chickamauga: a short story | american battlefield trust chickamauga: a short story ambrose bierce, one of the most popular authors of the late 19th century, known for his short story "an occurrence at owl creek bridge," political satire pamphlet "the devil's dictionary," and for his mysterious disappearance in mexico in 1913.  he served with the union army in the western theater of the civil war.  he fought at shiloh and chickamauga and was seriously wounded at kennesaw mountain.  he wrote the following story based on his experiences at chickamauga. one sunny autumn afternoon a child strayed away from its rude home in a small field and entered a forest unobserved. it was happy in a new sense of freedom from control, happy in the opportunity of exploration and adventure; for this child's spirit, in bodies of its ancestors, had for thousands of years been trained to memorable feats of discovery and conquest-victories in battles whose critical moments were centuries, whose victors' camps were cities of hewn stone. from the cradle of its race it had conquered its way through two continents and passing a great sea had penetrated a third, there to be born to war and dominion as a heritage. ambrose bierce in 1866 wikimedia commons the child was a boy aged about six years, the son of a poor planter. in his younger manhood the father had been a soldier, had fought against naked savages and followed the flag of his country into the capital of a civilized race to the far south. in the peaceful life of a planter the warrior-fire survived; once kindled, it is never extinguished. the man loved military books and pictures and the boy had understood enough to make himself a wooden sword, though even the eye of his father would hardly have known it for what it was. this weapon he now bore bravely, as became the son of an heroic race, and pausing now and again in the sunny space of the forest assumed, with some exaggeration, the postures of aggression and defense that he had been taught by the engraver's art. made reckless by the ease with which he overcame invisible foes attempting to stay his advance, he committed the common enough military error of pushing the pursuit to a dangerous extreme, until he found himself upon the margin of a wide but shallow brook, whose rapid waters barred his direct advance against the flying foe that had crossed with illogical ease. but the intrepid victor was not to be baffled; the spirit of the race which had passed the great sea burned unconquerable in that small breast and would not be denied. finding a place where some bowlders in the bed of the stream lay but a step or a leap apart, he made his way across and fell again upon the rear-guard of his imaginary foe, putting all to the sword. now that the battle had been won, prudence required that he withdraw to his base of operations. alas; like many a mightier conqueror, and like one, the mightiest, he could not curb the lust for war, nor learn that tempted fate will leave the loftiest star. advancing from the bank of the creek he suddenly found himself confronted with a new and more formidable enemy: in the path that he was following, sat, bolt upright, with ears erect and paws suspended before it, a rabbit! with a startled cry the child turned and fled, he knew not in what direction, calling with inarticulate cries for his mother, weeping, stumbling, his tender skin cruelly torn by brambles, his little heart beating hard with terror-breathless, blind with tears--lost in the forest! then, for more than an hour, he wandered with erring feet through the tangled undergrowth, till at last, overcome by fatigue, he lay down in a narrow space between two rocks, within a few yards of the stream and still grasping his toy sword, no longer a weapon but a companion, sobbed himself to sleep. the wood birds sang merrily above his head; the squirrels, whisking their bravery of tail, ran barking from tree to tree, unconscious of the pity of it, and somewhere far away was a strange, muffed thunder, as if the partridges were drumming in celebration of nature's victory over the son of her immemorial enslavers. and back at the little plantation, where white men and black were hastily searching the fields and hedges in alarm, a mother's heart was breaking for her missing child. hours passed, and then the little sleeper rose to his feet. the chill of the evening was in his limbs, the fear of the gloom in his heart. but he had rested, and he no longer wept. with some blind instinct which impelled to action he struggled through the undergrowth about him and came to a more open ground--on his right the brook, to the left a gentle acclivity studded with infrequent trees; over all, the gathering gloom of twilight. a thin, ghostly mist rose along the water. it frightened and repelled him; instead of recrossing, in the direction whence he had come, he turned his back upon it, and went forward toward the dark inclosing wood. suddenly he saw before him a strange moving object which he took to be some large animal--a dog, a pig--he could not name it; perhaps it was a bear. he had seen pictures of bears, but knew of nothing to their discredit and had vaguely wished to meet one. but something in form or movement of this object--something in the awkwardness of its approach--told him that it was not a bear, and curiosity was stayed by fear. he stood still and as it came slowly on gained courage every moment, for he saw that at least it had not the long menacing ears of the rabbit. possibly his impressionable mind was half conscious of something familiar in its shambling, awkward gait. before it had approached near enough to resolve his doubts he saw that it was followed by another and another. to right and to left were many more; the whole open space about him were alive with them—all moving toward the brook. surveying 760x with over 34,000 casualties, the results of the battle of chickamauga were stunning. chickamauga was the second bloodiest battle of the civil war, ranking only behind gettysburg, and was by far the deadliest battle in the west. library of congress they were men. they crept upon their hands and knees. they used their hands only, dragging their legs. they used their knees only, their arms hanging idle at their sides. they strove to rise to their feet, but fell prone in the attempt. they did nothing naturally, and nothing alike, save only to advance foot by foot in the same direction. singly, in pairs and in little groups, they came on through the gloom, some halting now and again while others crept slowly past them, then resuming their movement. they came by dozens and by hundreds; as far on either hand as one could see in the deepening gloom they extended and the black wood behind them appeared to be inexhaustible. the very ground seemed in motion toward the creek. occasionally one who had paused did not again go on, but lay motionless. he was dead. some, pausing, made strange gestures with their hands, erected their arms and lowered them again, clasped their heads; spread their palms upward, as men are sometimes seen to do in public prayer. not all of this did the child note; it is what would have been noted by an elder observer; he saw little but that these were men, yet crept like babes. being men, they were not terrible, though unfamiliarly clad. he moved among them freely, going from one to another and peering into their faces with childish curiosity. all their faces were singularly white and many were streaked and gouted with red. something in this--something too, perhaps, in their grotesque attitudes and movements--reminded him of the painted clown whom he had seen last summer in the circus, and he laughed as he watched them. but on and ever on they crept, these maimed and bleeding men, as heedless as he of the dramatic contrast between his laughter and their own ghastly gravity. to him it was a merry spectacle. he had seen his father's negroes creep upon their hands and knees for his amusement--had ridden them so, "making believe" they were his horses. he now approached one of these crawling figures from behind and with an agile movement mounted it astride. the man sank upon his breast, recovered, flung the small boy fiercely to the ground as an unbroken colt might have done, then turned upon him a face that lacked a lower jaw--from the upper teeth to the throat was a great red gap fringed with hanging shreds of flesh and splinters of bone. the unnatural prominence of nose, the absence of chin, the fierce eyes, gave this man the appearance of a great bird of prey crimsoned in throat and breast by the blood of its quarry. the man rose to his knees, the child to his feet. the man shook his fist at the child; the child, terrified at last, ran to a tree near by, got upon the farther side of it and took a more serious view of the situation. and so the clumsy multitude dragged itself slowly and painfully along in hideous pantomime--moved forward down the slope like a swarm of great black beetles, with never a sound of going--in silence profound, absolute. instead of darkening, the haunted landscape began to brighten. through the belt of trees beyond the brook shone a strange red light, the trunks and branches of the trees making a black lacework against it. it struck the creeping figures and gave them monstrous shadows, which caricatured their movements on the lit grass. it fell upon their faces, touching their whiteness with a ruddy tinge, accentuating the stains with which so many of them were freaked and maculated. it sparkled on buttons and bits of metal in their clothing. instinctively the child turned toward the growing splendor and moved down the slope with his horrible companions; in a few moments had passed the foremost of the throng--not much of a feat, considering his advantages. he placed himself in the lead, his wooden sword still in hand, and solemnly directed the march, conforming his pace to theirs and occasionally turning as if to see that his forces did not straggle. surely such a leader never before had such a following. alfred waud sketch of confederates advancing through the forest at chickamauga library of congress scattered about upon the ground now slowly narrowing by the encroachment of this awful march to water, were certain articles to which, in the leader's mind, were coupled no significant associations: an occasional blanket tightly rolled lengthwise, doubled and the ends bound together with a string; a heavy knapsack here, and there a broken rifle--such things, in short, as are found in the rear of retreating troops, the "spoor" of men flying from their hunters. everywhere near the creek, which here had a margin of lowland, the earth was trodden into mud by the feet of men and horses. an observer of better experience in the use of his eyes would have noticed that these footprints pointed in both directions; the ground had been twice passed over--in advance and in retreat. a few hours before, these desperate, stricken men, with their more fortunate and now distant comrades, had penetrated the forest in thousands. their successive battalions, breaking into swarms and reforming in lines, had passed the child on every side--had almost trodden on him as he slept. the rustle and murmur of their march had not awakened him. almost within a stone's throw of where he lay they had fought a battle; but all unheard by him were the roar of the musketry, the shock of the cannon, "the thunder of the captains and the shouting." he had slept through it all, grasping his little wooden sword with perhaps a tighter clutch in unconscious sympathy with his martial environment, but as heedless of the grandeur of the struggle as the dead who had died to make the glory. the battle of chickamauga library of congress the fire beyond the belt of woods on the farther side of the creek, reflected to earth from the canopy of its own smoke, was now suffusing the whole landscape. it transformed the sinuous line of mist to the vapor of gold. the water gleamed with dashes of red, and red, too, were many of the stones protruding above the surface. but that was blood; the less desperately wounded had stained them in crossing. on them, too, the child now crossed with eager steps; he was going to the fire. as he stood upon the farther bank he turned about to look at the companions of his march. the advance was arriving at the creek. the stronger had already drawn themselves to the brink and plunged their faces into the flood. three or four who lay without motion appeared to have no heads. at this the child's eyes expanded with wonder; even his hospitable understanding could not accept a phenomenon implying such vitality as that. after slaking their thirst these men had not had the strength to back away from the water, nor to keep their heads above it. they were drowned. in rear of these, the open spaces of the forest showed the leader as many formless figures of his grim command as at first; but not nearly so many were in motion. he waved his cap for their encouragement and smilingly pointed with his weapon in the direction of the guiding light--a pillar of fire to this strange exodus. confident of the fidelity of his forces, he now entered the belt of woods, passed through it easily in the red illumination, climbed a fence, ran across a field, turning now and again to coquet with his responsive shadow, and so approached the blazing ruin of a dwelling. desolation everywhere! in all the wide glare not a living thing was visible. he cared nothing for that; the spectacle pleased, and he danced with glee in imitation of the wavering flames. he ran about, collecting fuel, but every object that he found was too heavy for him to cast in from the distance to which the heat limited his approach. in despair he flung in his sword--a surrender to the superior forces of nature. his military career was at an end. shifting his position, his eyes fell upon some outbuildings which had an oddly familiar appearance, as if he had dreamed of them. he stood considering them with wonder, when suddenly the entire plantation, with its inclosing forest, seemed to turn as if upon a pivot. his little world swung half around; the points of the compass were reversed. he recognized the blazing building as his own home! for a moment he stood stupefied by the power of the revelation, then ran with stumbling feet, making a half-circuit of the ruin. there, conspicuous in the light of the conflagration, lay the dead body of a woman--the white face turned upward, the hands thrown out and clutched full of grass, the clothing deranged, the long dark hair in tangles and full of clotted blood. the greater part of the forehead was torn away, and from the jagged hole the brain protruded, overflowing the temple, a frothy mass of gray, crowned with clusters of crimson bubbles--the work of a shell. the child moved his little hands, making wild, uncertain gestures. he uttered a series of inarticulate and indescribable cries--something between the chattering of an ape and the gobbling of a turkey--a startling, soulless, unholy sound, the language of a devil. the child was a deaf mute. then he stood motionless, with quivering lips, looking down upon the wreck. with the old breed at peleliu and okinawa e. b. sledge ballantine books new york 2010 presidio press trade paperback edition copyright © 1981 by e. b. sledge introduction copyright © 2007 by presidio press, a division of random house, inc. all rights reserved. published in the united states by presidio press, an imprint of the random house publishing group, a division of random house, inc., new york. presidio press and colophon are trademarks of random house, inc. originally published in hardcover in the united states by presidio press, an imprint of the random house publishing group, a division of random house, inc., in 1981, and subsequently in trade paperback and mass market by ballantine books, an imprint of the random house publishing group, a division of random house, inc., in 2007. isbn 978-0-8914-1906-8 printed in the united states of america www.presidiopress.com 24 26 28 29 27 25 23 in memory of capt. andrew a. haldane, beloved company commander of k/3/5, and to the old breed the deaths ye died i have watched beside, and the lives ye led were mine. — r u d y a r d k i p l i n g 1 1 0 peleliu: a neglected battle "our battalion is ordered to hit the beach on ngesebus island tomorrow," an officer told us.* i shuddered as i recalled the beachhead we had made on 15 september. the battalion moved into an area near the northern peninsula and dug in for the night in a quiet area. it was sandy, open, and had some shattered, drooping palms. we didn't know what to expect on ngesebus. i prayed the landing wouldn't be a repeat of the holocaust of d day. early in the morning of 28 september (d + 3) we squared away our gear and stood by to board the amtracs that would take us across the 500-700 yards of shallow reef to ngesebus. "we'll probably get another battle star for this beachhead," said a man enthusiastically. "no we won't," answered another. "it's still just part of the peleliu operation." "the hell you say; it's still another beachhead," the first man responded. "i don't make the regulation, ole buddy, but you check with the gunny, and i'll betcha i'm right." several mumbled comments came out about how stingy the high command was in authorizing battle stars, which were little enough compensation for combat duty. we boarded the tractors and tried to suppress our fear. ships were firing on ngesebus, and we saw marine f4u corsair fighter planes approaching from the peleliu airfield to the south. "we gonna have lots of support for this one," an nco said. our amtracs moved to the water's edge and waited for h hour as the thunderous prelanding naval gunfire bombardment covered the little island in smoke, flame, and dust. the corsairs from marine fighter squadron (vmf) 114 peeled off and began bombing and strafing the beach. the engines of the beautiful blue gull-winged planes roared, whined, and strained as they dove and pulled out. they plastered the beach with machine guns, bombs, and rockets. the effect was awesome as dirt, sand, and debris spewed into the air.f our marine pilots outdid themselves, and we cheered, yelled, waved, •ngesebus had to be captured to silence the enemy fire coming into the 5th marines' flank and to prevent its use as a landing place for japanese reinforcements from the north. there was also an airfield on ngesebus—a fighter strip—that was supposed to be useful for american planes. tngesebus was one of the first american amphibious assaults where air support for the landing force came exclusively from marine aircraft. in earlier landings, air support came from navy and sometimes army planes. a n o t h e r a m p h i b i o u s assault and raised our clenched fists to indicate our approval. never during the war did i see fighter pilots take such risks by not pulling out of their dives until the very last instant. we were certain, more than once, that a pilot was pulling out too late and would crash. but, expert flyers that they were, they gave that beach a brutal pounding without mishap to plane or pilot. we talked about their spectacular flying even after the war ended. out to sea on our left, with a cruiser, destroyers, and other ships firing support, was a huge battleship. someone said it was the uss mississippi, but i never knew for sure. she ranked with the corsairs in the mass of destruction she hurled at ngesebus. the huge shells rumbled like freight cars—as the men always used to describe the sound of projectiles from fullsized battleships' 16-inch guns. at h hour our tractor driver revved up his engine. we moved into the water and started the assault. my heart pounded in my throat. would my luck hold out? "the lord is my shepherd," i prayed quietly and squeezed my carbine stock. to our relief we received no fire as we approached the island. when my amtrac lurched to a stop well up on the beach, the tailgate went down with a bump, and we scrambled out. with its usual din and thunder the bombardment moved inland ahead of us. some company k marines on the beach were already firing into pillboxes and bunkers and dropping in grenades. with several other men, i headed inland a short distance. but as we got to the edge of the airstrip, we had to dive for cover. a nambu (japanese light machine gun) had cut loose on us. a buddy and i huddled behind a coral rock as the machine-gun slugs zipped viciously overhead. he was on my right. because the rock was small, we pressed shoulder to shoulder, hugging it for protection. suddenly there was a sickening crack like someone snapping a large stick. my friend screamed, "oh god, i'm hit!" and lurched over onto his right side. he grabbed his left elbow with his right hand, groaning and grimacing with pain as he thrashed around kicking up dust. a bypassed sniper had seen us behind the rock and shot him. the bullet hit him in the left arm, which was pressed tightly against my right arm as we sought cover from the machine gun out front. the nambu was firing a bit high, but there was no doubt the sniper had his sights right on us. we were between a rock and a hard place. i dragged him around the rock out of sight of the sniper as the nambu bullets whizzed overhead. i yelled, "corpsman!" and ken (doc) caswell,* the mortar section •habitually and affectionately, marines call all u.s. navy corpsmen who serve with them "doc." assault on ngesebus. view from amphibious amtrac while crossing in third wave from peleliu. usmc photo. ngesebus: assault troops (k/3/5) move inland. usmc photo. another amphibious assault 113 corpsman, crawled over, opening his pouch to get at his first aid supplies as he came. another man also came over to see if he could help. while i cut away the bloody dungaree sleeve from the injured arm with my kabar, doc began to tend the wound. as he knelt over his patient, the other marine placed his kabar under the injured man's pack strap and gave a violent upward jerk to cut away the shoulder pack. the razor-sharp blade sliced through the thick web pack strap as though it were a piece of string. but before the marine could arrest its upward motion, the knife cut doc in the face to the bone. doc recoiled in pain from the impact of the knife thrust. blood flowed down his face from the nasty gash to the left of his nose. he regained his balance immediately and returned to his work on the smashed arm as though nothing had happened. the clumsy marine cursed himself for his blunder as i asked doc what 1 could do to help him. despite considerable pain, doc kept at his work. in a quiet, calm voice he told me to get a battle dressing out of his pouch and press if firmly against his face to stop the bleeding while he finished work on the wounded arm. such was the selfless dedication of the navy hospital corpsmen who served in marine infantry units. it was little wonder that we held them in such high esteem. (doc later got his face tended and was back with the mortar section in a matter of a few hours.) while i did as doc directed, i yelled at two marines coming our way and pointed toward the sniper. they took off quickly toward the beach and hailed a tank. by the time a stretcher team came up and took my wounded friend, the two men trotted by, waved, and one said, "we got the bastard; he ain't gonna shoot nobody else." the nambu had ceased firing, and an nco signaled us forward. before moving out, i looked toward the beach and saw the walking wounded wading back toward peleliu. after we moved farther inland, we received orders to set up the mortars on the inland side of a japanese pillbox and prepare to fire on the enemy to our company's front. we asked company k's gunnery sergeant, gy. sgt. w. r. saunders, if he knew of any enemy troops in the bunker. it appeared undamaged. he said some of the men had thrown grenades through the ventilators, and he was sure there were no live enemy inside. snafu and i began to set up our mortar about five feet from the bunker. number one mortar was about five yards to our left. cpl. r. v. burgin was getting the sound-powered phone hooked up to receive fire orders from sgt. johnny marmet, who was observing. i heard something behind me in the pillbox. japanese were talking in low, excited voices. metal rattled against an iron grating. i grabbed my carbine and yelled, "burgin, there're nips in that pillbox." 114 p e l e l i u : a neglected battle another amphibious assault 115 all the men readied their weapons as burgin came over to have a look, kidding me with, "shucks, sledgehammer, you're crackin' up." he looked into the ventilator port directly behind me. it was rather small, approximately six inches by eight inches, and covered with iron bars about a half inch apart. what he saw brought forth a stream of curses in his best texas style against all nippon. he stuck his carbine muzzle through the bars, fired two quick shots, and yelled, "i got 'em right in the face." the japanese inside the pillbox began jabbering loudly. burgin was gritting his teeth and calling the enemy sobs while he fired more shots through the opening. every man in the mortar section was ready for trouble as soon as burgin fired the first shot. it came in the form of a grenade tossed out of the end entrance to my left. it looked as big as a football to me. i yelled "grenade!" and dove behind the sand breastwork protecting the entrance at the end of the pillbox. the sand bank was about four feet high and l-shaped to protect the entrance from fire from the front and flanks. the grenade exploded, but no one was hit. the japanese tossed out several more grenades without causing us injury, because we were hugging the deck. most of the men crawled around to the front of the pillbox and crouched close to it between the firing ports, so the enemy inside couldn't fire at them. john redifer and vincent santos jumped on top. things got quiet. i was nearest the door, and burgin yelled to me, "look in and see what's in there, sledgehammer." being trained to take orders without question, i raised my head above the sand bank and peered into the door of the bunker. it nearly cost me my life. not more than six feet from me crouched a japanese machine gunner. his eyes were black dots in a tan, impassive face topped with the familiar mushroom helmet. the muzzle of his light machine gun stared at me like a gigantic third eye. fortunately for me, i reacted first. not having time to get my carbine into firing position, i jerked my head down so fast my helmet almost flew off. a split second later he fired a burst of six or eight rounds. the bullets tore a furrow through the bank just above my head and showered sand on me. my ears rang from the muzzle blast and my heart seemed to be in my throat choking me. i knew damned well i had to be dead! he just couldn't have missed me at that range. a million thoughts raced through my terrified mind: of how my folks had nearly lost their youngest, of what a stupid thing i had done to look directly into a pillbox full of japanese without even having my carbine at the ready, and of just how much i hated the enemy anyway. many a marine veteran had already lost his life on peleliu for making less of a mistake than i had just made. burgin yelled and asked if i were all right. a hoarse squawk was all the answer i could muster, but his voice brought me to my senses. i crawled around to the front, then up on top of the bunker before the enemy machine gunner could have another try at me. redifer yelled, "they've got an automatic weapon in there." snafu disagreed, and a spirited argument ensued. redifer pointed out that there p| surely was an automatic weapon in there and that i should know, because it came close to blowing off my head. but snafu was adamant. like much of what i experienced in combat, this exchange was unreal. here we were: twelve marines with a bull by the tail in the form of a well-built concrete pillbox containing an unknown number of japanese with no friendly troops near us and snafu and redifer—veterans—in a violent argument. burgin shouted, "knock it off," and they shut up. redifer and i lay prone on top of the bunker, just above the door. we knew we had to get the japanese while they were bottled up, or they would come out at us with knives and bayonets, a thought none of us relished. redifer and i were close enough to the door to place grenades down the opening and move back before they exploded. but the japanese invariably tossed them back at us before the explosion. i had an irrepressible urge to do just that. brief as our face-to-face meeting had been, i had quickly developed a feeling of strong personal hate for that machine gunner who had nearly blasted my head off my shoulders. my terror subsided into a cold, homicidal rage and a vengeful desire to get even. redifer and i gingerly peeped down over the door. the machine gunner wasn't visible, but we looked at three long arisaka rifle barrels with bayonets fixed. those bayonets seemed ten feet long to me. their owners were jabbering excitedly, apparently planning to rush out. redifer acted quickly. he held his carbine by the barrel and used the butt to knock down the rifles. the japanese jerked their weapons back into the bunker with much chattering. behind us, santos yelled that he had located a ventilator pipe without a cover. he began dropping grenades into it. each one exploded in the pillbox beneath us with a muffled bam. when he had used all of his, redifer and i handed him our grenades while we kept watch at the door. after santos had dropped in several, we stood up and began to discuss with burgin and the others the possibility that anyone could still be alive inside. (we didn't know at the time that the inside was subdivided by concrete baffles for extra protection.) we got our answer when two grenades were tossed out. luckily for the men with burgin, the grenades 116 peleliu: a neglected battle were thrown out the back. santos and i shouted a warning and hit the deck on the sand on top of the pillbox, but redifer merely raised his arm over his face. he took several fragments in the forearm but wasn't wounded seriously. burgin yelled, "let's get the hell outa here and get a tank to help us knock this damn thing out." he ordered us to pull back to some craters about forty yards from the pillbox. we sent a runner to the beach to bring up a flamethrower and an amtrac armed with a 75mm gun. as we jumped into the crater, three japanese soldiers ran out of the pillbox door past the sand bank and headed for a thicket. each carried his bayoneted rifle in his right hand and held up his pants with his left hand. this action so amazed me that i stared in disbelief and didn't fire my carbine. 1 wasn't afraid, as i had been under shell fire, just filled with wild excitement. my buddies were more effective than i and cut down the enemy with a hail of bullets. they congratulated each other while i chided myself for being more curious about strange japanese customs than with being combat effective. the amtrac rattling toward us by this time was certainly a welcome sight. as it pulled into position, several more japanese raced from the pillbox in a tight group. some held their bayoneted rifles in both hands, but some of them carried their rifles in one hand and held up their pants with the other. i had overcome my initial surprise and joined the others and the amtrac machine gun in firing away at them. they tumbled onto the hot coral in a forlorn tangle of bare legs, falling rifles, and rolling helmets. we felt no pity for them but exulted over their fate. we had been shot at and shelled too much and had lost too many friends to have compassion for the enemy when we had him cornered. the amtrac took up a position on a line even with us. its commander, a sergeant, consulted burgin. then the turret gunner fired three armorpiercing 75mm shells at the side of the pillbox. each time our ears rang with the familiar wham—bam as the report of the gun was followed quickly by the explosion of the shell on a target at close range. the third shell tore a hole entirely through the pillbox. fragments kicked up dust around our abandoned packs and mortars on the other side. on the side nearest us, the hole was about four feet in diameter. burgin yelled to the tankers to cease firing lest our equipment be damaged. someone remarked that if fragments hadn't killed those inside, the concussion surely had. but even before the dust settled, i saw a japanese soldier appear at the blasted opening. he was grim determination personified as he drew back his arm to throw a grenade at us. my carbine was already up. when he appeared, i lined up my sights on another amphibious assault 1 1 7 flamethrower gunner with supporting rifle fire team burns out enemy emplacement. peleliu. usmc photo. his chest and began squeezing off shots. as the first bullet hit him, his face contorted in agony. his knees buckled. the grenade slipped from his grasp. all the men near me, including the amtrac machine gunner, had seen him and began firing. the soldier collapsed in the fusilade, and the grenade went off at his feet. even in the midst of these fast-moving events, i looked down at my carbine with sober reflection. i had just killed a man at close range. that i had seen clearly the pain on his face when my bullets hit him came as a jolt. it suddenly made the war a very personal affair. the expression on that man's face filled me with shame and then disgust for the war and all the misery it was causing. my combat experience thus far made me realize that such sentiments for an enemy soldier were the maudlin meditations of a fool. look at me, a member of the 5th marine regiment—one of the oldest, finest, and toughest regiments in the marine corps—feeling ashamed because i had shot a damned foe before he could throw a grenade at me! i felt like a fool and was thankful my buddies couldn't read my thoughts. burgin's order to us to continue firing into the opening interrupted my musings. we kept up a steady fire into the pillbox to keep the japanese pinned down while the flamethrower came up, carried by corporal womack from mississippi. he was a brave, good-natured guy and popular 118 p e l e l i u : a neglected battle with the troops, but he was one of the fiercest looking marines i ever saw. he was big and husky with a fiery red beard well powdered with white coral dust. he reminded me of some wild viking. i was glad we were on the same side. stooped under the heavy tanks on his back, womack approached the pillbox with his assistant just out of the line of our fire. when they got about fifteen yards from the target, we ceased firing. the assistant reached up and turned a valve on the flamethrower. womack then aimed the nozzle at the opening made by the 75mm gun. he pressed the trigger. with a whoooooooosh the flame leaped at the opening. some muffled screams, then all quiet. even the stoic japanese couldn't suppress the agony of death by fire and suffocation. but they were no more likely to surrender to us than we would have been to them had we ever been confronted with the possibility of surrender. in fighting the japanese, surrender was not one of our options. amid our shouts of appreciation, womack and his buddy started back to battalion headquarters to await the summons to break another deadlock somewhere on the battlefield—or lose their lives trying. the job of flamethrower gunner was probably the least desirable of any open to a marine infantryman. carrying tanks with about seventy pounds of flammable jellied gasoline through enemy fire over rugged terrain in hot weather to squirt flames into the mouth of a cave or pillbox was an assignment that few survived but all carried out with magnificent courage. we left the craters and approached the pillbox cautiously. burgin ordered some of the men to cover it while the rest of us looked over the fallen japanese to be sure none was still alive; wounded japanese invariably exploded grenades when approached, if possible, killing their enemies along with themselves. all of them were dead. the pillbox was out of action thanks to the flamethrower and the amtrac. there were seven enemy dead inside and ten outside. our packs and mortars were only slightly damaged by the fire from the amtrac's 75mm gun. of the twelve marine mortarmen, our only casualties were redifer and leslie porter, who had taken some grenade fragments. they weren't hurt seriously. our luck in the whole affair had been incredible. if the enemy had surprised us and rushed us, we might have been in a bad fix. during this lull the men stripped the packs and pockets of the enemy dead for souvenirs. this was a gruesome business, but marines executed it in a most methodical manner. helmet headbands were checked for flags, packs and pockets were emptied, and gold teeth were extracted. sabers, pistols, and hari-kari knives were highly prized and carefully cared for until another a m p h i b i o u s assault 119 pill box concrete covered with sand 120 peleliu: a neglected battle another a m p h i b i o u s assault 121 they could be sent to the folks back home or sold to some pilot or sailor for a fat price. rifles and other larger weapons usually were rendered useless and thrown aside. they were too heavy to carry in addition to our own equipment. they would be picked up later as fine souvenirs by the rearechelon troops. the men in the rifle companies had a lot of fun joking about the hair-raising stories these people, who had never seen a live japanese or been shot at, would probably tell after the war. the men gloated over, compared, and often swapped their prizes. it was a brutal, ghastly ritual the likes of which have occurred since ancient times on battlefields where the antagonists have possessed a profound mutual hatred. it was uncivilized, as is all war, and was carried out with that particular savagery that characterized the struggle between the marines and the japanese. it wasn't simply souvenir hunting or looting the enemy dead; it was more like indian warriors taking scalps. while i was removing a bayonet and scabbard from a dead japanese, i noticed a marine near me. he wasn't in our mortar section but had happened by and wanted to get in on the spoils. he came up to me dragging what i assumed to be a corpse. but the japanese wasn't dead. he had been wounded severely in the back and couldn't move his arms; otherwise he would have resisted to his last breath. the japanese's mouth glowed with huge gold-crowned teeth, and his captor wanted them. he put the point of his kabar on the base of a tooth and hit the handle with the palm of his hand. because the japanese was kicking his feet and thrashing about, the knife point glanced off the tooth and sank deeply into the victim's mouth. the marine cursed him and with a slash cut his cheeks open to each ear. he put his foot on the sufferer's lower jaw and tried again. blood poured out of the soldier's mouth. he made a gurgling noise and thrashed wildly. i shouted, "put the man out of his misery." all i got for an answer was a cussing out. another marine ran up, put a bullet in the enemy soldier's brain, and ended his agony. the scavenger grumbled and continued extracting his prizes undisturbed. such was the incredible cruelty that decent men could commit when reduced to a brutish existence in their fight for survival amid the violent death, terror, tension, fatigue, and filth that was the infantryman's war. our code of conduct toward the enemy differed drastically from that prevailing back at the division cp. the struggle for survival went on day after weary day, night after terrifying night. one remembers vividly the landings and the beachheads and the details of the first two or three days and nights of a campaign; after that, time lost all meaning. a lull of hours or days seemed but a fleeting instant of heaven-sent tranquility. lying in a foxhole sweating out an enemy artillery or mortar barrage or waiting to dash across open ground under machine-gun or artillery fire defied any concept of time. to the noncombatants and those on the periphery of action, the war meant only boredom or occasional excitement; but to those who entered the meat grinder itself, the war was a nether world of horror from which escape seemed less and less likely as casualties mounted and the fighting dragged on and on. time had no meaning; life had no meaning. the fierce struggle for survival in the abyss of peleliu eroded the veneer of civilization and made savages of us all. we existed in an environment totally incompre' hensible to men behind the lines—service troops and civilians. a trip inside the pillbox by redifer and burgin solved the mystery of how some of the occupants had survived the grenades and shell bursts. (burgin shot a soldier inside who was feigning death.) concrete walls partitioned the bunker into compartments connected by small openings. three or four enemy soldiers occupied each compartment which had its own firing ports to the outside. each would have had to be put out of action individually had we not had the help of womack and his flamethrower. when our gunny came by and saw the results of our encounter with the pillbox he had thought was empty, he looked sheepish. he gazed in amazement at the enemy dead scattered around. we really razzed him about it— or rather, we gave him the nearest thing approaching the razz that we marine privates dared hand out to the austere personage of gy. sergeant saunders. i have thought often that burgin should have been decorated for the fine leadership he exhibited in coordinating and directing the knockout of the pillbox. i'm sure men have been decorated for less. we set up our two mortars in a large crater near the now knocked-out pillbox and registered in the guns for the night. the ammo carriers dug into the softer coral around the edge of the crater. an amtrac brought up rations and a unit of fire for the company. the wind began to blow briskly, and it got cloudy and heavily overcast. as darkness settled, heavy clouds scudded across the sky. the scene reminded me of hurricane weather on the gulf coast back home. not far behind us, the heat of the fire burning in the pillbox exploded japanese grenades and small-arms ammunition. all night occasional shifts of wind blew the nauseating smell of burning flesh our way. the rain fell in torrents, and the wind blew hard. ships fired star shells to illuminate the battlefield for our battalion. but as sdon as the parachute of a star shell opened, the wind swept it swiftly along like some invisible hand snatching 122 p e l e l i u : a neglected battle another amphibious assault 123 away a candle. in the few hundred yards they still held at the northern end of the island, the enemy was fairly quiet. the next morning, again with the help of tanks and amtracs, our battalion took most of the remainder of ngesebus. our casualties were remarkably low for the number of japanese we killed.* in midafternoon we learned that an army unit would relieve us shortly and complete the job on the northern end of ngesebus. our mortar section halted to await orders and dispersed among some open bushes. in our midst was the wreckage of a japanese heavy machine gun and the remains of the squad that had been wiped out by company k. the squad members had been killed in the exact positions to be occupied by such a squad "according to the book." at first glance the dead gunner appeared about to fire his deadly weapon. he still sat bolt upright in the proper firing position behind the breech of his machine gun. even in death his eyes stared widely along the gun sights. despite the vacant look of his dilated pupils, i couldn't believe he was dead. cold chills ran along my spine. gooseflesh tickled my back. it seemed as though he was looking through me into all eternity, that at any instant he would raise his hands—which rested in a relaxed manner on his thighs—grip the handles on the breech, and press the thumb trigger. the bright shiny brass slugs in the strip clip appeared as ready as the gunner, anxious to speed out, to kill, and to maim more of the "american devils." but he would rot, and they would corrode. neither he nor his ammo could do any more for the emperor. the crown of the gunner's skull had been blasted off, probably by one of our automatic weapons. his riddled steel helmet lay on the deck like a punctured tin can. the assistant gunner lay beside the gun. apparently, he had just opened a small green wooden chest filled with strip clips of machine-gun cartridges when he was killed. several other japanese soldiers, ammo carriers, lay strung out at intervals behind the gun. a company k rifleman who had been in the fight that knocked out the machine-gun crew sat on his helmet nearby and told us the story. the action had taken place the day before while the mortar section was fighting at the pillbox. the rifleman said, "the thing that i just couldn't believe was the •official accounts vary somewhat as to the actual casualty figures for ngesebus. however the marines suffered about 15 killed and 33 wounded, while the japanese lost 470 killed and captured. company k suffered the largest portion of the casualties in 3/5 by losing 8 killed and 24 wounded. this undoubtedly resulted from the presence of a ridge and caves on ngesebus in our sector. way those nip ammo carriers could chop chop around here on the double with those heavy boxes of ammo on their backs." each ammo box had two leather straps, and each ammo carrier had a heavy box on his back with the straps around his shoulders. i lifted one of the ammo chests. it weighed more than our mortar. what the japanese lacked in height, they certainly compensated for in muscle. "i'd sure hate to hafta lug that thing around, wouldn't you?" asked the marine. "when they got hit," he continued, "they fell to the deck like a brick because of all that weight." as we talked, i noticed a fellow mortarman sitting next to me. he held a handful of coral pebbles in his left hand. with his right hand he idly tossed them into the open skull of the japanese machine gunner. each time his pitch was true i heard a little splash of rainwater in the ghastly receptacle. my buddy tossed the coral chunks as casually as a boy casting pebbles into a puddle on some muddy road back home; there was nothing malicious in his action. the war had so brutalized us that it was beyond belief. i noticed gold teeth glistening brightly between the lips of several of the dead japanese lying around us. harvesting gold teeth was one facet of stripping enemy dead that i hadn't practiced so far. but stopping beside a corpse with a particularly tempting number of shining crowns, i took out my kabar and bent over to make the extractions. a hand grasped me by the shoulder, and i straightened up to see who it was. "what are you gonna do, sledgehammer?" asked doc caswell. his expression was a mix of sadness and reproach as he looked intently at me. "just thought i'd collect some gold teeth," i replied. "don't do it." "why not, doc?" "you don't want to do that sort of thing. what would your folks think if they knew?" "well, my dad's a doctor, and i bet he'd think it was kinda i interesting," i replied, bending down to resume my task. "no! the germs, sledgehammer! you might get germs from them." i stopped and looked inquiringly at doc and said, "germs? gosh, i never thought of that." "yeah, you got to be careful about germs around all these dead nips, you know," he said vehemently. "well, then, i guess i'd better just cut off the insignia on his collar and | leave his nasty teeth alone. you think that's safe, doc?" "i guess so," he replied with an approving nod. reflecting on the episode after the war, i realized that doc caswell 304 okinawa: the final t r i u m p h guns fired with admirable accuracy. several of their tracer-like armor piercing shells hit the turrets of the tanks and ricocheted into the air. the tanks returned fire. in a few minutes, the japanese guns were knocked out or ceased firing, and everything got quiet. the tanks sustained only minor damage. we went back onto the road and moved on south without further incident. until the island was secured on 21 june, we made a series of rapid moves southward, stopping only to fight groups of diehard japanese in caves, pillboxes, and ruined villages. the fresh 8th marines pushed south rapidly. "the eighth marines goin' like a bat outa hell," a man said as news drifted back to us. we were fortunate in not suffering many casualties in the company. the japanese were beaten, and the hope uppermost in every weary veteran's mind was that his luck would hold out a little longer, until the end of the battle. we used loudspeakers, captured japanese soldiers, and okinawan civilians to persuade the remaining enemy to surrender. one sergeant and a japanese lieutenant who had graduated from an ivy league college and spoke perfect english gave themselves up in a road cut. just after they came out and surrendered, a sniper opened fire on us. we eight or ten marines took cover next to the embankment, but the japanese officer and nco stood in the middle of the road with the bullets kicking up dirt all around them. the sniper obviously was trying to kill them because they had surrendered. we looked at the two japanese standing calmly, and one of our ncos said, "get over here under cover, you dumb bastards." the enemy officer grinned affably and spoke to his nco. they walked calmly over and got down as ordered. some company k men shot the gun crew of a 150mm howitzer emplaced in the mouth of a well-camouflaged cave. the japanese defended their big artillery piece with their rifles and died to the last man. farther on we tried to get a group of enemy in a burial vault to surrender, but they refused. our lieutenant, mac, jumped in front of the door and shouted in japanese, "do not be afraid. come out. i will not harm you." then he fired a complete twenty-round magazine from his submachine gun into the door. we all just shook our heads and moved on. about a half hour later, the five or six japanese rushed out fighting. some of our marines behind us killed them. our battalion was one of the first american units to reach the end of the island. it was a beautiful sight even though there were still snipers around. we stood on a high hill overlooking the sea. below to our left we end of the agony 305 saw army infantry advancing toward us, flushing out and shooting down enemy soldiers singly and in small groups. army 81mm mortar fire kept pace ahead of the troops, and some of our weapons joined in coordination. we got a bit edgy when the army mortar fire kept getting closer and closer to our positions even after the unit had been apprised of our location. one of our battalion officers became furious as the big shells came dangerously close. he ordered a radioman to tell the army officer in charge that if they didn't cease fire immediately, our 81s would open fire on his troops. the army mortars stopped shooting. the night of 20 june we made a defensive line on the high ground overlooking the sea. my mortar was dug in near a coral road and was to illuminate or fire he on the area. other guns of the section covered the seaward part of the company's sector. earlier we had seen and heard some sort of strange-looking rocket fired by the japanese from over in our army's sector. the projectiles were clearly visible as they went up with a terrible screaming sound. most of them exploded in the 8th marines area. the things sounded like bombs exploding. a call came for every available corpsman to help with casualties resulting from those explosions. the japanese on okinawa had a 320mm-spigot-mortar unit equipped to fire a 675-pound shell. americans first encountered this awesome weapon on iwo jima. i don't know whether what we saw fired several times during the last day or two on okinawa was a spigot mortar, but whatever it was, it was a frightful-sounding weapon that caused great damage. the night turned into a long series of shooting scrapes with japanese who prowled all over the place. we heard someone coming along the road, the coral crunching beneath his feet. in the pitch dark, a new replacement fired his carbine twice in that direction and yelled for the password. somebody laughed, and several enemy started firing in our direction as they ran past us along the road. a bullet zipped by me and hit the hydrogen cylinder of a flamethrower placed on the side of the adjacent foxhole. the punctured cylinder emitted a sharp hissing sound. "is that thing gonna blow up?" i asked anxiously. "naw, just hit the hydrogen tank. it won't ignite," the flamethrower gunner said. we could hear the enemy soldiers' hobnailed shoes pounding on the road until a fatal burst of fire from some other company k marines sent them sprawling. as we fieldstripped them the next morning, i noted that each carried cooked rice in his double-boiler mess gear—all bullet-riddled then. other japanese swam or walked along in the sea just offshore. we saw 306 okinawa: the final t r i u m p h them in the flarelight. a line of marines behind a stone wall on the beach fired at them. one of our men ran up from the wall to get more carbine ammo. "come on sledgehammer. it's just like lexington and concord." "no thanks. i'm too comfortable in my hole." he went back down to the wall, and they continued firing throughout the night. just before daylight, we heard a couple of enemy grenades explode. japanese yelled and shouted wildly where one of our 37mm guns was dug in across the road, covering the valley out front. shots rang out, then desperate shouts and cursing. "corspman!" then silence. a new corpsman who had joined us recently started toward the call for help, but i said, "hold it doc. i'll go with you." i wasn't being heroic. i was quite afraid. but knowing the enemy's propensity for treachery, i thought somebody should accompany him. "as you were, sledgehammer. ya might be needed on the gun. take off, doc, and be careful," an nco said. a few minutes later he said, "ok, sledgehammer, take off if ya wanta." i grabbed the tommy and followed the corpsman. he was just finishing bandaging one of the wounded marines of the 37mm gun crew when i got there. other marines were coming over to see if they could help. several men had been wounded by the firing when two enemy officers crept up the steep slope, threw grenades into the gun emplacement, and jumped in swinging their samurai sabers. one marine had parried a saber blow with his carbine. his buddy then had shot the japanese officer who fell backwards a short distance down the slope. the saber blow had severed a finger and sliced through the mahogany carbine forestock to the metal barrel. the second japanese officer lay dead on his back next to the wheel of the 37mm gun. he was in full-dress uniform with white gloves, shiny leather leggings, sam browne belt, and campaign ribbons on his chest. nothing remained of his head from the nose up—just a mass of crushed skull, brains, and bloody pulp. a grimy marine with a dazed expression stood over the japanese. with a foot planted firmly on the ground on each side of the enemy officer's body, the marine held his rifle by the forestock with both hands and slowly and mechanically moved it up and down like a plunger. i winced each time it came down with a sickening sound into the gory mass. brains and blood were splattered all over the marine's rifle, boondockers, and canvas leggings, as well as the wheel of the 37mm gun. the marine was obviously in a complete state of shock. we gently took end of the agony 307 him by the arms. one of his uninjured buddies set aside the gore-smeared rifle. "let's get you outa here, cobber." the poor guy responded like a sleepwalker as he was led off with the wounded, who were by then on stretchers. the man who had lost the finger clutched the japanese saber in his other hand. "i'm gonna keep this bastard for a souvenir." we dragged the battered enemy officer to the edge of the gun emplacement and rolled him down the hill. replete with violence, shock, blood, gore, and suffering, this was the type of incident that should be witnessed by anyone who has any delusions about the glory of war. it was as savage and as brutal as though the enemy and we were primitive barbarians rather than civilized men. later in the day of 21 june 1945, we learned the high command had declared the island secured. we each received two fresh oranges with the compliments of admiral nimitz. so i ate mine, smoked my pipe, and looked out over the beautiful blue sea. the sun danced on the water. after eighty-two days and nights, i couldn't believe okinawa had finally ended. i was tempted to relax and think that we would board ship immediately for rest and rehabilitation in hawaii. "that's what the scuttlebutt is, you guys. straight dope. we're headed for waikiki," a grinning buddy said. but long conditioning by the hardships that were our everyday diet in a rifle company made me skeptical. my intuition was borne out shortly. "get your gear on; check your weapons. we're moving back north in skirmish line. you people will mop up the area for any nips still holding out. you will bury all enemy dead. you will salvage u.s. and enemy equipment. all brass above .50 caliber in size will be collected and placed in neat piles. stand by to move out." a final chore if this were a novel about war, or if i were a dramatic storyteller, i would find a romantic way to end this account while looking at that fine sunset off the cliffs at the southern end of okinawa. but that wasn't the reality of what we faced. company k had one more nasty job to do. to the battle-weary troops, exhausted after an eighty-two-day campaign, mopping up was grim news. it was a nerve-wracking business at best. the enemy we encountered were the toughest of the diehards, selling their lives as expensively as possible. fugitives from the law of averages, we were nervous and jittery. a man could survive gloucester, peleliu, and okinawa only to be shot by some fanatical, bypassed japanese holed up in a 308 okinawa: the f i n a l t r i u m p h cave. it was hard for us to accept the order. but we did—grimly. burying enemy dead and salvaging brass and equipment on the battlefield, however, was the last straw to our sagging morale. "by lawd, why the hell we gotta bury them stinkin' bastards after we killed 'em? let them goddamn rear-echelon people git a w h i f f of 'em. they didn't hafta fight 'em." "jeez, picking up brass; that's the most stupid, d u m b jerk of a order i ever did hear of." fighting was our duty, but burying enemy dead and cleaning up the battlefield wasn't for infantry troops as we saw it. we complained and griped bitterly. it was the ultimate indignity to men who had fought so hard and so long and had won. we were infuriated and frustrated. for the first time, i saw several of my veteran comrades flatly refuse to obey an order. if some of us hadn't prevailed on them to knock off arguing hotly with an nco, they would have been severely punished for insubordination. i'll never forget cajoling, arguing with, and begging two veteran buddies to be quiet and follow orders as i unstrapped my entrenching shovel from my pack. we stood wearily in a trampled cane field beside a bloated jap corpse. both buddies were three-campaign men who were outstanding in combat but had reached the end of their ropes. they weren't about to bury any stinking japanese, no sirree. i prevailed, however, just as hank boyes came over grim-faced and yelling at them to turn to. so we dragged ourselves back north in skirmish line. we cursed every dead enemy we had to bury. (we just spaded dirt over them with our entrenching shovels.) we cursed every cartridge case "above .50 caliber in size" we collected to "place in neat piles." never before were we more t h a n k f u l to have the support of our tanks. the flame tanks were particularly effective in burning out troublesome japanese in caves.* fortunately, we had few casualties. in a few days we assembled in an open field and fell out to await further orders. the weather was hot, so we all took off our packs, sat on our helmets, drank some water, and had a smoke. we were to be there for several hours, an nco said, so we got the order to chow down. a friend and i went over to a little wooded area near the field to eat our k rations in the shade. we walked into a completely untouched scene that resembled a natural park in a botanical garden: low graceful pines cast dense shade, and ferns and moss grew on the rocks and banks. it was cool, *the total number of japanese killed by the five american divisions during the mop up was 8,975, a large enough number of enemy to have waged intense guerrilla warfare if they hadn't been annihilated. end of the agony 309 at battle's end, three weary k company mortarmen: l to r, john redifer, vincent santos, gene farrar. photo by gene farrar. 310 okinawa: the final triumph and the odor of fresh pine filled the air. miraculously, it bore not a single sign of war. "boy, this is beautiful, isn't it, sledgehammer?" "it looks unreal," i said as i took off my pack and sat down on the soft green moss beside a clump of graceful ferns. we each started heating a canteen cup of water for our instant coffee. i took out the prized can of cured ham i had obtained by trade from a man in the company cp. (he had stolen it from an officer.) we settled back in the cool silence. the war, military discipline, and other unpleasant realities seemed a million miles away. for the first time in months, we began to relax. "ok, you guys. move out. move! move! outa here," an nco said with authority ringing out in every word. "is the company moving out already?" my friend asked in surprise. "no, it isn't, but you guys are." "why?" "because this is off limits to enlisted men," the nco said, turning and pointing to a group of officers munching their rations as they strolled into our new-found sanctuary. "but we aren't in the way," i said. "move out and follow orders." to his credit, the nco appeared in sympathy with us and seemed to feel the burden of his distasteful task. we sullenly picked up our halfcooked rations and our gear, went back out into the hot sun, and flopped down in the dusty field. "some crap, eh?" "yeah," i said, "we weren't even near those officers. the fighting on this goddamn island is over. the officers have started getting chicken again and throwing the crap around. yesterday while the shootin' was still goin' on, it was all buddy-buddy with the enlisted men." our grumblings were interrupted by the sound of a rifle shot. a marine i knew very well reeled backward and fell to the ground. his buddy dropped his rifle and rushed to him, followed by several others. the boy was dead, shot in the head by his buddy. the other man had thought his rifle was unloaded when his young friend had stood over him and placed his thumb playfully over the muzzle. "pull the trigger. i bet it's not loaded." he pulled the trigger. the loaded rifle fired and set a bullet tearing up through the head of his best friend. both had violated the cardinal rule: "don't point a weapon at anything you don't intend to shoot." shock and dismay showed on the man's face from that moment until he left the company a few weeks later. he went, we heard, to stand a general court-martial and a probable prison term. but his worst punishment was end of the agony 311 living with the horror of having killed his best friend by playing with a loaded weapon. while the company was still sitting in the field, five or six men and i were told to get our gear and follow an nco to waiting trucks. we were to go north to a site where our division would make a tent camp after the mop-up in the south was completed. our job was to unload and guard some company gear. we were apprehensive about leaving the company, but it turned out to be good duty. during the long and dusty truck ride to the motobu peninsula, we rode past some areas we had fought through. by then we could barely recognize them—they were transformed with roads, tent camps, and supply dumps. the number of service troops and the amount of equipment was beyond our belief. roads that had been muddy tracks or coral-covered paths were highways with vehicles going to and fro and mps in neat khaki directing traffic. tent camps, quonset huts, and huge parks of vehicles lay along our route. we had come back to civilization. we had climbed up out of the abyss once more. it was exhilarating. we sang and whistled like little boys until our sides were sore. as we went north, the countryside became beautiful. most of it seemed untouched by the war. finally our truck turned off into a potato field not far from high rocky cliffs overlooking the sea and a small island which our driver said was le shima. the land around our future campsite was undamaged. we unloaded the company gear from the truck. the driver had picked up five-gallon cans of water for us. plenty of k rations had been issued. we set up a bivouac. corporal vincent was in charge, and we were glad of it. he was a great guy and a company k veteran. our little guard detail spent several quiet, carefree days basking in the sun by day and mounting one-sentry guard duty at night. we were like boys on a camp-out. the fear and terror were behind us. our battalion came north a few days later. all hands went to work in earnest to complete the tent camp. pyramidal tents were set up, drainage ditches were dug, folding cots and bed rolls were brought to us, and a canvas-roofed messhall was built. every day old friends returned from the hospitals, some hale and hearty but others showing the effects of only partial recovery from severe wounds. to our disgust, rumors of rehabilitation in hawaii faded. but our relief that the long okinawa ordeal was over at last was indescribable. very few familiar faces were left. only twenty-six peleliu veterans who had landed with the company on 1 april remained. and i doubt there were even ten of the old hands who had escaped being wounded at one time or another on peleliu or okinawa. total american casualties were 7,613 killed 3 1 2 o k i n a w a : t h e f i n a l t r i u m p h and missing and 31,807 wounded in action. neuropsychiatric, "non-battle," casualties amounted to 26,221—probably higher than in any other previous pacific theater battle. this latter high figure is attributed to two causes: the japanese poured onto u.s. troops the heaviest concentrations of artillery and mortar fire experienced in the pacific, and the prolonged, close-in fighting with a fanatical enemy. marines and attached naval medical personnel suffered total casualties of 20,020 killed, wounded and missing. japanese casualty figures are hazy. however, 107,539 enemy dead were counted on okinawa. approximately 10,000 enemy troops surrendered, and afiout 20,000 were either sealed in caves or buried by the japanese themselves. even lacking an exact accounting, in the final analysis the enemy garrison was, with rare exceptions, annihilated. unfortunately, approximately 42,000 okinawan civilians, caught between the two opposing armies, perished from artillery fire and bombing. the 1st marine division suffered heavy casualties on okinawa. officially, it lost 7,665 men killed, wounded, and missing. there were also an undetermined number of casualties among the replacements whose names never got on a muster roll. considering that most of the casualties were in the division's three infantry regiments (about 3,000 strength in each), it's obvious that the rifle companies took the bulk of the beating, just as they had on peleliu. the division's losses of 6,526 on peleliu and 7,665 on okinawa total 14,191. statistically, the infantry units had suffered over 150 percent losses through the two campaigns. the few men like me who never got hit can claim with justification that we survived the abyss of war as fugitives from the law of averages.* it was over as we finished building our tent camp, we began trying to unwind from the grueling campaign. some of the cape gloucester veterans rotated home almost immediately, and replacements arrived. ugly rumors circulated that we would hit japan next, with an expected casualty figure of one million americans. no one wanted to talk about that. on 8 august we heard that the first atomic bomb had been dropped on japan. reports abounded for a week about a possible surrender. then on 15 august 1945 the war ended. we received the news with quiet disbelief coupled with an indescribable "the 1st marine division received the presidential u n i t s citation for its part in the okinawa campaign. 1 author at the end of the campaign. tent camp on okinawa. unknown photographer. eugene b. sledge after return from peking in 1946. end of the agony 315 sense of relief. we thought the japanese would never surrender. many refused to believe it. sitting in stunned silence, we remembered our dead. so many dead. so many maimed. so many bright futures consigned to the ashes of the past. so many dreams lost in the madness that had engulfed us. except for a few widely scattered shouts of joy, the survivors of the abyss sat hollow-eyed and silent, trying to comprehend a world without war. in september, the 1st marine division went to north china on occupation duty, the 5th marines to the fascinating ancient city of peking. after about four and a half months there, i rotated stateside. my happiness knew no bounds when 1 learned i was slated to ship home. it was time to say goodbye to old buddies in k/3/5. severing the ties formed in two campaigns was painful. one of america's finest and most famous elite fighting divisions had been my home during a period of the most extreme adversity. up there on the line, with nothing between us and the enemy but space (and precious little of that), we'd forged a bond that time would never erase. we were brothers. i left with a sense of loss and sadness, but k/3/5 will always be a part of me. it's ironic that the record of our company was so outstanding but that so few individuals were decorated for bravery. uncommon valor was displayed so often it went largely unnoticed. it was expected. but nearly every man in the company was awarded the purple heart. my good fortune in being one of the few exceptions continues to amaze me. war is brutish, inglorious, and a terrible waste. combat leaves an indelible mark on those who are forced to endure it. the only redeeming factors were my comrades' incredible bravery and their devotion to each other. marine corps training taught us to kill efficiently and to try to survive. but it also taught us loyalty to each other—and love. that esprit de corps sustained us. until the millenium arrives and countries cease trying to enslave others, it will be necessary to accept one's responsibilities and to be willing to make sacrifices for one's country—as my comrades did. as the troops used to say, "if the country is good enough to live in, it's good enough to fight for." with privilege goes responsibility. 7.2.2. george gascoigne, the fruites of war 7.2.2. george gascoigne, the fruites of war the soldier poet george gascoigne (c. 1535-1577) set out from england to holland in april 1572, came back to england in november 1572, and returned to holland on 19 march 1573 along with captain thomas morgan’s first military detatchment. in 1573 gascoigne, together with his friends rowland york (a mutual friend of the earl of oxford) and william herle[1] had a narrow escape when the dutch pilot got drunk and ran their boat aground on the coast: twenty men were drowned. gascoigne finished his poem voyage to holland before the end of march, and sent it to england so that it could appear in the anthology a hundreth sundrie flowres, which was already in print. in england, the calendar year 1572 was over on 24th march 1573. in spite of the fact that the flowres did not appear until april 1573, the title page with the date 1572 was not changed. this means that "meritum petere grave", the co-author of a hundreth sundrie flowres, who was supervising the printing, had opportunity to include gascoigne's voyage to holland at the very last moment. as was demonstrated in 5.0 introduction the person behind the posy "meritum petere grave" was none other than the poet edward de vere, earl of oxford, who was very adept in hiding his contributions to a hundreth sundrie flowres. consequently, we can assume a certain closeness, perhaps even friendship existed between the two men up to that point. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-001 gascoigne belonged to morgan's regiment in 1573 and changed to edward chester's regiment in 1574, having probably quarrelled with morgan. after the disastrous defeat of chester's regiment near leiden in 1574 he was taken prisoner by the spanish who released him on payment of his ransom. "the poem the fruites of war," says henry morley, "is of some length and of higher aim. it is one of the best of gascoigne's poems, and includes incidentally a sketch of his adventures in the netherlands. written in the midst of an inevitable war for independence, it sets forth the truth that war is evil in itself, and always bom of evil. it is a poet's moralising on a saying found by gascoigne in the adages of erasmus, and of which erasmus also had enforced the truth: dulce bellum inexpertis. gascoigne's incidental record of his own experience deals mainly with service in and near the isle of walcheren. he was one of a little force that for seven days protected the small unwalled town of aardenburg, four miles from sluys, and saved it from attack. he was, like churchyard, in the trenches before ter-goes, or goes, a fortified town on the island of south beveland, held by spaniards.“ (henry morley, english writers, from surrey to spenser. london 1892). we may assume that oxford hurried to his friend's side with the necessary ransom money after his capture in may 1574. only when regarded in this context does oxford's trip to flanders, in july 1574, make any sense. (see 7.2.3 oxford in flanders.) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:jansoni.jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:jansoni.jpg 1. george gascoigne, the fruits of war, written upon this theme, dulce bellum inexpertis.[2] 95 for i have seen full many a flushing fray [attack, fight], and fleeced [combed] in flanders eke among the rest, the brag of bruges [3] , where was i that day? before the walls good sir as brave as best, and though i marched all armed withouten rest, from aerdenburgh [aardenburg] and back again that night, yet mad were he that would have made me knight. 96 so was i one forsooth that kept the town, of aerdenburgh [4] (withouten any walls) from all the force that could be dressed down, by alba duke for all his cries and calls, a high exploit. we held the flemings thralls, seven days and more without or brags or blows, for all that while we never heard of foes. 97 i was again in trench before tergoes [goes], [5] (i dare not say in siege for both mine ears) for look as oft as ever hell brake lose, i mean as often as the spanish peers, made sally forth (i speak this to my feres) it was no more but which cock for a groat, such troops we were to keep them up in coat. 98 yet surely this withouten brag or boast, our english bloods did there full many a deed, which may be chronicled in every coast, for bold attempts, and well it was agreed, that had their heads been ruled by wary heed, some other feat had been attempted then, to show their force like worthy english men. 99 since that siege raised i roamed have about, in zeeland, holland, waterland, and all, by sea, by land, by air, and all throughout, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-002 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-003 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-004 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-005 as leaping lots, and chance did seem to call, now here, now there, as fortune trilled the ball, where good guillam of nassau [6] bad me be, there needed i none other guide but he. 100 percase [perchance] sometimes s. gyptian's pilgrimage[7] did carry me a month (yea sometimes more) to brake the bowers[8] , and rack them in a rage, because they had no better cheer in store, beef, mutton, capon, plover, pigeons, boar, all this was naught, and for no soldier's tooth, were these no jars? (speak now sir) yes forsooth. 101 and by my troth to speak even as it is, such pranks were played by soldiers daily there, and though myself did not therein amiss, (as god he knows and men can witness bear,) yet since i had a charge, i am not clear, for seldom climbs that captain to renown, whose soldiers' faults so pluck his honour down. 102 well let that pass. i was in rolling trench, at ramykins [rammekens],[9] where little shot was spent, for gold and groats their matches still did quench, which kept the fort, and forth at last they went, so pained for hunger (almost ten days pent) that men could see no wrinkles in their faces, their powder packed in caves and privy places. 103 next that i served by night and eke by day, by sea, by land, at every time and tide, against mountdragon [10] whiles he did assay, to land his men along the salt sea side, for well he wist that ramykins [rammekens] went wide, and therefore sought with victual to supply, poor middleburgh[11] which then in suds did lie. 104 and there i saw full many a bold attempt, by seely souls best executed aye, and bravest brags (the foemen's force to tempt) accomplished but coldly many a day, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-006 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-007 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-008 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-009 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-010 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-011 the soldier charge, the leader lope away, the willing drum a lusty march to sound, whiles rank retirers gave their enemies ground. 105 again at sea the soldier forward still, when mariners had little lust to fight, and whiles we stay twixt faint and forward will, our enemies prepare themselves to flight. they hoist up sail (o weary word to write) they hoist up sail that lack both stream and winds, and we stand still, so forced by froward minds. 106 o victory: (whom haughty hearts do hunt) o spoil and pray (which greedy minds desire) o golden heaps (for whom these misers wont to follow hope which sets all hearts on fire) o gain, o gold, who list to you aspire, and glory eke, by bold attempts to win, there was a day to take your prisoners in. 107 the ships retire with riches full yfraught, the soldiers march (meanwhile) into the town, the tide scarce good, the wind stark staring naught, the haste so hot that (ere they sink the sound [12] ) they came on ground, and strike all sails adown: while we (ay me) by backward sailors led, take up the worst when all the best are fled. 108 such triumphs chance where such lieutenants rule, where will commands when skill is out of town, where boldest bloods are forced to recoil by sim the boatswain when he list to frown, where captains crouch, and fishers wear the crown. such haps which happen in such hapless wars, make me to term them broils and beastly jars. 109 and in these broils (a beastly broil to write,) my colonel and i fell at debate,[13] so that i left both charge and office quite, a captain's charge and eke a marshal's state, whereby i proved (perhaps though all to late) http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-012 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-013 how soon they fall which lean to rotten bows, such faith find they, that trust to some men's vows. 110 my heart was high, i could not seem to serve, in regiment where no good rules remain, where officers and such as well deserve, shall be abused by every page and swain where discipline shall be but deemed vain, where blocks are strid [stridden] by stumblers at a straw, and where self-will must stand for martial law. 111 these things (with moe) i could not seem to bear, and thereupon i cracked my staff in two, yet staid i still though out of pay i were, and learn to live as private soldiers do, i lived yet, by god and lacked too: till at the last when beauvoir [14] fled amain [vehemently], our camp removed to strain [pass] the land van strain [strijen]. 112 when beauvoir fled, mountdragon came to town,[15] and like a soldier middleburgh he kept, but courage now was coldly come adown, on either side: and quietly they slept, so that myself from zeeland lightly leapt, with full intent to taste our english ale, yet first i meant to tell the prince my tale. 113 for though the wars waxed cold in every place, and small experience was there to be seen, yet thought i not to part in such disgrace, although i longed much to see our queen: for he that once a hired man hath been, must take his master's leave before he go, unless he mean to make his friend his foe. 114 then went i straight to delf [delft], a pleasant town, unto that prince, whose passing virtues shine, and unto him i came on knees adown, beseeching that his excellence in fine would grant me leave to see this country mine: not that i weary was in wars to serve, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-014 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-015 nor that i lacked what so i did deserve. 115 but for i found some conteck [discord] and debate, in regiment where i was wont to rule, and for i found the stay of their estate, was forced now in towns for to recoil, i craved leave no longer but till yule [christmas], and promised then to come again sans fail [without doubt], to spend my blood where it might him avail. 116 the noble prince gave grant to my request, and made me passport signed with his seal, but when i was with bags and baggage prest, the prince began to ring another peal, and sent for me, (desiring for my weal) that i would stay a day or two, to see, what was the cause he sent again for me. 117 my colonel was now come to the court [16] , with whom the prince had many things to beat, and for he hoped, in good and godly sort, tween him and me to work a friendly feat, he like a gracious prince his brains did beat, to set accord between us if he might, such pains he took to bring the wrong to right. 118 o noble prince, there are too few like thee, if virtue wake, she watcheth in thy will, if justice live, then surely thou art he, if grace do grow, it groweth with thee still, o worthy prince would god i had the skill to write thy worth that men thereby might see, how much they err that speak amiss of thee. 119 the simple sots do count thee simple too, whose like for wit our age hath seldom bred, the railing rogues mistrust thou darest not do, as hector did for whom the grecians fled, although thou yet wert never seen to dread, the slanderous tongues do say thou drinkst to much, when god he knows thy custom is not such. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-016 120 but why do i in worthless verse devise, to write his praise that doth excel so far? he heard our griefs himself in gracious wise, and mildly meant to join our angry jar, he meant to make that we began to mar: but wicked wrath had some so far enraged, as by no means their malice could be swayed. 121 in this mean while the spaniards came so near that delf was girt with siege on every side [17] , and though men might take shipping everywhere, and so be gone at any time or tide, yet truth to tell (i speak it for no pride) i could not leave that prince in such distress, which cared for me and yet the cause much less. 122 but see mishap how craftily it creeps, whiles fawning fortune flareth full in face, my heavy heart within my belly weeps, to reckon here a drop of dark disgrace, which fell upon my pleasant plight apace, and brought a pack of doubts and dumps to pass, whiles i with prince in love and favour was. 123 a worthy dame whose praise my pen shall write (my sword shall eke her honour still defend) a loving letter to me did indite and from the camp the same to me did send, i mean from camp where foes their force did bend: she sent a brief unto me by her maid, which at the gates of delf was stoutly stayed. 124 this letter tane [taken], i was mistrusted much, and thought a man that were not for to trust, the burghers straight began to bear me grudge, and cast a snare to make my neck be trust, for when they had this letter well discussed: they sent it me by her that brought it so, to try if i would keep it close or no. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-017 125 i red the lines, and knowing whence they came, my harmless heart began to pant apace, well to be plain, i thought that never dame should make me deal in any doubtful case, or do the thing might make me hide my face: so that unto the prince i went forthwith, and showed to him of all this pack the pith. 126 the thing god knows was of no great import, some friendly lines the virtuous lady wrote to me her friend: and for my safe passport the campo-master valdez [18] his hand was got, and seal therewith, that i might safely trot unto the hague [den haag] a stately pleasant place, whereas remained this worthy woman's grace. 127 and here i set in open verse to show, the whole effect wherefore this work was wrought, she had of mine (whereof few folks did know) a counterfeit, a thing to me dear bought, which thing to have i many time had sought and when she knew how much i did esteem it she vowed that none but i should thence redeem it. 128 lo here the cause of all this secret sleight, i swear by jove that nothing else was meant, the noble prince (who saw that no deceit was practised) gave trust to mine intent: and leave to write from whence the same was sent, but still the bowgers [butchers] (burghers should i say) increased their doubles [ruse] and watched me day by day. 129 at every port it was (forsooth) belast [forbidden], that i (die groene hopman [19] ) might not go out, but when their foes came skirmishing full fast, then with the rest the green knight for them fought, then might he go without mistrust or doubt: o drunken plumps, i plain without cause why, for all cards told there was no fool but i. 130 i was the fool to fight in your defence, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-018 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-019 which know no friend, nor yet your selves full well, yet thus you see how pay proclaimed for pence, pulls needy souls instead of heaven to hell, and makes men hope to bear away the bell. whereas they hang in ropes that never rot, yet war seems sweet to such as know it not. 131 well thus i dwelt in delf a winter's tide, in delf (i say) without one penny pay: my men and i did cold and hunger bide, to show our truth, and yet was never day, wherein the spaniard came to make us play, but that the green knight was amongst the rest, like john grey's bird that ventured with the best[20] . 132 at last the prince to zeeland came himself to hunger middleburgh [middelburg], or make it yield, and i that never yet was set on shelf, when any sailed, or wind, or waves could wield, went after him to show myself in field. the self same man which erst i vowed to be, a trusty man to such a prince as he. 133 the force of flanders, brabant, guelders, frize [frisia], henault, artois, liegeland, and luxembourg, were all ybent, to bring in new supplies to middleburgh: and little all enough, for why the gueux would neither bend nor bow. but one of force must break and come to nought, all walkers [walcheren] theirs, or flushing dearly bought. 134 there once again i served upon seas, and for to tell the cause and how it fell, it did one day the prince (my chieftain) please, to ask me thus: gascoigne (quoth he) you dwell amongst us still: and thereby seemeth well, that to our side you bear a faithful heart, for else long since we should have seen you start. 135 but are (said he) your soldiers by your side? o prince (quoth i) full many days be past, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-020 since that my charge did with my coronel glide. yet bide i here, and mean to be with last: and for full proof that this is not a blast of glorious talk: i crave some fisher boat to show my force among this furious float. 136 the prince 'gan like my faith and forward will, equipped a hoy [21] and set her under sail, wherein i served according to my skill, my mind was such, my cunning could not quail, withouten brag of those that did assail the foemen's fleet which came in good array, i put myself in foremost rank alway. 137 three days we fought, as long as water served, and came to anchor neighbour like yfere [together], the prince himself to see who best deserved, stood every day attending on the peer, and might behold what bark went foremost there: ill heart had he that would not stoutly fight, when as his prince is present still in sight. 138 at last our foes had tidings over land, that near to bergh [bergen-op-zoom] their fellows went to wrack, on scheld they met by rymerswaell [22] a band of edellbloets [lusty gallants], who put their force aback, lewes de boyzott [23] did put them there to sack, and lost an eye, because he would resemble dan julian [24] , whom (there) he made to tremble. 139 when this was known sancho de avila [25] , who had the charge of those that fought with us, went up the hond [west scheldt] and took the ready way, to anwerp town: leaving in danger thus, poor middleburgh which now waxed dolorous to see all hope of succour shrink away, whiles they lacked bread and had done many a day. 140 and when mondrágon might no more endure[26] , he came to talk and rendered all at last, with whom i was within the city sure, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-021 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-022 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-023 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-024 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-025 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-026 before he went, and on his promise past, such trust i had to think his faith was fast: i dined, and supped, and lay within the town, a day before he was from thence ybown [about to go]. 141 thus middleburgh, armew [arnemuiden], and all the rest, of walkers ile [walcheren] became the prince's pray, who gave to me because i was so prest at such a pinch, and on a dismal day, three hundred guilders good above my pay. and bad me bide till his ability might better guerdon my fidelity. 142 i will not lie, these guilders pleased me well, and much the more because they came uncraved, though not unneeded as my fortune fell, but yet thereby my credit still was saved, my scores were paid, and with the best i braved, till (lo) at last an english new relief came over seas, and chester [27] was their chief. 143 of these the prince persuaded me to take a band in charge with colonel's consent, at whose requests i there did undertake, to make mine ensign once again full bent, and sooth to say, it was my full intent, to loose the saddle or the horse to win, such hapless hope the prince had brought me in. 144 soldiers behold and captains mark it well, how hope is harbinger of all mishap, some hope in honour for to bear the bell, some hope for gain and venture many a clap, some hope for trust and light in treason's lap. hope leads the way our lodging to prepare, where high mishap (oft) keeps an inn of care. 145 i hoped to show such force against our foes, that those of delf might see how true i was, i hoped indeed for to be one of those whom fame should follow, where my feet should pass, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-027 i hoped for gains and found great loss alas: i hoped to win a worthy soldier's name, and lite [rely] on luck which brought me still to blame. 146 in valkenburgh (a fort but new begone) with others moe i was ordained to be, and far before the work were half way done, our foes set forth our sorry seat to see, they came in time, but cursed time for me, they came before the curtain raised were, one only foot above the trenches there.[28] 147 what should we do, four ensigns lately prest, five hundred men were all the bulk we bare, our enemies three thousand at the least, and so much more they might always prepare: but that most was, the truth for to declare, we had no store of powder, nor of pence, nor meat to eat, nor mean to make defence. 148 here some may say that we were much to blame, which would presume in such a place to bide, and not foresee (how ever went the game) of meat and shot our soldiers to provide: who so do say have reason on their side, yet proves it still (though ours may be the blot) that war seems sweet to such as know it not. 149 for had our fort been fully fortified, two thousand men had been but few enough to man it once, and had the truth been tried, we could not see by any reason how the prince could send us any succour now, which was constrained in towns himself to shield, and had no power to show his force in field. 150 herewith we had nor powder packs in store, nor flesh, nor fish, in powdering tubs yput, nor meal, nor malt, nor mean (what would you more?) to get such gear if once we should be shut. and god he knows, the english soldier's gut, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-028 must have his fill of victuals once a day, or else he will but homely earn his pay. 151 to scuse ourselves, and colonel withal, we did foretell the prince of all these needs, who promised always to be our wall, and bad us trust as truly as our creeds, that all good words should be performed with deeds, and that before our foes could come so near, he would both send us men and merry cheer. 152 yea robin hood, our foes came down apace, and first they charged another fort likewise, alphen [29] i mean, which was a stronger place, and yet to weak to keep in warlike wise: five other bands of english fanteries [footmen], were therein set for to defend the same, and them they charged for to begin the game. 153 this fort from ours was distant ten good miles, i mean such miles as english measure makes, between us both stood leiden town there whiles [30] which every day with fair words undertakes to feed us fat and cram us up with cakes: it made us hope it would supply our need, for we (to it) two bulwarks were indeed. 154 but when it came unto the very pinch leiden farewell, we might for leiden sterve [starve], i like him well that promiseth an inch, and pays an ell, but what may he deserve that flatters much and can no faith observe? an old said saw, that fair words make fools fain, which proverb true we proved to our pain. 155 a conference among ourselves we called, of officers and captains all yfere, for truth (to tell) the soldiers were appalled, and when we asks, now mates what merry cheer? their answer was: it is no biding here. so that perforce we must from thence be gone, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-029 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-030 unless we meant to keep the place alone. 156 herewith we thought that if in time we went, before all straights were stopped and taken up, we might (perhaps) our enemies prevent, and teach them eke to taste of sorrows cup: at maeslandsluys [maassluis] we hoped for to sup[31] , a place whereas we might good service do to keep them out which took it after too. 157 whiles thus we talk, a messenger behold, from alphen came, and told us heavy news. captains (quoth he) hereof you may be bold, not one poor soul of all your fellows' crews, can 'scape alive, they have no choice to choose: they sent me thus to bid you shift in time, else look (like them) to stick in spanish lime. 158 this tale once told, none other speech prevailed, but pack and trudge [go away], all leisure was too long. to 'mend the mart, our watch (which never failed) descried our foes which marched all along, and towards us began in haste to throng, so that before our last could pass the port, the foremost foes were now within the fort. 159 i promised once and did perform it too, to bide therein as long as any would, what booted [of what avail was] that? or what could captains do, when common sort would tarry for no gold? to speak a troth, the good did what they could, to keep the bad in ranks and good array, but labour lost to hold that will away. 160 it needless were to tell what deeds were done, nor who did best, nor who did worst that day, nor who made head, nor who began to run, nor in retreat what chief was last alway, but soldier like we held our enemies' play: and every captain strave [strove] to do his best, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-031 to stay his own and so to stay the rest. 161 in this retire three english miles we trod, with face to foes and shot as thick as hail, of whose choice men full fifty souls and odd, we rayed on ground, this is withouten fail, yet of our own, we lost but three by tale: our foes themselves confess they bought full dear, the hot pursuit which they attempted there. 162 thus came we late at last to leiden walls, too late, too soon, and so may we well say, for notwithstanding all our cries and calls, they shut their gates and turned their ears away: in fine they did forsake us every way, and bad us shift to save ourselves apace, for unto them were fond to trust for grace. 163 they neither gave us meat to feed upon, nor drink, nor powder, pickaxe, tool nor spade, so might we starve, like miser's woe begone, and fend our foes, with blows of english blade, for shot was shrunk, and shift could none be made: yea more than this, we stood in open field, without defence from shot ourselves to shield. 164 this thus well weighed, the weary night was past, and day 'gan peep, we heard the spanish drums, which stroke a march about us round to cast, and forth withal their ensigns quickly comes, at sight whereof, our soldiers bit their thumbs: for well they wist it was no boot [profit] to fly, and biding there, there was no boot but die. 165 so that we sent a drum to summon talk, and came to parley middle way between, monsieur de licques[32] , and mario did walk, from foemen's side, and from our side were seen, myself, that match for mario might been: and captain sheffield born of noble race, to match de licques, which there was chief in place. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-032 166 thus met we talked, and stood upon our toes, with great demands whom little might content, we craved not only freedom from our foes, but shipping eke with sails and all full bent, to come again from whence we first were went: i mean to come, into our english coast, which soil was sure, and might content us most. 167 an old said saw, (and oft seen) that whereas thou comest to crave, and doubtst for to obtain, iniquum pete (then) ut æquum feras[33] , this had i heard, and sure i was full fain to prove what profit we thereby might gain: but at the last when time was stolen away, we were full glad to play another play. 168 we rendered then with safety for our lives, our ensigns splayed, and managing our arms, with further faith, that from all kind of gives, our soldiers should remain withouten harms: and sooth to say, these were no false alarms, for why? they were within twelve days discharged, and sent away from prison quite enlarged. 169 they were sent home, and we remained still, in prison pent, but yet right gently used, to take our lives, it was not licques will, (that noble blood, which never man abused,) nor ever yet was for his faith accused, would god i had the skill to write his praise, which lent me comfort in my doleful days. 170 we bode behind, four months or little less, but whereupon that god he knows not i, yet if i might be bold to give a guess, then would i say it was for to espy what ransom we would pay contentedly: or else to know how much we were esteemed in england here, and for what men ydeemed [judged]. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-033 171 how so it were, at last we were dispatched, and home we came as children come from school, as glad, as fish which were but lately catched, and straight again were cast into the pool: for by my fay i count him but a fool, which would not rather poorly live at large, than rest in prison fed with costly charge. 172 now have i told a tedious tale in rime of my mishaps, and what ill luck i had, yet some may say, that all to loud i chime, since that in wars my fortune was not bad, and many a man in prison would be glad, to fare no worse, and lodge no worse than we, and eke at last to 'scape and go so free. 173 i must confess that both we were well used, and promise kept according to contract, and that nor we, nor soldiers were abused, no rigour showed, nor lovely dealing lacked: i must confess that we were never racked, nor forced to do, nor speak against our will, and yet i count it froward fortune still. 174 a truth it is (since wars are led by chance, and none so stout but that sometimes may fall,) no man on earth his honour might advance, to render better (if he once were thrall) why who could wish more comfort at his call, than for to yield with ensign full displayed, and all arms borne in warlike wise for aid? 175 or who could wish dispatch with greater speed than soldiers had which tarried so few days? or who could wish, more succour at his need than used was to them at all assays? bread, meat, and drink, yea wagons in their ways, to ease the sick and hurt which could not go, all tane [taken] in wars, are seldom used so. 176 or who could wish (to ease his captive days) more liberty than on his faith to rest? to eat and drink at baron's board always, to lie on down, to banquet with the best, to have all things, at every just request, to borrow coin, when any seemed to lack, to have his own, away with him to pack? 177 all this and more i must confess we had, god save (say i) our noble queen therefore, hinc illæ lachrimæ [hence those tears], there lay the pad, which made the strange suspected be the more, for trust me true, they coveted full sore to keep our queen and country fast their friends, till all their wars might grow to lucky ends. 178 but were that once to happy end ybrought, and all stray sheep come home again to fold, then look to door: and think the cat is nought, although she let the mouse from out her hold: believe me now, methinks i dare be bold to think that if they once were friends again, we might soon sell all friendship found in spain. 179 well these are words and far beyond my reach, yet by the way receive them well in worth, and by the way, let never licques appeach [impede] my railing pen, for though my mind abhorreth, all spanish pranks: yet must i thunder forth his worthy praise, who held his faith unstained, and evermore to us a friend remained. 180 why said i then, that war is full of woes? or sour of taste, to them that know it best? who so demands, i will my mind disclose, and then judge you the burdens of my breast: mark well my words and you shall find him blest, that meddleth least with wars in any wise, but quiet lives, and all debate defies. 181 for though we did with truth and honour yield, yet yielding is always a great disgrace, and though we made a brave retire in field, yet who retires, doth always yield his place: and though we never did ourselves embase [lower], but were always at barons table fed, yet better were at home with barley bread. 182 i leave to tell what loss we did sustain, in pens, in pay, in wars, and ready wealth, since all such trash may gotten be again, or wasted well at home by privy stealth: small loss hath he which all his living selleth, to save his life, when other help is none, cast up the saddle when the horse is gone. 183 but what i said, i say and swear again, for first we were in holland sore [deeply] suspect, the states did think, that with some filthy gain the spanish peers us captains had infect they thought we meant our ensigns to erect in king's behalf: and eke the common sort thought privy pay had made us leave our fort. 184 again, the king's men (only licques except, and good verdugo [34] ) thought we were too well, and that we were but played with in respect, when as their men in great distress did dwell: so that with hate their burning hearts did swell, and bad hang up or drown us everychone [everyone], these bones we had alway to bite upon. 185 this sauce we had unto our costly fare, and every day we threatened were indeed, so that on both sides we must bide the care, and be mistrust of every wicked deed, and be revealed, and must ourselves yet feed with lingering hope, to get away at last that self same hope which tied us there so fast. 186 to make up all, our own men played their part, and rang a peal to make us more mistrust, for when they should away from us depart, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-034 and saw us bide, they thought we stayed for lust, and sent them so in secret to be trust: they thought and said, thus have our captains sold us silly souls, for groats and glistering gold. 187 yea, when they were to england safely brought, yet talked they still even as they did before: for slanderous tongues, if once they tattle ought, with mickle pain will change their wicked lore: it hath been proved full many days of yore, that he which once in slander takes delight, will seldom frame his words to sound aright. 188 strange tale to tell, we that had set them free, and set ourselves on sands for their expense, we that remained in danger of the tree, when they were safe, we that were their defence, with arms, with cost, with deeds, with eloquence: we that saved such, as knew not where to fly, were now by them accused of treachery. 189 these fruits (i say) in wicked wars i found, which make me write much more than else i would, for loss of life, or dread of deadly wound, shall never make me blame it though i could, since death doth dwell on every kind of mould: and who in war hath caught a fatal clap, might chance at home to have no better hap. 190 so loss of goods shall never trouble me since god which gives can take when pleaseth him, but loss of fame or slandered so to be, that makes my wits to break above their brim, and frets my heart, and lames me every limb: for noble minds their honour more esteem than worldly wights, or wealth, or life can deem. 2. robert fruin, the siege and relief of leyden in 1574 (leiden 1927), p. 14-17. in the night of may the 25th 1574 the enemy [the spanish troops] returned unexpectedly to their old quarters at leyderdorp. we must allow due credit to the spanish general for the skill and energy with which he invested the town for the second time. it was most important to make the blockade complete, before the citizens [of leyden] were on their guard, and to allow them no time to strengthen the garrison or revictual the city. in this valdez was completely successful. his vanguard under don luis gaytan left amsterdam by water, and reached the rhine by way of the amstel and the dracht, past the oude wetering and across the brasemer lake. they landed at leyderdorp in the middle of the night, and at once began to fortify themselves in the old redoubts. at early dawn a party of freebooters from leyden, who were reconnoitring, fell into the trap laid for them by don luis, and were driven back with the loss of a few men, among whom was the brave corporal andries allertsz, the only professional soldier in the service of the town. convinced that after this failure no second sortie would be attempted, the spanish general, leaving a small force at leyderdorp, withdrew with the rest along the weypoortsche road, by zoeterwoude, thence by the stompwyker road to leidschendam, and so by voorburg to the hague. at all these places he posted a few soldiers in their old quarters. he met with no resistance anywhere except at the geestbrug, where nicolaas ruichhaver with a handful of men skirmished with him long enough to allow the beggars to escape from the hague to delft. on the evening of the day when he had reached leyderdorp, gaytan made his entry into the hague, where he was received with acclamation by the populace, whose livelihood was largely dependent upon the spanish government and its officials. thus in one day leyden was invested on the east and south and west sides. the besieging force was small, and the encircling line incomplete; yet it sufficed to prevent any provisions being brought into the town along the main roads, except by stealth. the next day, another company of soldiers was seen approaching from the direction of the haarlem dunes, by noordwyk and rynsburg, towards valkenburg, where a month ago the dutch had begun building a redoubt, which though never finished, had been garrisoned by five companies of english soldiers. the approach of the spanish troops was enough to put them to flight. they ran along the ryndyk towards the town, where they begged for admittance at the witte poort. the following is taken from the memoirs of bernardino de mendoza, the famous spanish general. 3. bernardino de mendoza, comentarios de lo sucedido en las guerras de los paises-bajos, desde el año de 1567-1577 (madrid 1592) with the firm intention of defending the hague, even if valdez couldn't advance to him, don luis gaytan [the spanish colonel] undertook to supply the town with provisions. after enduring this predicament for three days [may 26-28, 1574], don gaytan was informed that monsieur de licques [philippe de récourt, baron de licques] had left haarlem and was advancing toward the fortress of valkenburg with walloon cavalry and infantry, and that de licques expected support from don luis. therefore don gaytan and his troops set out to look for baron de licques. the two men met one another, after the [english] rebels had withdrawn from valkenburg to the village of ter waddingtaking position between a ditch (occupied by the soldiers of leiden), the bridge of boshuiz and the walls of leiden. the citizens of leiden shut their gates to the englishmen, because they feared spies and traitors among the english troops, and because supplies were so low. they advised the english captain to move back to the gates of the hague, where dutch artillery was posted. when a flag was raised above the city gate, the english should remove themselves from the line of fire and the dutch artillery would fire on the enemy. however the english were not in agreement with this strategy, instead of complying with it; they chose to surrender to our people. don luis gaytan returned to the hague and monsieur de licques took the english soldiers to haarlem, where he submitted a report of the events to the grand commander [luis de requesens]. in view of the fact that the english queen had categorically stated that england was not at war with spain and that the english soldiers had aided the rebels without her consent, the majority of the town council voted to have them executed. as it panned out, the grand commander determined that the high ranking men be retained in custody impending the payment of their ransom or their exchange for important spanish prisoners. the other four hundred soldiers[35] were first sent to brussels from whence they were sent back to england. [36] bernardino de mendoza [comentarios, xii, 251] says that the lives of the english prisoners were spared at his express solicitation. he was at that juncture sent by the grand commander on a mission to queen elizabeth [in july 1574], and obtained this boon of his superior as a personal favour to himself.[37] (john lothrop motley, the rise of the dutch republic, vol. ii, 1855, p. 553) 4. felix e. schelling, the life and writings of george gascoigne. boston 1893 the poet records that on 19 march 1573, he set out from gravesend to boorde our ship in quinborough that lay,[38] setting sail the next morning for holland, and arriving after all but shipwreck some days later at brielle [den briel]. during these very days of gascoigne's crossing, de la marck, the somewhat irregular admiral of william of orange, forced from his harbourage in english waters by a momentary spanish ascendency in the counsels of elizabeth, sailed from dover, intending to land at enkbuizen; but, abandoning his original intent, surprised and captured brielle, april 1, 1572. it is plain then that the party of gascoigne could not have started out for brielle, but were diverted hither by stress of weather, or through the treachery of their dutch pilot, who had deliberately sought to wreck them on a hostile coast. the capture of brielle was a fortunate accident for this party of englishmen, as there is nothing to show that they purposed to fight for the king of spain at this period. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-035 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-036 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-037 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-038 gascoigne's account of the drunkenness and debauchery of the dutch governor of brielle and his companions is entirely in keeping with what we learn elsewhere of de la marck and his fellow "beggars of the sea." i shall not attempt to follow gascoigne in his circumstantial account of the various military operations in which he was engaged. (see gascoigne's poem, the fruites of warre, dulce bellum inexpertis, on this subject.) indeed it is well-nigh impossible to draw his own distinction "twixt broyles and bloudie warres." (stanza 94.) it will therefore be sufficient to call attention to some of the more important occurrences, that we may at least trace the soldier-poet's whereabouts during this period. it is likely that gascoigne, holding a captain's commission, was in the detachment of two hundred volunteers sent from brielle to flushing under command of treslong [william de blois, seigneur de treslong] to support the citizens of that town in their rising against philip. (stanza 95: "for i have seen full many a flushing fraye.") we know that there was a large force of english volunteers at flushing a short time after, under treslong's successor, jerome van 't zeraerts, with whom gascoigne certainly served. between this and august [1572], gascoigne was engaged in several minor ventures, such as the "bragge of bruges" and aerdenburgh (=aardenburg). he also took part in both sieges of goes or tergoes, in the latter under sir humphrey gilbert who commanded the english forces. (st. 97: “i was again in trench before tergoes.” — gascoigne probably met sir humphrey for the first time here, and through him became acquainted with his half-brother, sir walter raleigh.) this second siege began august 26, and was at an end by october 21 [1572], through the brilliant exploit of mondragon, who relieved the place by marching three thousand picked men "eight miles across the drowned lands of the ooster schelde from bergen-op-zoom" in the dead of night . gascoigne speaks of his subsequent movements as follows : — 99. since that siege raysde i romed haue about in zealand, holland, waterland and all, by sea, by land, by ayre and all throughout as leaping lottes and chaunce did seem to call. now here, now there as fortune trilde the ball. where good guyllam of orange badde me be. after mention of rammekens, a castle on the island of walcheren, gascoigne says that he fought against mondragon "while he did assaie to lande his men . . . with victuall to supplie poore middleburgh." (st. 103.) it appears that a certain beauvoir went off, whom gascoigne describes as a commander of the king's side, which was gouverneur of middelburg next before mondragon, and that mondragon in turn was cooped up in middelburg. all this took place simultaneously with the siege of haarlem, by which more momentous event it has been obscured. at this stage of events gascoigne quarrelled with his colonel [39] , for which he assigns the following reasons : 110. my harte was high, i could not seeme to serue in regiment where no good rules remayne http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-039 where officers and such as well deserue shall be abused by euery page and swayne where discipline shall be but deemed vayne, where blockes are stridde by stumblers at a strawe, and where selfe will must stand for martiall lawe. gascoigne says of himself that he remained in camp as a private volunteer, after throwing up his "captaynes charge and eke a martials state," and removed with the rest to "lande van strayne." the war flagging by reason of the winter season, he went to delft to deliver up his commission to the prince, or at least obtain furlough for a visit home. in consequence of the prince's courteous reception of gascoigne and his earnest if futile effort to effect a reconciliation between gascoigne and his former colonel, william of orange receives the highest praises at the hands of the poet, who, whether he understood for what the dutch were fighting or not, was most earnest in the tribute that he pays to the greatness of their intrepid leader. i continue in the words of octavius g. gilchrist, censura literaria, vol. 3, 1806 : while this negociation was meditating, a circumstance occurred which had nearly cost our poet his life. a lady at the hague (then in the possession of the enemy) with whom gascoigne had been on intimate terms, had his portrait in her hands (his 'counterfayt' as he calls it), and resolving to part with it to himself alone, wrote a letter to him on the subject, which fell into the hands of his enemies in the camp; from this paper they meant to have raised a report unfavorable to his loyalty; but upon its reaching his hands gascoigne, conscious of his fidelity, laid it immediately before the prince, who saw through their design, and gave him passports for visiting the lady at the hague: the burghers, however, watched his motions with malicious caution, and he was called in derision 'the green knight.' although william's faith in gascoigne's integrity is probably quite sufficient evidence of the poet's guiltlessness, there is every reason to believe that the burgher's distrust of many of the english officers in their employ, was only too well warranted by subsequent traitorous conduct. from what we know of gascoigne's character and his hearty contempt for the dutch, it is far from likely that he could have so conducted himself as to have given no offence to his enemies. notwithstanding this, gascoigne again embraced the service of the states and served in the naval battle of reimerswaal [29 january 1574] "in a hoy" and in sight of the prince, who watched the whole engagement. 136. the prince gan like my fayth and forward will, equyppt a hoye and set hir under sayle, wherein i served according to my skill, my minde was such, my cunning could not quayle, withouten bragge of those that did assayle the foemens fleete which came in good aray, i put my selfe in formost ranke alway. 137. three dayes wee fought, as long as water served, and came to ancor neyghbourlike yfeere, the prince himselfe to see who best deserved, stoode every day attending on the peere, and might behold what barke went formost there: ill harte had he that would not stoutely fight, when as his prince is present still in sight. 138. at last our foes had tidings over lande, that neare to bergh their fellowes went to wracke, on scheld they mette by rymerswaell a bande of edellbloets, who put their force abacke, lewes de boyzott[40] did put them there to sacke, and lost an eye, bicause he would resemble dan julian,[41] whome (there) he made to tremble. gascoigne tells us that he was in middelburg the day before its surrender and passed thence on mondragon's "promise." (st. 140.) it is not improbable that he was in some capacity engaged in "the parleyings" prior to the surrender of the spaniards. middelburg surrendered feb. 21, 1574, and gascoigne received of the prince in consequence his pay, a personal reward of three hundred guilders and a promise of future promotion. (stanza 141.) soon after this, re-enforcements coming over from england, gascoigne was assigned a company under the command of colonel edward chester; and before long was ordered to valkenburgh, "a fort but new begun" and one of the out-posts of leyden. [may 1574.] 146. in valkenburgh (a fort but new begonne) with others moe i was ordeynde to be, and farre beforne the worke were half way done, our foes set forth our sorie seate to see, they came in time, but cursed time for me, they came before the courtine raysed were, one onely foote above the trenches there. in the meantime louis of nassau, bringing up an army from beyond the rhine, had suffered defeat at mookerheyde, may 26, 1574, and a renewal of the siege of leyden was the immediate result. "valdez [the spanish general] lost no time in securing himself the possession of maeslandsluis, vlaardingen and the hague. five hundred english under command of colonel edward chester, abandoned the fortress of valkenburg, and fled towards leyden." indeed, sir clements markham (the fighting veres, 1888) does not hesitate to say that the english under colonel chester were disgraced, and that "they surrendered valkenburg when they might have held out."[42] according to gascoigne, the fortress was abandoned because it was impossible to hold it, with so small a garrison, a lack of provision, and insufficient muniment. moreover, on the arrival of a messenger from alphen with a statement that this fort, "a stronger http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-040 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-041 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#cite-042 place" than valkenburg, had fallen, a mutiny broke out among the soldiers and the ofificers were compelled to march with them to leyden, harassed by the enemy all the way. 161. in this retyre three english miles we trodde, with face to foes and shot as thicke as hayle, of whose choyce men full fiftie soules and odde, we rayed on ground, this is withouten fayle, yet of our owne, we lost but three by tale: our foes themselves confess they bought full deere, the hote pursute whiche they attempted there. 162. thus came we late at last to leyden walles, too late, too soone, and so may we well say, for notwithstanding all our cries and calles, they shut their gates and turnd their eares away: in fine they did forsake us every way, and badde us shifte to save ourselves apace, for unto them were fonde to trust for grace. john lothrop motley (rise of the dutch republic, ii. 553.) continues : "refused admittance by the citizens, who now, with reason, distrusted them, they surrendered to valdez, and were afterwards sent back to england." indeed gascoigne himself admits : 183 but what i sayde, i say and sweare againe, for first we were in hollande sore suspect, the states did thinke, that with some filthie gaine the spainish peeres us captaines had infect they thought we ment our ensignes to erect in kings behalfe: and eke the common sorte, thought privy pay had made us leave our forte. worse than that, it seems to have been the general opinion of the english soldiers that they had been sold to the spanish: an opinion which they hesitated not to avow alike before their departure and after their arrival in england.(stanzas 186-187.) be this as it may, in consequence of the ensuing parley in which gascoigne and captain sheffield were the spokesmen of the english, both soldiers and officers were well used, the latter being sent home, as we have seen, four months thereafter. gascoigne is loud in his praises of the spanish captains, who apparently treated him with great courtesy during his short durance, but can not forego the dramatic effect of telling how "the king's men" with hate their burning hartes did swell and bad hang up or drowne us euerychone. (st. 184.) the first siege of leyden was raised march 21, 1574, but was renewed soon after the defeat and death of lewis of nassau at the battle of mookerheyde, may 26, 1574. as motley states that leyden was thoroughly invested again "in the course of a few days," and as the capture of the party that had garrisoned valkenburg was one of the measures by which valdez brought about this result, gascoigne must have been a prisoner by june 1, and was consequently again in england by the following october. (don bernardino de mendoza says that ' the lives of these english prisoners were spared at his express solicitation.' comentarios, xii. 251. quoted by motley, rise of the dutch republic, ii. 553, note. ) from a general view of gascoigne' s career in holland, it may well be doubted if his earlier services to mercury are not greater than his later services to mars: and this despite "the considerable military reputation" granted him by some of his scholarly biographers. according to the fashion of an age which confounded naval warfare with privateering and war with petty marauding and adventuring, gascoigne was a fair specimen of the gentleman adventurer of his day. he was, doubtless, personally brave, but hot-headed and insubordinate, and as utterly devoid of any knowledge of the broader issues of the quarrel, in which he drew his sword, as was his queen herself or the sorriest of his countrymen that trailed a pike and starved through the inefficiency or betrayal of their english officers. gascoigne' s admiration for the personal qualities of the prince of orange is too genuine on its face to call for a moment's question, but his gentleman's contempt for the dutch as a lowborn race of burghers, embittered as it was by their suspicion of treachery, far from unjustifiable in similar cases, is quite as evident. if gascoigne was free from the taint of his fellow officers, and there is no proof to show that he was not, he was certainly strong where many men were weak. it was well known among the english officers, serving in the low countries, that elizabeth was only temporizing, and that she professed to have no real quarrel with philip; the queen's own policy was fast and loose: little better could be expected of her subjects. gascoigne was certainly in the worst possible company and judging from the tone of the last portion of the fruites of the war, we may, at least, doubt if he did not make a virtue of a necessity in the last act of his military career. whetstone says and we may well believe it that gascoigne was "the welthier not a whit" for his services abroad. notes: [1] rowland york and william herle. rowland york (c.15531588), the ninth of ten sons of sir john york, in his youth a narrow friend of oxford, volunteered for the netherlands under captain thomas morgan in 1572. he embarked at gravesend on 19 march that year with his two companions, the poet george gascoigne and william herle, but their ship was nearly lost on the coast of holland owing to the incompetence of the dutch pilot. reaching the english camp in safety, york took part in august that year in the attack on goes under captain (afterwards sir) humphrey gilbert and william of orange's captain jerome tseraerts. william herle (died 1588) was a pirate and spy who was imprisoned in the marshalsea prison in 1571. he became known for his part in elizabeth i's intelligence network inside the jail, http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-001 smuggling letters to william cecil, lord burghley, about people involved in the so-called ridolfi plot, a roman catholic plan to assassinate the queen and replace her with mary, queen of scots. [2] war is sweet to those who have never experienced it. a quote from pindar, made famous by erasmus as the title for his meditation on the subject of war. [3] the brag of bruges. a marginal conflict in bruges. felix e. schelling (see ahead) writes: "between may and august [1572], gascoigne was engaged in several minor ventures, such as the "brag of bruges" and aardenburg. [4] aerdenburgh. the city of aardenburg (near bruges) remained part of the spanish southern netherlands. [5] tergoes. goes is a city on zuid-beveland, in the province of zeeland. in autumn 1572, goes, in the spanish netherlands, was besieged by dutch forces with the support of english troops. the siege was relieved in october 1572 by spanish tercios, who waded across the scheldt to attack the besieging forces. [6] guillam of nassau. william i, prince of orange (15331584), also widely known as william the silent or more commonly known as william of orange (dutch: willem van oranje), was the main leader of the dutch revolt against the spanish habsburgs that set off the eighty years' war and resulted in the formal independence of the united provinces in 1581. he was born in the house of nassau as count of nassau-dillenburg. he became prince of orange in 1544 and is thereby the founder of the branch house of orange-nassau and the ancestor of the monarchy of the netherlands. [7] s. gyptian's pilgrimage. the pilgrimage of a vagrant or a gipsy. [8] brake the bowers. e. cobham brewer (character sketches of romance, fiction and the drama, 1892) interprets: to reject the food provided. [9] ramykins. english volunteers helped in the capture of fort rammekens (near middelburg) in august 5, 1573, and in the great sea-fight, when the zeeland ships attacked the spanish fleet from antwerp, with supplies for middelburg. [10] mountdragon. the spanish general cristà³bal de mondragà³n y mercado (1514-1596) was colonel of the tercios of flanders under the duke of alba, luis de requesens and alexander farnese. see note 15. [11] poor middleburgh. middelburg is the capital of the province of zeeland; situated on the central peninsula of the zeeland province, midden-zeeland (consisting of http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-002 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-003 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-004 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-005 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-006 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-007 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-008 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-009 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-010 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-011 former islands walcheren, noord-beveland and zuid-beveland). middelburg und arnemuiden were occupied by the spanish until the end of january 1574. the towns were held under siege by the dutch, causing a terrible famine. [12] ere they sink the sound. oed: sound. a relatively narrow channel or stretch of water, esp. one between the mainland and an island, or connecting two large bodies of water; a strait. also, an inlet of the sea. (the first quot. may represent the oe. sund 'sea, water'.) [13] my colonel and i fell at debate. the man in question is captain thomas morgan. [14] when beauvoir fled amain. philippe de lannoy, seigneur de beauvoir (c.1510-1574). gascoigne writes beauvois. [15] mountdragon came to town. cristobal de mondragon came to middelburg in november 1573. see note 10. [16] my colonel was now come to the court. see colonel thomas morgan's letter from 13 november 1573 to lord burghley (7.2.1 oxford and the ships.) [17] delf was girt with siege on every side. after the battle of delft in october 1573, fought by a small anglo-dutch force under thomas morgan and an attacking spanish force under francisco de valdez, the spanish were repelled and forced to retreat. delft amongst other dutch towns and cities had been saved and meant that leiden had better hope of relief. francisco valdez (see note 18) informed the duke of alba of his defeat showing him that victory could not be achieved without a larger force along with siege artillery. he requested more troops and guns or leave to retire himself from the area with the troops he had; the latter was chosen as alba refused more men or guns. julián romero (see note 24) meanwhile managed to capture maassluis but an attempt on delftshaven was repelled. for his action in helping to repel the spanish attack on the city the prince of orange promoted edward chester (see note 27) to the rank of lieutenant colonel. [18] the campomaster valdez. francisco valdez (c.1522-1580), a spanish general. he had command over the besieging imperial forces in the siege of leiden (1573-1574). [19] die groene hopman. the green captain. gascoigne describes himself as the green knight. [20] like john grey's bird that ventured with the best. a proverb. [21] equipped a hoy. a hoy was a small sloop-rigged coasting http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-012 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-013 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-014 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-015 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-016 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-017 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-018 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-019 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-020 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-021 ship or a heavy barge used for freight, usually with a burthen of about 60 tons. the word derives from the middle dutch hoey. note: rigged up and fully furnished. [22] rymerswaell. reimerswaal was granted city rights in 1374. the city was destroyed by repeated floods, and the last citizens left in 1632. nothing remains. it was located north of the current municipality, on the east end of the oosterschelde, on land which is now called the verdronken land van reimerswaal (drowned land of reimerswaal). [23] lewes de boyzott. lodewijk van boisot (c.1530-1576), lord of ruart, the admiral of flushing. the french huguenot entered the service of the dutch. in 1573 he became admiral of zeeland and in 1574 he was lieutenant-admiral of holland and zeeland. on 29 january 1574 he managed to defeat the fleet under the command of luis de resquesens y zúñiga (1528 1576). this battle freed the city of middelburg from the spanish rule. in 1576 boisot drowned near zierikzee during a battle to free this city from the spanish rule as well. [24] dan julian. julián romero de ibarrola (1518 1577) was one of the few common soldiers in the spanish army to reach the rank of maestro de campo. romero fought in the siege of mons (1572), where he nearly succeeded in killing william the silent, prince of orange, in a daring raid against the dutch camp. he was also present at the spanish fury at naarden and the siege of haarlem, where he lost an eye. in 1574, he failed to relieve middelburg after losing the battle of reimerswaal, and in 1576 he was present at the sack of antwerp. [25] sancho de avila. sancho d'avila (1523-1583) was a spanish general. in 1574, he was the castellan of antwerp. [26] and when mondrágon might no more endure. on 20 february 1574 the spanish garrison of middleburg under the command of mondragon surrendered. [27] edward chester (died 1579), was the fourth son of sir william chester, lord mayor of london in 1554-55. edward chester's first known military service was as a captain in gilbert's regiment in zeeland in 1572. he took over the second draft of the regiment, some three hundred strong, in july. he soon linked up with gilbert and campaigned with the rest of the regiment thereafter. chester raised two companies of his own in 1573, but they were subsumed into morgan's newly-commissioned regiment. in august 1573 colonel morgan's regiment and several scots companies were repulsing the attack of a detached spanish division on delft and other places between rotterdam and leyden, in which service captain chester highly distinguished himself at the head of two hundred english men-at-arms, for which he was promoted by the prince of orange to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. however orange relieved colonel chester of his duties in the middle of october 1573. at a later date, chester managed to reconcile with the prince. in march 1574 he then obtained a commission for a regiment of his own. though he faced some difficulties, he was able to fill his contract and transport the troops to the netherlands in march 1574, as the spanish were aware. but its poor performance outside leiden in maye 1574 led to it being disbanded. chester kept his own http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-022 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-023 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-024 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-025 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-026 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-027 company in dutch pay and kept on good terms with william of orange and presumably had a good chance of regaining a colonelcy. however he drowned whilst en route from england to holland in november 1577. (see david j. b. trim, fighting jacob's wars (diss. london 2002, p. 378). [28] in valkenburgh ... one only foot above the trenches there. the fort to which gascoigne is referring here is none other than the entrenchment in the vicinity of katwijk aan den riijn (katwijk on the rhine) where edward chester and gascoigne were situated along with 500 english soldiers. at that point in time building on the fort was still in progress. the english soldiers had run out of money and supplies. when faced by an impending attack of 3000 spaniards they surrendered the position without putting up a fight. they surrendered to the spanish at the end of may 1574. in william camden's history of the most renowned and victorious princess elizabeth (ed. 1688, p. 206) as well as in clements r. markham's the fighting veres (london 1888, p. 48) they were unjustly admonished for doing so. "the capture of valkenburg" is a mythbecause the "english" valkenburg has nothing whatsoever to do with valkenburg castle near maastricht and limburg. (the corresponding article on wikipedia confuses the entrenchment valkenburg and valkenburg castle.) sources: bernardino de mendoza:â commentaires de bernardino de mendoça sur les évènements de la guerre des pays-bas 1567 1577, vol. 2, bruxelles 1863, p. 242-243. robert fruin's verspreide geschriften, deel ii, (gravenhage 1900), 394-397. robert fruin, the siege and relief of leyden in 1574 (1927), p.14-17. [29] alphen aan den rijn, southwest of leiden. [30] this fort [alphen] from ours was distant ten good miles, / i mean such miles as english measure makes, / between us both stood leiden town therewhiles. these lines contain a concise cartographic definition of the position. see note 28. [31] at maeslandsluys we hoped for to sup. philips of marnix, lord of saint-aldegonde, started to build a defence wall around maassluis, but before its completion, the spanish captured the little town in november 1573 and marnix was taken prisoner. [32] monsieur de licques. philippe de récourt, baron de licques (died 1588), governor of haarlem in 1574. mario is unknown. [33] iniquum pete (then) ut æquum feras. seek more than what is right so that you may carry off the right amount. [34] and good verdugo. francisco verdugo (1537-1595), spanish military commander in the dutch revolt, became maestre de campo general, in the spanish netherlands. he was also the last spanish stadtholder of friesland, groningen, drenthe and overijssel between 1581 and 1594. verdugo has been described as a brave, courteous and very experienced soldier, who rose from the rank of musketeer, which he held at the siege of haarlem, to the governor of frisia. nominated governor of haarlem in 1573, as an admiral of the spanish fleet he helped to conquer flanders. in 1576, he became http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-028 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-029 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-030 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-031 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-032 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-033 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-034 councillor of state. [35] the other four hundred soldiers. all the other sources speak of five hundred soldiers. [36] the original french is as follows. don luis gaytan approvisonna le château (la haye), bien résolu à le défendre jusqu'à ce qu'il recût du secours, au cas qu'un événement quelquonque empêchât valdès de le rejoindre. il demeura à cette situation pendant trois jours. alors l'avis lui parvint que m. de licques était sorti de harlem; qu'il marchait, ainsi qu'il avait été convenu, avec de la cavalerie et de l'infanterie wallonne contre le fort de valkenbourg, et qu'il demandait à don louis le concours de quelques soldats dans le château la haye, et avec les autres se mit à la recherche du baron de licques. il le rencontra au moment où les rebelles, abondonnant le fort, se retiraient sur le village de wadding, et prenaient position entre une tranchée que tenaient ceux de leyde, le pont de boschhuys et les murailles de la ville. les bourgeois ne voulaient pas les recevoir, craignant le blocus et la disette. aussie dirent-ils au capitaine et à quelque soldats qu'ils laissèrent entrer que, si les espagnols les serraient, ils n'avaient qu'à se retirer à la porte de la haye, qui était le côté où était placé l'artillerie, et, quand ils verraient descendre le drapeau de la porte, de marcher sur le côté droit, parce qu'alors l'artillerie tonnerait contre l'ennemi. les anglais ne goutèrent pas ce conseil; ils jugèrent qu'il valait mieux se rendre à nos gens, ce qu'ils firent. don luis gaytan revint alors à la haye, et m. de licques, avec les anglais, se rendit à harlem, d'où il rendit compte au grand commandeur de ce qui s'était passé; la majorité du conseil proposait de mettre à mort ces prisonniers anglais, puisque la reine d'angleterre, reconnaissant n'être pas en guerre avec sa majesté, déclairait que s'était sans son aveu et son consentement que les anglais venaient aider les rebelles. (ces anglais, qui étaient au nombre de 400, furent d'abord enduits à harlem; le grand commandeur fit garder les principaux pour servir à la rancon des soldats espagnols prisonniers des ennemies; les autres furent amenés à bruxelles, puis renvoyés à la reine d'angleterre.) (bernardino de mendoza: commentaires de bernardino de mendoça sur les évènements de la guerre des paysbas 1567-1577, trad. nouv. par le colonel guillaume. t. 2, bruxelles 1863, pp. 242-43.) [37] mendoza ... obtained this boon of his superior as a personal favour to himself. at the end of june 1574, bernardino de mendoza set out for england. (this was exactly at the time when oxford arrived on the mainland). he arrived on 12th july in london and was granted an audience with queen elizabeth for the 17th july. the queen and her ministers gave him a truly affable welcome. she did, however protest quite vehemently about the fact that, in the netherlands, king philip ii had profferred support to englishmen who were the sword enemies of the crown [westmoreland etc.] elizabeth went as far as to say that true friendship could only exist between england and france if philip were to expel them from the provinces. the ministers went on to say that the british crown was pledged to the cause of holland and zeeland's return to philip's rule. see: correspondance de philippe ii sur les affaires des pays-bas http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-035 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-036 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-037 [1558-1577], t. iii, bruxelles 1858, p. 134. [38] to boorde our ship in quinborough that lay. george gascoigne's voyage into holland (written in march 1573) in: a hundreth sundrie flowres (1573) when from gravesend in boat i gan to jet to board our ship in queenborough that lay, from whence the very twentieth day we set our sails abroad to slice the salt sea foam, and anchors weighed gan trust the trustless floud. [39] gascoigne quarrelled with his colonel. the man in question is captain thomas morgan.see note 13. [40] lewes de boyzott. lodewijk van boisot. see note 23. [41] dan julian. julián romero de ibarrola. see note 24. [42] they surrendered valkenburg when they might have held out. see note 28. http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-038 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-039 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-040 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-041 http://www.anonymous-shakespeare.com/cms/front_content.php?idart=851#ref-042 against_war u 22 .f7413 2022 pope francis against war building a culture of peace pope francis against war building a culture of peace with an afterword by andrea tornielli orbis 0 books www.orbisbooks.com orbis 0 books www.orbisbooks.com 'm� fathers and brothers.. � arvknoll founded in 1970, orbis books endeavors to publish works that enlighten the mind, nourish the spirit, and challenge the conscience. the publishing la.. arm of the maryknoll fathers and brothers, orbis seeks to explore the global dimensions of the christian faith and mission, to invite dialogue with diverse ;) ;;;cultures and religious traditions, and to serve the cause of reconciliation and peace. 111e books published reflect the views of their authors and do not rep­ . �1'10 resent the official position of the maryknoll society. to learn more about maryknoll and orbis books, please visit our website at www.orbisbooks.corn. dnd� _ english edition copyright © 2022 by orbis books published by orbis books, box 302, maryknoll, ny 10545-0302. original edition: papa francesco, contro ia guerra, © 2022 rcs media­ group s.p.a., milan literary property reserved; © 2022 libreria editrice vatican a, vatican city all rights reserved. no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. queries regarding rights and permissions should be addressed to: orbis books, p.o. box 302, maryknoll, ny 10545-0302. manufactured in the united states of america library of congress control number: 2022939137 cor inlro� with 1 h t� w acu contents introduction: war is a sacrilege. let's stop feeding it! 1 with war, no one wins ••• + • + •• + • + + • + + + • + • + ••• + • + •• + + •• +7 war destroys the future + + + • + • + + • + + + + • + • + + ••••• + + + • + • + + 7 we have accumulated weapons and lost the peace. + • + + + + +8 what's the point of showing your teetl)? + + + • + + • + + + ••• + • + •• 9 with war, no one wins + ••• + + •• + + + + + ••••• + •••• + + ••• 10 spending on weapons sullies the soul + ••••• + •••• 11 human life before any strategy ... + •••• + + ••••••••••• + + 12 abuse of power condemns the helpless. + • + ••••••• + ••••• 14 every conflict is a defeat of humanity + ••••••••• + + + • + • + 15 the good sense to negotiate .. + ••••• + •••• + ••• + •••••• +. 17 let's not forget the many wars around the world! . + ••••• 18 those who have weapons sooner or later end up using them + + • + + • + ••••• + + +. 19 a culture of death • + ••• + •• + + + ••• + •• + • + • + •• + ••••••••••• 23 the culture of indijj"erence .. + + + •• + •• + • + •••• + + •• + • + • + •• 23 war is born in human hearts + •••••• + ••• + •• 24 war eliminates all development + •• + • + • + • + + + + • + + + + + • •• 26 v vi contents a madness. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 27 a monster that destroys humanity and the world 27 conflicts also disfigure the environment. 28 the «piecemeal" 1vorld war 29 affecting the little ones ... + • + ••• + • + • + ••••• + •••••••••• 29 we listen to the little ones + • + •••• + •••••••••••• + •••• + 30 looking at reality through the eyes of its victims 30 terrorism has nothing to do with true religion + •• 31 the criminal folly of nuclear weapons . + •••••••••••••••• 33 a global problem 33 a tremendous power + + .. + +. 36 a great deception. + + + + + 37 peace cannot be built on jvfutual distrust 38 atomic weapons are senseless .. + ..... + . + + + . + + 41 protect every life: from the apostolic journey to japan (november 23-26,2019) + + +. + . + .. + + + + .. 45 the dream of a world free of nuclear weapons. + + + + + 45 nuclear powerfor military purposes is immoral. + .. + + 49 hiroshima is a catechesis on cruelty. + + + + + 54 the only solution to conflicts is dialogue .. + + + . +. 55 peace and fraternity: from the apostolic journey to iraq (march 5-8, 2021)+ + + .. + + + •••••••••• 56 fraternity is nourished by solidarity 56 weaving a single fraternity 60 we look to heaven and journey on earth 62 coni je, ci abe� pel th pel tr n ana� pe pel fr contel1tl ........ , 2� .... , , .. -� l q ;0 ........ ,50 .......... 60 .......... 62 contents vll love wins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 69 jesus at our side 74 church and society open to all . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 76 a better world 80 vvhen the seed dies) it bears much fruit 80 peace is a gift. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 82 there is no alternative to peace 84 peace comes from the cross 85 true peace costs 86 nonviolence: a style ofpolitics for peace 89 an artisanal path 95 peace is a path 95 peace is daily. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 99 dialogue opens the way. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 99 pray for those who do not love us 100 learning the art of dialogue 101 architecture of reconciliation 102 overcoming evil with good 102 peace is the priority 103 ecological conversion 106 brothers and sisters 108 fraternity is the grace of god tl)e father 110 easter makes the encounter with the other sprout up 112 follow another logic 114 v11l contents prayers 116 a prayer to tjje creator 116 an ecumenical christian prayer 117 prayer for fraternity 117 prayer of the children of abraham 119 prayerfor the victims of war 120 afterword: a centurylong magisterium of peace by andrea tornielli 123 intr war] a rear to �ee lenee, woun woula 1v0ula fr i have areal have 0 manr imme war� leavet their reapp( these ....... il" ....... r introduction war is a sacrilege. let's stop feeding it! a year ago, on my pilgrimage to tormented iraq, i was able to see for myself the disaster caused by war, fratricidal vio­ lence, and terrorism; i saw the rubble of houses and the wounded hearts, but i also saw seeds of hope for rebirth. i would never have imagined then that a year later a conflict would break out in europe. from the beginning of my service as bishop of rome, i have talked about the third world war, saying that we are already living it, though still in pieces. those pieces have become bigger and bigger, welding together.... so many wars are going on in the world right now, causing immense pain for innocent victims, especially children­ wars that cause the flight of millions of people, forced to leave their land, their homes, their devastated cities, to save their own lives. 111ese are the many forgotten wars that reappear from time to time before our disenchanted eyes. these wars often seemed "far away"-until now, suddenly, 1 2 introduction when war has broken out so close to us. ukraine was attacked and invaded. many innocent civilians, women, children, and elderly people have been affected by the conflict, forced to live in shelters dug out of the earth to escape the bombs. families have been divided as husbands, fathers, and grandparents remain in the fight, while wives, mothers, and grandmothers seek refuge after long jour­ neys, hoping to cross the border to find shelter in other countries that receive them with open hearts. as every day we face heartbreaking images and hear the cry of children and women, we can only scream, "stop!" war is not the solution. war is madness, war is a monster, war is a cancer that feeds on itself, engulfing everything! what is more, war is a sacrilege that wreaks havoc on what is most precious on our earth: human life, the innocence of the little ones, the beauty of creation. yes, war is a sacri­ lege! i cannot fail to recall the plea with which saint john xxiii in 1962 asked the leaders of his time to halt an escalation that could have dragged the world into the abyss of nuclear conflict. i cannot forget the force with which saint paul vi, speaking in 1965 at the united nations general assembly, said, "never again war! never again war!" nor can i forget the many appeals for peace made by saint john paul ii, who in 1991 described war as han adventure without return:' what we are witnessing is yet another barbarity and unfortunately we have a short memory. yes, because if we had a memory, we would remember what our grandpar­ ents and our parents told us, and we would feel the need [or p( ory, w dollar! in�lr s( tne trar women in� to �toc� inmilil wnen � health \vewo mu�t 0 mmto there i� matic� ofouil, omao warl� renaer in whose slau�hd oomos rurpos a�ains afutu for pu atomi introduction 3 r arirr anj lju e i[w� . r jrjndpar' eei rhe need for peace just as our lungs need oxygen. if we had mern­ ory, we would not spend tens and hundreds of billions of dollars for rearmament, equipping ourselves with increas­ ingly sophisticated armaments, increasing the market and the trafficking of weapons that end up killing children, women, and old people: $1.981 trillion per year, accord ... ing to the calculations of an important research center in stockholm. that marks a dramatic increase of 2.6 percent in military spending in the second year of the pandemic, when all our efforts should have been focused on global health and saving lives from the virus. if we had memory, we would know that war, before it reaches the front lines, must be stopped in the heart. hate, before it is too late, must be eradicated from hearts. and in order to do so, there is a need for dialogue, negotiation, listening, diplo­ matic skills and creativity, and farsighted politics capable of building a new system of coexistence that is no longer based on the power of weapons, but on deterrence. every war is not only a defeat of politics but also a shameful sur­ render to the forces of evil. in november 2019, in hiroshima, a symbolic city whose inhabitants, along with those of nagasaki, were slaughtered during the second world war by two nuclear bombs, i reaffirmed that the use of atomic energy for the purposes of war is, today more than ever, a crime, not only against man and his dignity, but against any possibility of a future in our common home. the use of atomic energy for purposes of war is immoral, just as the possession of atomic weapons is immoral. 4 introduction who could have imagined that less than three years later the specter of a nuclear war would loom over europe? so, step by step, we are moving toward catastrophe. piece by piece the world risks becoming the scene of a unique third world war. we are moving toward it as if it were inevitable. instead, we must forcefully repeat: no, it is not inev­ itable! no, war is not inescapable! when we allow our­ selves to be devoured by this monster represented by war, when we allow this monster to raise its head and guide our actions, we lose everything, we destroy god's creation, we commit sacrilege and prepare a future of death for our children and grandchildren. greed, intolerance, ambition for power, and violence are motives that push forward the decision for war, and these motives are often justified by a war ideology that forgets the immeasurable dignity of human life, of every human life, and the respect and care we owe them. faced with the images of death that come to us from ukraine, it is difficult to hope. yet there are seeds of hope. there are millions of people who do not aspire to war, who do not justify war, but are asking for peace. there are millions of young people who are asking us to do every� thing possible and seemingly impossible to stop the war, to stop all wars. it is in thinking first of all of them, of young people and children, that we must repeat together: never again war! and together we must commit ourselves to building a world that is more peaceful because it is more just, where it is peace that triumphs and not the folly of intro warj ness, other, h the ve ruvo'l reace,ii root in oftneo!hertn qe�, tn ner ai�� in 1 monq u�ea to ana to rnatrne rive �oli rrie� in ire warm will on introduction 5 war; justice, and not the injustice of war; mutual forgive­ ness, and not the hatred that divides and makes us see the other, the person who is different from us, as an enemy. here i would like to quote an italian pastor of souls, the venerable don tonino bello, bishop of molfetta­ ruvo-giovinazzo-terlizzi, in puglia, a tireless prophet of peace, who loved to repeat: conflicts and all wars hfind their root in the fading away of faces:' when we erase the face of the other, then the noise of weapons crackles. when we keep the other person, his or her face and pain, before our eyes, then we are not allowed to violently disfigure his or her dignity. in my encyclical fratelli tutti i proposed that the money spent on arms and other military expenditures be used to set up a world fund to finally eliminate hunger and to foster the development of the poorest countries, so that their inhabitants would not resort to violent or decep­ tive solutions and would not be forced to leave their coun­ tries in search of a more dignified life. i renew this proposal today, especially today. because war must be stopped, all wars must be stopped, and they will only stop if we stop hfeeding" them. from the vatican march 29) 2022 r"�