has for its object, first, to combine with a submarine vessel cylindrical in cross-section a superstructure built upon the submarine vessel and affording a large deck surface, buoyancy, and a high freeboard for surface navigation, the space between the submarine vessel and the superstructure adapted to being filled with water when the vessel is submerged, and thus rendered capable of resisting the pressure of the water, etc." a patent was granted in due course with fifty claims, and, according to the records of patent offices throughout the world, this is the pioneer patent covering this form of vessel. when krupps took up the matter of constructing submarines for the russian and german governments, they decided upon this type of vessel, as they held that it offered a greater opportunity for development than the diving type. a contract was drawn with their directors for the construction of the "lake" type of boat, which they accepted by wire. this contract covered the erection of a plant in russia for the manufacture of "lake" submarines on a division of profits and also the construction of ships in germany on a royalty basis. it also covered my employment by them in an advisory capacity. i was living abroad at the time, and the papers were sent to my directors in america for their approval. in the meantime i had submitted to them various plans of submarines, copies of my patents, and even my secret data, including copies of patents pending, all to enable them to go ahead, as i considered the agreement settled by their wire of acceptance. i had also advised them how to overcome certain difficulties in boats which they then had under construction for the russian government at their kiel plant, the germania werft. before i succeeded in getting the power of attorney from my directors in america authorizing me to sign up the agreement, the great industrial revolution started in russia, immediately after the russo-japanese war, and the krupps informed me that, owing to that fact, they had reconsidered their idea of going into russia and withdrew from the arrangement. their attorney in berlin informed me that on looking up the patent situation they had found that "i had not protected myself in germany and that they were free to build 'lake' type boats in germany and expected to continue to do so." this was true, for, like most pioneer inventors, i had not succeeded in securing sufficient capital to finance and protect my fundamental inventions in all countries, which would have involved very large amounts in taking them out and paying the yearly tax. so much for germany. in 1905, while residing in berlin, germany, i was called to rome and sat three days with a commission appointed by admiral mirabello, at that time italian minister of marine, regarding their construction of submarines. i then learned that the italian government had started on a plan of building submarines of substantially my type, that they had several under construction at their venice arsenal after the design of major laurenti, a naval constructor; that certain difficulties which they explained to me had arisen, and that they had not succeeded in getting any of their boats to function satisfactorily submerged. i came to the conclusion that their trouble was due to lack of longitudinal stability, and advised the commission how to increase this. shortly afterward i was advised that they had corrected their trouble and that the boats then worked satisfactorily. major laurenti, at this time, resigned from the italian navy and became affiliated with the fiat company, and has designed quite a large number of successful submarine boats, all of which have buoyant superstructures and are designed to operate on a level keel by the use of hydroplanes. these boats are of the "lake" type, so far as invention goes. there is a difference, however, between invention and design. invention introduces a new method, a new principle, or a new form of construction, to accomplish a certain purpose in a new way. many modifications of design may be made which do not involve invention. as an illustration, on august 14, 1907, major laurenti applied for a united states patent on a submarine or submersible boat in which the attempt was made to secure a patent on slight variations of design over the "lake" type. the patent office records show that many amendments were made and hearings held in the endeavor to evade the foundation patent of lake, no. 650,758, which was applied for april 2, 1897, over ten years before laurenti applied for a patent. the patent office consistently and persistently held that the slight difference in design did not involve invention over "lake." after arguments and hearings, extending over a period of over three years, major laurenti was finally obliged to accept a patent restricted to details of construction, most of which were in themselves not new to me, as they had already been used in various modifications of my inventions and consisted in such changes as would naturally be worked out by any good hull or engine draftsmen while developing the designs of a vessel. our patent laws are too free in allowing the granting of patents on modifications of design while fundamental patents are still in force. this works great hardship on original inventors, forcing them to take out a great many patents on features of design rather than on invention. i have taken out nearly one hundred united states patents with over one thousand one hundred claims covering a few fundamental inventions, some of which cover details of construction for which i should not have been forced to seek protection. all original inventors complain of this system. i know of several instances where patents on modifications of design have been granted, which modifications have been in common use for several years by others, but were only considered as a design and not as an invention. then some designer hits on the same arrangement and considers he has made an invention, and applies for and takes out a patent which has already been in common use but has been looked upon purely as a design by its originator rather than an invention. then the original designer may be hauled up before the courts and put to great expense to prove that it was in prior use as a design. while captain lauboeuf and the krupps have taken out several patents on detail mechanisms for use on submarine boats, they have never--so far as i am aware or the patent records show--attempted to claim to be the original inventors of the type of submarine with buoyant ship-shaped form of hull consisting of a pressure-resisting body surmounted by a watertight, non-pressure-resisting body which gives suitable form for surface speed and seaworthiness, which is the principal characteristic of vessels built by them. i feel, therefore, that certain misinformed authors should, in the interests of the truth, correct their statements if they issue new editions of their work or write further on the development of the submarine. during the years of practical experimental work with the _argonaut_, mr. holland continued in his efforts to get the _plunger_--building under the 1893 appropriation--in shape for submerged trials, but without success. the large steam installation, sixteen hundred horsepower, was largely responsible for this. as i remember, there was only about eighteen inches between the main engines, with large steam supply and exhaust pipes overhead and under foot. these engines were designed to run at over four hundred revolutions per minute. the boiler was located nearly in the centre of the vessel and so nearly filled the ship that there was barely room between the top of the boiler and ship to creep from "forward to aft." [illustration: the "holland" this vessel, while holding to the same general principles of construction and method of control as used in the "plunger," was much better proportioned and had a much better distribution of weights. it was her performance that led the house naval committee in 1900 to authorize the construction of additional submarines of the holland type. her armament consisted of one torpedo tube forward and an aerial torpedo gun for firing aerial torpedoes, designed to be used somewhat on the same principles as used on the gunboat "vesuvius."] the heat was so intense that the trial crew found it impossible to live in the boat, so for their full power dock trials valve stems were run up through the deck to enable the engines to be started from there. arrangements were made also to take the indicator cards from the deck. she was also fitted with a heavy armored conning tower, as per mr. holland's description previously quoted. this, combined with the high position of the boiler and engines, together with her cigar-shaped form, which gives a diminishing water plane, reduced her stability almost to zero. i was informed that when the attempt was first made to start up one of her engines her stability was so little that the turning effort on her propeller shaft nearly caused her to "turn turtle," and that she rolled over on her side to such an extent that the conning tower struck the dock stringer. the constructor at the columbian iron works then put heavy chains on her so that she could not turn over. every inducement was made to the holland company to enable it to make this vessel satisfactory, as congress, in 1896, authorized the secretary of the navy to contract for two more "submarine torpedo boats of the holland type, _provided_ that the holland boat now being built for the department shall be accepted by the department as fulfilling all the requirements of the contract." she was finally abandoned in 1900 without ever making a submerged run or fulfilling any of her guarantees of performance under which the award was secured. mr. holland as early as 1897 must have concluded that the _plunger_ was destined to failure. in fact, no submarine, even up to the present day, has ever equalled the performance guaranteed under the _plunger's_ contract. he therefore built a much smaller boat, called the _holland_. this vessel was fitted with internal-combustion engines instead of steam, and was finally accepted by the united states government in lieu of the _plunger_, and placed in commission in 1900. she was the first submarine torpedo boat to go into commission in the united states navy. her characteristics were: length, fifty-three feet four inches; beam, ten feet three inches; displacement, sixty-four tons surface, seventy-five tons submerged; power, internal-combustion engines, fifty horsepower; surface speed, six to seven knots claimed; submerged speed, five knots claimed. the only official report i have seen gave her a surface speed of five and two-thirds knots. i believe she was purchased by the authority of the act of june 7, 1900, which read as follows: "the secretary of the navy is hereby authorized and directed to contract for five submarine torpedo boats of the 'holland' type of the most improved design, at a price not to exceed one hundred and seventy thousand dollars (â£35,000) each: _provided_, that such boats shall be similar in dimensions to the proposed new 'holland,' plans and specifications of which were submitted to the navy department by the holland torpedo boat company, november twenty-third, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine." [illustration: the "holland" running on the surface courtesy of the engineering magazine] the united states was, therefore, at the beginning of the twentieth century, fairly launched on a policy of submarine boat construction, and other governments rapidly followed suit. france had, in the meantime, brought out two new boats, the _morse_, 1898, and the _narval_, after the designs of m. lauboeuf, launched october 26, 1899. the _gustave zã©dã©_ had also been modified by adding hydroplanes so that she became controllable submerged. the _morse_ was one hundred and eighteen feet long by eight feet three inches beam, with a displacement of one hundred and thirty-six tons, of about the same type as the _gustave zã©dã©_. the _narval_ was one hundred and eleven feet six inches in length by twelve feet four inches beam; one hundred and six tons surface displacement and one hundred and sixty-eight tons submerged. she was, like the author's 1893 design, a double hull vessel controlled by hydroplanes. she was fitted with "dzrewiecke" apparatus for carrying and discharging torpedoes, two of which were carried on either side. the _narval_ was a successful type and appears to have been the first french naval vessel to adopt a ship-shape outer hull of lighter plating. she was also, so far as my records show, the first french boat to be fitted with two motive powers--viz., steam for surface work and electricity for submerged work. to distinguish her in these particulars from the purely electric boats of cigar-shaped form, like the _gustave zã©dã©_ and _morse_, mr. lauboeuf called her a submersible. very little was known about the french boats at this time (1900), as their method of construction and experiments were kept secret, but enough information leaked out as to their reported success to cause the british public much uneasiness, and they began to demand that their admiralty should also take up the development of the submarine. no one had, so far, evolved a satisfactory type in england, so when the fact became known that the united states congress had made an appropriation for five holland boats, the british public became still more insistent that they should also have submarines. about this time, so i was informed by sir william white, who was then chief constructor of the british navy, lord rothschild brought to him mr. isaac l. rice, president of the electric boat company, who controlled the holland patents and who offered to build duplicates of the united states boats for england. sir william thought this gave the admiralty the opportunity to satisfy the public demands and to meet the french, their hereditary enemy--this was before the establishment of the "entente cordiale"--in their development of the submarine. consequently an arrangement was made for the manufacture of this type of vessel for england by the vickers company. an agreement was drawn, so sir william informed me, giving "vickers" an exclusive monopoly of building submarines for the british navy for a period of ten years, the consideration being that they should have available for the use of the british admiralty all the details of the development work of the electric boat company in america. this, plus their own experience and development work in england, which should be kept secret, should enable england to keep on an equal footing with france. sir william informed me that he thought this had been a mistake in policy, as it had deprived the government of the opportunity to secure improvements that had been developed by other inventors and builders who had made greater progress on independent lines. england, therefore, started to build her first submarine, known as the "a" type. these were practically duplicates of the united states _adder_ and _moccasin_ type, now also designated as "a's" nos. 1 to 7. england has been particularly unfortunate with this class of submarine, several of them having plunged to the bottom with the loss of their crews during peace-time manoeuvres. [illustration: modern french submarine of lauboeuf design. constructed by schneider and company] [illustration: modern italian submarine--fiat construction--laurenti design. vessel of the double hull buoyant superstructure. hydroplane controlled type] [illustration: german "u" boat--krupp design various types of modern foreign submarines 27 and 28, vertical rudders; 29 and 30, hydroplanes for controlling depth of submergence; 9, periscopes; 21, engines; 20, motors; 22, storage batteries; 4, drop keel; 31, torpedo tubes.] the majority of the british and american boats are developments from the original _holland_ of mr. holland's design. increasing the stability, greater subdivision of ballast compartments, refinements in steering gear, and the addition of hydroplanes forward have enabled mr. holland and his successors to produce submarines that operate very well. these boats, however, with only one pair of forward planes, still require constant manipulation of the horizontal rudder to control them when submerged. this rudder, controlled by power gear, is very effective and will, by expert manipulation, hold the submarine to practically even depth. the only danger the writer can see is that the diving rudder gear might fail to function after it is set in the diving position, in which case the vessel might continue diving until she struck bottom or reached a depth great enough to cause her to collapse. the modern submarines, therefore, as built and used in all the world's navies, owe their final success to principles of construction and control devices invented and introduced into the art by two american inventors. chapter v use of the submarine in war the submarine boat is the guerilla in warfare. its tactics are the tactics of the indian who fights under cover or lies in ambush for his enemy. these are necessarily the tactics of all weaker individuals and are an essential method of procedure in preventing the weaker party from being annihilated by the strong and more powerful. some people have contended that the submarine is an unfair weapon, but the old statement that "all's fair in love and war" applies to the submarine as it does to every weapon which has been invented since the days when men struggled for supremacy with their bare hands. the first man who wielded the club might have been accused of being unfair; the same term might have been applied to the man who invented the sling-shot or the bow and arrow. when people fight for their existence, the existence of their families or of their country, they do not fight according to the "marquis of queensberry rules." a revolver in the hands of a weak man or a defenceless woman is a proper weapon to enable them to protect their property, their honor, or their life; and, no matter what theorists may claim, the submarine will remain as a weapon to be reckoned with in all future wars, provided there are future wars upon the high seas. in making this assertion i do not intend to justify a great many of the acts performed by the submarines of one of the belligerents in the present war. i do claim, however, that the submarine is a perfectly legitimate naval weapon, and that it deserves a place in the armament of any nation whose military power is maintained for purposes of self-defence. above all, i believe the submarine most fitted to act as a weapon in coast-defence operations. coast-defence submarines will probably be found to be the most important adjunct to the navies of every country whose policy is to defend their own coast lines, rather than to attempt aggressive warfare. vessels for this purpose do not need to be of great tonnage nor of high speed. speed is the one thing, more than anything else, which runs up the cost of the submarine vessel. while speed is desirable for the cruising submarine, it is not an essential for a defensive submarine. it is possible to get a speed of fourteen or fifteen knots in a submarine of about five hundred tons displacement, and at the same time have comfortable living quarters for the crew. a boat of this size may carry eight whitehead torpedoes, each torpedo being capable of destroying a fifteen-million-dollar battleship, and as a five-hundred-ton displacement submarine can be built for about one-half million dollars, and is capable of carrying eight whitehead torpedoes, potentially good for eight fifteen-million-dollar battleships, or a total of one hundred and twenty million dollars' worth of capital ships, it seems as if that would be sufficient to ask of one little submarine boat. now to double that speed would require a much larger vessel, and would cost approximately two and one-half million dollars. a two and one-half-million-dollar boat for the defence of harbor entrances or seacoast cities would not carry as many torpedoes as five of the five-hundred-ton boats. a torpedo fired from a small boat is fully as potent as one fired from a two and one-half-million-dollar boat. these small boats could be located at five different points covering a portion of our coast, and the chances are that at least two of these smaller boats could reach an objective point on the coast line under their protection in shorter time than one large high-speed boat would be able to do. at the same cost they could cover the same area of coast line to a much better advantage, as there would be five of them to protect that area instead of one. we will assume, for purposes of illustration, that the sandy hook entrance to new york harbor is to be defended. if we strike a fifteen-mile radius from sandy hook point, running from the long island to the new jersey shore, and have four submarines take station on that radius line about five miles apart, no ship could pass that radius line without coming within the range of vision of the commander of the submarine, either from his periscope in daylight or at night within the range of hearing of his "submarine ears." the fessenden oscillators, or microphones, now installed in all submarines, would readily detect the approach of a surface ship or ships. these instruments have been improved to such an extent that it is now possible to carry on wireless conversation under water between one submarine and another for a considerable distance. communication by the morse code, or other special codes, may be carried on between submarines up to a distance of several miles. it would be possible for groups of submarines on station, or picket duty, so to speak, to be in constant communication with shore stations, either by submerged telephone stations or by wireless. in that way the submarines can be kept in constant touch with the country's scouting fleet of high-speed surface vessels or aeroplanes and immediately be notified of the approach of an enemy's fleet or ship. there is no way in which they can themselves be detected, so far as i am aware, as there is no need to run the machinery of the submarine while lying at rest on picket duty, and it would be impossible for a surface ship or flying machine to detect them, providing a constant watch was kept on the horizon or the heavens through the aeroscopes. as the effective range of the modern whitehead torpedo is about three miles, no ship could pass between the submarines without passing within torpedo range. however, a commander of a submarine would hardly take a chance of making a hit at such great distance, and on sighting the enemy he would leave his station and attempt to intercept her, so as to get a shot at shorter range. if the enemy succeeded in running the gauntlet of the outer circle it would have to pass the submarines distributed on, say, a ten-mile radius. three submarines would be able to protect this radius line. a five-mile radius might also be established with two submarines, and one located at the entrance. to enter sandy hook, therefore, a ship would have to run the gauntlet of five or six submarines without it being necessary for them to leave their stations. submarines with high speed will become valuable as commerce destroyers and for carrying on an offensive warfare. page 32 shows a high speed, sea-keeping, fleet submarine of the "lake" type. its principal characteristics are the same as those of the coast-defence type, except that the buoyant superstructure is increased in height sufficiently to form living quarters for the crew when cruising in surface condition. one of the essentials of a high-speed sea-going vessel is high-powered machinery. a large portion of the interior of the pressure-resisting hull, therefore, must be devoted to machinery space. the quarters would necessarily be somewhat cramped without a buoyant superstructure, which gives plenty of room for the crew to take exercise and secure plenty of fresh air when off duty, even in rough water. as it is very important to keep the physical and mental condition of the crew in a satisfactory state, it is essential that the men be not kept in restricted quarters for a long period of time. this vessel is designed to carry torpedoes firing in line with the axes of the ship both fore and aft, and carries, also, torpedo tubes in the superstructure which may be trained to fire to either broadside. of course, such a vessel as this should be fitted with wireless and sound-transmitting and detecting devices, and, to be effective, should have a speed of at least twenty-five knots, in which case she would be able to pursue and overtake any battle fleet that could be assembled from existing ships in any navy in the world. undoubtedly such high-speed submarines will come into being within the next few years. congress, in 1914, appropriated money to build "fleet submarines," in which they expressed the desire to secure twenty-five knots. a certain amount of discretion, however, was left with the navy department, which would permit them to accept boats of not less than twenty knots. there is no difficulty in the way of making such vessels function satisfactorily when submerged, but up to date no internal-combustion engine has been produced suitable for such high-speed submarines, and steam has many disadvantages in a military submarine, which should be able to emerge and get under way at full speed after a long period of submergence. the tactics of the fleet submarine would be to search for and destroy the enemy's warships or commerce carriers wherever they could be found. a seagoing submarine of such character would also carry rapid-fire guns of sufficient calibre to destroy surface merchantmen. having sufficient speed to overhaul them, they would be able to capture the merchantmen and perhaps take them as prizes into their own ports, something which it is impossible for the commander of the small-sized submarines now in commission to do, as they have neither the speed to overhaul swift merchantmen nor guns of sufficient range and power to destroy them if they refuse to follow the instructions of the submarine commander. the only alternative, therefore, has been to destroy the merchantmen, and, in many cases, the crews and passengers of the merchant ships have been destroyed as well. this latter policy, however, is much to be regretted. from a study of the submarine problem as it stands to-day, the one thing lacking to make the submarine sufficiently powerful to stop commerce on the high seas between countries at war is speed. we have seen from the foregoing that sufficient speed to accomplish this purpose means great additional cost, and, as the engine situation exists to-day, it may be considered that it is impossible. my own personal opinion is that we shall not see satisfactory twenty-knot submarines, let alone twenty-five-knot submarines, for a matter of several years. in the meantime the people of this country, now engaged in the gigantic conflict which is taking place across the water, are becoming much exercised as to the possibility of some condition arising which may bring about an attack upon our own country. there is a method of preparing this country with a type of submarine which may be navigated, so to speak, at much greater speed than that called for by the 1914 congress; namely, twenty-five knots. the boats would have the further advantage in that they would be much less expensive even than the fourteen-knot submarines now called for in the latest specifications for the coast-defence type. this new method calls for the construction of a moderate-size submarine, which, for the want of a better term to distinguish it, i have called an "amphibious submarine"; that is, a submarine which may be carried on land as well as on or under the water. [illustration: "amphibious" submarine making up a train to ship a lake submarine across siberia during the period of the russian-japanese war. note the special trucks with sixteen wheels each, used to carry the load (about 130 tons). as the trans-siberian road had light rails, it was necessary to design these special trucks to distribute the weight so as to carry this heavy load. it is remarkable that several of these unheard-of weights should have been transported by vessel and rail a distance of over 10,000 miles each without accident or damage. boats mounted on trucks especially designed to pass through tunnels could be transported from one port to another at railroad speed and be ready for immediate action in defending threatened sections of the country. the germans have since made extensive use of this method of transporting submarines, giving them access to the dardanelles and other points not easily accessible to their submarines by water.] these submarines would be much smaller than the present coast-defence type of submarine, and of a diameter that could pass through our tunnels and over our bridges. they could be of about two hundred and fifty tons submerged displacement. a railroad truck would be provided for each submarine, with a sufficient number of wheels to carry the load. the submarine itself would be constructed with proper scantlings to carry her entire load of machinery, batteries, fuel, and supplies without injury when mounted on her special trucks. vessels of this type, which would have a surface speed of ten to twelve knots and a submerged speed of ten knots, would be readily constructed. they could carry as many as eight whitehead torpedoes and have a radius of action on the surface of about two thousand miles at eight knots. fitted with telescopic, or housing, conning towers and periscopes, nothing would need to be taken apart to ship these submarines from one section of the country to another at railroad speed. fifty submarines of this type would probably be more efficient in time of need for protecting our thousands of miles of coast line than would many times the same number of fourteen-knot boats distributed over the same number of miles of coast line. in the war game no one can tell where the enemy may decide to strike in force. an attack might be made in the vicinity of boston, new york, charleston, pensacola, new orleans, or galveston on the eastern coast; it might be made at or in the vicinity of san diego, los angeles, san francisco, or seattle on the western coast. there should be, of course, a certain number of the coast-defence type of submarines permanently stationed at these ports for their protection during war-time periods. but wars come suddenly, and the old saying that "the one who gets in the first blow has the advantage" is a true one. the history of recent wars shows that the declaration of war usually comes after the first blow has been struck. it is readily conceivable, therefore, that before we knew that we were going to become involved in war a fleet of battleships and transports stationed off our harbors, or off a suitable landing place on our extensive coast line, might be able to establish a shore base before we knew it or had time to get sufficient of our slow-going submarines at the danger point to prevent the landing of an invading force. if we had one hundred submarines distributed over our atlantic and pacific coast lines, it would take weeks or months to mobilize many of them at the point of attack, for the reason that a submarine, when submerged, has such a small radius of action. the best in the service to-day have a radius of action of about one hundred miles at five knots, or eleven miles at ten and one-half knots, or twenty-four miles at eight knots. the enemy, with light, shallow-draft, high-speed picket boats, could probably make it very unsafe for a submarine to travel any considerable distance along the coast in the daytime, or even at night, in surface cruising condition. as it takes considerable time to charge the batteries to enable the boat to run in a submerged condition, should the enemy have control of the surface of the sea, the average submerged radius to-day of a submarine would probably be less than one hundred miles, unless it ran a grave risk of being captured while on the surface. the chances are, therefore, that if we had one hundred submarines distributed over our atlantic and pacific coast lines, not over ten or a dozen of them would be able to reach the point of attack in time to prevent the landing of an invading force with sufficient men, guns, and ammunition to do a great deal of harm in some of the thickly populated sections of the country. [illustration: an amphibious submarine being hauled out of the water] if, however, the country were provided with fifty "amphibious submarines" located at ten of our important atlantic and pacific ports, they could all be mobilized at an objective point within a week. if the government made arrangements with the railroads to run a track down under the water at each railroad coast terminal, or to run special tracks into the water at other suitable localities along the coast where there would be sufficient water to float a submarine, submarines could be rapidly mobilized to ward off a landing at any point. to illustrate the point which i wish to make, assume that this country should become involved in war with nations lying both to the east and west of us. to get submarines from one coast to the other would require a long period of time. the "amphibious submarine," on the contrary, could in an hour's notice be run on to the tracks at new york and three days later be run into the water at san francisco, with her crew, fuel, stores, and torpedoes all ready to go into action at once. a submarine could make a trip from boston to new york in five hours, or from boston to new orleans in thirty-five hours. these boats could be built in quantities at a cost of about $300,000 (â£61,500) each. fifty of them could, therefore, be built at approximately the cost of one modern battleship. there has been much talk recently about the so-called "baby" submarines--little one-or two-man boats. a large number of one-man submarines were built for the russian government previous to 1880 by mons. dzrewieckie, the well-known inventor of the dzrewieckie type of torpedo launching apparatus. mr. holland, goubet, and practically all inventors and builders of submarines commenced with "baby" submarines. one of the designs which i submitted to the united states government in 1901 called for a one-man boat to be carried on the davits of a battleship or cruiser. a boat of that kind might have had a place a number of years ago when attacking vessels came near the shore. such small craft must necessarily have a very limited range of action and very slow speed; they also would be unseaworthy. it would be impossible for a man to remain submerged in a vessel of this type for a considerable length of time, so that personally i can see very little use for them at present. it has been well established that submarine boats should be divided into two classes: one a torpedo boat with as high surface and submerged speed as it is possible to attain with a large radius of action, capable, if possible, of exceeding battleship speed when on the surface, so that it may intercept a battle fleet on the high seas and submerge in its path of approach before being discovered; the second class should consist of smaller, slower-speed, mine-evading submarines, with torpedo and mining and countermining features. such submarines are essentially defensive, but if they have sufficient radius of action to reach the enemy's harbors and to lie in wait off the entrance to such harbors, or to enter submerged the harbors themselves and there destroy the enemy craft, they have become potent offensive weapons of the raiding class. for a european power it is relatively easy to give such boats the radius necessary for them to invade an enemy's ports. we have not pushed the consideration of the submarine of the second class, with its anti-mine features, because we have been kept busy trying profitably to meet the wishes of the various governments which demand constantly increasing speeds at a sacrifice of some characteristics which i personally regard very highly. most government officials have been more attracted to vessels of the first class, as speed in all classes of vessels more than anything else seems to appeal to the imagination, but i think it may be the old story of the tortoise and the hare over again. as regards the first class of submarines, the present submarine boats engaged in the continental war consist of vessels only a few of which have a surface speed exceeding twelve knots, or a submerged speed exceeding ten knots for one hour or eight knots for three hours. there may be a few in commission that exceed these speeds, but very few. some are in course of construction that are expected to give a surface speed of seventeen and eighteen knots for forty hours and about eleven knots submerged for one hour, or a slower speed for a greater number of hours. governments are asking for bids for submarines of greater speed, and some have been designed which are expected to make twenty knots on the surface; but they are not in service as yet. one reason that higher surface speeds have not been reached is the difficulty of securing a perfectly satisfactory high-power, heavy-oil, internal-combustion engine, suitable for submarine boat work. as soon as a proven satisfactory heavy-oil engine is turned out by the engine builders, capable of delivering five thousand horsepower per shaft, submarine boats may be built capable of making up to twenty-five knots on the surface. the submarine, even at its present development, has shown its superiority over the battleship in coast operations; to intercept a battleship at sea, however, even a high-speed submarine must lie in wait, perhaps for days or even weeks at a time, much like a gunner in a "blind" waiting for a flock of ducks to pass within gunshot. because of its relatively slow speed it would have to wait for a long time, also, for a battleship or fleet to pass sufficiently near to be headed off, especially if the submarine were entirely submerged, because the moment the periscope appears above water the quarry will take to its heels, if it follows the latest ruling of the british admiralty, to "steer away from the vicinity of submarines at full speed, even if it is necessary to abandon a torpedoed sister ship and its drowning crew to their own fate." i believe that this apparently heartless order is justified by the loss of the _aboukir_, _cressy_, and _hogue_, the only flock of ducks, figuratively speaking, that has come within the shot of the submarine torpedo gunner. the conclusion must be reached, therefore, that on the high seas the only advantage the costly dreadnought has over the pigmy, cheap submarine, as at present constructed, lies in its ability to run away and to rule commerce far offshore on the high seas. so little is known of the possibilities of submarine vessels of the second type that it seems necessary for me to devote some time to describing their possibilities and my experience in their construction. in 1905, while living in berlin, germany, i prepared plans for a mine-laying submarine for submission to the russian government, a general description of which was published in 1906. this submarine was designed to carry thirty-six of the regulation naval mines, which could readily be placed in a desired locality while the submarine was entirely submerged. a vessel of this type might be useful for either offensive or defensive purposes. where used for offensive purposes the mine-laying submarine could readily, with comparatively little danger to herself, plant mines off entrances to the enemy's harbor. equipped with the "mine-evading" guards, they might even work their way into an enemy's harbor and plant mines under a vessel at anchor, or destroy shipping lying tied up at the docks. for defensive purposes a mine-laying submarine would be of great value, as it could readily plant mines, even under the guns of a powerful fleet, to protect its own entrances and harbors. the submarine _protector_, built in 1901 and 1902 at bridgeport, connecticut, was fitted with a diving compartment which corresponds to the mine-laying compartment of the 1905 design above referred to. the importance of a mine-laying submarine for the defence of the country was first officially called to the attention of the american people by a board of officers appointed by ex-president taft, then secretary of war, as early as january, 1903. this board of officers consisted of general arthur murray, late chief of coast artillery corps (then major); captain charles j. bailey, and captain charles f. parker, of the artillery corps. the following is a copy of their recommendations for this type of vessel for the defence of our coast: "first and second, the board believes that this type of submarine boat is a most valuable auxiliary to the fixed-mine defence, and in cases where channels cannot be mined, owing to the depth, rough water, swift tides, or width of channel, it will give the nearest approach to absolute protection now known to the board. the boat can lie for an indefinite time adjacent to the point to be defended in either cruising awash, or submerged condition, by its anchors, or on the bottom ready for instant use, and practically independent of the state of the water and in telephonic connection with the shore, or can patrol a mined or unmined channel invisible to the enemy and able to discharge its torpedoes at all times. it possesses the power of utilizing its engines in every condition except the totally submerged, and can always charge its storage batteries while so doing, necessitating its return to shore only when gasolene (petrol) must be replenished. in narrow channels the boat or boats would have a fixed position with a telephone cable buoyed or anchored at the bottom. in wide channels they would patrol or lie in mid-channel where they could readily meet approaching vessels. third, as a picket or scout boat, outside of the mine field, or even at extreme range of gun fire, telephone communications can be sustained and information received, and instructions sent for attacking approaching vessels. fourth, the test at newport demonstrated the ease with which the boat can locate and pick up cables, and with minor alterations in the present model, junction boxes, etc., can be taken into the diving compartment and repaired at leisure while absolutely protected from hostile interference. the faculty possessed by the boat of manoeuvring on the bottom and sending out divers leaves little or nothing to be desired in its facilities for doing this work. [illustration: the "protector" (lake type, 1901-1902)] "the boat shows great superiority over any existing means for attacking mine-fields known to the board. first, it can be run by any field, as at present installed, with but little or no danger from the explosion of any particular mine or from gun fire during the few seconds it exposes the sighting hood for observations, and can attack at its pleasure the vessels in the harbor. second and third, the board personally witnessed the ease with which cables can be grappled, raised, and cut, while the boat is manoeuvring on the bottom; mine cables can be swept for, found and cut, or a diver can be sent out for that purpose. the crew of the boat is a skilled one, trained for its tests in every way likely to be requested by the naval board. it should be noted that, with one exception, no seamen are used, this exception being the man who steers and handles the boat. the crew is as follows: one navigator, who is also a diver; one chief engineer, one assistant engineer, one electrician, one machinist, one deck hand, and one cook. "the board recommends consideration of the foregoing by the general staff. the question of the use of the whitehead torpedoes as a part of the fixed-mine defence, fired from tubes on shore, is now receiving consideration. where channels are wide and water swift, this use of the whitehead will be very limited. with boats of this type the whitehead can, it is believed, be carried within certain effective range in all ordinary channels, and this alone will warrant the consideration asked for. "the board recommends, in consequence of its conclusions, that five of these boats be purchased for use in submarine defence as follows: "one for the school of submarine defence for experimental work, one for the eastern entrance of long island sound, one for the entrance to chesapeake bay, one for san francisco harbor, and one for puget sound. "the necessity for this kind of defence in the four localities named needs no demonstration to those acquainted with them. arthur murray, "_major, artillery corps, president_." the recommendations of this board were submitted to congress, and the senate passed the bill for the purchase of the _protector_ to enable the authorities to test out the merits of this type of boat as an adjunct to our coast defence, but at this time it seemed as if certain politicians and financial groups were able to control the policy of the united states government in its development of the submarine. the result indicated, at least, that these influences had been sufficiently strong to take out of the hands of the navy department and of the officers connected with the coast artillery, who had charge of the laying of our mines and the protection of our coast from hostile invasion, the right to specify the kind of appliances they should use. instead of leaving the question of defence of our country in the hands of the expert officers who had been trained to study the problem, congress in this instance specified the exclusive use of a type of boat which did not possess the characteristics called for by these expert students of defence. strange as it may seem, the opportunity of the united states to be a leader in the development of the type of boat which germany has proven to be of such great value was lost by the dictation of a manufacturer of gloves from an inland county. it is a sad commentary on our laws that such a state of affairs could exist, but i accidentally happened to learn that this was the case in this instance, and i fear it has been the case in many other instances where financial and political influences have been permitted to overrule the recommendation of officers of the army and navy. the _protector_ had been built by private capital at the suggestion of the board of construction of the united states navy, at that time composed of admirals melville, o'neil, bradford, bowles, and captain sigsbee. in 1901 i had been called to washington by a telegram from the late senator hale, who was then chairman of the committee on naval affairs in the senate, and was asked to submit plans and specifications for a submarine torpedo boat. accordingly, i submitted plans for the three types above referred to. the board of construction complimented me upon the plans, and stated that they believed the plans of the vessels i had proposed showed great superiority over any type of vessel that had been heretofore proposed, either in this country or abroad, but at the same they stated that all appropriations made by congress had specified the particular type of boat that must be used, and the navy department did not have any authority to authorize the construction of a different type. they suggested further that if i or my friends had sufficient capital to construct such a vessel, they would see that it had a fair trial upon its merits, and if it proved of value to the service they would recommend its adoption, and they did not believe that congress would then ignore their recommendations. consequently the _protector_ was built. her performances and capabilities for defence of the united states were strongly endorsed by the board of officers which had tested her, and many of her characteristics have been copied by all european builders of submarines. after the senate passed the bill authorizing her purchase, the matter was referred to a sub-committee in the house. as the boat had been built by private capital, and the lifetime savings of a number of friends, as well as all my own capital, were tied up in her, i was naturally desirous to learn if the house committee having the matter in charge was also going to recommend her purchase. one day i called at the committee room to inquire. there was no one present in the main committee room, so i took a seat at the table. after sitting there for a few moments, i heard a conversation in the chairman's room, adjoining the general committee room. soon the voices took on an angry tone, and i heard one member of congress accuse the chairman of the sub-committee which had the matter in charge of intention to report unfavorably the recommendations for the purchase of the _protector_. i recognized the voice of the gentleman who was making the accusation as that of an old retired general. he did not use polite language in accusing the chairman of the sub-committee of intending to defeat the purchase of the _protector_ in the interest of the company which had had sufficient influence to maintain a monopoly of submarine boat construction in the united states up to that time. the chairman of this sub-committee did report unfavorably, and, as i have already stated, a manufacturer of gloves from an inland section of the country was able to defeat the recommendation for the adoption of a means of defence for this country which the best qualified officers in the united states service of both the army and the navy had recommended as of great value, and superior to other defensive means known to them at that time. it was this type of vessel which germany later developed and which has so far been able to keep great fleets of almost the entire world from her shores. recently the ex-member of congress referred to in this connection was sentenced to imprisonment for attempt to defraud the government in other matters. [illustration: official drawing of the captured german mine-planting submarine, u. c-5 copyright by munn & co., inc. published exclusively in the _scientific american_ by permission of the british admiralty and here reproduced by its courtesy.] i am a great believer in the value of this type of vessel for harbor and coast-defence work, and i believe that in one country vessels of this type are now engaged as mine layers in the present war. our own government has to this day no submarine vessel equipped for the laying of mines, although the commandant of the school of submarine defence repeatedly urged their adoption. i quote from the annual report of the commandant of submarine defence, 1904-1905: "as in the case of movable torpedoes, the question of the use of submarine boats as adjuncts to the fixed-mine defence of the country has been under consideration by the board for the revision of the report of the endicott board during the past year, and the torpedo board has been called on for remarks on this subject. "it is now again desired to invite special attention to the unquestionable value of submarine boats as an adjunct to fixed mine and movable torpedoes for the defence of the particular places named in the report of the second committee; and also to the need of a boat of the lake type, or similar type, at the school of submarine defence for experimental work, as this is the only submarine boat, so far as known, that can be efficiently used in countermining electrically controlled mines. the advisability of procuring submarine boats for the defence of the places named, it is believed, will also be seen to be unquestionable when it is considered that the cost of such a boat is about one-fortieth of that of a modern battleship; that without such boats as an adjunct to the mine and gun defences of those places a more expensive boat of the navy will undoubtedly be called for as a home-guard for those waters in case of war; and that with submarine boats as an adjunct to the army's defences it will be impossible so to defend those waters as to enable the more expensive and seagoing boats proper of the navy to cut loose from those harbors with impunity and go wherever naval strategy may demand. (signed) "arthur murray, "_lieutenant-colonel, artillery corps_." the principal means used in my mine-planting, mine-and net-evading submarine are the bottom wheels and diving compartment which were incorporated in my 1893 design, which also carried my pioneer features of lateral hydroplanes to get even-keel submergence; high, water-tight superstructure, which is indispensable for high-speed, ocean-going submarines; anchors, and lifting and lowering sighting instruments. excepting the bottom wheels and diving compartment, most navies have now incorporated these features into their submarines. three navies have adopted the bottom wheels, etc. these mine-evading craft are able to enter the enemy's own territory with impunity and destroy their merchant ships and warships in their own harbors. the _niger_ was sunk at deal by a german submarine which is reported to have passed through a mine field. [illustration: a bottom-creeping submarine passing through a mine field courtesy of the scientific american fitted with guards and gently pushing aside the cables which anchor the buoyant mines, the bottom-creeping submarine can proceed slowly and cautiously over the bottom and pass through a mine field with impunity.] the necessity of such features as bottom wheels and diving compartment is now being brought out in the present war. i believe the mining and countermining features must be incorporated in one type before the submarine reaches its full development. the impotency of the great combined english and french fleets of battleships, cruisers, destroyers, and submarines must be galling to the people who have paid for them by the sweat of their brows. these fleets are impotent because the germans will not come out from behind their mines and forts and wage an unequal battle against superior numbers, but prudently are sending out their submarines to destroy gradually the enemy which is trying to blockade the german ports. [illustration: a mine and net evading submarine under-running a net courtesy of the scientific american a submarine fitted with a device of this kind can readily under-run any net; running slowly on the bottom the net may be seen through the aquascope or felt with its advanced feelers. even if mines are attached, divers may cut them loose, or they may be exploded by counter mines to make a safe passage under the nets. surface ships attempting to guard the nets may be sunk by torpedoes or heavy gun fire from disappearing guns on other submarines, giving the bottom-working submarines ample time to clear away nets and mines.] winston churchill, former first lord of the british admiralty, expressed the bitterness of this impotency when he said: "if they don't come out and fight, we will go in after them and dig them out like rats"; regrettably, the german mines and submarines stand in the way, and are themselves taking their toll of ships. the mine-evading submarine can enter with comparative safety through a mine field, like a shuttle passing through the woof of cloth during the weaving process, and i take the opportunity to explain this method of entering harbors. to comprehend thoroughly the safety with which this is accomplished, it is necessary to appreciate the almost insuperable difficulty of discovering an object like a submarine vessel when once sunk beneath the surface of the water. there are many sunken ships containing valuable treasures and cargoes that lie along our coast, and in most of the harbors of the world, that have been known to have sunk within a radius of less than a mile from some given point, but which have never been located. some of these vessels have been searched for for years and never have been found. dozens of vessels have been sunk in the waters of the north and east rivers and never have been located. some of the british and french submarines have been lost in localities well known, but it has been impossible to locate them. during several years of experimental work with submarine investigating bottom conditions i have travelled many miles in the chesapeake and sandy hook bays, along the atlantic coast and long island sound, and later in the gulf of finland and the baltic sea; and it is a fact that cannot be successfully disputed, technically, by any one, that a submarine of the type recommended by the united states army board may be taken into any harbor in the world entirely unseen, and remain there, if necessary, for a month at a time, destroying shipping, docks, and war craft deliberately and leisurely, and yet defy discovery. my method of entering harbors or through mine fields consists principally in providing submarine vessels with bottom wheels and other component undisclosed details. when submerged, the vessel is given sufficient negative buoyancy so that she will not be drifted off her course by the currents when resting on the bottom. the vessel is what may be termed a submarine automobile, and it may be navigated over the bottom as readily as an automobile runs on the surface of the earth. the submarine automobile has one great advantage over the surface type in its ability to mount steep grades or go over obstructions, because the vessel is so nearly buoyant that she will mount any obstruction she can get her bow over. my early experience proved to me that a submarine could not be satisfactorily navigated submerged in shallow, rough water by the same method of control as was found to be practical in deeper water, for the reason that the vessel would pump up and down with the rise and fall of the sea. neither could the vessel lie at rest on the bottom, as the lift of the ground swell in bad weather was sufficient, even with a considerable negative buoyancy, to cause the vessel to pound so badly that the storage battery plates would be destroyed in a few minutes. i therefore suspended the wheels on swinging arms and applied a cushioning cylinder. the hull of the vessel was then free to move up and down, synchronizing with the lift of the ground swell, and at the same time the weight of the wheels kept the submarine close to the bottom and able to keep her position while at rest or to be navigated over the bottom at any speed desired. most of our atlantic coast, long island, and chesapeake bay water-beds are comparatively uniform as to depths. in other countries i have navigated over rocky bottoms filled with giant boulders. a rough bottom limits the speed at which it is advisable to travel, but i have never seen a bottom so rough that it could not be readily navigated. "lake" boats, fitted with bottom wheels, have, in a competitive test abroad, entered landlocked and fortified harbors without discovery, where the entrance from the sea has been through a tortuous channel. all other vessels, except the one fitted with bottom wheels, were discovered long before reaching the outer fortifications, because it was necessary for them to show their periscopes to sight their way. they struck the sides of the dredged channel, which caused them to broach and be discovered, because they had to maintain a comparatively high speed to be kept under control. in tests carried out in russia the boat fitted with bottom wheels simply wheeled along in the channel at slow speed and stopped and backed to change course at will. the revolutions of the bottom wheels gave the distance travelled, the manometer gave the depth, and the compass the proper direction; consequently, with a correct chart as to courses and depths, navigation on the bottom in entering harbors is very much easier than on the surface, unless the channels are well buoyed. most mines, as at present installed, are either of the observation or contact type; the observation mines are fired usually from shore stations when the enemy is seen to be over them, while the contact mine is anchored a few feet beneath the surface and is either exploded by contact with the surface of the vessel's bottom or by the agitation caused by the rush of water due to the swiftly passing vessel. the european belligerents have put out contact mines to protect their capital ships from the submarines. the dread of these mines is holding the submarines outside of the mined areas, and the mines are therefore effective. none of the british vessels are fitted with bottom wheels and diving compartments, and they must be navigated at such speed to keep submerged control that they would explode a contact mine if either the mine or its anchor rope were touched. this also applies to some of my later boats, as the bottom wheels have been omitted to meet the demand for greater speed on the surface and submerged. i am inclined to the belief that this has been more or less of a mistake, because the bottom-wheeled submarine can go to and dig the enemy out of its base in addition to hunting the big surface craft of the enemy on the high seas. with the bottom wheels, navigation can be conducted so carefully over the bottom that inspection of the course can be made, if desired, foot by foot, as progress is made, and all mines can be avoided. [illustration: mines placed under ships at anchor permission scientific american a submarine of the mine-planting and mine-evading type may, by means of its periscope, range finders and direction indicators, ascertain the exact distance and bearing of vessels at their anchorage. on securing this exact knowledge the submarine may then be submerged to the bottom and creep up under the anchored craft and plant a mine under her which may be exploded by electricity after the submarine has backed a safe distance away, or a mine might be fitted with a powerful magnet and allowed to ascend (by the diver) until it attaches itself to the bottom of the ship.] the diagrammatic sketches illustrate the "lake" method of operation in cutting cables, evading mines, planting countermines, clearing away mines, or passing under chains, cables, and nets that may be stretched across the entrances of the harbors to effectively stop the progress of surface vessels and submarines not fitted with bottom wheels. [illustration: submarine supply station (drawing by robt. g. skerrett.) illustrating the use of the submarine supply station, which may be anchored on the bottom in positions known only to the commanders of submarines, who may visit such station and renew their supplies of fuel, foodstuffs and torpedoes. the submarine boat approaches alongside of the supply boat, then, by utilizing the air lock, divers may pass out of the submarine and enter into the supply boat through its air lock compartment. a hose may be led from the fuel tanks of the submarine to the fuel supply tanks in the submerged station, compressed air admitted to the tanks and fuel driven from the submarine station to the military submarine. the author's experimental cargo-carrying submarine as tested out in 1900, proved the practicability of transferring cargo from one submerged vessel to another submarine, all the operations being performed under water.] the diving compartment is another feature of submarine construction which has been neglected by the majority of the world's naval authorities. this device is of value not only to vessels of the type just described, but is of general usefulness to all submarines of whatever size or speed. a submarine crew is able by this means to go outside the vessel while submerged and make repairs on the propellers, periscopes, and other exterior parts without the necessity of rising to the surface or of returning to their base. further, it is capable of use in such a way as to add immensely to the cruising radius of submarines. the method by which this may be accomplished i will briefly outline. as matters stand now, the submarines are forced to return to their home ports to refill their fuel tanks, to take on fresh provisions for the men, and to replenish their exhausted ammunition and torpedoes. thus, even though their personnel gets relief by the boat's halting upon the sea-bed, a cog is slipped in the matter of continued military efficiency. without a fresh supply of fuel oil and more food and munitions of war the submarine is ineffective, and when her objective is a distant one she must draw heavily upon her stores to get her there and to carry her safely back to her revictualling base. indeed, she may overreach herself through her commander's desire to strike his remote enemy and then find herself forced back to the surface and without the means to take her home again, floating impotently upon the sea, an easy target for attack, and certain to be sunk or captured. these present handicaps need not be permanent ones, and there is no more reason why a submarine should not take on fresh stores in the open sea than a surface vessel. indeed, a submarine should be able to replenish her fuel tanks and to ship provisions under some circumstances even more securely than its rivals that run upon the water. in short, a submarine should be capable of sinking to the sea-bed and there, beyond the reach of its foes, of drawing new strength, so to speak, from a suitably designed submergible supply boat. this scheme is not at all visionary. in part it has already been done in the past by vessels planned by me for commercial work, and there is no inherent difficulty in modifying both the military submarine and its revictualling consort so that they can thus function in unison for the purpose of giving the fighting undersea boat a wider field of action. while the torpedo-boat destroyer, the submarine's logical pursuer to-day, is battling with wind and wave, jarring well nigh her sides out, and hunting over the tumbling seas for elusive periscopes, the submarine can lie in ambush upon the ocean-bed if the water be not too deep, or at rest at any desired depth, held in suspension between the surface and the bottom by her anchors, thus conserving her energies so that when she does rise for a peep through her observing instrument she can strike more certainly with all of the sinister force of her chosen weapon of attack. she can lurk in wait for her quarry not only for one day but for weeks at a time, especially when sand banks a hundred feet below the surface offer the needful haven. what i propose is to provide every seagoing submarine with one or more mobile submersible bases of supply in the form of boats without motive power of their own which can be towed by the military under-water boat and sunk upon the sea-bed at convenient points where they will best suit the purposes of the subaqueous torpedo vessel. naturally you ask what would happen if submarine scouts should sight a submarine towing a convoy of this sort. wouldn't the submarine have to desert her supply vessels and sink alone beneath the surface? my answer is no. of course, this assumes that the submarine at the time is traversing waters that are not too deep for her to go to the bottom. she would take her tender or tenders down with her under such circumstances, for the supply boats would be built to stand safely the test submergence of the military submarine; that is, a depth of two hundred feet. the question may arise as to how i can control the sinking of the crewless consorts, holding as they would only supplies, and having none of the operative mechanisms that constitute a necessary functional part of the fighting undersea boat. this is illustrated by the method with which i controlled the submergence of a tender with which i salvaged the coal from a sunken barge in long island sound years ago. that cargo boat had tanks into which water could be admitted from the sea, and certain of the inlet passages were closed by means of check valves which were automatic, seating themselves by the tension of springs. in order to submerge the boat it was only necessary to admit water purposely and to open a valve on the deck for the escape of the air as the water entered. to refloat the tender after it had reached the bottom and was loaded, a diver went from the submerged _argonaut_ by way of the diving compartment and attached a hose to the deck vent. this hose was then connected to the compressed-air flasks in the submarine. the air was blown down through the pipe into the ballast tanks and the water forced outboard, past the check valves that yielded in that direction, but reseated and closed themselves as soon as the air pressure stopped. in this fashion buoyancy was reacquired and the tender rose to the surface. of course, the initial sinking operation required the presence of someone in a small boat alongside the tender which i have just described. this would not be feasible in the case of the military supply boats i have in mind. these must be made to sink by suitable controlling devices manipulated from within the military craft, but in principle the cycle would not differ from that which i have outlined. the deck valve allowing the air to escape from the tanks and the inlets admitting sea-water could be operated by suitable electrical mechanisms, and, once opened, the sea-water would enter and destroy the reserve buoyancy, thus causing the tenders to sink. again, compressed air supplied from the submarine or compressed air carried by the supply craft themselves could be turned on by electrical control, and the boats brought to the surface at the will of the military commander. the supply boats, like the fighting submarine, would have diving compartments, but these would be arranged so that the bottom door could be opened from the outside by divers, who, by manipulating suitable valves, would fill the chambers with compressed air and thus permit the door to be opened and allow entrance into the tender. an air-lock would then facilitate a passage into the inside of the craft, where stores would be stowed. this air-lock would have to be operated each time materials were brought into the diving chamber for transfer to the submarine. the provisions and other portable supplies would be packed in metal cylinders capable of keeping out the water at any depth in which a diver could work safely. i should count upon carrying on this transfer of provisions, etc., on depths of one hundred feet and less, but deep enough to constitute a sufficient cover against detection by aeroplanes. to facilitate disguise in clear water the tenders could be painted mottled colors which would make them blend into the background of the sea-bed, much after the fashion of a flounder. these provision tanks, when loaded, would have a negative buoyancy of only a few pounds, just enough to make them sink, and a diver would have no trouble in either carrying or dragging one of them from the tender to the open diving compartment of the submarine. only food, drinking water, the ammunition for guns, and the disjointed sections of torpedoes need to be transported in this way. fuel oil for the engines, and even lubricating oil, could be sent from the tender to the submarine in a very simple manner. the outboard connection of the oil tanks of the supply craft would have hose joined to them leading to the fuel tanks of the submarine, and the contents could be transferred simply by pumping them across. the supply boats should have fenders in the shape of long metal rods reaching out from the bow and the stern and both sides. these would give the tenders the appearance of gigantic water-bugs, but they serve to form smooth surfaces over which the loop of a mine sweeper would glide freely without encountering any projections to which it could cling. thus, while the mine sweeper could certainly pick up a floating mine, it would pass without warning over a submerged supply base capable of holding stuff sufficient to keep a submarine going for weeks without return to her home port. with such a system of revictualling, submarines should be able to operate secretly for long periods and virtually hold to the sea during the entire time, doing in that interval what would be absolutely impossible for any type of surface fighting craft of kindred displacement and military power. the submarine commander would be the only one having knowledge of the position of his submerged supply bases, and he could place them under cover of night just where they would contribute best to the carrying out of the operations planned for him. [illustration: submarine "seal"--lake type u. s. this vessel is unique in that she was the first vessel built that was provided with deck torpedo tubes that could be trained and fired to either broadside when the vessel is submerged, in addition to the vessel's hull tubes. in her acceptance trials her crew took her down to a depth of 256 ft. she broke the record for speed in the u. s. navy.] on almost every coast there are areas where submarines could sink safely to the bottom in moderate depths of water, and there are also quiet coves but little frequented where ideal resting places could be found for the submerged supply boats. with these failing, however, the tenders could be sunk to the water-bed in the open sea, and with their bottom wheels to rest on, working upon pneumatic buffers, they need not feel any vertical motion of the sea even in the stormiest weather. i have found that such motion actually exists forty feet and more below the surface when the ground swell is deep. [illustration: british submarine b-1 (holland type) a sister ship to b-11, that sank the turkish battleship "messudieh" in the dardanelles.] of course, the submarine must rise to the surface from time to time in order to draw in fresh air to fill her pressure tanks and also to recharge her storage batteries. the electrical accumulators are charged by means of the oil motors, and these engines are so greedy for air that they must have the free atmosphere to draw upon when working. therefore the submarine would rise to the surface to perform these services during the night time, and boats seeking submarines after dark have a task cut out for them pretty much like that of hunting for the proverbial needle in a haystack. if the commander of a submarine recognizes that the first principle of successful submarine raiding is never to betray his position by exposing his periscope while under way when within sight of the enemy, his vessel becomes invulnerable, because it is an invisible object. the submarine vessel is then invincible, because all the science of naval architecture has not been able thus far to devise a protection against the mine and torpedo. chapter vi the possibility of defeating the submarine in the present european war, for the first time in the world's history, the submarine, as is also the case with the airplane, has taken an important active part, and has become a weapon of unlimited value. we have seen that even as early as the war of the american revolution the submarine was utilized, but up to modern days the submarine had never been a really significant or consequential factor in naval warfare; its use had been previously but sporadic and experimental. in the wars of the past it had no bearing upon the destinies of nations or the outcome of naval battles. to-day the situation is very different: the submarine has been called into action as a weapon of primary value and is producing tremendous results. in the conflict in which we are now engaged the destructive capabilities of the submarine have been made use of, for the most part, in the work of commerce destruction and in the task of hampering communication by sea. it has not taken a great deal of active part in actual naval battles, although on some occasions its presence has been severely felt by the fleets of its enemies. but the submarine has been an important factor in naval warfare by reason of the fact that its very presence and the possibility of its use have checked the actions of belligerent fleets of battleships in no inconsiderable way. in writing of this i am reminded of the fact that a short time ago i was introduced to a pleasant-faced, motherly old lady who, when she learned that i was an inventor of submarine boats, exclaimed, "why! i should not think you could sleep nights from thinking of all those poor people who have been drowned by the u-boats!" i asked the old lady if she had ever considered the submarine from another angle of view--viz., as a life and property saver in the present war--and she said, "no; how could that be possible?" i then explained to her that had it not been for the existence of the submarines many more lives would have been sacrificed than have been lost by the use of submarines. i asked her to consider what would have been the loss of life if the battleships, cruisers, gunboats, destroyers, etc., had met on the high seas and fought as they were intended to fight. a submarine carries a crew of but a few men, while a battleship may carry a thousand, consequently thousands of men would have been killed in the old-time methods of fighting, compared with the few that have been killed in the submarine warfare. then again, had it not been for the submarines lying off russia's, germany's, england's, france's, italy's, austria's, and even turkey's shores, many seacoast cities, towns, and hamlets would undoubtedly have been bombarded and destroyed, and countless thousands of lives and enormous property valuations lost forever to the world; for one must remember that a life, or a property once erected by hands that are gone, if lost, can never be economically replaced. the only reason such bombardments have not occurred is the fleet commander's fear of that waiting, watching invisible sentinel, the submarine, which lies off the respective combatants' shores; and thus because of its existence thousands of lives and great property valuations have been saved. thus, while the submarine has not been much of a fighter in naval battles, it has, in my opinion, been of great power as a preventer of fighting, and that, after all, is rather more in its favor than against it. it is, however, the submarine in the role of commerce destroyer which is attracting attention at the present time. the democratic nations of the world are face to face with the problem of transporting men, food, ammunition, and supplies to europe. the submarine threatens to cut off communication between europe and the other continents. it is very necessary that means be taken to offset the activities of the submarine. it is this problem which leads me to write upon this topic. [illustration: british submarine c-2 arriving at portsmouth in a gale note hydroplanes at centre of conning tower; in later types these were placed under the water, as they were found ineffective in this position] the devices which have been proposed for capturing and destroying the u-boats in order that navigation upon the atlantic ocean may be made safe have run into the thousands. i have had hundreds of impractical schemes sent to me, and the navy department and the naval consulting board have been almost swamped by the various suggestions that have been pouring in from all over the country in response to editorials in the newspapers to "save us from the u-boat!"; "american inventors, rise in your might and strike down this peril which works unseen, like an assassin in the dark!" etc. the devices proposed run all the way from blowing up the whole restricted area or war zone of the ocean to fishing for submarines from aeroplanes, which latter method offers a good chance for sport, at least; and if the submarine designers and commanders were asleep the fishermen might have a good chance of making a catch. many of my engineering friends with whom i have discussed the u-boat problem have urged upon me that i ought, in order to save the time, energy, and money of many earnest and patriotic--but misinformed--citizens, to publish some material showing the fallacies in many of these schemes which apparently are so promising, and at the same time to point out wherein some have value, and along what lines i believe success to be attainable. at the beginning of the war i myself sent to the navy department a number of devices for detecting the presence of and destroying submarines in shoal waters, some of which may have already been known to the navy department, and several of which i have since seen published as being the ideas of others; this goes to show that where many minds are working toward the solution of any particular problem several are likely to arrive at the same point. in the interest of public policy i do not think that any device hitherto unknown which offers a chance of success if used against an enemy u-boat should be described, and therefore i should not describe any such device if such were known, but shall limit my remarks to a discussion of some of the devices that have been proposed and described publicly. trying to serve the country by developing a certain idea, when that idea is itself old or impractical, is evidently a waste of mental energy and money. further, to show how some of these methods of attack may be offset by the submarine commanders will also serve to prevent the country from relying on false defences; the submarine is a real menace, and should not be lightly regarded. i hope to impress upon people that this is a very serious proposition. it is a problem which should and does attract the leading minds of the mechanical world; and it is not to be coped with by any fanciful notions. while the devices proposed thus far are individually very numerous, they may be classified into a few distinct categories. i would designate them as follows: _offensive devices:_ i. airplanes and dirigibles for the location and destruction of submarines. (_a_) by bomb attacks. (_b_) by directing surface boats to the attack of sub-vessels. ii. offensive appliances for use of surface vessels: sound detectors. submerged mines operated from shore stations. deck guns. under-water guns. aerial torpedoes. searchlights. echo devices. magnetic devices for locating and destroying submarines. iii. channel and open-sea nets. iv. submarine vs. submarine. _defensive devices:_ i. to be installed on surface vessels to baffle and elude submarines: sound detectors (spoken of above). blinding searchlights. blinding apparatus. ii. to offset torpedo attack: nets. plates. magnets. bombs. discs. iii. unsinkable ships. iv. tactics to elude the submarine: convoying a merchant fleet. zigzag course. smoke screen. cargo submarine. high speed. in considering the practicability or value of these devices, we must first consider the capabilities of the submarine and the proper tactics for her commander to pursue. in a paper read before the institution of naval architects in london, in 1905, i described, illustrated by diagrams, the proper method to be pursued in attacking a surface ship, in which i contended that the commander of a submarine, on sighting an enemy, should always keep the hull of his own boat below the horizon in its relation to the enemy vessel, and try to intercept the approaching vessel by taking frequent observations of her course and speed. when the two vessels approach sufficiently near to make it possible for the larger surface vessel to observe the smaller submarine (the comparative range of visibility being proportionate to the exposed surfaces of the two vessels above the horizon), the submarine should then entirely submerge, with her telescopic periscope withdrawn below the surface of the water to avoid the making of a "wake"--which looks like a white streak on the water. when the commander wishes to make an observation he should first bring his submarine to rest and then extend the periscope above the surface for a brief instant only, and thus avoid the chance of being seen. earlier in the war it was common to detect the submarine by her wake, but now, since the fitting of merchantmen with guns, the above tactics are usually pursued, and the first intimation the crew has of the presence of the submarine is the shock of the explosion caused by the torpedo "striking home." [illustration: germany's u-9 and some of her sister submarines] [illustration: aeroplane and submarine (drawing by t. e. lake.) for defense of coast lines aeroplanes and submarines may work in conjunction. aeroplanes, with their enormous range and high speed can locate surface ships many miles away, beyond the range of a submarine's periscope or sound-detecting devices. it could then direct the submarine by wireless or direct communication. aeroplanes, however, are of great danger to enemy submarines. flying at certain altitudes they can see submarines a short distance below the water and swoop down on them, dropping depth bombs or trailing torpedoes.] =aeroplanes and dirigibles.=--these are undoubtedly valuable near land in shallow water, _providing_ the water is clear and has a bottom in striking contrast to the hull of the submarine. i should consider the dirigible likely to prove of more value than the aeroplane, owing to its ability to hover directly over and regulate its speed to that of the submarine and thus enable itself to drop depth bombs more accurately. experience has shown that it is almost impossible to calculate where a bomb will strike when dropped from a swiftly moving aeroplane. the chance of its striking the submarine would be very slight. the use of aeroplanes has, however, forced the submarines away from shoal clear water and probably has been instrumental, also, in causing them to become equipped with high-angle rapid-firing guns. in a battle between swiftly moving aeroplanes and submarines with high-powered guns firing shrapnel, the chances are nearly all in favor of the submarine, as they can carry the most powerful guns and are firing from a much more stable platform; in fact, the best analogy i can think of is that of a gunner in a "blind" firing at a flock of ducks passing overhead. aeroplanes have been used, however, as scouts, merely to detect a submarine and direct surface ships to the attack; also, aeroplanes have directed trawlers to a submarine lying submerged at a shallow depth. this method of attack has undoubtedly been successful in some instances, but where success might have been met with in this manner with the earlier submarine boats, which were not provided with guns, it is now a problem easily met by submarine architects. submarine boats may be built which have no fear of this combination. one of my earliest designs provided for a revolving armored turret to carry heavy-calibre guns; this revolvable armored turret would extend only above the surface and would carry guns of sufficient calibre to sink any trawler, destroyer, or other craft except an armored ship. it has recently been reported that the germans are bringing out ships fitted with turrets of this type, and as they are familiar with my designs from the patent office specifications, and also have my working drawings of a large cruiser submarine mounted with guns, in 1905, i have no doubt that the report is true, as they have consistently been the first to adopt such new devices as may be needed to offset any attack against their submarines, or to increase their means of offence against surface craft without relying upon torpedoes alone. as far back as 1902 the _protector_ was fitted with a small gun on top of her conning tower, with the breech extended into the sighting hood and a tampon controlled from within the turret for closing the muzzle, so that no water would enter the barrel when the vessel was submerged, thus permitting a new cartridge and shell to be inserted into the breech when submerged; then, by momentarily bringing the conning tower above the surface, we could fire, then submerge and reload, rest and fire again, etc., thus providing a disappearing gun on a very stable platform. in deep water the submarine may readily escape detection by aeroplanes by sinking below the depth to which vision can penetrate. this depends upon the amount of foreign substance held in suspension in the water. along the atlantic coast it is possible to see only a few feet; as you go off shore vision becomes clearer, and it would probably vary during the dry seasons from four to five feet near shore to forty or fifty feet well off shore. the greatest distance i was ever able to see in my experiments in the chesapeake bay with a powerful searchlight was forty feet. in long island sound one can seldom see over fifteen feet, and after storms, when sediment is carried into the sound, sometimes it is difficult to see over three or four feet. i have been down on muddy bottom at a depth of one hundred feet and could not see my hand held close to my face. at a depth of one hundred and twenty-five feet in the baltic on sandy bottom i was able to see twenty-five feet. this was about eight miles off shore, opposite libau, russia. in the english channel the frequent storms stir up so much sediment that it is seldom possible to see over fifteen feet, while in the mediterranean and our southern waters near the florida coast, near nassau, and in the caribbean sea, it is possible at times to see seventy-five or even one hundred feet. now there are means available to the submarine to enable it to lie at rest submerged at depths exceeding one hundred feet, and yet have a full view of surface ships and also to scan the heavens, therefore i would say that aeroplanes and dirigibles will prove ineffective against submarines fitted with revolvable turrets, high-angle firing guns, or where they may be operating in clear water exceeding one hundred feet in depth or in shallow water where the sediment held in suspension is in sufficient quantity to prevent discovery. aviators with whom i have discussed this problem tell me they can seldom detect objects lying on the bottom, even in comparatively shallow water. [illustration: russian cruiser-lake type submarine in shed built by peter the great--1905 this was the first large submarine of the cruiser type, built substantially after the design submitted by the author to the u. s. navy in 1901.] =sound detectors.=--we have heard many claims put forth concerning the great results which were to be attained in fighting the u-boat by the use of various sound-receiving devices in the nature of microphones, in detecting the presence of submarines by hearing the hum of the motors and the noise of their machinery. these devices are proposed both for offensive and defensive purposes. a vessel equipped with such mechanism is believed to be able to escape upon hearing a u-boat, or to seek out the submarine and destroy it. those who have been expecting so much from this source are probably not aware of the fact that submarine inventors themselves were the first to utilize this method of sound detection under water to enable them to apprehend the presence of other vessels in their vicinity before coming to the surface; they have made use of such devices for years. i well remember my first long submergence of ten hours' duration down at hampton roads, near the mouth of the chesapeake bay, july 28, 1898. during this period of submergence the machinery was shut down for a time, and one of the first sensations we experienced was the strange sounds which came to us of the propellers and paddle-wheels of surface vessels passing in our vicinity. the first vessel that we heard was a tugboat; we could tell that by the sound of her puffing exhaust and the characteristic sound of her machinery. we thought at first she was coming right over where we were submerged, and feared she might carry away our masts, which extended above the surface, but she passed on, and then we heard coming at a distance the uneven and characteristic sound of a paddle-wheel steamer as her paddles slapped the surface of the water. then we heard the slow, heavy pound of an ocean liner coming in, and knew that she had a loose crank-pin or cross-head bearing by the pound every time the crank-pin passed over the dead centre of its shaft. the click, click of the little high-speed launch was also easily detected--all this without any sound receiver on the vessel. any of us simply sitting or standing anywhere in the submarine could hear outside sounds. by putting the head of an iron bolt against the skin of the ship and sticking the end of the bolt in my ear the sound was much intensified, as the whole steel fabric of the ship became a great sound collector. this led me to make experiments toward determining the direction of the sounds under water, and i applied for a patent on a device which could be swung in different directions, on the theory that the sound waves would be stronger when coming straight from their source, but shortly after this the experiments of professor gray and messrs. munday and millett were published and i dropped my application and did nothing further in the matter, as they seemed to have solved the question in a satisfactory manner. afterward professor fessenden brought out his oscillator and improved sound detector, with which it is possible for submarines to carry on wireless conversations under water when at a distance of several hundred feet apart, and to pick up the characteristic sounds of different types of surface ships at considerable distances. sound detectors are of greater benefit to submarines lying in wait for their enemies than they are to surface vessels, as they enable the submarine to lie at rest, submerged and invisible, herself giving no betraying sound, while no surface ship can come within the zone of her receiving apparatus without betraying its presence. =submerged sound detectors.=--it has been stated that sound detectors connected to shore stations have been able to detect submarines when passing in their vicinity, and, by the triangulation method as applied to the intensity of sounds, observers have been able to tell approximately the location of the u-boat from the sound of the u-boat's machinery. the obvious thing for submarine designers and commanders to do to offset this danger to the submarine is to use noiseless machinery in the u-boats, or to send other u-boats with a wire-cutting grapnel to cut the shore connections of the sound transmitter. it is apparent that this method of attack is applicable only to points close to shore or in places like the english channel. [illustration: a group of german u-boats note their broad decks, due to buoyant superstructure.] [illustration: russian-lake type cruising submarine "kaiman" making a surface run in rough weather in the gulf of finland] =deck guns.=--the mounting of deck guns on merchantmen for defence against the submarine has proved of slight value. when it was first proposed to mount guns on american merchant ships i wrote the navy department on march 11, 1917, in part as follows: "i have tried, in the interest of this country, to impress this fact upon the people (that the submarine, because it is invisible, is invincible), but i find in talking with many intelligent people, that they do not and cannot comprehend the possibilities of the submarine when it is taken seriously and the effort is made to get all there is out of it, without reference to political, financial, or prejudiced interests. the _destructiveness_ of the submarine is growing; devices which were effective in detecting and trapping submarines early in the war are now becoming useless. the theory that putting a gun on a merchant ship is going to protect that ship, her crew and passengers, will, i fear, be equal to the signing of the death-warrant of all that are on that ship if we are at war, as the slogan in to-day's headlines (as per copy clipping enclosed)--'sink any ship you see'--will be met, i fear, by a german slogan of 'sink every ship you meet, but don't let them _see you_ do it.'" since that time many ships fully equipped with arms have been sunk by torpedoes and have never seen the submarines which destroyed them. there is no way to attack submarines by gun fire unless they are seen, and commanders of submarines are becoming expert in concealing their presence. =submarine guns, aerial torpedoes, searchlights.=--for an under-water gun to be effective, there must first be discovered some way to locate the target; this, of course, is almost impossible. aerial torpedoes or depth bombs might be effective if the submarine were seen, but it is the business of the submarine commander to keep out of sight. powerful searchlights have very little chance of picking up the periscope or conning tower of a submarine. i remember lying all one night in the _argonaut_, during a storm, at the outer edge of the mine fields off fortress monroe, at the time the whole country was in dread of an invasion by cervera's fleet during the spanish-american war. we were in forbidden territory, having been delayed by the storm in getting into harbor before "curfew" rang, so to speak. the powerful searchlights of fortress monroe were playing all night, but they did not detect our presence, as only our sighting hood was above water, and presented such a small object, and being painted white, it was not distinguished from the "white caps" on top of the sea caused by the storm. searchlights under water are useless because of the particles of foreign matter held in suspension which reflect back the glare of the light. the _argonaut_ was fitted with powerful searchlights and reflectors located in her extreme bow, with a pilot-house or lookout just above the three searchlight windows. the greatest distance we were ever able to see was during some night experiments in the chesapeake bay during a long dry spell, when the sediment had had an opportunity to settle, and that was only forty feet. the light would penetrate through the water several hundred feet and make a glow on the surface, but vision could not penetrate the water. for instance, it is said that after a storm a glass of mississippi river water will show fully an inch of sediment. to see through three or four inches of that kind of water, therefore, one must see through an inch of mud. it is well known that no light has yet been found that will enable vision to penetrate through a heavy fog, due to the reflection of light upon the minute crystals of water held in suspension in the air. it appears hopeless, therefore, to expect vision to locate submarines by seeing through the opaque substance held in suspension in all water. =echo and magnetic devices.=--locating submarines by echo has been proposed, but apparently without thought as to what would happen to the vessel giving out the sound in the effort to get an echo back from a submerged submarine, lying in wait with her "ears" waiting to hear some suspicious sound. also, magnetic devices for the purpose of detecting submarines, if ever found practical, will probably be kept so busy leading their operators to and investigating large steel ships that have already been sunk by submarines that they will probably miss the little submarine, which can easily sink them while they are investigating these other sunken ships. =channel and open-sea nets.=--these have been and are being used with some success, but that success has been attained only because at the beginning of the war the submarines had no means for determining the presence of the nets before becoming entangled in their meshes, and when they once became entangled they had no means to cut themselves loose. devices are now available which enable the commander of a submarine to locate a net before reaching it, and to destroy that net and all its attached mines with but little danger to his own vessel. to what extent these devices are being used is unknown. however, when the submarine is not especially fitted for the detection and destruction of nets and attached mines, they are probably the most efficient type of trap yet provided for capturing and destroying these "submarine devil fish." the _scientific american_ published an article by me in 1915 describing a submarine fitted with mine-evading devices and meant to under-run nets, which has been reproduced in the previous chapter. [illustration: the u-65 photograph copyright by underwood & underwood one of the large german u-boats fitted with deck guns hailing a spanish merchantman which they have held up.] [illustration: russian-lake type these vessels are powerfully armed, fitted with four torpedo tubes firing fore and aft, also dzrewiecke apparatus for firing torpedoes to either broadside.] the above articles having been published previous to our country entering the war, and being thus of public knowledge, it is permissible to republish them as a method which might be used to advantage in preventing the german submarines from coming out from their bases. it is admitted that the allied fleets are overwhelmingly superior to the german fleet, yet they are impotent to attack the german battle fleet or to make reprisals on germany for the constant depletion of their merchant fleet, because germany's fleet of battleships, cruisers, and merchantmen will not come out in the open, but lies safe behind nets and mine fields as their inner defence, using her submarines on her outer line of defence. as mentioned, winston churchill said we must "dig them out like rats out of a hole." that was over three years ago, but not one has been dug out as yet, and, although it would be a very expensive process to do so, it might be possible, by the coã¶peration of submarines, surface ships, trawlers, and aeroplanes, to move forward gradually and expansively a double or treble line of nets and to defend such a line of nets just outside of the range of the most powerful shore-defence guns. the battleships should be protected by operating between the line of nets to prevent attack upon them by submarines in the rear. bottom-working submarines would be needed to clear away the mines and nets of the enemy as the mines and nets were moved forward. constant patrol and repair of the nets would be maintained under the guns of the net-protected fleet, and allied submarines must be on constant attendance in advance of the first line of nets to meet the concerted attack of a portion of the german fleet in "rushing" the line--which must be expected in the attempt to break the same--in order to let out a fleet of their submarines into the open sea to continue their attacks on the allied and neutral commerce of the world. this seems to me the only practical way of stopping up the hole or holes through which the german submarines come out, and to make it effective it would require a double line of nets and patrol fleets extending from norway to scotland, and across the english channel, and across the entrance to the dardanelles from brindisi, italy, to the albanian coast. also, battleships which should be unsinkable and provided with longer-range guns than those of the enemy would be required. perhaps the combined navies of the world as arrayed against the central powers could accomplish it, but unless their guns were more powerful and far-reaching than the shore guns, even then they could not land an invading army. =submarines vs. submarines.=--submarines to search for and sink other submarines have been proposed in all sorts of forms and advocated in the press under various titles, such as the "bloodhounds of the sea" and other fantastic and sensational captions. submarines cannot fight submarines, because they cannot see each other, and if they are fitted with noiseless machinery they cannot hear each other. therefore one might put thousands of submarines in the great ocean, and so long as they kept submerged the chance of their ever finding or colliding with one another would probably be not once in a year. derelicts have been known to keep afloat on the ocean for years, although constantly searched for as a menace to navigation. here the searchers have had sight to aid them, and the object of their search has floated on one plane, the surface of the water, while submarines may navigate or remain at rest at various planes up to a depth of about two hundred feet, which is equivalent to multiplying the area of the ocean to be searched several times, and that in darkness, without the aid of sight to assist. it is ridiculous to think that anything can be accomplished except by the merest chance by one submarine searching for another. our attention will now turn to consideration of devices of the second class; namely, those which have been offered as a means of defence against the submarine. =blinding searchlight; blinding apparatus.=--_blinding devices_ have been proposed which aim to direct powerful searchlights against the periscope so as to blind the commander. these are schemes based on very false notions. submarine commanders frequently have to con their ship against the sun's rays, and have colored glasses to enable them to withstand the intensity of the sun's rays, so that it would be impossible to blind them this way. further, i cannot imagine a more desirable target for a commander to direct his torpedoes against than a bright spot, either on the surface or submerged, as he knows the searchlight is probably on what he wants to hit; it becomes an illuminated bull's-eye for his target. again, it has been proposed to blind the periscope by putting a film of oil on the surface to obscure the object glass of the periscope when it emerges through this oil, and a member of one of the british commissions told me he knew of shiploads of oil being pumped overboard, possibly for this purpose, or to show the course of a periscope through its "slick." some periscopes have been built with means for squirting alcohol, gasoline, or other substances to clear the object glass if ice or salt forms on it. a device of this kind would clear off the oil. =nets; plates.=--there have been many devices proposed for warding off the torpedoes, the usual weapon of the submarine. the most common of these schemes designate the use of nets or plates suspended from booms carried out from the sides of the ship and extending down into the water. any device of this kind seriously handicaps the ship's speed, and, if she is once sighted by a submarine, is almost sure to be come up with and attacked. plates, to be effective against a broadside attack, would need to be the full length and extend to the full depth of the ship. now, skin friction of a ship's plating is the principal resistance to be overcome in forcing a ship through the water up to speeds of about ten knots, the average speed of the cargo-carrying ship. if you increase the speed beyond ten knots, other resistances come more prominently into effect, such as wave-making resistance, etc. now a ship afloat has two sides, while a plate suspended in the water equal to the length and depth of the ship also must have two sides, and thus presents nearly the same square feet of plate surface to the friction of the passing waters as the two sides of the ship, and two plates, one on each side, present nearly twice the area and thus very materially reduce the speed. this resistance is further augmented by the roll and pitch of the vessel, and in a severe storm the plates would be unmanageable and of great danger to the ship itself. the resistance of nets with its vertical members is much greater than that of plates. to get some idea of what the resistance of a vertical rod extending down into the water is, take a broom handle and attempt to hold it vertical when it is extended down into the water from a launch running at about ten knots; it is almost impossible to hold it. a net with a mesh fine enough to catch a torpedo would consist of thousands of vertical members as well as horizontal members extending down into the water. i have been informed by one naval architect of standing who investigated this phase of the problem that nets of sufficient strength to protect the sides of a ten-knot ship from a torpedo attack cut the speed of the ship from ten knots down to two and one-half knots per hour. it would therefore take a ship protected in this way four times as long to make her voyage; her chance of discovery would therefore be four times as great and her chance of destruction, if once discovered, be almost certain, as a submarine could readily overtake her and plant mines in her course or even tow a mine underneath her bottom and explode it there, which would destroy the ship much more completely and quickly than a whitehead torpedo exploded against her side. devices have also been developed which enable a torpedo to dive under a net and explode under a ship's bottom by a slightly delayed detonator. torpedoes have also been built with net-cutting devices, and they have been known to penetrate a ship's plating and sink the vessel without exploding. it is not an easy matter to stop a projectile weighing nearly a ton speeding at thirty-five or forty miles an hour. i can see no hope in stopping the submarine menace by any device in this class. =magnets.=--some proposals have been made to divert the torpedo by powerful magnets extended out beyond the sides of the ship or at the ends--on the theory, i suppose, of fishing for little fish in a pan of water--the whitehead torpedo being built of steel in this country and england. it is not generally known that the schwartzkopf torpedo built by the germans is built of bronze, or at least it was when i went through their works in berlin several years ago. even were it of steel, i doubt if a magnet could be built powerful enough to attract or divert a whitehead steel torpedo from its course unless it passed very close to the magnet, as any artificially erected magnetic force diminishes in strength very rapidly as the distance from the object is increased. recall, for instance, the powerful magnets used in handling scrap and pig iron; while they will lift pigs or billets of iron weighing tons when in direct contact, they will not exert sufficient magnetic force to lift any iron at a distance of only a few inches. =bombs.=--the throwing of bombs in the water to intercept the oncoming torpedo might possibly divert its course if the torpedo were seen, but of all the ships that have been lost how few have seen the torpedo which did the damage! the white wake due to the air exhausted from the engines of the torpedo is frequently seen, but the air wake does not show on the surface from a torpedo running at any considerable depth until after the torpedo itself has passed on, as it takes quite some time for the air bubbles to reach the surface, and in a choppy sea the wake is very difficult to see in any case. =discs.=--whirling discs spinning through the water to catch the nose of the torpedo and whirl it out of its course is one of the fanciful schemes which has attracted some press notice. the horsepower required to whirl the discs during one voyage would probably tax the full capacity of the ship to provide fuel and power enough to keep them whirling. [illustration: c-1, one of the later type french submarines french-official courtesy of sea power & pictorial press] =unsinkable ships.=--unsinkable ships are possibly practical to a limited extent. numerous proposals of ship construction along this line have been made, mostly of ships built up on the cellular system. some proposals have also been made for carrying the cargo in hermetically sealed tanks that would assist in floating the ship if she were torpedoed. the objections to the construction of vessels of this class are its enormously increased cost over the ordinary cargo ship, the reduced carrying capacity per ton of displacement of such vessels, and the impossibility of preventing injury to ships of this sort to such an extent as to make them unmanageable. any surface ship, to meet fully the submarine menace, must be not only _unsinkable, but it must also be indestructible_. when a ship once becomes unmanageable and incapable of getting away, a powerful mine or mines may be placed at considerable depth under her bottom and the whole fabric blown up into the air. [illustration: cargo-carrying submarines of the author's design they will carry 7500 tons of cargo on a surface displacement of 11,500 tons; their submerged displacement is about 13,500 tons.] =convoys.=--convoying a merchant fleet offers perhaps some safety to the individuals on the ships in case some of them are lost, but i cannot see that it offers much protection to the fleet as a whole, as the speed of the fleet is limited to that of the slowest ship, and the smoke or appearance of the leading ships are more apt to give a waiting slow-speed submarine time to catch up with the tail end of the fleet. if it came to a gun fight the fleet might have the advantage, but in experimental work i have frequently run in amidst a fleet of ships, and their first knowledge of my presence was when the periscope was extended above the surface. as it is only necessary to extend this for a period of a few seconds' duration to get the range and bearing of one of the ships to aim the torpedo, the chance of a gunner getting the range and hitting the periscope is very slight, and, even if the periscope were destroyed, it is easy to replace it with a spare one. =smoke screens.=--to hide vessels in clouds of smoke so as to avoid being seen by submarines has been proposed as a method for eluding the u-boats. this procedure would really assist submarine commanders in their search for prey, for the smoke would notify them of the presence of vessels far below the horizon, whose location and course they would otherwise not be aware of. they have a term in the british navy called "firing into the brown," which means firing at a group of vessels, expecting that a certain percentage of hits will be made, depending on how close a formation of ships is being kept; firing into the "smoke" would be apt to get some. smoke screens can be used effectively only when the wind happens to be proportionate to the speed of the ships and blowing in the right direction. with a head wind or a strong side wind some of the vessels forming the convoy are sure to be exposed to attack. =zigzag.=--steering zigzag courses adds to the time of crossing from one port to another, and affords only a slight measure of additional safety, as a ship running a zigzag course takes much longer to make a crossing, and is therefore longer exposed to danger; besides, this process adds very materially to the cost of the voyage. it probably does add somewhat to her chances of escape, as a submarine lying in wait anticipating that she will pass within torpedo range might be fooled by her zigzagging out of the way. on the other hand, a submarine might be lying in wait too far to one side of her course to be able to intercept her, and the ship might just as likely as not, not knowing she was there, zigzag right toward her and get caught. in facing the submarine problem, the nations at war with germany are thus forced to adopt tactics of three kinds: first, to destroy the enemy submarines--i have been informed from reliable sources that england has over five thousand vessels searching for u-boats; second, to make cargo vessels invulnerable to torpedo attacks; and, thirdly, to elude and escape the u-boats. no great measure of success, no great results, have come out of attempts of the first two orders; the u-boats have in general gone unscathed, and they have inflicted damage of such an appalling nature as to terrify those cognizant of the shipping needs of europe. in my judgment, however, efforts to combat the submarine should be concentrated on devising ways and means to elude it; this is the only solution which promises results. i shall therefore devote the remainder of this chapter to a discussion of the problem of eluding submarines and how it may best be accomplished. =cargo submarines.=--in my judgment, the only way that any nation will be able ultimately to continue its commerce with any degree of safety or certainty when blockaded by submarines will be by the construction of large merchant submarines which will be able to evade the enemy u-boats successfully. i have pointed out above that "submarines cannot fight submarines," because they cannot see or locate each other. it is this very thing which will enable the cargo-carrying submarine to evade the military submarine. they are also able to evade all surface craft, either friend or foe. captain paul koenig, of the _deutschland_, told me that most of his journey in the _deutschland_ was upon the surface. he stated that her low visibility enabled him to see all approaching ships before they could see her, and that it was only necessary for him to submerge and rest until the surface ship had passed on her way. the tactics of the larger cargo-carrying submarines would be the same. they need not have much radius of action when submerged; all they need to do is to hide until the danger has passed. if desired, however, their radius of submerged action may be increased to equal or largely exceed that of a military submarine, but this would unnecessarily increase their cost of construction; otherwise the cost of building such vessels should not exceed twenty-five per cent. more than the cost of constructing a first-class surface ship. now i have prepared a few diagrams showing the advantage of various types of vessels in evading the submarine, and of these i shall treat immediately, as they illustrate the points of my contention perfectly. there was a time when everybody thought the earth was flat, but now i believe it is generally conceded that it is round. every one knows that when the sun or moon sinks beneath the horizon it cannot be seen, neither can anything else which is below the horizon, so if the horizon intervenes between two distant observers they cannot see each other. now by referring to our text-books we find that if an observer is stationed at a height of fifteen feet above the surface of the sea the horizon is five and one-eighths miles distant, so that if there were another observer stationed on the other side of the horizon at the same distance and height from the surface of the sea they could not see each other, as the surface of the earth or sea, being round, would stand up like a hill between them. [illustration: the "deutschland" by courtesy of motorship the "deutschland" was the first submarine cargo-carrier to cross the atlantic ocean. she was under the command of captain paul koenig and proved the practicability of running the english blockade four times before war between germany and the united states caused her owners to discontinue her sailings. had war not come between the two countries, her german owners would undoubtedly have had submarine cargo-carrying vessels making weekly sailings between the united states and germany.] the diagram shown herewith shows the distance of horizon in miles from 0 to two hundred feet elevation above the surface of the water. i have drawn a sketch--in which the scale of distance is exaggerated in order to better illustrate my meaning--of the earth's surface to show the comparative visibility of vessels when seen from a military submarine, lying in wait, with periscope extended fifteen feet above water. now take such ships as the _lusitania_, shown in position no. 5 on the diagram, with her smoke-stacks extending over one hundred feet above the surface of the sea; their tops would appear above the horizon and become visible to a distant observer with a powerful glass, stationed at, say, fifteen feet above the surface, at a distance of about eighteen and three-eighths miles. her smoke-stack would also become visible through a telescopic periscope, the object glass of which was extended fifteen feet above the surface, while men seated in a rowboat could not see each other because of the intervening "hill," so to speak, at a distance of four miles apart. if they were under water in a submarine they could not see each other at all unless they had the periscopes elevated above the surface. in that case it would not be possible for one periscope to see another at any considerable distance, because the periscope is such a small object, and vision through it does not compare with natural vision, owing to the fact that there is considerable loss of light in passing the image of external objects through lenses and prisms. hence it has been found necessary to reduce the field of vision to about one-half that of natural vision to give the effect of true distance, and as soon as twilight falls it is practically useless. i have taken fifteen feet above the surface without the submarine's conning tower showing, for if her conning tower is shown above the surface she is in danger of being herself discovered. from the above data we are able to determine the probability of being discovered. we take the case of the largest and fastest ocean liners, such as the _lusitania_ as one illustration. we will assume that the _lusitania_ is making her maximum speed of about twenty-five knots, which is about the maximum of speed yet attained in a large surface freight-and passenger-carrying ship, and from our scale of vision as applied to upper diagram no. 5 we see that her top works will become visible above the horizon at a distance of eighteen and three-eighths miles from the periscope of the submarine. the commander in the submarine, by using his range and direction finder with which all military submarines are fitted, finds the ship to be pursuing a course and speed that will cause her to pass probably within ten miles of the submarine station in about thirty-five minutes, which is too far off to attack by torpedo. now, while submarines have a submerged speed of only about ten knots, the commander is quickly able to ascertain that he can intercept the twenty-five-knot boat by laying his own course at right angles to the approaching ship, and that, if the ship keeps her course and speed, in thirty-five minutes he can be within torpedo range, as will be seen by reference to this sketch (see diagram, position no. 5). [illustration: diagram to illustrate the comparative visibility and consequently the comparative safety of surface ships and cargo-carrying submarines] now take for another comparison a slow-speed merchantman of the tramp type making ten knots, which is about the economical speed for this class of ship. her smoke might be the first thing to betray her approach, but for purposes of comparison take her smoke-stack also, which is the first solid portion of the ship to appear. the smoke-stacks of this class of vessel would probably not be over forty feet in height above water level, therefore, if she were making the same course as the high-speed ship, it will be observed by referring to diagram, position no. 4, and the distance and speeds mentioned thereon, that the submarine at a speed of ten knots has more time to get nearer the course of the approaching ship and can have more time to calculate the enemy's speed of approach and direct course, and thus launch his torpedo with more certainty of making a hit. but assume that this approaching slow-speed ship had no solid opaque portion extending over fifteen feet above the surface of the water, as is the case in a cargo submarine as shown in position no. 3 on the diagram of the earth's surface. one now sees that she would pass the waiting submarine below the horizon, and the intervening round of the sea's surface would prevent the submarine from seeing her; thus she would pass by unseen and in safety. the above series of diagrams will show the percentage of safety of ships of different characteristics when coming within the range of visibility of a submarine lying on the ocean highway waiting for passing ships; the submarine is assumed to have a submerged speed of ten knots in each instance. from an analysis of these diagrams it cannot be denied that practically one hundred per cent. safety could be secured could these cargo-carrying submarines cross the ocean from one friendly port to another and remain invisible during the entire journey, but at the present time this is impossible, because there is no known means of supplying sufficient power for long under-water voyages without drawing on the upper air in large quantities to assist combustion in either prime or secondary power-generating machinery. the diagram plainly shows that a cargo-carrying submarine running awash, with her periscope and air intakes only above the water line, may approach within about five and three-quarters miles of any waiting military submarine without danger of being seen, as her "wake" would be below the horizon. such cargo-carrying submarines can be built and can cross the atlantic ocean in this condition at a speed of about ten knots, and by maintaining a sharp lookout would have as much chance of seeing a military submarine as the military submarine would have of seeing them; and by the application of certain tried devices which i do not feel it proper to disclose at this time, but which are within the knowledge of our government authorities, the range of visibility can, i believe, be reduced to less than one mile. this type of vessel can almost instantly become entirely invisible by submerging at the least intimation of danger. such a type of vessel travelling with a freeboard of five feet would become visible to a submarine lying in ambush when she approached within eight miles. this increases the area of danger from one hundred and three square miles, as shown in diagram, position no. 1, in the first instance to two hundred and one square miles, as per diagram corresponding to position no. 2, but in comparison with the usual type of surface cargo-carrying ship of the so-called tramp type she is comparatively safe, as she has the ability to submerge in less than two minutes; and it is hardly likely that she would be attacked without warning, for fear she might be a friendly military submarine. any communication in the way of wireless, sound, or other signals would, if she were a merchant ship, give her warning, and she would at once submerge, as her only business would be to deliver her cargo and not communicate with or expose herself to _either friend or foe_. when far from land she might take a chance and navigate entirely on the surface with a freeboard of fifteen feet, in which condition she can make a speed of eleven knots, as her position no. 3, on the surface of the ocean. this increases the danger area to about three hundred and thirty square miles, as on diagram, position no. 3, about three times the danger area shown on position no. 1, but as the area to be covered by the military submarine on the high seas, far from land, is also much greater, the real danger would be proportionately less than that with the lower visibility in a more thickly infested zone. [illustration: torpedo being fired from the deck tubes of the submarine "seal" this vessel was fitted with two double-barrel torpedo guns, housed in a superimposed superstructure. these four torpedoes could be fired to either broadside. the above photograph shows a torpedo in the act of leaving one of these tubes above water. they may be discharged either above or below the surface.] =high speed.=--speed is better than no defence, but no one would consider building twenty-five-knot freighters. the cost would be far out of proportion to the service. so long as u-boats do not betray their presence, a fast vessel is almost as liable as a slower one of less freeboard or lower top hamper. one can never tell where the submarine may be lurking, and her capacity to harm is determined by her ability to locate her prey. there are three means available to her to locate her target: first, her own sight; second, her sound-detecting devices; third, by wireless directions given to her by others who may advise her of the vessel's position. her own sight is the best and usual means for locating her target. the above diagrams show that the largest and fastest ships can be located at much greater distances than the low visibility ships, and that the area of visibility becomes the area of danger, which is practically ten times greater in an expensive, large, high-speed liner over that of the comparatively low-cost cargo-carrying submarine. [illustration: british submarine no. 3 passing nelson's old flagship "victory" this submarine is of the holland type, similar to the u. s. "adder" and "moccasin." this illustration shows the radical change made in naval warfare in one hundred years.] one should not imagine that the germans are carrying on this campaign at random. it is well organized and systematic. each vessel that comes in sight of a submarine is a marked vessel, and even if she is the fastest vessel afloat, she may speed unwittingly into a trap set for her by wireless. so long as she cannot disappear she has no real ability to elude. on the other hand, the cargo-carrying submarine of low speed has both these advantages: she has low visibility and the capability of disappearance. she may become invulnerable when danger threatens. she has all of the qualities possessed by her enemies. she may beat them at their own game. vessels of the ordinary type will suffice in no way to meet the great problem presented by the u-boats. the cargo submarine, however, readily meets all the needs of the situation. this is the sole method of which i am cognizant by means of which a submarine blockade and the destruction of cargo-carrying vessels can be overcome with safety and with certainty. i have expected the germans would blockade our own ports, as it is easily possible for them to do so; i believe the reason they have not done so thus far is because of political reasons, as it would undoubtedly be to their advantage to have our trade after the war, which they might not have if they arouse our hatred any more than they already have. chapter vii the submarine in times of peace so engrossed have been governments, inventors, capitalists, and the public in general, in the development of the submarine vessel for military purposes, and in the perfection and augmentation of its capabilities as a destructive agent, that they have never considered or realized that submarines and submarine appliances possess a wide range of utility as productive instruments in commercial and industrial operations. this concentration of energy upon the construction of military submarines i believe to have been a very desirable thing, and the success which has been attained therein, i am convinced, augurs propitiously for the future well-being of the world. it is time now, however, to take up the development of the submarine for industrial purposes. the world stands in need, to-day, of services which the submarine is uniquely able to render. while great publicity has been given to the art of submarine navigation as applied to warfare, little or nothing has been published, outside of scientific journals, as to the productive capacity of submarine devices. it seems desirable, therefore, to devote a few pages to consideration of the submarine in this other field of action. i myself have devoted the greater part of my own efforts to the construction of military submarines. but, in the early years of my work as a constructor of under-water vessels i was greatly attracted to this branch of submarine work, and from that time to the present i have spent a great deal of time and money in developing submarine appliances to be turned to peaceful uses. it is my aim to go into this work quite extensively when peace is restored to the world. at present, however, problems of national defence are occupying the attention of every naval architect. i shall present in this chapter a few suggestions as to the uses to which submarine appliances may be turned as productive agents, and i shall speak briefly and simply as to the mode of operation of such devices. many of the things of which i will write have actually been accomplished in vessels constructed by me. others of which i write are now under process of construction. still others are as yet visionary, but not at all impossible. nothing of which i write do i believe to be impractical or improbable. the submarine can do many things in a new, more economical, and more productive way. one important use to which the commercial submarine may be turned is that of navigating under ice fields, between ports which are bound with ice fields during great parts of the year, and also for purposes of exploration and of scientific study. all navigators know the difficulty of attempting to break their way through the ice fields, since it requires a vessel of tremendous power and great weight to break down or through solid ice. a vessel of this type was first proposed by me in 1899 for exploration purposes in ice-covered seas. in 1903 experiments were made with the _protector_ in order to demonstrate the practicability of navigating in ice-covered waters. [illustration: under-ice navigation under-ice boat designed by the author for navigating between ice-bound ports. a boat of this character could keep up communication between ports that are now closed by ice for several months of the year. passengers, mail and freight can readily be transported in this manner with perfect safety. (see text.)] professor nansen, in his north polar explorations, has stated in his book that his average rate of progress during eighteen months, in attempting to reach the north pole, was only three-quarters of a mile per day, and that the thickest ice he found during these months of endeavor was fourteen feet. his progress was delayed by open waters, slush ice, and in the winter by the intense cold which compelled him to "hibernate" for a considerable period of time. an under-ice submarine as illustrated, with large storage battery capacity, could navigate underneath the ice in perfect comfort and safety. the temperature surrounding the vessel, even in the most severe winter weather, would not exceed the temperature of the water surrounding the vessel. the vessel illustrated is designed to make a continuous submerged voyage of one hundred and fifty miles on one charge of the storage battery. after such a run, it would be necessary to stop and recharge the batteries. if open water should be encountered, this recharging process would be done by bringing the vessel to the surface. if the ice was not too thick, then by blowing out the water ballast the ice would be broken, since it is very much easier to lift the ice and break it than it is to force it apart or downward, as surface vessels are compelled to do. provision is made for boring a hole up through the ice so as to permit the drawing in of sufficient air to run the engines and to recharge the batteries. provision has also been made for putting out small mines underneath the ice to blow an opening to permit the submarine to come to the surface. a telescopic conning tower arranged to cut its way up through ice twelve or fourteen feet thick is also provided to enable the boat to remain under the ice and still permit the crew to reach the surface. in navigating in an ice pack, the method of procedure would be to reduce the buoyancy of the vessel to, perhaps, a couple of tons, and then steam ahead, and it will be observed that the forward portion of the boat extends downward a considerable distance under the water, so that when the forward portion of the boat contacts with heavy ice the reserve buoyancy will not be sufficient to lift or push the ice out of the way, and the vessel will then be automatically pushed under the ice and run along in contact with the under surface of the ice. a toothed recording wheel would give the exact distance travelled, and, of course, the compass will give the direction. progress could be made in perfect comfort and safety under the ice at a rate exceeding one hundred miles per day. the _protector_ was fitted out in 1903 for experimental navigation under the ice with an inverted toboggan built up over the conning tower. this arrangement enabled her readily to navigate under ice fields, and she successfully navigated under an ice field in narragansett bay eight inches thick. ice two feet in thickness is sufficient to close navigation to the most powerful of ordinary surface ships, and great power is required to crush or break a lane through it by the specially equipped ice-breakers now used in northern latitudes. while ice is a deterrent to surface navigation, it is actually an aid to under-water navigation, providing the submarine boat is specially equipped with guide wheels or "runners" on top of the hull to enable her to slide or wheel along under the ice. a design of the under-ice submarine illustrated was prepared by me a number of years ago to meet the desires of an associate of captain nansen, the arctic explorer, for a vessel that could be navigated either on the surface or under the ice. i explained the principal features and possibilities of a vessel of this type for under-ice navigation before the faculty of johns hopkins university, in baltimore, in 1898, and at one time i thought one of the prominent new york newspapers was going to finance the building of such a vessel for north polar exploration work, but the submarine was then looked upon as too much of an experiment and nothing ever came of the negotiations. some years afterward, in christiania, norway, i met and discussed the project with captain scott hanson, r.n., who was associated with nansen in his historical search for the north pole, and he became quite enthusiastic over the possibilities of a submarine of this type for north polar exploration. an under-ice submarine of the type illustrated, fitted with large storage-battery capacity, would be able to average one hundred miles per day under the ice and about two hundred and fifty miles per day in open water. starting from spitzbergen, therefore, and going over nansen's route, if the same conditions were met as he describes, the round trip to the pole should be made in about ten days' time and in perfect comfort, as, no matter how cold the weather is above the surface, the temperature of the water is always above the freezing-point below the ice. later i was asked to submit to the chief engineer of one of the canadian railways plans for an under-ice cargo-carrying submarine to enable them to transport passengers, mail, and freight from their mainland terminal at vancouver to an open harbor on the island of victoria. cargo-carrying submarines fitted to under-run ice fields will shorten trade routes by opening up to navigation the northwest passage, and will also open up new ports in northern europe and asia, and provide an outlet for siberian-grown wheat and other northern products which are not now utilized because of lack of transportation facilities. investigation of the geological formation of sea-bottoms, the flora and fauna of the sea, will be greatly assisted by bottom-creeping submarines. fitted with powerful searchlights and moving-picture cameras, actual sea-bottom conditions may be reproduced up to depths of one thousand feet or more. the author, in 1898, succeeded in taking photographs through the windows of the _argonaut_ by means of an ordinary kodak, and last year the williamson brothers showed in moving-picture houses throughout the country some wonderful submarine moving pictures they had secured by the use of their collapsible submarine tube. one of the greatest pleasures in life so far denied to most men is to witness the constantly changing scenery of under-sea life in tropical waters. it has been one of the great desires of my life to explore the bottom of the southern seas. all of my submarine work has been in the more northern waters, covering the chesapeake bay, long island sound, on the atlantic coast north of virginia beach, and in the baltic sea and gulf of finland. the range of vision in any of these waters did not exceed forty feet, but that has been sufficient to create a zest for more. the beauties of under-sea life can be described only by a poet. it is impossible for me to convey to the imagination the wonderful beauty of some of the under-sea gardens when seen through the windows of a submarine automobile. imagine, if you can, these under-sea gardens with masses of vegetation, swaying to the current and waves of the sea, of a great variety of form and color and with myriads of many beautiful and variously colored fishes swimming among them, with perhaps a background of a wonderful coral reef of fantastic shapes, with the octopus, or devil-fish, lurking at the mouths of dark caverns, and the long, gray man-eating shark, like a ghost now and then flitting within one's range of vision. instead of the sky above you, you see a scintillating mirror which reflects the sun's rays as they penetrate the clear blue waters and strike the white sands and are reflected back to this under surface of the water and are then re-reflected back in multitudinous rainbows of color. such sights await the tourist of the future who visits some of the southern seas, with the further privilege of seeing some of the old wrecks, many of which have been lost since the days of the spanish galleons by striking on some of these same coral reefs, and whose skeletons now lie at their base. i have built for my own use a combination house-boat and exploring submarine automobile, and hope in the near future to explore some of the southern waters along the florida coast and in the caribbean sea; also, later to build larger submarine automobiles to enable "sight-seeing" parties to see some of the beauties of "davy jones' locker." the williamson brothers--ernest and george williamson--have, by the use of the williamson extensible and flexible collapsible tube, invented by their father, capt. charles williamson, and fitted with an observation chamber, succeeded in taking some wonderful moving pictures of under-sea life, which have been shown throughout the world and have thus given pleasure to millions of people in this country and abroad. i am indebted to the williamson brothers for the loan of some of their wonderful under-sea pictures taken in the vicinity of nassau, in the west indies, where the waters are particularly clear, and the under-sea floral gardens, noted for their beauty, have been visited by tourists for many years, who view them through the glass-bottom boats. this method discloses some of their beauty, but does not begin to do them full justice, as compared with a view from under the water in their natural perspective. when viewed from above it is much like judging of the beauties of architecture of a city from a balloon, as one can only get a plan view. the williamson brothers commenced their experiments in submarine photography during the summer of 1913. their first experiments proving satisfactory, the following year, 1914, they fitted out an expedition and visited the west indies and there took several thousand feet of films of submarine motion pictures, showing some of the submarine gardens, divers fighting with sharks, an old wreck, etc. these were the first moving pictures of under-sea life that had ever been produced. "still" under-water photography had been done by dr. francis ward in a pond on his estate in england and by several others, but none of these experimenters had ever succeeded in getting the wonderful results such as those secured by the williamsons in their 1914 expedition. [illustration: a submarine garden at the bottom of the sea submarine photo by williamson bros. this photograph, taken in the vicinity of nassau, shows a great variety of tropical submarine growth and fishes.] since 1914 the williamsons have produced many remarkable submarine scenes in the film productions known as "twenty thousand leagues under the sea," "the submarine eye," and other photoplays. [illustration: submarines for hydrographic work and wreck finding permission of scientific american a sweep line extending between the two submarines running parallel courses locates any intervening obstructions. (see text.)] as it is of historical value to record some of their experiences, i quote from mr. ernest williamson's notes: "during the first experiments in hampton roads, i found the condition of the water to be such that objects could be seen clearly for a distance of about six feet, and the photographic results showed that the fish and other objects photographed clearly at about four feet through the water. my theory, judging from the experiments, was that it would be possible to photograph through the water at almost the distance you could see clearly with the eye, and if it were possible to see through the water a distance of one hundred feet or more, as we were informed could be done in the west indies, i reasoned that we could possibly get good photographic results at a distance of seventy-five feet. "the latter proved to be correct, although in the middle of the experimental work i was a little bit concerned about a published record at that time of the experiments made by a dr. francis ward in england. this doctor ward had built a cement well in the edge of a pond in his estate, and through a plate-glass window in the side of this well, under water, he had photographed fish and water-fowl. the _illustrated london news_ devoted four or five pages to his photographs and technical description of his work, and he made a point, in drawing his conclusions, that he believed that under the most favorable conditions it would be possible to photograph through water at a distance not exceeding three feet. none of his photographs showed any more than this, and he seemed to have technical reasons for believing that three feet was the limit. "during the extensive work we have carried on in the west indies, making scenes for our various productions, i have been down in the operating chamber at the base of the williamson tube, when the water was so clear at times i have seen objects at a distance of two hundred feet--possibly more. at such times we have made motion pictures showing objects clearly at a distance of one hundred and fifty feet. these results were obtained at a depth of thirty feet. i have been down sixty feet in the chamber, and, of course, the greater the depth the less the sunlight under water and naturally the photographic results are not so good, but with the banks of cooper-hewitt lamps, which i successfully encased in watertight containers for the purpose of illuminating the under-sea, we obtained excellent results within a radius of the greater volume of this artificial light. "for exploration and scientific work the artificial lights are a valuable adjunct, as they make it possible to photograph at any depth and at any time; but, there being so many other details to be taken care of in the taking of a scene under water, we try to do them all in the daytime. with as many as five divers operating in a scene, the divers wearing self-contained suits with no connection with the surface, having the tide and wind and the photographic apparatus and other things to be all worked at the same time, it is better to be working in the daylight, when you can keep your eye on the sharks and take care of the divers." the reproduction of under-sea photographs shown in this book will give the reader some intimation of the "wonders of the deep," but unfortunately the wonderful colors and the play of light and movement cannot be reproduced. similarly, for scientific purposes as well as those of safeguarding navigation, submarines equipped for hydrographic work will prove of immense value. my work with submarine boats, both in the united states and foreign countries, has taught me that most charts are very unreliable, so far as their recorded depths are concerned. while they may be fairly accurate as to the average depths, they do not record many of the peaks or depressions that exist, especially where the water-bed is formed over a rock foundation. silt and sand may fill in the depressions between peaks so that the average depth is fairly constant, yet here and there are outcropping peaks or humps that have, in many instances, proved fatal to shipping. the method of charting our coast lines and the estuaries of the sea has been by the use of the sounding lead, taken at points a greater or less distance apart. the depths recorded at these points are plotted by the triangulation method of location from tripods or known structures, or objects on shore, and shown on the chart. these points would need to be taken every few feet to give an accurate topography of the bottom, the cost of which, in time and money, would be prohibitive. assuming that our coast waters were sounded and depths recorded, at points only fifty feet apart in all directions, even such close soundings would not guarantee that some peak might not project above the bottom and prove disastrous to some ship. i remember some few years ago the battleship _missouri_ struck such a peak in new york harbor, seriously injuring her bottom. thousands of ships of equal draft had passed this vicinity, but none of them had happened to strike this particular spot and no one suspected that such a rock existed in this much-frequented highway. in 1900 the steamer _rio de janeiro_ struck an unknown rock in entering the harbor of san francisco, with a loss of one hundred and thirty-one lives and over two million dollars in property. in long island sound we found, during a deep submergence trial with one of our submarines, a depth of two hundred and fifty-six feet, whereas the chart indicated a depth of only twenty-seven fathoms (one hundred and sixty-two feet). in one instance in russia we were conducting submerged trials on the official trial course of the russian government in the gulf of finland, this being the course on which they tried their surface torpedo boats, and we were assured that there was not less than sixty feet of water on the course, yet we struck rock peaks twice on this course in less than thirty feet depth. the record of ships that have been lost, due to striking uncharted rocks and shoals, is a large one, and a more correct topography of the water-beds of our coast and inland waterways should be worked out. in 1899 and 1901 considerable time was spent in experimental work with the submarine boat _argonaut_ in locating sunken ships and recovering their cargoes. to find a sunken ship it was necessary to search the bottom thoroughly, and many experiments were made and success attained to such an extent that we could search thoroughly an under-water area of from ten to twenty square miles per day. it is the result of this experimental work that has led to the design of the herein-described apparatus, which will give very accurate contour records of the bottom within such depths as would prove of interest to navigators of either surface vessels or submarines. the advent of the submarine has made it more important to know where obstructions exist, as they require at least seventy feet depth to navigate at speed entirely submerged and to enable them to keep below the bottom of surface ships. this method of water-bed surveying consists of using two or more submarine boats of my bottom-navigating type, with access tubes extending to surface vessels. instead of using two bottom wheels arranged in tandem, as is used on my military submarine, i use a single pair of toothed driving wheels capable of being swivelled and driven to propel the submarine in any desired direction over the bottom. the submarine vessel contains also a diver's compartment, so that examinations of the bottom may be made and a record kept of the materials and conditions found, which are recorded as frequently as may be desired directly on the contour sheet, on which the soundings are being automatically recorded. navigators of surface vessels are interested principally in knowing the amount of water they have beneath their keel and the nature of the bottom, so that they may judge of their location by soundings, especially in time of fog. it is not essential, therefore, to know every foot of the bottom, but it is essential to know that no obstructions exist extending nearer to the surface than their keel. it is also essential for submarine commanders to know that there are no obstructions nearer the surface than their depth of submergence, if they are running submerged at speed. it is possible that collisions with submerged obstructions may have been responsible for some of the mysterious submarine fatalities. this method of bottom investigation permits of very accurate contour lines being run as close together as may be desired for harbor work. on the coast, in depths exceeding fifty to seventy-five feet, if contours were run one-half mile apart, it would probably be satisfactory if a guaranty could be given that there were no obstructions over five or six feet in height which lay between such contours. two vessels as herein described are capable of automatically recording parallel contours at the rate of two or three miles per hour and to guarantee that there are no dangerous obstructions lying between them. referring to page 267, a surface vessel is shown with a well which extends from under the pilot-house and out under her stem. an access tube extends from this well forward to a small submarine vessel. the upper end of this access tube is pivoted to strong bearings secured in the sides of the well, and is further secured by tension rods extending from part way down the tube to bearings secured to the outer skin of the ship in line with the bearings in the well. large bearings with stuffing boxes in the submarine boat end of the access tube permit of access through a door to an air-lock compartment, and a second door leads from the air-lock into the diving compartment, a sliding door in the bottom of the diving compartment permitting the door to be opened for inspection of the bottom. by donning a diving suit members of the crew may also leave or enter the vessel when on the bottom. the water is kept from entering the diving compartment by air compressed to the same pressure as the surrounding water pressure, corresponding to the depth of submergence, the same as is done in my military submarine boats. a motor, drawing its power from a dynamo on the surface vessel, drives through suitable gearing the tractor wheel arranged near the bow of the submarine. this tractor wheel may be turned by its vertical steering post so as to propel the vessel in any desired direction. the weight of the submarine upon the bottom is regulated by water ballast. a depth-recording device operates in connection with a distance-recording apparatus, so that an exact contour of the bottom is reproduced on a roll of paper, the record being made by the revolution of the tractor wheels. corrections of errors are made by taking observations from the surface vessels from known points on shore by the usual triangulation method. a drum is mounted on the submarine on which is wound a double wire. the upper wire is an insulated wire and is used to telephone between the two submarine vessels. the lower wire is a bare wire and is used to locate obstructions. the two wires are secured together as shown. suitable recording devices in the interior of each vessel give the amount of wire unwound from its drum. a tension regulator holds a certain desired strain or pull upon the sweep lines, and another indicator gives the direction of lead of the wires during the "sweeping" operations. the surface vessel has a propeller in her skeg operating athwartship in addition to the usual stem propeller. the method of operation is as follows: two vessels are required, which proceed to the location to be charted. in surface navigation the submarine, carried at the forward end of the access tube, is emptied of her water ballast and floats on the surface in front of the surface vessel, being pushed ahead of the latter vessel by the access tube, the pivoted bearings at each end of the tube giving sufficient flexibility to prevent any damage to the tube because of strains set up by the waves. one of the vessels takes her station at the point of beginning the day's survey and anchors; the other vessel then comes sufficiently near to secure the end of the sweep line from the anchored ship and then moves over to her starting point, which might be only a few yards away or as much as a mile. i have found, in wreck-sweeping operations, that it is practical to go as much as a mile apart, depending upon how close together the contours are desired. these sweep lines of the two vessels are then joined together and the submarines sink to the bottom, on which they are allowed to rest with sufficient weight to prevent their being drifted out of their course. we will assume that their starting points are one-half mile apart, and that they are to run contour lines due west from their respective starting points. the boats should therefore lie due north and south from each other, and the sweep lines should lead at right angles from each toward its companion boat. the dynamo is now started in the surface vessel to supply the motors in the submarines with power. the two submarines now start ahead. the surface vessels, by means of their athwartship propellers, are always kept headed due west, therefore the course must also be due west. each operator in the submarine keeps watch on his indicator, which records the amount of line paid out, and also enables him to be kept advised, by frequent inquiry through the telephone, of the amount of line his companion vessel has out. the operators also keep each other advised of the distance their respective vessels have travelled and the direction of lead of sweep line. thus they can always keep each other on lines due north and south. if now an obstruction is struck, such as a rock, a sunken ship, etc., the strain on the sweep line becomes greater than normal, and the line commences to run off its drum. after running a short distance the sweep line will begin to lead aft instead of at right angles to the course. the two operators then stop and advise each other of the lead of the line. the one whose line leads the greater number of degrees off from right angles to the course is nearest the obstruction. he now turns his tractor wheel in the direction of the lead and wheels over to the obstruction, taking in his sweep lines as fast as he goes. the characteristics of the obstruction are noted, and its position accurately located by the triangulation method and recorded on the chart. in practice this sweep line extends a few feet above the bottom so as not to pick up small boulders, stones, etc., and would be caught only on the larger submerged objects. in taking off the readings from the contour sheets, when plotting the depths on the charts, the assurance can be had that no obstructions exist between the surface and the depth of the sweep line, as the depth and contour recording gauge is located at the height of the sweep line. the actual contour depth would be the distance between the sweep line and the water-bed, which could be added if desired. as the submarine may be used for purposes of making navigation more safe, so also may it be used for the recovery of ships' cargoes and for salvaging ships which have had the misfortune to be sunk. in searching for sunken vessels two boats are used, of the same general type as the "hydrographic submarine." when a wreck is located divers go out and examine it. if it is concluded that she has cargo on board worth salving, her location is plotted on the chart and then the recovery boats are sent out to remove the cargo. i have done much experimental work in locating sunken wrecks and recovering their cargoes. in 1898, 1899, and 1900 the _argonaut_ and special wreck-finding apparatus were used in this experimental work. numerous wrecks were found and a number of cargoes were profitably recovered, notwithstanding the fact that the apparatus used was crude and experimental. in 1901 i was called from this line of work to take up the construction of submarine torpedo boats, and have been too busy ever since, building for the united states and foreign governments, to find the time and opportunity to push on this very interesting phase of submarine work. [illustration: the "argonaut" submerged drawn by c. mcknight smith for _harper's weekly_, april 1, 1899. (by permission. copyright 1899 by harper & brothers.) this shows the remodelled "argonaut" with her buoyant ship-shaped superstructure, on a submerged wrecking expedition, as was actually accomplished in the years 1900-1901.] searching for sunken vessels is, perhaps, the most interesting of all submarine work. it is like fishing. one is always on the _qui vive_ for a "bite." there is hardly a location along our coast or in long island sound that does not have a tradition about lost treasure ships, and every time one gets a "bite"--that is, our lines get fast to some sunken object--excitement runs high in the expectation of some valuable find. in my experimental work in the vicinity of bridgeport, connecticut, we located sixteen sunken vessels, the great majority of them containing coal, which we recovered at a cost of about fifty cents per ton. most of these vessels had been sunk a long time. only a few of them were known by name, and some had evidently been sunk many years. one that we searched for during several months had a cargo of copper ore and copper mattã© which was quite valuable. we finally found her several miles away from where people testified they saw her disappear. somewhere off bridgeport lies the wreck of the old sound steamer _lexington_. legend has it that she has a fortune in her safe. many a ship has been sunken in the waters about hell gate; search was carried on there for years for the old british frigate _hussar_, which struck on pot rock and sank during the revolutionary war. tradition has it that she had four million dollars (â£820,000) in gold on board to pay off the british troops, and that she carried this treasure to the bottom with her. there is a cargo of block tin somewhere in a sunken barge off the battery, and many a ship with valuable cargoes lies along the coast from newfoundland to key west. the yearly loss in ships and cargoes throughout the world has always run into many millions of dollars, and since the war this has been multiplied a hundred-fold, and amounts to billions. the time will come when many of these ships will be found, and such of their cargo as is still valuable will be salvaged. salving a sunken cargo is not a difficult engineering feat, providing the proper apparatus is at hand. it is the novelty of the enterprise and the mystery surrounding submarine work that make it so difficult to the layman. diving, as heretofore conducted, has been difficult and dangerous work, and only the strong could stand the hardships connected with it. the advent of submarine salvage vessels fitted with proper machinery and in the application of scientific methods, however, will clear away many of the hardships and dangers connected with salving a sunken cargo, and more experience and proper apparatus will prove that certain cargoes may be removed from sunken ships in moderate depth with almost as much rapidity as they can be lifted from the hold of a vessel alongside of a dock. take anthracite coal, for instance. with a six-inch pump, on the old _argonaut_, i have transferred fifteen tons of nut coal from a sunken barge to a sunken freight-carrying submarine in nine minutes. a turn of the air valve then sent the sunken freight boat to the surface. the coal was transferred while all the boats were submerged in seven fathoms of water. it was this kind of experimental work which has enabled me to devise apparatus which will undoubtedly operate successfully on a much larger scale, as explained in the illustrations. [illustration: experimental cargo-recovering submarine this vessel was built in 1899 and experimented with in 1900, to demonstrate the practicability of transferring cargoes from sunken vessels to submarine freight carriers. (see text.)] the crucial feature of diving operations lies in the time required in decompression, which, if held within the limits given by fleet surgeon mourilyan, would practically limit diving operations to half the present depth of submergence and greatly increase the cost and the time demanded for such undertakings. strange as it may seem, the human body will stand an immense amount of compression, but the greatest care must be taken to make the recovery to normal a very slow and deliberate process. doctors leonard hill and greenwood, of the london hospital medicine college, have conducted a series of scientific investigations regarding the physical limits of a normal man to compression without risk of strain or ultimate injury. remarkable as it seems, they have shown that it is possible to submit to a pressure of seven atmospheres--the equivalent of a submergence to a depth of two hundred and ten feet, a depth considerably in excess of the best diving records up to the time of their experiments. these gentlemen proved conclusively that immunity from serious consequences could be assured, provided the period of decompression was sufficiently long. the experiments were not made under water, but were made in an experimental air-chamber especially fitted up for them by one of the big english submarine engineering companies. [illustration: sketch drawing illustrating a method of transferring cargoes from sunken vessels to submerged freight cargo-carrying submarines demonstrated as practical in 1900 by the combined use of the "argonaut" and the demonstrating freight-carrying submarine shown above.] under the conditions usually prevailing in the fields wherein divers are employed, it is not possible, with the systems of working generally adopted, to provide this period of decompression nor to work with this studied deliberation when descending from or when ascending to the ordinary surface vessel. the suit of a diver weighs over two hundred pounds, and when inflated the bulk is considerable. a diver being lowered from a vessel is swung to and fro like a pendulum, and if there is any sea on--the open sea is never entirely still--the surge naturally affects the diver so that it is beyond human possibility to limit his descent to a nicety or to take the time either in going down or coming up that science has proved necessary to his physical well-being in the most generous sense. the greater the depth the greater the difficulties, and to reach a submergence of one hundred and fifty feet is now practically prohibitive except under ideal conditions. the semi-submergible boat has, however, met the problem squarely and has overcome many of the difficulties heretofore deemed insuperable. the simplicity and the practicability of the working principle involved are graphically shown by the accompanying drawings. this combination consists of a tube which may be built of any desired length or so constructed that this may be increased by the insertion of additional sections. this tube is provided with an operating compartment or working chamber at the free end, and water-ballast tanks are distributed throughout the length of the tube so that the structure can be placed in equilibrium with the water when ready for submergence. in the working chamber there are also water-ballast tanks by which that end of the tube can be sunk and caused to rest upon the bottom with any desired pressure or dead weight. this operating chamber has a hatch and door located in its bottom. this bottom door can be opened when needed--the whole compartment becoming then a virtual diving bell, so that divers can be sent out if so wished, or operations through this open passage to the water-bed can be pursued by means of tools and appliances controlled from within the compartment. there is also an air-lock or equalizing chamber. its purpose is to enable the operators to become gradually accustomed to change of pressure when entering or when leaving the working chamber when the latter is being used with the bottom door open; the air pressure within the compartment would be maintained in constant accord with the water pressure corresponding to the particular depth at which this tube would be in use. the tube itself may have its upper end attached to the side of a surface craft, but preferably it floats in the well of a craft especially designed to work in combination with it, as shown. [illustration: semi-submergible wrecking apparatus the submergible tube has the diver's operating compartment shut off from the rest of the apparatus by means of an air lock which permits passage from the surface vessel and normal air pressure to the diver's compartment, where the air is under pressure equal to the compartment's depth of submergence, when the diver's exit door is open. the above illustration shows divers "breaking" the cargo out of the hold of a sunken ship and sending it to the surface.] the general method of operating upon a submerged wreck is as follows: the vessel carrying the tube is brought to the place of operation; it may be carried there either by towing or by its own power. the carrying vessel is moored over the wreck by quartering lines; anchor lines connect with anchors run out abeam on each side of the vessel. these lines are controlled from within the operating chamber, when once the anchors are planted, so that the lower end of the tube, when submerged, may be swung through the arc of a circle within the pivotal point at the buoyant end attached to the surface vessel. the operating chamber and tube are lighted electrically, and electricity also supplies power control within the chamber. compressed air is led into this compartment to supply the chamber when operating under pressure and also to supply any divers sent out therefrom at such times. the surface vessel being properly moored, the ballast compartments are flooded and the working end of the apparatus allowed to settle near enough to the wreck to permit of inspection through the "aquascope," or the bottom door may be opened and divers sent out for more intimate inspection, and instructions may then be telephoned to the surface vessel so to change her position that the working compartment may be located in the place most convenient to act as a base for carrying on the operations of recovering cargo, making repairs, etc., as the occasion may demand. the position of the operating chamber may be over the hatchway of a ship, or, in the case of an old and worthless hulk, the decks may be blown off and the working end of the apparatus lowered right down through and on to the cargo itself. sufficient additional water ballast may now be introduced to hold the working chamber securely to the bottom, or it may be held fast to the hulk itself, if that course be preferable. it will thus be seen that communication is now established between the surface and the submerged vessel at the point where it is desired to carry on the operations, and it will be realized that this can be accomplished without the use of divers and in absolute safety throughout the range or reach of the apparatus. the operators are protected by a strong steel tube, which now forms a sheltered passageway to and from the surface under normal atmospheric pressure, and no more skill is required to go down within working reach of the sunken ship than that required to go up or down a flight of stairs. it will also be seen, by referring to the sketch, that the operators are where they are protected from the currents, and even quite a severe storm on the surface would not interfere with work below, so long as the surface vessel could be held to her moorings. the illustration shows a wrecking plant of the "lake" design as it appears when operating on a sunken steamship. the case taken for illustration is that of a vessel that had been sunk for some time and where it had been considered advisable to blow away the decks in order to enable the operating compartment of the tube to be lowered right down into the cargo hold. the ship's hold is lighted up electrically, and the work of removing the material follows. a light down-haul line leads from the lower block of each set of derrick falls, and is led through a block secured conveniently to the diver's station. this line is handled by an electric winch in the operating compartment. its purpose is to return the hoisting line with its sling to the divers after each load has been discharged upon the surface craft. as the divers operate only a few feet from the working chamber, they are protected from the surge of the surface boat, with its attendant pull on air-hose and life-line, and also from possible aggravation by currents; and, as the handling of all lines is done by mechanical power, work of recovery may be carried on in a very expeditious manner with a minimum of stress upon the operator. [illustration: the "caviar map" of shipping's greatest grave-yard (the little circles represent wrecks.) reproduction of a chart published by the german hydrographic office, giving a list of wrecks which have occurred in the locality pictured during a period of only fifteen years. this great loss of shipping was one of the principal causes leading up to the construction of the kiel canal.] in many waters the divers would be engaged in plain view of their tenders in the operating compartment, who would handle the down-pull lines and transmit signals by bell or telephone to the control station on the boat above. work is thus carried on continuously by relays of divers who are thoroughly conversant with the progress of the undertaking and the circumstances affecting performance. through the medium of the equalizing room the divers, who leave their helmets, shoes, and weights in the operating chamber, are able to undergo slowly and comfortably either decompression or compression after or before each shift. they can remain in the equalizing room as long as necessary to effect this in the way most conducive to their physical well-being. this compartment is well lighted, is fitted with seats, and provides every reasonable convenience for the diver during this intermediate stage. statistics have been published to show that practically the entire commerce of the world sinks in every twenty-five years. in the present war the rate of sinking has been, of course, enormously accelerated, and millions of tons of ships have been sunk, with billions of dollars' worth of cargo. many of these vessels were sunk in the north sea or the english channel, where the water is comparatively shallow, and where many of the cargoes can undoubtedly be recovered with the proper apparatus. the loss of ships in peace times is such a common occurrence that little attention is paid to them except when their loss is accompanied by great loss of life, as was the case with the _titanic_, the _monroe_, the _empress of ireland_, or the _lusitania_. there are therefore great opportunities for devices of this nature to operate profitably. another use to which the submarine may be put is the recovery of shellfish from the sea bottom. for such work as this adaptations of the submarine vessel are well fitted. a submarine vessel of the "lake" bottom-working type has been designed and is now being built for the location of and the recovery of shellfish on a large scale. shellfish abound on both the atlantic and pacific coasts in great quantities. they are about the most delicious and nutritious food known to man. the most common shellfish are the oyster, the round or hard-shell clam, the long-neck or soft-shell clam, the scallop, and, on the pacific coast, the abalone, which is valuable both for its mother-of-pearl shell and its meat, which is a great delicacy, the most of which is sent to japan, either dried or canned. my own sea-bottom investigations, combined with the sea-bottom investigations of the united states fish commission, have led me to the conclusion that edible shellfish abound along our coast in such great quantities that they can become an important rival to our meat-growing and packing industries, provided the proper apparatus is used for their recovery. i have, when "wheeling" along the bottom, found beds of the round or hard-shell clam in such great quantities that there must have been thousands of bushels to the acre. this was in waters too deep to be recovered by the usual clammers' apparatus. it is impossible to dredge for the soft-shell clam, as the shell is too delicate, and to pull them out of their bed would crush them. the abalone attach themselves to rocks, and it requires considerable force to break their hold, so there is no known means to recover them with surface ships. the oyster industry is the only one that has thus far been developed by planting and cultivating methods, so that it is now a great industry, employing thousands of steam, internal-combustion, and sail boats in their cultivation and collection for the market. the method employed by the largest growers is by the use of power boats which drag dredges. these are rakes with a meshed bag dragging on the bottom back of the tooth bar of the dredge to collect the oysters after they are raked or torn up from their beds. this is not a scientific method, for the reason that many of the oysters are killed by the heavy dredge being dragged over them. it is largely a hit-or-miss or grab-in-the-dark method, as it is impossible to clean up the ground in this manner. some oyster grounds will produce from three to four thousand bushels of oysters to the acre. when dredging is started it is only necessary to drag the dredge a few feet before it is filled; then, as the oysters become thinner, the drag becomes longer. they drag in all directions across the grounds, but, as they cannot see the bottom, there are places they never hit, because the wind and currents prevent a systematic covering of the ground. [illustration: submarine oyster-gathering vessel by admitting water ballast into ballast tanks the vessel is allowed to sink to the bottom with sufficient weight to afford traction to the toothed driving wheels in the central operating compartment. this compartment is open at the bottom; water is prevented from entering it by the use of compressed air. as this apartment is well lighted the oysters may readily be seen lying on the bottom the full width and length of the compartment. when the boat is given headway the oysters are automatically transferred into the cargo holds by means of a system of pipes and suction pumps to induce a flow of water which carries the oysters from the dredges.] the design of a submarine oyster-dredging vessel is such that the vessel goes down to the bottom direct and the water is forced out of the centre raking compartment so that the oysters may be seen by the operator in the control department. with only a few inches of water over them, headway is then given to the submarine and the oysters are then automatically raked up, washed, and delivered through pipes into the cargo-carrying chambers, as shown. centrifugal pumps are constantly delivering water from the cargo compartments, which induces a flow of water through the pipes leading from the "rake pans" with sufficient velocity to carry up the oysters and deposit them into the cargo holds. in this manner the bottom may be seen, and by "tracking" back and forth over the bottom the ground may be cleaned up at one operation. the author's design of vessel illustrated has a capacity of gathering oysters from good ground at the rate of five thousand bushels per hour. the use of the submarine will make the recovery of oysters more nearly like the method of reaping a field of grain, where one "swath" systematically joins on to another, and the whole field is cleaned up at one operation. in many other fields of industrial and commercial enterprise the submarine is qualified to render valuable services. in general submarine engineering work; in the construction of breakwaters, lighthouses, driving piles and building abutments, and in the deepening and improvement of waterways and harbors, the submarine will be utilized. in prospecting for, and the recovery and separation of, gold from river-beds and sea-coast bottoms submarine devices have been found to be very efficient and economical. a new method of laying tunnels under water has been proposed in which adaptations of the submarine boat will play a great part. however, these latter developments of the submarine are so highly specialized and a description of them would be so very technical that mere mention of these possibilities will be sufficient for the purposes of this book. thus it is evident that the submarine has a utility entirely apart from that of a military weapon. its unique qualities fit it for the labors of peace as well as for those of war. of course, in both cases, either as a naval weapon or as an industrial mechanism, it is the unique capacity of submergence possessed by the submarine which makes it of value, and in either case it is the question of accessibility which is all-important. in the war use the chief function of the submarine is to make itself inaccessible to the foe. it is immune from attack because it cannot be seen. it is able to strike at its foe with success because its presence is not detected by him. it is thus able to make use of its destructive energy in perfect safety. on the other hand, the chief value of the industrial submarine lies in the fact that it constitutes a means of access to places otherwise inaccessible to men. it is very desirable and very profitable for men to go down into the depths of the sea. there are things well worth doing on the bed of the ocean. travel may be made safe, goods of great value may be brought up, foodstuffs of the first order may be obtained there; with submarines men may prosecute their labors beneath the sea with very little danger and at a minimum of cost. the diver's profession will become, through the use of this mechanism, an important factor in the economic affairs of the world. chapter viii the destiny of the submarine studies of the submarine which deal with the subject solely from the engineering or military standpoint, or which treat of the development of this weapon simply in the light of its strategic value, fail to recognize the human aspects of the problem. i have stated in the foreword that at the present time the submarine is a tremendous factor in the political and industrial economy of the world, and i believe that a treatment of the submarine which gives no consideration to it in this broader relationship to the life and welfare of humanity is altogether incomplete. in my opinion, just as the submarine is to-day a power to be reckoned with in the world--an agency the prodigious capacity for destruction of which we realize but too well--so is it to be in the future an instrument the influence of which upon the progress and safety of the nations of the earth will be well-nigh incalculable. temporarily, it presents itself as a power for evil, as the weapon, the bludgeon, as it were, of either a misguided people or of an overbearing and power-thirsty aristocracy; permanently, i believe, it will prove to be destined to work for the highest good of humanity, and will serve the noblest and most intimate interests of men; for, as i have asserted above, the submarine has by no means been brought to its fullest measure of development. the limit of its capabilities has not been approached by modern ship constructors, even remotely. it will have a future; it has a destiny; it will serve mankind. there have been many criticisms and attacks directed at the submarine and against the designers of submarines within the past few years. these may be classified in general into two main categories: first, those which discredit the submarine on the basis of its mechanical limitations, and, secondly, those which assail the submarine on moral and humanitarian grounds and condemn the use of the weapon as piratical and murderous. for people who criticise the submarine on the grounds first stated i have little sympathy; they are those "who have eyes and see not, and having ears, hear not." they disavow the very testimony of the senses. i can, however, fully sympathize with those who attack the submarine on the latter basis; the events of the past three years may have borne this conviction upon them. yet they also fail to realize that the submarine, in the end, will render great benefits and service to the world. they judge too much from the present and look too rarely into the future. by way of answering these criticisms i will be able to present the facts concerning the future of the submarine as they appear to me after years of thought and experimentation in this field. [illustration: the "argosy and argonaut iii" a house boat with submarine and access tube attached, built by the author in 1917, for pleasure and experimental purposes in making underwater explorations and investigation of sea coast waterbed formation, in locating beds of shellfish, wrecks, etc., and to demonstrate the practicability of their recovery. the house boat is 100 ft. overall, 20 ft. beam. the submarine can operate up to depths of 150 ft. by adding additional lengths of access tube.] there are many who believe that the submarine is limited in its power because of the inherent nature of its operation. these are the people who erroneously conceive that the submarine designers in some peculiar and miraculous way manage to get around the laws of the universe. they think that the activity of the submarine is in defiance of the law of gravitation; that it performs unnatural feats. people with such views, of course, are inclined to believe that the submarine by now must have reached the height of its development, and that in any case it is an unreliable mechanism. criticism from such sources is worthy of notice solely because of its positive stupidity. inventors never perform miracles and they never defy nature. man can never master nature nor override her dictates. the inventor, rather, is one who comes to know the laws of nature with intimacy, and devises ways to turn them to his use. he works in harmony with nature, perhaps a little more closely than ordinary men; the secret of inventors' successes lies in the fact that they are those who best know how to coã¶perate with nature. just so the submarine, as we have seen, acts in response to the laws of gravity, hydraulics, pneumatics, and other natural sciences, and is in complete accordance with nature's dictates; it has no limitations set by nature upon its operation. objectors on these grounds are in the same class with those who asserted some years ago that an iron ship could not float. [illustration: diagram of the "argosy and argonaut iii" sketch showing the submarine "argonaut iii" on the bottom and operator in diving compartment inspecting the waterbed through the open diver's door.] there is also a very numerous class of persons who hold that the submarine is a very risky and dangerous mechanism; they feel that the principles of its operation have not yet been brought to a point of safety or certainty. the facts upon which they base this judgment are found by them in the accounts of the many accidents which have occurred to submarines in recent years. as a matter of fact, these accidents have been due, as a rule, to either of two causes; namely, faulty construction or carelessness. there is not a case on record of a properly constructed, well-handled submarine coming to grief through any cause related to the principle of her operation. the principles of successfully navigating under the water were discovered twenty years ago, and have been applied with perfect safety ever since. many designers since that time have failed to recognize the correct principles, and their incorrectly built boats have given trouble; hence accidents have occurred. to-day, however, the true principles of construction are universally recognized. the modern submarine has passed the stage of experimentation. another source for notions of this same sort, as to the unreliability of submarine navigation, is the constant repetition in the daily press that our submarines are not operating satisfactorily. these complaints also lead people to conclude that the mechanical demands of under-water navigation are not completely fulfilled. now, submarine vessels may be constructed to-day which are a great deal more trustworthy in their operation and considerably less dangerous to go about in than are certain well-known united states railroads. nearly every submarine in use in the navies of the world at the present day is capable of functioning in perfect safety, so far as submergence and emergence are concerned. they may be operated with almost exact precision while located many feet beneath the surface. if given sufficient static stability, there is no danger that they will dive to the bottom or that they will not come up again. the cause of all these complaints about our submarines is traceable to a single difficulty. the reader by this time realizes that the difficulty is with the engines, and not with the principles of submarine construction. the modern submarine builder cannot find an engine of sufficiently light weight to install with safety in a submarine hull which will give all the speed which the government demands that his boat should produce. on attempting to attain speed much engine trouble has developed, due to experimentation and trial, and from this source have sprung all the criticisms of the operation of our vessels. there is no such natural limitation to the possible utility of the submarine as many people believe; the only limitation is that of speed. our boats are safe, they are seaworthy, they are capable of a tremendous radius of action. sooner or later a reliable engine will be developed which will meet the needs of military submarines and which will deliver power sufficient to give the submarine battleship speed. this is at present the only limitation upon submarine development, and it is not an insuperable obstacle. those critics of the submarine who base their opinions upon moral and humanitarian notions are as self-deceived as those who disparage the mechanical success of the under-water vessel. people in this latter class, however, are not afflicted with a distorted vision of the truth, as are those of the other group, but rather, we may say, they suffer from nearsightedness. they do not look far enough ahead to judge as to the permanent utility of the submarine. they base their inferences entirely upon the use which one of the belligerent powers has made of its submarines. it is true, indeed, that the activities of a great many submarine commanders, and the policy of frightfulness which has been so consistently maintained throughout the course of the war by a certain group of autocrats, have temporarily put a moral stigma upon the submarine as a justifiable naval weapon. they have made it appear that the submarine cannot play a humane and legitimate part in warfare. while i have firmly maintained, and still believe, that a submarine blockade is a legitimate use of this weapon in warfare, i do regret that many acts committed by the submarines of one of the belligerents in the present war have been little short of outright piracy. strange to say, from the time when i first went into submarine work a fear has always possessed me that the submarine might be turned to piratical uses. i have often thought that some unscrupulous and adventurous group of men might terrorize the commerce of the world in times of peace by taking advantage of the invisible qualities of submarine vessels. such a group of men with the use of such a weapon might make submarine attacks on peaceful merchant vessels and escape detection and capture for years. i did not, however, nor did any other submarine inventor, anticipate that any of the world's recognized governments would sanction piratical and barbarous actions on the part of their naval officers. in fact, it has been the aim of submarine inventors, from fulton's time to the present, to devise a weapon that would ultimately bring war between maritime nations to an end. they have not had in mind the murderous designs which have been accredited to them from the very outset. it is my firm conviction that it is the destiny of the submarine to put an end forever to the possibility of warfare upon the high seas, and to eliminate warfare between nations which have no other access to each other except by sea. this is the wonderful opportunity of the submarine, and the submarine inventor has been and will be a laborer in the cause of peace, and not the cause of war and bloodshed. robert fulton pointed out this possibility when he was working upon his own devices. in a letter upon the subject he stated: "all my reflections have led me to believe that this application of it (the use of the mines placed by submarines) will in a few years put a stop to maritime wars, give that liberty on the seas which has been long and anxiously desired by every good man, and secure to americans that liberty which will enable citizens to apply their mental and corporeal faculties to useful and humane pursuits, to the improvement of our country, and the happiness of the whole people." later on it was josiah l. tuck who recognized the same fact, and entitled the vessel of his construction _the peacemaker_. the reason which underlies this conviction held by submarine inventors was succinctly expressed by the late mr. john p. holland. he pointed out the fact that "submarines cannot fight submarines," the submarine inventors have long since grasped the significance of this fact, realizing as they have that the submarine eventually was to drive the battleship from the sea. when the day comes that submarines are equipped with engines of battleship speed, and thus take away from the battleships the only means of defence which they now have--namely, the ability to run away from the submarine--the submarine will dominate the surface of the high seas. submarines may be built of almost any conceivable size, and carry large-calibre disappearing guns and ten, fifty, or one hundred torpedoes. the battleship will be powerless before the submarine of the future; the advantage will always be with the submarines, as they are invisible. when every country with a sea-coast is equipped with a sufficient number of defensive submarines, even of very low speed, attacks by invasion of their sea-coasts will become impossible. in case two maritime nations go to war, the submarines belonging to each will effectively blockade the ports of the other. commerce will come to an end, but there will be no invasions and no naval battles. the submarines, not being able to see each other, will not be able to fight. the worst that can happen is a deadlock, and a commercial deadlock of this sort will soon be ended by mutual agreement. the smallest of countries may fear no country, however large, whose sole access to her is by way of water. with a few defensive submarines she may adequately protect herself from invasion. her shipping may be bottled up, but she needs to stand in no fear of invading hosts and of rapine by armies from across the ocean. she stands prepared, with a fleet of a few tiny submarines, to stand for her rights and for her liberty. offensively the submarine will be of little value when brought to its highest point of development, for when every nation is fully equipped with submarines the menace of these vessels will keep enemy surface ships from venturing on the sea. there will be nothing for the submarines to attack except ships of their own kind, and that, of course, will be impossible. thus wars between maritime nations will come to be nothing more than a mutual check; no surface ships or transports will dare to move in any direction. offensive warfare will thus end, and each nation will be playing a waiting game, relying upon her submarines for defence. this is the destiny of the submarine. this has been the aim and the prophecy of the pioneers in submarine development. there is nothing which will stand in the way of the accomplishment of this happy result. the success of the submarine in the present war has at last forced those in power--and among them many who bitterly opposed its development--to recognize the value of this weapon. submarine designers and submarine inventors will from now on receive the encouragement and the attention of naval authorities throughout the world. hence we may expect to see the submarine developed and improved until it has many times the efficiency, speed, and destructive power which is possessed by it to-day. we may also expect to see the industrial possibilities of the submarine developed to a high degree within a few years. travel will be made safer, rich cargoes will be recovered, and the ocean will be forced to give up its wealth and its products to the uses of man in greater quantity than ever before. thus, instead of following a career of murder and of piracy, the submarine is destined to protect the weak, to strengthen the strong, and to serve humanity in general as an agent for prosperity and for peace. index a a-8, english submarine, 47 a-1, english submarine, 48 abbott, leon, 123 aerial torpedoes, 240 aeroplanes, 234ff air supply, question of, 49-51 "alligator," russian submarine, 67 "american turtle," 79, 80, 149ff "amphibious" submarines, 202ff anchoring weights, 20, 21 appropriation, u. s., 1893, requirements, 161ff appropriation, u. s., 1915, requirements, 175 "argonaut," 1, 7, 10, 36, 41, 50, 55, 58, 60, 70, 125, 177ff, 264, 270, 276 "argonaut, junior," 125, 127, 176ff asphyxiation, 32, 70 b baker, g. f., 121, 161, 163 ballast tanks, 9 "battle of the kegs," 81 becklemechief, capt., 65 berg, h. o., 137 blinding the submarine, 244 board on submarine defense, report of, 209ff, 215ff bombs, 248 bonaparte, napoleon, 81 bottom wheels, 216, 219 bourgois and brun, 153 brayton engines, 94 bubonoff, constructor, 65 buoyancy, negative, 18-19 buoyancy, positive, 18-19 buoyancy, reserve of, 9 bushnell, dr. david, 79, 149 c carbonic acid gas, engine, 10 cargo-carrying submarines, 251ff champion, s. t., 127 champion, b. f., 128 churchill, winston, 217 classes of submarine, 206 coast defense submarines, 197 compass, adjustment of, 180, 181 compressed air engine, 10 "congress, the," 87 conning tower (invisible), 26 converse, g. a., 162 convoy, 249 criticisms of submarine, 290ff cruiser submarines, 199ff "cumberland, the," 87 d dangers of submarining, 32ff daniels, josephus, 139 dawson, sir trevor, 174 day, 79 debrell, cornelius, 77, 78 deck guns, 239 decompression, question of, 278 defensive devices, 232 "delphine," russian submarine, 65, 66 depth control, 17ff, 216 destiny of submarine, 296, 297 detection of surface ships, 257 "deutschland, the," 251 dickey, 91 diesel engines, 13ff dirigibles, 234ff discs, whirling, 248 divers, 59, 276, 277ff divers' compartment, 30, 51ff, 221 dixon, lieut., 39 doyle, a. conan, 4 dunkerly, 91 "dzrewiecke apparatus," 192 e e-2, american submarine, 76 "eagle, the," 79, 80, 150 echo device, 241 edison, thos. a., 16, 141 electric boat company, 114 engines, 9ff engines, difficulty with, 11ff, 292, 293 "even-keel," 173ff, 183 exius, otto, 140 explosions, 70ff f f-1, american submarine, 76 f-4, american submarine, 76 "farfadet," french submarine, 76 fenian movement, 96, 157, 158 "fenian ram," 96ff, 157, 158 fessenden, prof., 27, 238 fisher, j. j., 56 fleet submarines, 199ff "foca, the," 13 folger, commander, 162 "fortuna," 63 freight submarine, 58 "fulton," american submarine, 76 fulton, robert, 81, 151, 294, 295 g gadd, capt. alex., 44 garrett, g. w., 158 geological investigation (submarine), 264 goubet, m., 160 government aid to inventors, 138ff grubb, sir howard, 25 "gustave zã©dã©," french submarine, 162 "gymnote," french submarine, 162 gyroscope, 29 h hale, senator, 125 halstead, o. s., 155 hanson, capt. scott, 263 hasker, c. h., 38, 152 haswell, c. h., 126 holland, j. p., 84ff, 157, 163, 295 holland, j. p., jr., 85 "holland, the," american submarine, 190, 191 hopkinson, francis, 81 "housatonic," s. s., 39 hull, construction of, 6, 7 "hunley, the," 37, 38, 152, 158 hydrogen, 16 hydrographic investigation, 269ff hydroplanes, 17, 171ff i "intelligent whale, the," 155ff internal combustion engines, 10 international peace, influence of submarines, 295 installation of batteries, 16 inventors, proposed institution for, 146ff "irish ram." see "fenian ram." j jonson, ben, 77 k koenig, capt. paul, 251 krupps, 183, 184 l lake, 1893 design, 169ff lauboeuf, m., 2, 173, 183 laurenti, naval constructor, 183, 186 lees, capt. edgar, 174 legitimacy of the submarine, 294 limitations of the submarine, 290ff lister, john, 91 "lutine, the," 76 m magnetic devices, 247ff malster, w. t., 131 maxim, sir hiram, 137 "merrimac, the," 86 metacentric height, 8ff microphone, 198 mines, 80, 220 mine-evading submarine, 206, 216ff mine-laying submarine, 208, 216ff mirabello, admiral, 185 "monitor, the," 86 "morse, the," french submarine, 191 n nansen, capt., 263 "narval, the," french submarine, 191 "nautilus, the," 81 nautilus submarine boat co., 109 naval consulting board, 139, 141ff nets, used _vs._ submarines, 242ff, 245ff net-evading submarines, 206, 216ff new orleans submarine, 39, 152, 153 _new york herald_, 129, 141 nordenfelt, 158, 159 o "obry" gear, 29 offensive devices, 232 officina galileo, 24 omniscope, 25 one-man submarines, 205 oscillator, fessenden, 27, 238 p paget, lord, 87 patent attorneys, 134 patent laws, 187 patent "sharks," 134 payne, lieut., 38 "peacemaker, the," 83, 160 peral, lieut. isaac, 160 periscope, 22ff, 47, 48 perpetual motion machine, 135, 136 piratical submarine, 294 pitt, william, 83 plantã© storage battery, 15 "plongeur, le," french submarine, 153, 154 "plunger, the," 166ff, 176, 188ff "pluviose, the," french submarine, 76 promoters, 130ff propelling mechanism, 9ff "protector, the," 43, 50, 62, 209ff, 235, 260, 262 r "resurgam, the," 158 rice, isaac, 115, 192 richards, g. m., 98, 99, 102 "running down," danger of, 42ff russian experiences, 63ff s sampson, admiral, 96, 124 salvaging, 57, 275 "schwartzkopf" torpedoes, 247 _scientific american_, 242 scott, sir percy, 3 searching for wrecks, 275, 276 searchlights, 240 shell-fishing, 285ff smoke screen, 249 sound receivers, 27ff sound detectors, 237ff, 239 spear, l. y., 173 speed, demand for, 11-19 stability, 7ff, 70, 150 storage batteries, 9, 15ff submarine engineering, 287 submarine guns, 240 submarine supply boats, 223ff submarine _vs._ submarine, 244 sueter, murray f., 173 superstructure, 7, 182 t tillian, capt., 67 torpedoes, 28ff, 247 torpedo tubes, 28 triangular drag, 165 trinitrotoluol (t-n-t), 30 tuck, josiah l., 83, 84, 160, 295 turret, armored, 235 u u-1, austrian submarine, 48 u-2, austrian submarine, 48 u-boats, german, 3 under-ice navigation, 260ff unsinkable ships, 248 v verne, jules, 1, 119 vickers company, 193 vision, underwater, 236, 241 w waddington, 160, 161 "wake" of a periscope, 233 ward, dr. francis, 266, 267 washington, george, 150 weddingen, lieut., 4 white, sir william, 192 whitehead torpedo, 2, 28, 29, 247 williamson brothers, 265ff williamson, capt. charles, 265 wireless, 28, 198 wrecking work, 57 wright brothers, 137 z zalinski, capt., 109 zigzag course, 250 footnotes: [1] probably "the intelligent whale." [2] note.--the blockade of alexandria was in progress at that time. transcriber's note italic text is denoted by _underscores_. bold text is denoted by =equal signs=. the oe ligature has been replaced by 'oe'. obvious typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources. except for those changes noted below, inconsistent or archaic spelling of a word or word-pair within the text has been retained. for example: gasolene gasoline; waterbed water-bed; air lock air-lock; under-sea undersea; conquerer; to-day. list of illustrations: p xi. 'tubes assembled for' changed to 'tubes assembled ready for'. p xi. 'built in august,' changed to 'built. launched in august,'. p xii. 'of "argosy" and' changed to 'of the "argosy" and'. p xii. 'le plungeur' changed to 'le plongeur'. p 117. 'blank space' replaced by '__________'. p 194. (caption)'laubeuf' changed to 'lauboeuf'. p 301. 'schwarzkopf' changed to 'schwartzkopf'. 