The
SECOND
DAY
.
Doct.
WEll
,
Sir
,
how
is
it
?
Have
you
rested
well
to
Night
?
I
fear
we
come
too
early
Noble
Ven.
Dear
Doctor
,
I
find
my self
very
well
,
thanks
to
your
Care
and
Skill
,
and
have
been
up
above
these
two
hours
,
in
expectation
of
the
favour
you
and
this
Gentleman
promist
me
.
Doct.
Well
,
then
pray
let
us
leave
off
Compliments
and
Repartees
,
of
which
we
had
a
great
deal
too
much
yesterday
,
and
fall
to
our
business
,
and
be
pleas'd
to
interrogate
this
Gentleman
what
you
think
fit
.
Noble
Ven.
Then
,
Sir
,
my
first
request
to
you
,
is
,
That
you
will
vouchsafe
to
acquaint
me
for
what
Reasons
this
Nation
,
which
hath
ever
been
esteemed
(
and
very
justly
)
one
of
the
most
considerable
People
of
the
World
,
and
made
the
best
Figure
both
in
Peace
,
Treaties
,
War
,
and
Trade
,
is
now
of
so
small
regard
,
and
signifies
so
little
abroad
?
Pardon
the
freedom
I
take
,
for
I
assure
you
it
is
not
out
of
disrespect
,
much
less
of
contempt
that
I
speak
it
:
For
since
I
arrived
in
England
,
I
find
it
one
of
the
most
flourishing
Kingdoms
in
Europe
,
full
of
splendid
Nobility
and
Gentry
;
the
comliest
persons
alive
,
Valiant
,
Courteous
,
Knowing
and
Bountiful
;
and
as
well
stored
with
Commoners
,
Honest
,
Industrious
,
fitted
for
Business
,
Merchandise
,
Arts
,
or
Arms
;
as
their
several
Educations
lead
them
.
Those
who
apply
themselves
to
study
,
prodigious
for
Learning
,
and
succeeding
to
admiration
in
the
perfection
of
all
Sciences
:
All
this
makes
the
Riddle
impossible
to
be
solved
;
but
by
some
skillful
Sphynx
,
such
as
you
are
;
whose
pains
I
will
yet
so
far
spare
,
as
to
acknowledge
,
that
I
do
in
that
little
time
I
have
spent
here
,
perceive
that
the
immediate
cause
of
all
this
,
is
the
Dis-union
of
the
People
and
the
Governours
;
the
Discontentment
of
the
Gentry
,
and
Turbulency
of
the
Commonalty
;
although
without
all
Violence
or
Tumult
,
which
is
Miraculous
.
So
that
what
I
now
request
of
you
,
is
,
That
you
will
please
to
deduce
particularly
to
me
,
the
Causes
of
this
Division
,
that
when
they
are
laid
open
,
I
may
proceed
(
if
you
think
fit
to
permit
it
)
from
the
Disease
,
when
known
,
to
enquire
out
the
Remedies
.
Eng.
Gent.
Before
I
come
to
make
you
any
Answer
,
I
must
thank
you
for
the
Worthy
and
Honourable
Character
you
give
of
our
Nation
,
and
shall
add
to
it
,
That
I
do
verily
believe
,
that
there
are
not
a
more
Loyal
and
Faithful
People
to
their
Prince
in
the
whole
world
,
than
ours
are
;
nor
that
fear
more
to
fall
into
that
State
of
Confusion
,
in
which
we
were
twenty
years
since
;
and
that
,
not
only
this
Parliament
,
which
consists
of
the
most
Eminent
Men
of
the
Kingdom
,
both
for
Estates
and
Parts
;
but
all
the
Inhabitants
of
this
Isle
in
general
;
even
those
(
so
many
of
them
as
have
their
understandings
yet
entire
)
which
were
of
the
Anti-royal
Party
,
in
our
late
Troubles
,
have
all
of
them
the
greatest
horrour
imaginable
,
to
think
of
doing
any
thing
,
that
may
bring
this
poor
Country
into
those
Dangers
and
Uncertainties
,
which
then
did
threaten
our
Ruin
;
and
the
rather
for
this
Consideration
;
that
neither
the
Wisdom
of
some
,
who
were
engaged
in
those
Affairs
,
which
I
must
aver
to
have
been
very
great
,
nor
the
success
of
their
Contest
,
which
ended
in
an
absolute
Victory
,
could
prevail
,
so
as
to
give
this
Kingdom
any
advantage
;
nay
,
not
so
much
as
any
settlement
,
in
Satisfaction
and
Requital
of
all
the
Blood
it
had
lost
,
Mony
it
had
spent
,
and
Hazzard
it
had
run
.
A
clear
Argument
why
we
must
totally
exclude
a
Civil
War
from
being
any
of
the
Remedies
,
when
we
come
to
that
point
.
I
must
add
further
,
That
as
we
have
as
loyal
subjects
as
are
any
where
to
be
found
,
so
we
have
as
gracious
and
good
a
Prince
:
I
never
having
yet
heard
that
he
did
,
or
attempted
to
do
,
any
the
least
Act
of
Arbitrary
Power
,
in
any
publick
Concern
;
nor
did
ever
take
,
or
endeavour
to
take
from
any
particular
person
the
benefit
of
the
Law.
And
for
his
only
Brother
(
although
accidentally
he
cannot
be
denyed
to
be
a
great
motive
of
the
Peoples
unquietness
)
all
men
must
acknowledge
him
to
be
a
most
Glorious
and
Honourable
Prince
;
one
who
has
exposed
his
life
several
times
for
the
Safety
and
Glory
of
this
Nation
;
one
who
pays
justly
and
punctually
his
Debts
,
and
manages
his
own
Fortune
discreetly
;
and
yet
keeps
the
best
Court
and
Equipage
of
any
Subject
in
Christendom
;
is
Courteous
and
Affable
to
all
;
and
in
fine
,
has
nothing
in
his
whole
Conduct
to
be
excepted
against
,
much
less
dreaded
;
excepting
,
that
he
is
believed
to
be
of
a
Religion
contrary
to
the
Honour
of
God
,
and
the
Safety
and
interest
of
this
People
,
which
gives
them
just
Apprehensions
of
their
Future
Condition
:
But
of
this
matter
,
we
shall
have
occasion
to
Speculate
hereafter
;
in
the
mean
time
,
since
we
have
such
a
Prince
,
and
such
Subjects
,
we
must
needs
want
the
ordinary
cause
of
Distrust
and
Division
,
and
therefore
must
seek
higher
to
find
out
the
Original
of
this
turbulent
posture
we
are
in
.
Doct.
Truly
you
had
need
seek
higher
or
lower
to
satisfie
us
,
for
hitherto
you
have
but
enforced
the
Gentleman's
Question
,
and
made
us
more
admire
what
the
Solution
will
be
.
Eng.
Gent.
Gentlemen
,
then
I
shall
delay
you
no
longer
:
The
Evil
Counsellors
,
the
Pensioner-Parliament
,
the
Thorow-pac'd
Iudges
,
the
Flattering
Divines
,
the
Buisie
and
Designing
Papists
,
the
French
Counsels
,
are
not
the
Causes
of
our
Misfortunes
,
they
are
but
the
Effects
(
as
our
present
Distractions
are
)
of
one
Primary
Cause
;
which
is
the
Breach
and
Ruin
of
our
Government
;
which
having
been
decaying
for
near
two
hundred
years
,
is
in
our
Age
brought
so
near
to
Expiration
,
that
it
lyes
agonizing
,
and
can
no
longer
perform
the
Functions
of
a
Political
Life
,
nor
carry
on
the
work
of
Ordering
and
Preserving
Mankind
:
So
that
the
Shifts
that
our
Courtiers
have
within
some
years
used
,
are
but
so
many
Tricks
,
or
Conclusions
which
they
are
trying
to
hold
Life
and
Soul
together
a
while
longer
;
and
have
played
Handy-Dandy
with
Parliaments
,
and
especially
with
the
House
of
Commons
,
(
the
only
part
which
is
now
left
entire
of
the
old
Constitution
)
by
Adjourning
,
and
Proroguing
,
and
Dissolving
them
(
contrary
to
the
true
meaning
of
the
Law
)
as
well
in
the
Reign
of
our
late
King
,
as
during
his
Majestics
that
now
is
.
Whereas
indeed
our
Counsellors
(
perceiving
the
decay
of
the
Foundation
,
as
they
must
,
if
they
can
see
but
one
Inch
into
the
Politicks
)
ought
to
have
Addrest
themselves
to
the
King
to
call
a
Parliament
,
the
true
Physician
,
and
to
lay
open
the
Distemper
there
,
and
so
have
endeavour'd
a
Cure
,
before
it
had
been
too
late
,
as
I
fear
it
now
is
:
I
mean
the
piecing
and
patching
up
the
Old
Government
.
It
is
true
,
as
the
Divine
Machiavil
says
,
That
Diseases
in
Government
are
like
a
Marasmus
in
the
Body
Natural
,
which
is
very
hard
to
be
discovered
whilst
it
is
Curable
;
and
after
it
comes
to
be
easie
to
discern
,
difficult
if
not
impossible
to
be
Remedy'd
;
yet
it
is
to
be
supposed
that
the
Counsellors
are
,
or
ought
to
be
skilful
Physicians
,
and
to
foresee
the
Seeds
of
State-Distempers
,
time
enough
to
prevent
the
Death
of
the
Patient
;
else
they
ought
in
Conscience
to
excuse
themselves
from
that
sublime
Employment
,
and
betake
themselves
to
Callings
more
suitable
to
their
Capacities
.
So
that
although
for
this
Reason
the
Ministers
of
State
here
are
inexcusable
,
and
deserve
all
the
Fury
which
must
one
time
or
other
be
let
loose
against
them
,
(
except
they
shall
suddenly
fly
from
the
wrath
to
come
,
by
finding
out
in
time
,
and
advising
the
true
means
of
setting
themselves
to
rights
)
yet
neither
Prince
nor
People
are
in
the
mean
time
to
be
blamed
for
not
being
able
to
Conduct
things
better
.
No
more
than
the
Waggoner
is
to
answer
for
his
ill
guiding
,
or
the
Oxon
for
their
ill
drawing
the
Waggon
,
when
it
is
with
Age
and
ill
usage
broken
,
and
the
Wheels
unserviceable
:
Or
the
Pilot
and
Marriners
,
for
not
weathring
out
a
Storm
when
the
Ship
hath
sprung
a
planck
.
And
as
in
the
body
of
Man
,
sometime●
the
Head
and
all
the
Members
are
in
good
Order
,
nay
,
the
Vital
Parts
are
sound
and
entire
;
yet
if
there
be
a
Considerable
Putrifaction
in
the
humors
much
more
,
if
the
Blood
(
which
the
Scripture
calls
the
life
)
be
Impure
and
Corrupted
;
the
Patient
ceases
not
to
be
in
great
Danger
,
and
oftentimes
dies
without
some
skillful
Physician
:
And
in
the
mean
time
the
Head
and
all
the
parts
suffer
,
and
are
unquiet
,
full
as
much
,
as
if
they
were
all
immediately
affected
.
So
it
is
in
every
respect
with
the
Body
Politick
,
or
Commonwealth
,
when
their
Foundations
are
moulder'd
:
And
although
in
both
these
Cases
,
the
Patients
cannot
(
though
the
Distemper
be
in
their
own
Bodies
)
know
what
they
ail
,
but
are
forced
to
send
for
some
Artist
to
tell
them
;
yet
they
cease
not
to
be
extreamly
uneasie
and
impatient
,
and
lay
hold
oftentimes
upon
unsuitable
Remedies
,
and
impute
their
Malady
to
wrong
and
ridiculous
Causes
.
As
some
people
do
here
,
who
think
that
the
growth
of
Popery
is
our
only
Evil
,
and
that
if
we
were
secure
against
that
,
our
Peace
and
Settlement
were
obtain'd
,
and
that
our
Disease
needed
no
other
Cure.
But
of
this
more
when
we
come
to
the
Cure.
Noble
Ven.
Against
this
Discourse
,
certainly
we
have
nothing
to
reply
:
but
must
grant
,
that
when
any
Government
is
decay'd
,
it
must
be
mended
,
or
all
will
Ruine
.
But
now
we
must
Request
you
to
declare
to
us
,
how
the
Government
of
England
is
decay'd
,
and
how
it
comes
to
be
so
.
For
I
am
one
of
those
Unskilful
Persons
,
that
cannot
discern
a
State
Marasmus
,
when
the
danger
is
so
far
off
.
Eng.
Gent.
Then
no
man
living
can
:
for
your
Government
is
this
day
the
only
School
in
the
World
,
that
breeds
such
Physicians
,
and
you
are
esteemed
one
of
the
ablest
amongst
them
:
And
it
would
be
manifest
to
all
the
World
for
Truth
;
although
there
were
no
argument
for
it
,
but
the
admirable
Stability
and
Durableness
of
your
Government
,
which
hath
lasted
above
twelve
hundred
years
entire
and
perfect
;
whilst
all
the
rest
of
the
Countreys
in
Europe
,
have
not
only
changed
Masters
very
frequently
in
a
quarter
of
that
time
,
but
have
varied
and
altered
their
Polities
very
often
.
Which
manifests
that
you
must
needs
have
ever
enjoy'd
a
Succession
of
wise
Citizens
,
that
have
had
skill
and
Ability
to
forwarn
you
betimes
of
those
Rocks
against
which
your
excellently-built
Vessel
might
in
time
split
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
you
over-value
,
not
only
me
,
but
the
Wisdom
of
my
Fellow
Citizens
;
for
we
have
none
of
these
high
Speculations
,
nor
hath
scarce
any
of
our
Body
read
Aristotle
,
Plato
,
or
Cicero
,
or
any
of
those
great
Artists
,
Ancient
or
Modern
,
who
teach
that
great
Science
of
the
Governing
and
Increasing
great
States
and
Cities
;
without
studying
which
Science
no
man
can
be
fit
to
discourse
pertinently
of
these
matters
;
much
less
to
found
or
mend
a
Government
,
or
so
much
as
find
the
defects
of
it
.
We
only
study
our
own
Government
,
and
that
too
Chiefly
to
be
fit
for
advantagious
Employments
,
rather
than
to
foresee
our
dangers
.
Which
yet
I
must
needs
confess
some
amongst
us
are
pretty
good
at
,
and
will
in
a
Harangue
made
upon
passing
a
Law
,
venture
to
tell
us
what
will
be
the
Consequence
of
it
two
hundred
years
hence
.
But
of
these
things
I
shall
be
very
prodigal
in
my
discourse
,
when
you
have
Leisure
and
Patience
to
command
me
to
say
any
thing
of
our
Polity
;
in
the
mean
time
pray
be
pleased
to
go
on
with
your
Edifying
Instruction
.
Eng.
Gent.
Before
I
can
tell
you
how
the
Government
of
England
came
to
be
decayed
,
I
must
tell
you
what
that
Government
was
,
and
what
it
now
is
:
And
I
should
say
something
too
of
Government
in
General
,
but
that
I
am
afraid
of
talking
of
that
Subject
,
before
you
who
are
so
exact
a
Judge
of
it
.
Noble
Ven.
I
thought
you
had
been
pleased
to
have
done
with
this
Discourse
,
I
assure
you
,
Sir
,
if
I
had
more
skill
in
that
matter
than
ever
I
can
pretend
to
,
it
would
but
serve
to
make
me
the
fitter
Auditor
of
what
you
shall
say
on
that
Subject
.
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
in
the
Course
of
my
Reasoning
upon
this
Point
,
I
shall
have
occasion
to
insist
and
expatiate
upon
many
things
,
which
both
my self
and
others
have
Publish'd
in
former
times
.
For
which
I
will
only
make
this
excuse
,
that
the
Repetition
of
such
matters
is
the
more
pardonable
,
because
they
will
be
at
least
new
to
you
,
who
are
a
stranger
to
our
Affairs
and
Writings
.
And
the
rather
because
those
discourses
shall
be
apply'd
to
our
present
condition
,
and
suited
to
our
present
occasions
.
But
I
will
say
no
more
,
but
obey
you
,
and
proceed
.
I
will
not
take
upon
me
to
say
,
or
so
much
as
Conjecture
,
how
and
when
Government
began
in
the
World
,
or
what
Government
is
most
Ancient
:
History
must
needs
be
silent
in
that
point
,
for
that
Government
is
more
Ancient
than
History
.
And
there
was
never
any
Writer
,
but
was
bred
under
some
Government
,
which
is
necessarily
supposed
to
be
the
Parent
of
all
Arts
and
Sciences
,
and
to
have
produced
them
.
And
therefore
it
would
be
as
hard
for
a
man
to
Write
an
account
of
the
beginning
of
the
Laws
and
Polity
of
any
Countrey
,
except
there
were
memory
of
it
,
(
which
cannot
be
before
the
first
Historiographer
)
as
it
would
be
to
any
person
without
Records
to
tell
the
particular
History
of
his
own
Birth
.
Doct.
Sir
,
I
cannot
comprehend
you
,
may
not
Historians
Write
a
History
of
Matters
done
before
they
were
born
?
If
it
were
so
;
no
man
could
Write
but
of
his
own
times
.
Eng.
Gent.
My
meaning
is
,
Where
there
are
not
Stories
,
or
Records
,
extant
;
for
as
for
Oral
Tradition
,
it
lasts
but
for
one
Age
,
and
then
degenerates
into
Fable
:
I
call
any
thing
in
Writing
,
whereby
the
account
of
the
Passages
or
Occurrences
of
former
times
is
derived
to
our
knowledge
,
a
History
,
although
it
be
not
pend
Methodically
,
so
as
to
make
the
Author
pass
for
a
Wit
:
And
had
rather
read
the
Authentick
Records
of
any
Country
,
that
is
a
Collection
of
their
Laws
and
Letters
concerning
Transactions
of
State
,
and
the
like
,
than
the
most
Eloquent
and
Judicious
Narrative
that
can
be
made
.
Noble
Ven.
Methinks
,
Sir
,
your
discourse
seems
to
imply
,
that
we
have
no
account
extant
of
the
beginning
of
Governments
;
pray
what
do
you
think
of
the
Books
of
Moses
,
which
seem
to
be
pend
on
purpose
to
inform
us
how
he
,
by
Gods
Command
,
led
that
People
out
of
Egypt
into
another
Land
,
and
in
the
way
made
them
a
Government
?
Besides
,
does
not
Plutarch
tell
us
,
how
Theseus
gathered
together
the
dispersed
Inhabitants
of
Attica
,
brought
them
into
one
City
,
and
under
one
Government
of
his
own
making
?
The
like
did
Romulus
in
Italy
,
and
many
others
in
divers
Countries
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
never
said
that
we
had
not
sufficient
knowledge
of
the
Original
of
particular
Governments
;
but
it
is
evident
,
that
these
great
Legislators
had
seen
,
and
lived
under
other
Administrations
,
and
had
the
help
of
Learned
Law-givers
and
Philosophers
,
excepting
the
first
who
had
the
Aid
of
God
himself
.
So
that
it
remains
undiscovered
yet
,
how
the
first
Regulation
of
man-kind
began
:
And
therefore
I
will
take
for
granted
that
which
all
the
Politicians
conclude
:
Which
is
,
That
Necessity
made
the
first
Government
.
For
every
man
by
the
first
Law
of
Nature
(
which
is
common
to
us
and
brutes
)
had
,
like
Beasts
in
a
Pasture
,
right
to
every
thing
,
and
there
being
no
Property
,
each
Individual
,
if
he
were
the
stronger
,
might
seize
whatever
any
other
had
possessed
himself
of
before
,
which
made
a
State
of
perpetual
War.
To
Remedy
which
,
and
the
fear
that
nothing
should
be
long
enjoyed
by
any
particular
person
(
neither
was
any
mans
Life
in
safety
)
every
man
consented
to
be
debar'd
of
that
Universal
Right
to
all
things
,
and
confine
himself
to
a
quiet
and
secure
enjoyment
of
such
a
part
as
should
be
allotted
him
:
Thence
came
in
Ownership
,
or
Property
;
to
maintain
which
it
was
necessary
to
consent
to
Laws
,
and
a
Government
to
put
them
in
Execution
.
Which
of
the
Governments
now
extant
,
or
that
have
been
formerly
,
was
first
,
is
not
possible
now
to
be
known
;
but
I
think
this
must
be
taken
for
granted
,
that
whatsoever
the
Frame
or
Constitution
was
first
,
it
was
made
by
the
Perswasion
and
Meditation
of
some
Wise
and
vertuous
Person
,
and
consented
to
by
the
whole
Number
.
And
then
,
that
it
was
instituted
for
the
good
and
Preservation
of
the
Governed
,
and
not
for
the
Exaltation
and
greatness
of
the
Person
or
Persons
appointed
to
Govern
:
The
Reason
why
I
beg
this
Concession
is
,
That
it
seems
very
improbable
,
not
to
say
impossible
,
that
a
vast
number
of
people
should
ever
be
brought
to
consent
to
put
themselves
under
the
Power
of
others
,
but
for
the
ends
abovesaid
,
and
so
lose
their
Liberty
without
advantaging
themselves
in
any
thing
.
And
it
is
full
as
impossible
that
any
person
(
or
persons
so
inconsiderable
in
number
as
Magistrates
and
Rulers
are
)
should
by
force
get
an
Empire
to
themselves
.
Though
I
am
not
ignorant
that
a
whole
people
have
in
imminent
Dangers
,
either
from
the
Invasion
of
a
powerful
Enemy
,
or
from
Civil
Distractions
,
put
themselves
wholly
into
the
hands
of
one
Illustrious
Person
for
a
time
,
and
that
with
good
Success
,
under
the
best
Forms
of
Government
:
But
this
is
nothing
to
the
Original
of
States
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
I
wonder
how
you
come
to
pass
over
the
Consideration
of
Paternal
Government
,
which
is
held
to
have
been
the
beginning
of
Monarchies
?
Eng.
Gent.
Really
I
did
not
think
it
worth
the
taking
notice
of
,
for
though
it
be
not
easie
to
prove
a
Negative
,
yet
I
believe
if
we
could
trace
all
Foundations
of
Polities
that
now
are
,
or
ever
came
to
our
knowledge
since
the
World
began
;
we
shall
find
none
of
them
to
have
descended
from
Paternal
Power
;
we
know
nothing
of
Adam's
leaving
the
Empire
to
Cain
,
or
Seth
:
It
was
impossible
for
Noah
to
retain
any
Jurisdiction
over
his
own
three
Sons
;
who
were
dispersed
into
three
parts
of
the
World
,
if
our
Antiquaries
Calculate
right
;
and
as
for
Abraham
,
whilst
he
lived
,
as
also
his
Son
Isaac
,
they
were
out
ordinary
Fathers
of
Families
,
and
no
question
governed
their
own
Houshold
as
all
others
do
;
but
when
Iacob
upon
his
Death-bed
did
relate
to
his
Children
,
the
Promise
Almighty
God
had
made
his
Grandfather
,
to
make
him
a
great
Nation
,
and
give
his
Posterity
a
fruitful
Territory
,
he
speaks
not
one
word
of
the
Empire
of
Reuben
his
first-born
,
but
supposes
them
all
equal
:
And
so
they
were
taken
to
be
by
Moses
,
when
he
divided
the
Land
to
them
by
Lot
;
and
by
Gods
command
made
them
a
Commonwealth
.
So
that
I
believe
this
fancy
to
have
been
first
started
,
not
by
the
solid
Judgement
of
any
man
,
but
to
flatter
some
Prince
,
and
to
assert
,
for
want
of
better
Arguments
,
the
jus
Divinum
of
Monarchy
.
Noble
Ven.
I
have
been
impertinent
in
interrupting
you
,
but
yet
now
I
cannot
repent
of
it
,
since
your
Answer
hath
given
me
so
much
satisfaction
;
but
if
it
be
so
as
you
say
,
that
Government
was
at
first
Instituted
for
the
Interest
and
Preservation
of
Mankind
,
how
comes
it
to
pass
,
That
there
are
and
have
been
so
many
absolute
Monarchies
in
the
World
,
in
which
it
seems
that
nothing
is
provided
for
,
but
the
Greatness
and
Power
of
the
Prince
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
have
presumed
to
give
you
already
my
Reason
,
why
I
take
for
granted
,
that
such
a
Power
could
never
be
given
by
the
Consent
of
any
People
,
for
a
perpetuity
;
for
though
the
People
of
Israel
did
against
the
will
of
Samuel
,
and
indeed
of
God
himself
demand
,
and
afterwards
chuse
themselves
a
King
;
yet
he
was
never
such
a
King
as
we
speak
of
;
for
that
all
the
Orders
of
their
Commonwealth
the
Sanhedrim
,
the
Congregation
of
the
People
,
the
Princes
of
the
Tribes
,
&c.
did
still
remain
in
being
,
as
hath
been
excellently
proved
by
a
learned
Gentleman
of
our
Nation
,
to
whom
I
refer
you
;
it
may
then
be
enquired
into
,
how
these
Monarchies
at
first
did
arise
.
History
being
in
this
point
silent
,
as
to
the
Ancient
Principalities
,
we
will
Conjecture
,
that
some
of
them
might
very
well
proceed
from
the
Corruption
of
better
Governments
,
which
must
necessarily
cause
a
Depravation
in
manners
(
as
nothing
is
more
certain
than
that
Politick
defects
breed
Moral
ones
,
as
our
Nation
is
a
pregnant
Example
)
this
Debauchery
of
manners
might
blind
the
understandings
of
a
great
many
,
destroy
the
Fortunes
of
others
,
and
make
them
indigent
,
insuse
into
very
many
a
neglect
and
carelesness
of
the
publick
good
(
which
in
all
setled
States
is
very
much
regarded
)
so
that
it
might
easily
come
into
the
Ambition
of
some
bold
aspiring
Person
to
affect
Empire
,
and
as
easily
into
his
Power
,
by
fair
pretences
with
some
,
and
promises
of
advantages
with
others
,
to
procure
Followers
,
and
gain
a
numerous
Party
,
either
to
Usurp
Tyranny
over
his
own
Countrey
,
or
to
lead
men
forth
to
Conquer
and
Subdue
another
.
Thus
it
is
supposed
that
Nimrod
got
his
Kingdom
;
who
in
Scripture
is
called
a
Great
Hunter
before
God
,
which
Expositers
interpret
,
A
great
Tyrant
.
The
Modern
Despotical
Powers
have
been
acquired
by
one
of
these
two
ways
,
either
by
pretending
by
the
first
Founder
thereof
,
that
he
had
a
Divine
Mission
and
so
gaining
not
only
Followers
,
but
even
easie
Access
in
some
places
without
Force
to
Empire
,
and
afterwards
dilateing
their
Power
by
great
Conquests
.
Thus
Mahomet
and
Cingis
Can
began
,
and
established
the
Sarazen
and
Tartarian
Kingdoms
;
or
by
a
long
Series
of
Wisdom
in
a
Prince
,
or
chief
Magistrate
of
a
mixt
Monarchy
,
and
his
Council
,
who
by
reason
of
the
Sleepiness
and
Inadvertency
of
the
People
,
have
been
able
to
extinguish
the
great
Nobility
,
or
render
them
Inconsiderable
;
and
so
by
degrees
taking
away
from
the
People
their
Protectors
,
render
them
Slaves
.
So
the
Monarchies
of
France
,
and
some
other
Countries
,
have
grown
to
what
they
are
at
this
day
;
there
being
left
but
a
Shadow
of
the
three
States
in
any
of
these
Mocarchies
,
and
so
no
bounds
remaining
to
the
Regal
Power
;
but
since
Property
remains
still
to
the
Subjects
,
these
Governments
may
be
said
to
be
changed
,
but
not
founded
or
established
;
for
there
is
no
Maxim
more
Infallible
and
Holding
in
any
Science
,
than
this
is
in
the
Politicks
,
That
Empire
is
founded
in
Property
.
Force
or
Fraud
may
alter
a
Government
;
but
it
is
Property
that
must
Found
and
Eternise
it
:
Upon
this
undeniable
Aphorisme
we
are
to
build
most
of
our
subsequent
Reasoning
,
in
the
mean
time
we
may
suppose
,
that
hereafter
the
great
power
of
the
King
of
France
may
diminish
much
,
when
his
enraged
and
oppressed
Subjects
come
to
be
commanded
by
a
Prince
of
less
Courage
,
Wisdom
,
and
Military
Vertue
,
when
it
will
be
very
hard
for
any
such
King
to
Govern
Tyrannically
a
Country
which
is
not
entirely
his
own
.
Doct.
Pray
,
Sir
,
give
me
leave
to
ask
you
by
the
way
,
what
is
the
Reason
that
here
in
our
Country
,
where
the
Peerage
is
lessened
sufficiently
,
the
King
has
not
gotten
as
great
an
Addition
of
Power
as
accrews
to
the
Crown
in
France
?
Eng.
Gent.
You
will
understand
that
,
Doctor
,
before
I
have
finisht
this
discourse
;
but
to
stay
your
Stomach
till
then
,
you
may
please
to
know
that
in
France
the
greatness
of
the
Nobility
which
has
been
lately
taken
from
them
,
did
not
consist
in
vast
Riches
and
Revenues
,
but
in
great
Priviledges
,
and
Jurisdictions
,
which
obliged
the
People
to
obey
them
;
whereas
our
great
Peers
in
former
times
had
not
only
the
same
great
Dependences
,
but
very
Considerable
Revenues
besides
,
in
Demesnes
,
and
otherwise
:
This
Vassallage
over
the
People
,
which
the
Peers
of
France
had
,
being
abolisht
,
the
Power
over
those
Tenants
,
which
before
was
in
their
Lords
,
fell
naturally
and
of
course
into
the
Crown
,
although
the
Lands
and
possessions
divested
of
those
Dependences
did
and
do
still
remain
to
the
Owners
;
whereas
here
in
England
,
though
the
Services
are
for
the
most
part
worn
out
,
and
insignificant
;
yet
for
want
of
Providence
and
Policy
in
former
Kings
,
who
could
not
foresee
the
danger
a
▪
far
off
,
Entails
have
been
suffered
to
be
cut
off
;
and
so
two
parts
in
ten
of
all
those
vast
Estates
,
as
well
Mannours
as
Demesnes
,
by
the
Luxury
and
Folly
of
the
Owners
,
have
been
within
these
two
hundred
years
purchased
by
the
lesser
Gentry
and
the
Commons
;
which
has
been
so
far
from
advantaging
the
Crown
,
that
it
has
made
the
Country
scarce
governable
by
Monarchy
:
But
if
you
please
,
I
will
go
on
with
my
discourse
about
Government
,
and
come
to
this
again
hereafter
?
Noble
Ven.
I
beseech
you
,
Sir
,
do
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
cannot
find
by
the
small
reading
I
have
,
that
there
were
any
other
Governments
in
the
World
Anciently
than
these
three
,
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
and
Democracy
.
For
the
first
,
I
have
no
light
out
of
Antiquity
to
convince
me
,
that
there
were
in
old
times
any
other
Monarchies
,
but
such
as
were
absolutely
Despotical
;
all
Kingdoms
then
,
as
well
in
Greece
(
as
Macedon
,
Epirus
,
and
the
like
;
and
where
it
is
said
,
the
Princes
exercised
their
Power
moderately
)
as
in
Asia
,
being
altogether
unlimited
by
any
Laws
,
or
any
Assemblies
of
Nobility
or
People
.
Yet
I
must
confess
,
Aristotle
,
when
he
reckons
up
the
Corruptions
of
these
three
Governments
,
calls
Tyranny
the
Corruption
of
Monarchy
;
which
if
he
means
a
Change
of
Government
,
(
as
it
is
in
the
Corruptions
of
the
other
two
)
then
it
must
follow
,
that
the
Philosopher
knew
of
some
other
Monarchy
at
the
first
,
which
afterwards
degenerated
into
Tyranny
,
that
is
,
into
Arbitrary
Power
;
for
so
the
Word
Tyranny
is
most
commonly
taken
,
though
in
modern
Languages
it
signifies
the
ill
Exercise
of
Power
;
for
certainly
Arbitrary
Government
cannot
be
called
Tyranny
,
where
the
whole
Property
is
in
the
Prince
(
as
we
reasonably
suppose
it
to
have
been
in
those
Monarchies
)
no
more
than
it
is
Tyranny
for
you
to
govern
your
own
House
and
Estate
as
you
please
:
But
it
is
possible
Aristotle
might
not
in
this
speak
so
according
to
Terms
of
Art
,
but
might
mean
,
that
the
ill
Government
of
a
Kingdom
or
Family
is
Tyranny
.
However
we
have
one
Example
,
that
puzzles
Politicians
,
and
that
is
Egypt
,
where
Pharaoh
is
called
King
;
and
yet
we
see
,
that
till
Ioseph's
time
he
had
not
the
whole
Property
;
for
the
Wisdom
of
that
Patriarch
taught
his
Master
a
way
to
make
a
new
use
of
that
Famine
,
by
telling
him
,
that
if
they
would
buy
their
Lives
,
and
sell
their
Estates
(
as
they
did
afterwards
,
and
preserve
themselves
by
the
Kings
Bread
)
they
shall
serve
Pharaoh
;
which
shews
that
Ioseph
knew
well
,
that
Empire
was
founded
in
Property
:
But
most
of
the
Modern
Writers
in
Polity
,
are
of
Opinion
,
that
Egypt
was
not
a
Monarchy
till
then
,
though
the
Prince
might
have
the
Title
of
King
,
as
the
Heraclides
had
in
Sparta
,
and
Romulus
and
the
other
Kings
had
in
Rome
;
both
which
States
were
Instituted
Common-Wealths
.
They
give
good
Conjectures
for
this
their
Opinion
,
too
many
to
be
here
mentioned
;
only
one
is
,
That
Originally
(
as
they
go
about
to
prove
)
all
Arts
and
Sciences
had
their
Rise
in
Egypt
,
which
they
think
very
improbable
to
have
been
under
a
Monarchy
.
But
this
Position
,
That
all
Kings
in
former
times
were
absolute
,
is
not
so
Essential
to
the
intent
I
have
in
this
Discourse
,
which
is
to
prove
,
That
in
all
States
,
of
what
kind
soever
,
this
Aphorisme
takes
place
:
Imperium
fundatur
in
Dominio
.
So
that
if
there
were
mixed
Monarchies
,
then
the
King
had
not
all
the
Property
;
but
those
who
shared
with
him
in
the
Administration
of
the
Soveraignty
,
had
their
part
,
whether
it
were
the
Senate
,
the
People
,
or
both
;
or
if
he
had
no
Companions
in
the
Soveraign
Power
,
he
had
no
Sharers
likewise
in
the
Dominion
or
Possession
of
the
Land.
For
that
is
all
we
mean
by
Property
,
in
all
this
Discourse
;
for
as
for
Personal
Estate
,
the
Subjects
may
enjoy
it
in
the
largest
Proportion
,
without
being
able
to
invade
the
Empire
:
The
Prince
may
when
he
pleases
take
away
their
Goods
,
by
his
Tenants
and
Vassals
(
without
an
Army
)
which
are
his
Ordinary
Force
,
and
answers
to
our
Posse
Comitatus
.
But
the
Subjects
with
their
Money
cannot
invade
his
Crown
.
So
that
all
the
Description
we
need
make
of
this
Kind
or
Form
of
Government
,
is
,
That
the
whole
possession
of
the
Country
,
and
the
whole
power
lies
in
the
Hands
and
Breast
of
one
man
;
he
can
make
Laws
,
break
and
repeal
them
when
he
pleases
,
or
dispense
with
them
in
the
mean
time
when
he
thinks
fit
;
interpose
in
all
Judicatories
,
in
behalf
of
his
Favourites
,
take
away
any
particular
mans
personal
Estate
,
and
his
Life
too
,
without
the
formality
of
a
Criminal
Process
,
or
Trial
;
send
a
Dagger
,
or
a
Halter
to
his
chief
Ministers
,
and
command
them
to
make
themselves
away
;
and
in
fine
,
do
all
that
his
Will
or
his
Interest
suggests
to
him
.
Doct.
You
have
dwelt
long
here
upon
an
Argumentation
,
That
the
Ancients
had
no
Monarchies
,
but
what
were
Arbitrary
.
Eng.
Gent.
Pray
give
me
leave
to
save
your
Objections
to
that
point
,
and
to
assure
you
first
,
That
I
will
not
take
upon
me
to
be
so
positive
in
that
;
for
that
I
cannot
pretend
to
have
read
all
the
Historians
and
Antiquaries
that
ever
writ
;
nor
have
I
so
perfect
a
memory
as
to
remember
,
or
make
use
of
,
in
a
Verbal
and
Transient
Reasoning
,
all
that
I
have
ever
read
;
And
then
to
assure
you
again
,
that
I
build
nothing
upon
that
Assertion
,
and
so
your
Objection
will
be
needless
,
and
only
take
up
time
.
Doct.
You
mistake
me
,
I
had
no
intent
to
use
any
Argument
or
Example
against
your
Opinion
in
that
;
but
am
very
willing
to
believe
that
it
may
be
so
.
What
I
was
going
to
say
was
this
,
that
you
have
insisted
much
upon
the
point
of
Monarchy
,
and
made
a
strange
description
of
it
,
whereas
many
of
the
Ancients
,
and
almost
all
the
Modern
Writers
,
magnifie
it
to
be
the
best
of
Governments
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
have
said
nothing
to
the
contrary
.
I
have
told
you
de
facto
what
it
is
,
which
I
believe
none
will
deny
.
The
Philosopher
said
it
was
the
best
Government
;
but
with
this
restriction
,
ubi
Philosophi
regnant
,
and
they
had
an
Example
of
it
,
in
some
few
Roman
Emperours
;
but
in
the
most
turbulent
times
of
the
Commonwealth
,
and
Factions
between
the
Nobility
and
the
People
,
Rome
was
much
more
full
of
Vertuous
and
Heroick
Citizens
,
than
ever
it
was
under
Aurelius
or
Antonius
:
For
the
Moderns
that
are
of
that
Judgement
,
they
are
most
of
them
Divines
,
not
Politicians
,
and
something
may
be
said
in
their
behalf
,
when
by
their
good
Preaching
,
they
can
insuse
into
their
imaginary
Prince
(
who
seems
already
to
have
an
Image
of
the
Power
of
God
)
the
Justice
,
Wisdom
,
and
Goodness
too
of
the
Deity
.
Noble
Ven.
We
are
well
satisfied
with
the
Progress
you
have
hitherto
made
in
this
matter
;
pray
go
on
to
the
two
other
Forms
used
amongst
the
Ancients
,
and
their
Corruptions
,
that
so
we
may
come
to
the
Modern
Governments
,
and
see
how
England
stands
,
and
how
it
came
to
decay
,
and
what
must
Rebuild
it
.
Eng.
Gent.
You
have
very
good
Reason
to
hasten
me
to
that
;
for
indeed
,
all
that
has
been
said
yet
,
is
but
as
it
were
a
Preliminary
discourse
to
the
knowledge
of
the
Government
of
England
,
and
its
decay
:
when
it
comes
to
the
Cure
,
I
hope
you
will
both
help
me
,
for
both
your self
and
the
Doctor
are
a
thousand
times
better
than
I
at
Remedies
.
But
I
shall
dispatch
the
other
two
Governments
.
Aristocracy
,
or
Optimacy
,
is
a
Commonwealth
,
where
the
better
sort
,
that
is
,
the
Eminent
and
Rich
men
,
have
the
chief
Administration
of
the
Government
:
I
say
,
the
chief
,
because
there
are
very
few
ancient
Optimacies
,
but
the
People
had
some
share
,
as
in
Sparta
,
where
they
had
power
to
Vote
,
but
not
Debate
;
for
so
the
Oracle
of
Apollo
,
brought
by
Lycurgus
from
Delphos
,
settles
it
;
But
the
truth
is
,
these
people
were
the
natural
Spartans
.
For
Lycurgus
divided
the
Country
or
Territory
of
Laconia
into
39000
Shares
;
whereof
Nine
thousand
only
of
these
Owners
were
Inhabitants
of
Sparta
;
the
rest
lived
in
the
Country
:
so
that
although
Thucidides
call
it
an
Aristocracy
,
and
so
I
follow
him
,
yet
it
was
none
of
those
Aristocracies
usually
described
by
the
Politicians
,
where
the
Lands
of
the
Territory
were
in
a
great
deal
fewer
Hands
.
But
call
it
what
you
will
,
where
ever
there
was
an
Aristocracy
,
there
the
Property
,
or
very
much
the
Over-ballance
of
it
,
was
in
the
hands
of
the
Aristoi
,
or
Governours
,
be
they
more
or
fewer
;
for
if
the
People
have
the
greatest
interest
in
the
Property
,
they
will
,
and
must
have
it
in
the
Empire
:
A
notable
example
of
it
is
Rome
,
the
best
and
most
glorious
Government
that
ever
the
Sun
saw
;
where
the
Lands
being
equally
divided
amongst
the
Tribes
,
that
is
the
People
;
it
was
impossible
for
the
Patricii
to
keek
them
quiet
,
till
they
yielded
to
their
desires
,
not
only
to
have
their
Tribunes
,
to
see
that
nothing
passed
into
a
Law
without
their
consent
,
but
also
to
have
it
declared
,
that
both
the
Consuls
should
not
only
be
chosen
by
the
people
(
as
they
ever
were
,
and
the
Kings
too
before
them
)
but
that
they
might
be
elected
too
,
when
the
people
pleased
,
out
of
Plebeian
Families
.
So
that
now
I
am
come
to
Democracy
.
Which
you
see
is
a
Government
where
the
chief
part
of
the
Soveraign
Power
,
and
the
exercise
of
it
,
resides
in
the
People
;
and
where
the
Style
is
,
Iessu
populi
authoritate
patrum
.
And
it
doth
consist
of
three
fundamental
Orders
.
The
Senate
proposing
,
the
People
resolving
and
the
Magistrates
executing
.
This
Government
is
much
more
Powerful
than
an
Aristocracy
,
because
the
latter
cannot
arm
the
People
,
for
fear
they
should
seize
upon
the
Government
,
and
therefore
are
fain
to
make
use
of
none
but
Strangers
and
Mercinaries
for
Souldiers
;
which
,
as
the
Divine
Machiavil
says
,
has
hindred
your
Commonwealth
of
Venice
from
mounting
up
to
Heaven
,
whither
those
incomparable
Orders
,
and
that
venerable
Wisdom
used
by
your
Citizens
in
keeping
to
them
,
would
have
carried
you
,
if
in
all
your
Wars
you
had
not
been
ill
served
.
Doct.
Well
,
Sir
,
pray
let
me
ask
you
one
thing
concerning
Venice
:
How
do
you
make
out
your
Imperium
fundatur
in
dominio
there
?
Have
the
Gentlemen
there
,
who
are
the
Party
governing
,
the
possession
of
the
whole
Territory
?
Does
not
property
remain
entire
to
the
Gentlemen
,
and
other
Inhabitants
in
the
several
Countries
of
Padua
,
Brescia
,
Vicenza
,
Verona
,
Bergamo
,
Creman
,
Trevisi
,
and
Friuli
,
as
also
in
the
Vltramarine
Provinces
,
and
Islands
?
And
yet
I
believe
you
will
not
deny
,
but
that
the
Government
of
Venice
is
as
well
founded
,
and
hath
been
of
as
long
continuance
as
any
that
now
is
,
or
ever
was
in
the
World.
Eng.
Gent.
Doctor
,
I
shall
not
answer
you
in
this
,
because
I
am
sure
it
will
be
better
done
by
this
Gentleman
,
who
is
a
worthy
Son
of
that
honourable
Mother
.
Noble
Ven.
I
thought
you
had
said
,
Sir
,
that
we
should
have
done
Complimenting
;
but
since
you
do
Command
me
to
clear
the
Objection
made
by
our
learned
Doctor
,
I
shall
presume
to
tell
you
,
first
how
our
City
began
.
The
Goths
,
Huns
,
and
Lombards
coming
with
all
the
Violence
and
Cruelty
immaginable
,
to
invade
that
part
of
Italy
which
we
now
call
Terra
firma
,
and
where
our
Ancestors
did
then
inhabit
,
forced
them
in
great
numbers
to
seek
a
shelter
amongst
a
great
many
little
Rocks
,
or
Islands
,
which
stood
very
thick
in
a
vast
Lake
,
or
rather
Marsh
,
which
is
made
by
the
Adriatique
Sea
,
we
call
it
Laguna
;
here
they
began
to
build
,
and
getting
Boats
,
made
themselves
Provisions
of
all
kind
from
the
Land
;
from
whence
innumerable
people
began
to
come
to
them
,
finding
that
they
could
subsist
,
and
that
the
barbarous
people
had
no
Boats
to
attack
them
,
nor
that
they
could
be
invaded
either
by
Horse
or
Foot
without
them
.
Our
first
Government
,
and
which
lasted
for
many
years
,
was
no
more
than
what
is
practised
in
many
Country
Parishes
in
Italy
,
and
possibly
here
too
,
where
the
Clerk
,
or
any
other
person
,
calls
together
the
chief
of
the
Inhabitants
to
consider
of
Parish-business
,
as
chusing
of
Officers
,
making
of
Rates
,
and
the
like
.
So
in
Venice
,
when
there
was
any
publick
provision
to
be
made
by
way
of
law
,
or
otherwise
,
some
Officers
went
about
to
persons
of
the
greatest
Wealth
and
Credit
,
to
intreat
them
to
meet
and
consult
;
from
whence
our
Senate
is
called
to
this
day
Consiglio
de
pregadi
,
which
in
our
Barbarous
Idiom
is
as
much
as
Pregati
in
Tuscan
Language
:
Our
security
increased
daily
,
and
so
by
consequence
our
Number
and
our
Riches
;
for
by
this
time
there
began
to
be
another
inundation
of
Sarazens
upon
Asia
Minor
,
which
forced
a
great
many
of
the
poor
people
of
Greece
to
fly
to
us
for
protection
,
giving
us
the
possession
of
some
Islands
,
and
other
places
upon
the
Continent
:
This
opened
us
a
Trade
,
and
gave
a
beginning
to
our
greatness
;
but
chiefly
made
us
consider
what
Government
was
fittest
to
conserve
our selves
,
and
keep
our
Wealth
(
for
we
did
not
then
much
dream
of
Conquests
,
else
without
doubt
we
must
have
made
a
popular
Government
)
we
pitcht
upon
an
Aristocracy
,
by
ordering
that
those
who
had
been
called
to
Council
for
that
present
year
,
and
for
four
years
before
,
should
have
the
Government
in
their
hands
,
and
all
their
Posterity
after
them
for
ever
,
which
made
first
the
distinction
between
Gentlemen
and
Citizens
;
the
People
,
who
consisted
of
divers
Nations
,
most
of
them
newly
come
to
inhabit
there
,
aud
generally
seeking
nothing
but
safety
and
ease
,
willingly
consented
to
this
change
,
and
so
this
State
hath
continued
to
this
day
;
though
the
several
Orders
and
Counsels
have
been
brought
in
since
,
by
degrees
,
as
our
Nobility
encreased
,
and
for
other
causes
.
Under
this
Government
we
have
made
some
Conquests
in
Italy
,
and
Greece
,
for
our
City
stood
like
a
Wall
between
the
two
great
Torrents
of
Goths
and
Sarazens
;
and
as
either
of
their
Empires
declin'd
,
it
was
easie
for
us
,
without
being
very
Warlike
,
to
pick
up
some
pieces
of
each
side
;
as
for
the
Government
of
these
Conquests
,
we
did
not
think
fit
to
divide
the
Land
amongst
our
Nobility
,
for
fear
of
envy
,
and
the
effects
of
it
:
much
less
did
we
think
it
adviseable
to
plant
Colonies
of
our
People
,
which
would
have
given
the
Power
into
their
hands
,
but
we
thought
it
the
best
way
for
our
Government
to
leave
the
People
their
Property
,
tax
them
what
we
thought
fit
,
&
keep
them
under
by
Governours
and
Citadels
,
and
so
in
short
make
them
a
Province
.
So
that
now
the
Doctors
Riddle
is
solved
;
for
I
suppose
this
Gentleman
did
not
mean
that
his
Maxime
should
reach
to
Provincial
Governments
.
Eng.
Gent.
No
,
Sir
,
so
far
from
that
,
that
it
is
just
contrary
;
for
as
in
National
or
Domestick
Government
,
where
a
Nation
is
Governed
either
by
its
own
People
or
its
own
Prince
,
there
can
be
no
settled
Government
,
except
they
have
the
Rule
who
possess
the
Country
.
So
in
Provincial
Governments
,
if
they
be
wisely
ordered
,
no
man
must
have
any
the
least
share
in
the
managing
Affairs
of
State
,
but
strangers
,
or
such
as
have
no
share
or
part
in
the
possessions
there
,
for
else
they
will
have
a
very
good
opportunity
of
shaking
off
their
Yoak
.
Doct.
That
is
true
;
and
we
are
so
wise
here
(
I
mean
our
Ancestors
were
)
as
to
have
made
a
Law
,
That
no
Native
in
Ireland
can
be
Deputy
there
:
But
,
Sir
,
being
fully
satisfied
in
my
demand
,
by
this
Centleman
;
I
beseech
you
to
go
on
to
what
you
have
to
say
,
before
you
come
to
England
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
shall
then
offer
two
things
to
your
observation
;
the
first
is
,
That
in
all
times
and
places
,
where
any
great
Heroes
or
Legislators
,
have
founded
a
Government
,
by
gathering
people
together
to
build
a
City
,
or
to
invade
any
Countrey
to
possess
it
,
before
they
came
to
dividing
the
conquered
Lands
,
they
did
always
very
maturely
deliberate
under
what
Form
or
Model
of
Government
they
meant
to
live
,
and
accordingly
made
the
Partition
of
the
Possessions
;
Moses
,
Theseus
,
and
Romulus
,
Founders
of
Demacracies
,
divided
the
Land
equally
:
Licurgus
who
meant
an
Optimacy
,
made
a
certain
number
of
Shares
,
which
he
intended
to
be
in
the
hands
of
the
People
of
Laconia
.
Cyrus
,
and
other
conquering
Monarchs
before
him
,
took
all
for
themselves
and
Successors
,
which
is
observed
in
those
Eastern
Countries
to
this
day
,
and
which
has
made
those
Countries
continue
ever
since
under
the
same
Government
,
though
Conquered
and
possessed
very
often
by
several
Nations
:
This
brings
me
to
the
second
thing
to
be
observed
,
which
is
,
That
wherever
this
apportionment
of
Lands
came
to
be
changed
in
any
kind
,
the
Government
either
changed
with
it
,
or
was
wholly
in
a
state
of
confusion
:
And
for
this
reason
Licurgus
,
the
greatest
Politician
that
ever
Founded
any
Government
,
took
a
sure
way
to
fix
Property
by
Confounding
it
,
and
bringing
all
into
Common
:
And
so
the
whole
number
of
the
Natural
Spartans
,
who
inhabited
the
City
of
Lacedemon
,
eat
and
drank
in
their
several
convives
together
:
And
as
long
as
they
continued
so
to
do
,
they
did
not
only
preserve
their
Government
entire
,
and
that
for
a
longer
time
than
we
can
read
of
any
Common-Wealth
that
ever
lasted
amongst
the
Ancients
,
but
held
as
it
were
the
principality
of
Greece
.
The
Athenians
,
for
want
of
some
Constitutions
to
fix
Property
,
as
Theseus
placed
it
,
were
in
danger
of
utter
ruine
,
which
they
had
certainly
encounter'd
,
if
the
good
Genius
(
as
they
then
call'd
it
)
of
that
People
,
had
not
raised
them
up
a
second
Founder
,
more
than
six
hundred
years
after
the
first
,
which
was
Solon
:
And
because
the
History
of
this
matter
will
very
much
conduce
to
the
illustrating
of
this
Aphorisme
we
have
laid
down
,
I
will
presume
so
much
upon
your
patience
as
to
make
a
short
recital
of
it
,
leaving
you
to
see
it
more
at
large
in
Plutarch
and
other
Authors
.
The
Lands
in
the
Territory
of
Attica
which
were
in
the
possession
of
the
Common
People
,
(
for
what
reason
History
is
silent
)
were
for
Debt
all
Mortgaged
to
the
great
Men
of
the
City
of
Athens
,
and
the
Owners
having
no
possibility
of
Redeeming
their
Estates
,
were
treating
to
Compound
with
their
Creditors
,
and
deliver
up
their
Lands
to
them
:
Solon
(
who
was
one
of
those
State
Physicians
we
spake
of
,
)
was
much
troubled
at
this
,
and
harangued
daily
to
the
Nobility
and
People
against
it
,
telling
them
first
,
that
it
was
impossible
for
the
Grecians
to
resist
the
Medes
(
who
were
then
growing
up
to
a
powerful
Monarchy
)
except
Athens
the
second
City
of
Greece
did
continue
a
Democracy
;
That
it
was
as
Impossible
the
People
could
keep
their
Empire
,
except
they
kept
their
Lands
,
nothing
being
more
contrary
to
Nature
,
than
that
those
who
possess
nothing
in
a
Country
can
pretend
to
Govern
it
.
They
were
all
sensible
of
his
Reasons
,
and
of
their
own
Danger
,
but
the
only
Remedy
(
which
was
,
that
the
great
Men
should
forgive
the
Common
People
their
Debts
)
would
not
at
all
be
digested
;
so
that
the
whole
City
now
fully
understanding
their
condition
,
were
continually
in
an
uproar
,
and
the
People
flock'd
about
Solon
,
whenever
he
came
abroad
,
desiring
him
to
take
upon
him
the
Government
,
and
be
their
Prince
,
and
they
would
make
choice
of
him
the
next
time
they
assembled
.
He
told
them
no
,
he
would
never
be
a
Tyrant
,
especially
in
his
own
Country
;
meaning
,
that
he
who
had
no
more
share
than
other
of
the
Nobles
,
could
not
Govern
the
rest
,
without
being
an
Usurper
or
Tyrant
:
But
this
he
did
to
oblige
his
Citizens
,
he
frankly
forgave
all
the
Debts
that
any
of
the
People
owed
to
him
,
and
released
their
Lands
immediately
;
and
this
amounted
to
fifteen
Attick
Talents
of
Gold
,
a
vast
sum
in
those
days
;
and
betook
himself
to
a
voluntary
Exile
,
in
which
he
visited
Thales
,
and
went
to
the
Oracle
of
Delphos
,
and
offer
up
his
Prayers
to
Apollo
for
the
preservation
of
his
City
:
In
return
of
which
(
as
the
People
then
believed
)
the
hearts
of
the
great
ones
were
so
changed
and
inlarged
,
that
they
readily
agreed
to
remit
all
their
Debts
to
the
People
,
upon
Condition
that
Solon
would
take
the
pains
to
make
them
a
New
Model
of
Government
,
and
Laws
suitable
to
a
Democracy
,
which
he
as
readily
accepted
and
performed
;
by
vertue
of
which
that
City
grew
and
continued
long
the
greatest
,
the
Justest
,
the
most
Vertuous
,
Learned
and
Renowed
of
all
that
Age
;
drove
the
Persians
afterwards
out
of
Greece
,
defeated
them
doth
by
Sea
and
Land
,
with
a
quarter
of
their
number
of
Ships
and
Men
;
and
produced
the
greatest
Wits
and
Philosophers
that
ever
lived
upon
Earth
.
The
City
of
Athens
Instituted
a
Solemn
Feast
in
Commemoration
of
that
great
Generosity
and
Self-denial
of
the
Nobility
;
who
Sacrificed
their
own
Interest
to
the
preservation
of
their
Country
:
which
Feast
was
called
the
Solemnity
of
the
Seisactheia
,
which
signifies
recision
or
abolition
of
Debts
,
and
was
observed
with
Processions
,
Sacrifices
and
Games
,
till
the
time
of
the
Licinius
Stolo
,
then
Tribune
of
the
People
,
to
propose
a
Law
;
which
,
although
it
met
with
much
difficulty
,
yet
at
last
was
consented
to
;
by
which
it
was
provided
,
that
no
Roman
Citizen
,
of
what
degree
soever
,
should
possess
above
five
hundred
Acres
of
Land
;
and
for
the
remaining
part
of
the
Lands
which
should
be
Conquer'd
,
it
was
Ordered
to
be
equally
divided
,
as
formerly
,
amongst
the
Tribes
:
This
found
admittance
,
after
much
oposition
,
because
it
did
provide
but
for
the
future
,
no
Man
at
that
time
being
owner
of
more
Lands
than
what
was
lawful
for
him
to
possess
;
and
if
this
law
had
been
strictly
observed
to
the
last
,
that
glorious
Commonwealth
might
have
subsisted
to
this
day
,
for
ought
we
know
.
Doctor
.
Some
other
Cause
would
have
been
the
Ruine
of
it
,
what
think
you
of
a
Foreign
Conquest
?
Eng.
Gent.
Oh
Doctor
,
if
they
had
kept
their
Poverty
they
had
kept
their
Government
and
their
Vertue
too
,
and
then
it
had
not
been
an
easie
matter
to
subdue
them
,
Quos
vult
perdere
Iupiter
dementat
;
Breach
of
Rules
and
Order
causes
Division
,
and
Division
when
it
comes
to
be
Incurable
,
exposes
a
Nation
almost
as
much
as
a
Tyrannical
Government
does
.
The
Goths
and
Vandals
,
had
they
Invaded
in
those
days
,
had
met
with
the
same
success
which
befell
the
Cymbri
,
and
the
Teutones
.
I
must
confess
,
a
Foreign
Invasion
is
a
Formidable
thing
,
when
a
Commonwealth
is
weak
in
Territory
and
Inhabitants
,
and
that
the
Invader
is
numerous
and
Warlike
:
And
so
we
see
the
Romans
were
in
danger
of
utter
ruine
when
they
were
first
attacqued
by
the
Gauls
under
Brennus
:
The
like
hazzard
may
be
fear'd
,
when
a
Commonwealth
is
assaulted
by
another
of
equal
Vertue
,
and
a
Commander
of
equal
Address
and
Valour
to
any
of
themselves
.
Thus
the
Romans
run
the
risk
of
their
Liberty
and
Empire
,
in
the
War
of
Hannibal
;
but
their
Power
and
their
Vertue
grew
to
that
heighth
in
that
contest
,
that
when
it
was
ended
,
I
believe
,
that
if
they
had
preserved
the
Foundation
of
their
Government
entire
,
they
had
been
Invincible
:
And
if
I
were
alone
of
this
Opinion
,
I
might
be
ashamed
;
but
I
am
backt
by
the
Judgement
of
your
Incomparable
Country-man
Machiavil
;
and
no
Man
will
condemn
either
of
us
of
rashness
,
if
he
first
consider
,
what
small
States
,
that
have
stood
upon
right
bottoms
,
have
done
to
defend
their
Liberty
against
great
Monarchs
;
as
is
to
be
seen
in
the
example
of
the
little
Commonwealth
of
Athens
,
which
destroyed
the
Fleet
of
Xerxes
,
consisting
of
a
thousand
Vessels
,
in
the
Streights
of
Salamis
,
and
before
the
land
army
of
Darius
of
three
hundred
thousand
in
the
Plains
of
Marathon
,
and
drove
them
out
of
Greece
;
for
though
the
whole
Confederates
were
present
at
the
Battel
of
Platoea
,
yet
the
Athenian
Army
singly
under
their
General
Miltiades
,
gain'd
that
renowned
Battel
of
Marathon
.
Noble
Ven.
I
beseech
you
,
Sir
,
how
was
it
possible
,
or
practicable
,
that
the
Romans
Conquering
so
many
and
so
remote
Provinces
,
should
yet
have
been
able
to
preserve
their
Agrarian
Law
,
and
divide
all
those
Lands
equally
to
their
Citizens
;
Or
if
it
had
been
possible
,
yet
it
would
have
ruin'd
their
City
,
by
sending
all
their
Inhabitants
away
;
and
by
taking
in
Strangers
in
their
room
,
they
must
necessarily
have
had
people
less
Vertuous
and
less
Warlike
,
and
so
both
their
Government
and
their
Military
Discipline
must
have
been
Corrupted
;
for
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
but
that
the
People
would
have
gone
with
their
Families
to
the
place
where
their
Lands
lay
:
So
that
it
appears
that
the
Romans
did
not
provide
,
in
the
making
and
framing
their
first
Polity
,
for
so
great
Conquests
as
they
afterwards
made
.
Eng.
Gent.
Yes
,
surely
they
did
;
from
their
first
beginning
they
were
Founded
in
War
,
and
had
neither
Land
nor
Wives
but
what
they
fought
for
;
but
yet
what
you
object
were
very
weighty
,
if
there
had
not
been
a
consideration
of
that
early
:
For
assoon
as
that
great
and
wise
People
had
subdued
the
Samnites
on
the
East
,
and
brought
their
Arms
as
far
as
the
Greek
Plantations
,
in
that
part
of
Italy
which
is
now
called
the
Kingdom
of
Naples
;
and
Westward
,
had
reduced
all
the
Tuscans
under
their
Obedience
,
as
far
as
the
River
Arnus
,
they
made
that
and
the
River
Volturnus
(
which
runs
by
the
Walls
of
Capua
)
the
two
Boundaries
of
their
Empire
,
which
was
called
Domicilium
Imperii
.
These
were
the
ne
plus
ultra
,
for
what
they
Conquered
between
these
two
Rivers
,
was
all
confiscated
and
divided
amongst
the
Tribes
;
the
Rustick
Tribes
being
twenty
seven
,
and
the
Vrbane
Tribes
nine
,
which
made
thirty
six
in
all
.
The
City
Tribes
were
like
our
Companies
in
London
,
consisting
of
Tradesmen
.
The
Country
Tribes
were
divided
like
Shires
,
and
there
was
scarce
any
Landed
Man
,
who
Inhabited
in
the
City
,
but
he
was
written
in
that
Tribe
where
his
Estate
lay
;
so
that
the
Rustick
Tribes
(
though
they
had
all
equal
Voices
)
were
of
far
more
Credit
and
Reputation
than
the
Vrbane
.
Upon
the
days
of
the
Comtia
,
which
were
very
well
known
,
as
many
as
thought
fit
amongst
the
Country
Tribes
,
came
to
give
their
Voices
,
though
every
Tribe
was
very
numerous
of
Inhabitants
that
lived
in
the
City
.
Now
the
Agrarian
did
not
extend
to
any
Lands
conquered
beyond
this
Precinct
,
but
they
were
lest
to
the
Inhabitants
,
they
paying
a
Revenue
to
the
Commonwealth
;
all
but
those
which
were
thought
fit
to
be
set
out
to
maintain
a
Roman
Colony
,
which
was
a
good
number
of
Roman
Citizens
,
sent
thither
,
and
provided
of
Lands
and
Habitations
,
which
being
Armed
,
did
serve
in
the
nature
of
a
Citadel
and
Garison
to
keep
the
Province
in
Obedience
,
and
a
Roman
Pretor
,
Proconsul
,
or
other
Governour
,
was
sent
yearly
to
Head
them
,
and
brought
Forces
with
him
besides
.
Now
it
was
ever
lawful
for
any
Roman
Citizen
to
purchase
what
Lands
he
pleased
in
any
of
these
Provinces
;
it
not
being
dangerous
to
a
City
to
have
their
People
rich
,
but
to
have
such
a
Power
in
the
Governing
part
of
the
Empire
,
as
should
make
those
who
managed
the
Affairs
of
the
Commonwealth
depend
upon
them
;
which
came
afterwards
to
be
that
which
ruined
their
Liberty
,
and
which
the
Gracchi
endeavoured
to
prevent
when
it
was
too
late
;
For
those
Illustrious
persons
seeing
the
disorder
that
was
then
in
the
Commonwealth
▪
and
rightly
comprehending
the
Reason
,
which
was
the
intermission
of
the
Agrarian
,
and
by
consequence
the
great
Purchases
which
were
made
by
the
Men
of
Rome
(
who
had
inriched
themselves
in
Asia
and
the
other
Provinces
)
in
that
part
of
Italy
which
was
between
the
two
Rivers
,
before
mentioned
,
began
to
harrangue
the
People
,
in
hopes
to
perswade
them
to
admit
of
the
right
Remedy
,
which
was
to
confirm
the
Agrarian
Law
with
a
Retrospect
;
which
although
they
carried
,
yet
the
difficulties
in
the
Execution
proved
so
great
,
that
it
never
took
effect
,
by
reason
that
the
Common
People
,
whose
Interest
it
was
to
have
their
Lands
restored
;
yet
having
long
lived
as
Clients
,
and
Dependents
of
the
great
ones
,
chose
rather
to
depend
still
upon
their
Patrons
,
than
to
hazard
all
for
an
Imaginary
deliverance
,
by
which
supineness
in
them
,
they
were
prevail'd
with
rather
to
joyne
(
for
the
most
part
)
with
the
Oppressors
of
themselves
and
their
Countrey
,
and
to
cut
the
throats
of
their
redeemers
,
than
to
employ
their
just
resentment
against
the
covetous
Violators
of
their
Government
and
Property
.
So
perished
the
two
renowned
Gracchi
,
one
soon
after
the
other
,
not
for
any
crime
,
but
for
having
endeavoured
to
preserve
and
restore
their
Common-wealth
;
for
which
(
if
they
had
lived
in
times
suitable
to
such
an
Heroick
undertaking
,
and
that
the
vertue
of
their
Ancestors
had
been
yet
in
any
kind
remaining
)
they
would
have
merited
and
enjoyed
a
Reputation
equal
to
that
of
Lycurgus
,
or
Solon
,
whereas
as
it
happen'd
they
were
sometime
after
branded
with
the
name
of
Sedition
,
by
certain
Wits
,
who
prostituted
the
noble
flame
of
Poetry
(
which
before
had
wont
to
be
employed
in
magnifying
Heroick
Actions
)
to
flatter
the
Lust
and
Ambition
of
the
Roman
Tyrants
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
I
approve
what
you
say
in
all
things
,
and
in
Confirmation
of
it
,
shall
further
alledge
the
two
famous
Princes
of
Sparta
,
Agis
,
and
Cleomines
,
which
I
couple
together
,
since
Plutarch
does
so
;
These
finding
the
Corruption
of
their
Commonwealth
,
and
the
Decay
of
their
ancient
Vertue
,
to
proceed
from
the
neglect
and
inobservance
of
their
Founders
Rules
,
and
a
breach
of
that
Equality
which
was
first
instituted
;
endeavour
to
restore
the
Laws
of
Lycurgus
,
and
divide
the
Territory
anew
;
their
Victory
in
the
Peloponnesian
War
,
and
the
Riches
and
Luxury
brought
into
their
City
by
Lisander
having
long
before
broken
all
the
Orders
of
their
Common-wealth
,
and
destroyed
the
Proportions
of
Land
allotted
to
each
of
the
Natural
Spartans
:
But
the
first
of
these
two
excellent
Patriots
perished
by
Treachery
in
the
beginning
of
his
Enterprize
,
the
other
began
and
went
on
with
incomparable
Prudence
and
Resolution
,
but
miscarried
afterwards
by
the
Iniquity
of
the
times
,
and
baseness
and
wickedness
of
the
People
;
so
infalliably
true
it
is
,
That
where
the
Policy
is
corrupted
,
there
must
necessarily
be
also
a
corruption
and
depravation
of
Manners
,
and
an
utter
abolition
of
all
Faith
,
Justice
,
Honour
,
and
Morality
;
but
I
forget
my self
,
and
intrench
upon
your
Province
:
there
is
nothing
now
remains
to
keep
you
from
the
Modern
Policies
,
but
that
you
please
to
shut
up
this
Discourse
of
the
Ancient
Governments
,
with
saying
something
of
the
Corruptions
of
Aristocracy
and
Democracy
;
for
I
believe
both
of
us
are
satisfied
that
you
have
abundantly
proved
you
Assertion
,
and
that
when
we
have
leisure
to
examine
all
the
States
or
Policies
that
ever
were
,
we
shall
find
all
their
Changes
to
have
turn'd
upon
this
Hinge
of
Property
,
and
that
the
fixing
of
that
with
good
lawes
in
the
beginning
or
first
Institution
of
a
state
,
and
the
holding
to
those
Lawes
afterwards
,
is
the
only
way
to
make
a
Commonwealth
Immortal
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
think
you
are
very
right
;
but
I
shall
obey
you
,
and
do
presume
to
differ
from
Aristotle
,
in
thinking
that
he
has
not
fitly
called
those
extreams
(
for
so
I
will
stile
them
)
of
Aristocracy
and
Democracy
,
Corruptions
;
for
that
they
do
not
proceed
from
the
alteration
of
Property
,
which
is
the
Vnica
corruptio
politica
:
For
Example
,
I
do
not
find
that
Oligarchy
,
or
Government
of
a
few
,
which
is
the
Extream
of
an
Optimacy
,
ever
did
arise
from
a
few
Mens
getting
into
their
hands
the
Estates
of
all
the
rest
of
the
Nobility
:
For
had
it
began
so
,
it
might
have
lasted
,
which
I
never
read
of
any
that
did
.
I
will
therefore
conclude
,
that
they
were
all
Tyrannies
;
for
so
the
Greeks
called
all
Usurpations
,
whether
of
one
or
more
persons
,
and
all
those
that
I
ever
read
of
,
as
they
came
in
either
by
Craft
or
violence
,
as
the
Thirty
Tyrants
of
Athens
,
the
Fifteen
of
Thebes
,
and
the
Decem-viri
of
Rome
(
though
these
are
first
came
in
lawfully
)
so
they
were
soon
driven
out
;
and
ever
,
were
either
assassinated
,
or
dyed
by
the
Sword
of
Justice
;
and
therefore
I
shall
say
no
more
of
them
,
not
thinking
them
worth
the
name
of
a
Government
.
As
for
the
Extream
of
Democracy
,
which
is
Anarchy
,
it
is
not
so
:
for
many
Commonwealths
have
lasted
for
a
good
time
under
that
Administration
(
if
I
may
so
call
a
State
so
full
of
Confusion
.
)
An
Anarchy
then
is
,
when
the
People
not
contented
with
their
Share
in
the
Administration
of
the
Government
,
(
which
is
the
right
of
Approving
,
or
Disapproving
of
Lawes
,
of
Leagues
,
and
of
making
of
War
and
Peace
,
of
Judging
in
all
Causes
upon
an
Appeal
to
them
,
and
chusing
all
manner
of
Officers
)
will
take
upon
themselves
the
Office
of
the
Senate
too
,
in
manageing
Subordinate
Matters
of
State
,
Proposing
Lawes
Originally
,
and
assuming
Debate
in
the
Market
place
,
making
their
Orators
their
Leaders
;
nay
,
not
content
with
this
,
will
take
upon
them
to
alter
all
the
Orders
of
the
Government
when
they
please
;
as
was
frequently
practised
in
Athens
,
and
in
the
Modern
State
of
Florence
.
In
both
these
Cities
,
when
ever
any
great
person
who
could
lead
the
People
,
had
a
mind
to
alter
the
Government
,
he
call'd
them
together
,
and
made
them
Vote
a
Change.
In
Florence
they
call'd
it
,
Chiamar
il
popolo
a
Parlamento
e
ripigliar
lo
Stato
,
which
is
summoning
the
People
into
the
Market-place
to
resume
the
Government
,
and
did
then
presently
Institute
a
new
one
,
with
new
Orders
,
new
Magistracies
,
and
the
like
.
Now
that
which
originally
causes
this
Disorder
,
is
the
admitting
(
in
the
beginning
of
a
Government
,
or
afterwards
)
the
meaner
sort
of
People
,
who
have
no
Share
in
the
Territory
,
into
an
equal
part
of
Ordering
the
Commonwealth
;
these
being
less
sober
,
less
considering
,
and
less
careful
of
the
Publick
Concerns
;
and
being
commonly
the
Major
part
,
are
made
the
Instruments
oft-times
of
the
Ambition
of
the
great
ones
,
and
very
apt
to
kindle
into
Faction
:
but
notwithstaning
all
the
Confusion
which
we
see
under
an
Anarchy
,
(
where
the
wisdom
of
the
better
sort
is
made
useless
by
the
fury
of
the
People
)
yet
many
Cities
have
subsisted
hundreds
of
years
in
this
condition
;
and
have
been
more
considerable
,
and
performed
greater
Actions
,
than
ever
any
Government
of
equal
Extent
did
,
except
it
were
a
well-regulated
Democracy
;
But
it
is
true
,
they
ruine
in
the
end
,
and
that
never
by
Cowardize
or
baseness
,
but
by
too
much
boldness
and
temerarious
undertakings
,
as
both
Athens
and
Florence
did
;
The
first
undertaking
the
Invasion
of
Sicily
,
when
their
Affairs
went
ill
elsewhere
;
and
the
other
by
provoking
the
Spaniard
and
the
Pope
.
But
I
have
done
now
,
and
shal
pass
to
say
something
of
the
Modern
Policies
.
Noble
Ven.
Before
you
come
to
that
,
Sir
,
pray
satisfie
me
in
a
Point
which
I
should
have
moved
before
,
but
that
I
was
unwilling
to
interrupt
your
rational
Discourse
;
How
came
you
to
take
it
for
granted
,
that
Moses
,
Theseus
,
and
Romulus
were
Founders
of
Popular
Governments
?
As
for
Moses
,
we
have
his
Story
written
by
an
Insalliable
Pen
;
Theseus
was
ever
called
King
of
Athens
,
though
he
liv'd
so
long
since
,
that
what
is
written
of
him
is
justly
esteem'd
fabulous
;
but
Romulus
certainly
was
a
King
,
and
that
Government
continued
a
Monarchy
,
though
Elective
,
under
seven
Princes
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
will
be
very
short
in
my
Answer
,
and
say
nothing
of
Theseus
,
for
the
reason
you
are
pleased
to
alledge
:
But
for
Moses
,
you
may
read
in
Holy
Writ
,
that
when
,
by
God's
Command
,
he
had
brought
the
Israelites
out
of
Egypt
,
he
did
at
first
manage
them
by
accquainting
the
People
with
the
Estate
of
their
Government
,
which
People
were
called
together
with
the
sound
of
a
Trumpet
,
and
are
termed
in
Scripture
,
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
;
this
Government
he
thought
might
serve
their
turn
in
their
passage
,
and
that
it
would
be
time
enough
to
make
them
a
better
when
they
were
in
possession
of
the
Land
of
Canaan
;
Especially
having
made
them
Judges
and
Magistrates
at
the
instance
of
his
Father-in-law
,
which
are
called
in
Authors
,
Praefecti
Iethroniani
;
but
finding
that
this
Provision
was
not
sufficient
,
complained
to
God
of
the
difficulty
he
had
,
to
make
that
State
of
Affairs
hold
together
;
God
was
pleased
to
order
him
to
let
seventy
Elders
be
appointed
for
a
Senate
,
but
yet
the
Congregation
of
the
Lord
continued
still
and
acted
:
And
by
the
severall
soundings
of
the
Trumpets
,
either
the
Senate
or
popular
Assembly
were
called
together
,
or
both
;
so
that
this
Government
was
the
same
with
all
other
Democracies
,
consisting
of
a
Principal
Magistrate
,
a
Senate
,
and
a
People
Assembled
together
,
not
by
Represention
,
but
in
a
body
.
Now
for
Romulus
,
it
is
very
plain
,
that
he
was
no
more
then
the
first
Officer
of
the
Commonwealth
,
whatever
he
was
called
,
and
that
he
was
chosen
(
as
your
Doge
is
)
for
Life
;
and
when
the
last
of
those
seven
Kings
usurpt
the
place
,
that
is
,
did
reign
injussu
Populi
,
and
excercise
the
Government
Tyrannically
,
the
People
drove
him
out
(
as
all
People
in
the
World
that
have
Property
will
do
in
the
like
Case
,
except
some
extraordinary
qualifications
in
the
Prince
preserve
him
for
one
Age
)
and
afterwards
appointed
in
his
room
two
Magistrates
,
and
made
them
Annual
,
which
two
had
the
same
Command
,
as
well
in
their
Armies
as
in
their
Cities
,
and
did
not
make
the
least
alteration
besides
,
excepting
that
they
chose
an
Officer
that
was
to
perform
the
Kings
Function
in
certain
Sacrifices
(
which
Numa
appointed
to
be
performed
by
the
King
)
left
the
People
should
think
their
Religion
were
changed
:
This
Officer
was
called
Rex
Sacrificulus
.
If
you
are
satisfied
,
I
will
go
on
to
the
consideration
of
our
Modern
States
.
Noble
Ven.
I
am
fully
answered
,
and
besides
am
clearly
of
Opinion
,
that
no
Government
,
whether
mixt
Monarchy
or
Commonwealth
,
can
subsist
without
a
Senate
,
as
well
from
the
turbulent
State
of
the
Israelites
under
Moses
till
the
Sanhedrin
was
instituted
,
as
from
a
certain
Kingdom
of
the
Vandals
in
Africa
;
where
after
their
Conquest
of
the
Natives
,
they
appointed
a
Government
consisting
of
a
Prince
and
a
Popular
Assembly
,
which
latter
,
within
half
a
year
,
beat
the
Kings
brains
out
,
he
having
no
bulwark
of
Nobility
or
Senate
to
defend
him
from
them
.
But
I
will
divert
you
no
longer
.
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
you
are
very
right
,
and
we
should
have
spoken
something
of
that
before
,
if
it
had
been
the
business
of
this
Meeting
to
Discourse
of
the
particular
Models
of
Government
;
but
intending
only
to
say
so
much
of
the
Ancient
Policy
as
to
shew
what
Government
in
General
is
,
and
upon
what
Basis
it
stands
,
I
think
I
have
done
it
sufficiently
to
make
way
for
the
understanding
of
our
own
,
at
least
when
I
have
said
something
of
the
Policies
which
are
now
extant
;
and
that
with
your
favour
I
will
do
.
I
shall
need
say
little
now
of
those
Commonwealths
,
which
however
they
came
by
their
Liberty
,
either
by
Arms
or
Purchase
,
are
now
much-what
under
the
same
kind
of
Policy
as
the
Ancients
were
.
In
Germany
,
the
Free
Towns
,
and
many
Princes
make
up
the
Body
of
a
Commonwealth
called
the
Empire
,
of
which
the
Emperour
is
Head
;
this
General
Union
hath
its
Diets
or
Parliaments
,
where
they
are
all
represented
,
and
where
all
things
concerning
the
Safety
and
Interest
of
Germany
in
General
,
or
that
belong
to
Peace
and
War
,
are
Transacted
;
these
Diets
never
intermeddle
with
the
particular
Concerns
or
Policies
of
those
Princes
or
States
that
make
it
up
,
leaving
to
them
their
particular
Soveraignties
:
The
several
Imperial
Cities
,
or
Commonwealths
,
are
divided
into
two
kinds
,
Lubeck's
Law
,
and
Collen's
Law
,
which
being
the
same
exactly
with
the
ancient
Democracies
and
Optimacies
,
I
will
say
no
more
of
them
.
The
Government
of
Swizerland
,
and
the
Seven
Provinces
of
the
Low-Countries
were
made
up
in
haste
,
to
Unite
them
against
Persecution
and
Oppression
,
and
to
help
to
defend
themselves
the
better
,
which
they
both
have
done
very
gallantly
and
successfully
:
They
seem
to
have
taken
their
Pattern
from
the
Grecians
,
who
when
their
Greatness
began
to
decline
,
and
the
several
Tyrants
who
succeeded
Alexander
began
to
press
hard
upon
them
,
were
forced
to
League
themselves
(
yet
in
severall
Confederacies
,
as
that
of
the
Etolians
,
that
of
the
Achaians
,
&c.
)
for
their
mutual
defence
.
The
Swisses
consist
of
Thirteen
Soveraignties
;
some
Cities
which
are
most
Aristocraticall
,
and
some
Provinces
which
have
but
a
Village
for
their
head
Township
.
These
are
all
Democracies
,
and
are
Govern'd
all
by
the
Owners
of
Land
,
who
Assemble
as
our
Free-Holders
do
at
the
County-Court
.
These
have
their
General
Diets
,
as
in
Germany
.
The
Government
of
the
United
Provinces
has
for
its
Foundation
the
Union
of
Vtrecht
,
made
in
the
beginning
of
their
standing
upon
their
Guard
against
the
Cruelty
and
Oppression
of
the
Spaniard
,
and
patcht
up
in
haste
;
and
seeming
to
be
compos'd
only
for
necessity
,
as
a
state
of
War
,
has
made
Modern
Statesmen
Conjecture
that
it
will
not
be
very
practicable
in
time
of
Peace
,
and
Security
.
At
their
General
Diet
,
which
is
called
the
States
General
,
do
intervene
the
Deputies
of
the
Seven
Provinces
,
in
what
number
their
Principals
please
;
but
all
of
them
have
but
one
Vote
,
which
are
by
consequence
Seven
,
and
every
one
of
the
Seven
hath
a
Negative
;
so
that
nothing
can
pass
without
the
Concurrence
of
the
whole
Seven
.
Every
one
of
these
Provinces
have
a
Counsel
or
Assembly
of
their
own
,
called
the
States
Provincial
,
who
send
and
Instruct
their
Deputies
to
the
States-General
,
and
perform
other
Offices
belonging
to
the
Peace
and
Quiet
of
the
Province
.
These
Deputies
to
the
States
Provincial
,
are
sent
by
several
Cities
of
which
every
Province
consists
,
and
by
the
Nobility
of
the
Province
,
which
hath
one
Voice
only
:
The
Basis
of
the
Government
lies
in
these
Cities
,
which
are
every
of
them
a
distinct
Soveraignty
;
neither
can
the
States
of
the
Province
,
much
less
the
States
General
,
intrench
in
the
least
upon
their
Rights
,
nor
so
much
as
intermeddle
with
the
Government
of
their
Cities
,
or
Administration
of
Justice
,
but
only
treat
of
what
concerns
their
mutual
Defence
,
and
their
Payments
towards
it
.
Every
one
of
these
Cities
is
a
Soveraignty
,
governed
by
an
Optimacy
,
consisting
of
the
chief
Citizens
,
which
upon
death
are
supplyed
by
new
ones
Elected
by
themselves
;
these
are
called
the
Vrnuscaperie
or
Herne
,
which
Council
has
continued
to
Govern
those
Towns
,
time
out
of
mind
;
even
in
the
times
of
their
Princes
,
who
were
then
the
Soveraigns
;
for
without
the
consent
of
him
,
or
his
Deputy
,
called
State
Holder
,
nothing
could
be
concluded
in
those
days
.
Since
they
have
Instituted
an
artificial
Minister
of
their
own
,
whom
they
still
call
State-Holder
,
and
make
choice
of
him
in
their
Provincial
Assemblies
,
and
for
Form
sake
defer
something
to
him
,
as
the
Approbation
of
their
Skepen
and
other
Magistrates
,
and
some
other
Matters
:
This
has
been
continued
in
the
Province
of
Holland
,
which
is
the
chief
Province
in
the
Succession
of
the
Princes
of
Orange
,
and
in
the
most
of
the
others
too
:
The
rest
have
likewise
chosen
some
other
of
the
House
of
Nassaw
.
This
Government
(
so
oddly
set
together
,
and
so
compos'd
of
a
State
,
intended
for
a
Monarchy
,
and
which
,
as
Almanacks
Calculated
for
one
Meridian
,
are
made
in
some
sort
to
serve
for
another
,
is
by
them
continued
in
these
several
Aristocracies
)
may
last
for
a
time
,
till
Peace
and
Security
,
together
with
the
abuse
which
is
like
to
happen
in
the
choice
of
the
Herne
,
when
they
shall
Elect
persons
of
small
note
into
their
Body
,
upon
Vacancies
,
for
Kindred
or
Relation
,
rather
than
such
as
are
of
Estate
and
eminency
,
or
that
otherwise
abuse
their
power
in
the
execution
of
it
,
and
then
it
is
believed
,
and
reasonably
enough
,
that
those
People
(
great
in
wealth
,
and
very
acute
in
the
knowledge
of
their
own
Interest
)
will
find
out
a
better
Form
of
Government
,
or
make
themselves
a
prey
to
some
great
Neighbour-Prince
in
the
attempting
it
;
and
this
in
case
they
in
the
mean
time
escape
Conquest
from
this
great
and
powerfull
King
of
France
,
who
at
this
time
gives
Law
to
Christendom
.
I
have
nothing
now
left
to
keep
me
from
the
Modern
Monarchies
,
but
the
most
famous
Commonwealth
of
Venice
,
of
which
it
would
be
presumption
for
me
to
say
any
thing
whilst
you
are
present
.
Noble
Ven.
You
may
very
safely
go
one
if
you
please
;
for
I
believe
Strangers
understand
the
Speculative
part
of
our
Government
,
better
than
we
do
;
and
the
Doctrine
of
the
Ballat
which
is
our
chiefe
excellency
:
For
I
have
read
many
Descriptions
of
our
Frame
,
which
have
taught
me
something
in
it
which
I
knew
not
before
;
paricularly
,
Donato
Gianotti
the
Florentine
,
to
whom
I
refer
those
who
are
curious
to
know
more
of
our
Orders
,
for
we
that
manage
the
Mechanical
part
of
the
Government
are
like
Horses
who
know
their
Track
well
enough
,
without
considering
East
or
West
,
or
what
business
they
go
about
.
Besides
,
it
would
be
very
tedious
,
and
very
needless
,
to
make
any
Relation
of
our
Model
,
with
the
several
Counsels
that
make
it
up
,
and
would
be
that
which
you
have
not
done
in
Treating
of
any
other
Government
:
what
we
have
said
is
enough
to
shew
what
beginning
we
had
,
and
that
serves
your
turn
,
for
we
who
are
called
Nobility
,
and
who
manage
the
State
,
are
the
Descendents
of
the
first
Inhabitants
,
and
had
therefore
been
a
Democracy
,
if
a
numerous
Flock
of
Strangers
(
who
are
contented
to
come
and
live
amongst
us
as
Subjects
)
had
not
swelled
our
City
,
and
made
the
Governing
party
seem
but
a
handfull
;
so
that
we
have
the
same
foundations
that
all
other
Aristocracies
have
,
who
govern
but
one
City
,
and
have
no
Territory
but
what
they
Govern
Provincially
;
and
our
People
not
knowing
where
to
have
better
Justice
,
are
very
well
contented
to
live
amongst
us
,
without
any
share
in
the
Managing
of
Affairs
;
yet
we
have
power
to
Adopt
whom
we
please
into
our
Nobility
,
and
I
believe
that
in
the
time
of
the
Roman
greatness
,
there
were
five
for
one
of
the
Inhabitants
who
were
written
in
no
Tribe
,
but
look'd
upon
as
Strangers
,
and
yet
that
did
not
vitiate
their
Democracy
,
no
more
than
our
Citizens
and
Common
People
can
hurt
our
Optimacy
;
all
the
difficulty
in
our
Administration
,
hath
been
to
regulate
our
own
Nobility
,
and
to
bridle
their
faction
and
ambition
,
which
can
alone
breed
a
Disease
in
the
Vital
part
of
our
Government
,
and
this
we
do
by
most
severe
Laws
,
and
a
very
rigorous
execution
of
them
.
Doct.
Sir
,
I
was
thinking
to
Interpose
concerning
the
Propriety
of
Lands
in
the
Territory
of
Padua
,
which
I
hear
is
wholly
in
the
possession
of
the
Nobility
of
Venice
.
Noble
.
Ven.
Our
Members
have
very
good
Estates
there
,
yet
nothing
but
what
they
have
paid
very
well
for
,
no
part
of
that
Country
,
or
of
any
other
Province
,
having
been
shar'd
amongst
us
as
in
other
Conquests
:
'T
is
true
,
that
the
Paduans
having
ever
been
the
most
revengeful
People
of
Italy
,
could
not
be
deterr'd
from
those
execrable
and
treacherous
Murders
which
were
every
day
commited
,
but
by
a
severe
Execution
of
the
Laws
as
well
against
their
Lives
as
Estates
:
And
as
many
of
their
Estates
as
were
Confiscated
,
were
(
during
our
necessities
in
the
last
War
with
the
Turks
)
exposed
to
sale
,
and
sold
to
them
that
offered
most
,
without
any
consideration
of
the
persons
purchasing
;
But
it
is
very
true
that
most
of
them
came
into
the
hands
of
our
Nobility
,
they
offering
more
than
any
other
,
by
reason
that
their
sober
and
frugal
living
,
and
their
being
forbidden
all
manner
of
Traffick
,
makes
them
have
no
way
of
employing
the
Money
which
proceeds
from
their
Parsimony
,
and
so
they
can
afford
to
give
more
than
others
who
may
employ
their
Advance
to
better
profit
elsewhere
.
But
I
perceive
,
Doctor
,
by
this
Question
,
that
you
have
studied
at
Padua
.
Doct.
No
really
,
Sir
,
the
small
learning
I
have
was
acquired
in
our
own
University
of
Oxford
,
nor
was
I
ever
out
of
this
Island
.
Noble
Ven.
I
would
you
had
,
Sir
,
for
it
would
have
been
a
great
honour
to
our
Country
to
have
contributed
any
thing
towards
so
vast
a
knowledge
as
you
are
Possessor
of
:
But
I
wish
that
it
were
your
Countrey
,
or
at
least
the
place
of
your
Habitation
,
that
so
we
might
partake
not
only
of
your
excellent
Discourse
sometimes
,
but
be
the
better
for
your
skill
,
which
would
make
us
Immortal
.
Doct.
I
am
glad
to
see
you
so
well
that
you
can
make
yourself
so
merry
,
but
I
assure
you
I
am
very
well
here
;
England
is
a
good
wholsome
Climate
for
a
Physician
:
But
,
pray
let
our
Friend
go
on
to
his
Modern
Monarchies
.
Eng.
Gent.
That
is
all
I
have
now
to
do
:
Those
Monarchies
are
two
,
Absolute
,
and
Mixt
;
for
the
first
kind
,
all
that
we
have
knowledge
of
,
except
the
Empire
of
the
Turks
,
differ
so
little
from
the
ancient
Monarchies
of
the
Assyrians
and
Persians
,
that
having
given
a
short
Description
of
them
before
,
it
will
be
needless
to
say
any
more
of
the
Persian
,
the
Mogull
,
the
King
of
Pegu
,
China
,
Prestor-Iohn
,
or
any
other
the
great
Men
under
those
Princes
,
as
the
Satrapes
of
old
;
being
made
so
only
by
their
being
employed
and
put
into
great
places
and
Governments
by
the
Soveraign
;
But
the
Monarchy
of
the
Grand
Seignior
is
somthing
different
;
they
both
agree
in
this
,
that
the
Prince
is
in
both
absolute
Proprietor
of
all
the
Lands
,
(
excepting
in
the
Kingdom
of
Egypt
,
of
which
I
shall
say
somthing
anon
)
but
the
diversity
lies
in
the
Administration
of
the
Property
;
the
other
Emperours
as
well
Ancient
as
Modern
using
to
manage
the
Revenue
of
the
several
Towns
,
and
Parishes
,
as
our
Kings
,
or
the
Kings
of
France
do
;
that
is
,
keep
it
in
their
hands
,
and
Administer
it
by
Officers
:
And
so
you
may
read
that
Xerxes
King
of
Persia
allowed
the
Revenue
of
so
many
Villages
to
Themistocles
,
which
Assignations
are
practised
at
this
day
,
both
to
publick
and
to
private
uses
,
by
the
present
Monarchs
.
But
the
Turks
,
when
they
invaded
the
broken
Empire
of
the
Arabians
,
did
not
at
first
make
any
great
alteration
in
their
Policy
,
till
the
House
of
Ottoman
the
present
Royal
Family
did
make
great
Conquests
in
Asia
,
and
afterwards
in
Greece
;
whence
they
might
possibly
take
their
present
way
of
dividing
their
conquered
Territories
;
for
they
took
the
same
course
which
the
Goths
and
other
Modern
People
had
used
with
their
Conquered
Lands
in
Europe
,
upon
which
they
planted
Military
Colonies
,
by
dividing
them
amongst
the
Souldiers
for
their
pay
or
maintenance
.
These
Shares
were
called
by
them
Timarr's
,
which
signifies
Benefices
,
but
differ'd
in
this
only
from
the
European
Knights-Fees
,
that
these
last
Originally
were
Hereditary
,
and
so
Property
was
maintained
,
whereas
amongst
the
Ottomans
,
they
were
meerly
at
will
;
and
they
enjoyed
their
shares
whilst
they
remained
the
Doct.
But
pray
,
before
you
do
so
,
Inform
us
something
of
the
Roman
Emperours
:
Had
they
the
whole
Dominion
or
Property
of
the
Lands
of
Italy
?
Eng.
Gent.
The
Roman
Emperours
I
reckon
amongst
the
Tyrants
,
for
so
amongst
the
Greeks
were
called
those
Citizens
who
usurpt
the
Governments
of
their
Crmmonwealths
,
and
maintain'd
it
by
force
,
without
endeavouring
to
Found
or
Establish
it
,
by
altering
the
Property
of
Lands
,
as
not
imagining
that
their
Children
could
ever
hold
it
after
them
,
in
which
they
were
not
deceived
:
So
that
it
is
plain
that
the
Roman
Empire
was
not
a
natural
but
a
violent
Government
.
The
reasons
why
it
lasted
longer
than
ordinarily
Tyrannies
do
,
are
many
;
First
,
because
Augustus
the
first
Emperour
kept
up
the
Senate
,
and
so
for
his
time
cajold
them
with
this
bait
of
Imaginary
Power
,
which
might
not
have
sufficed
neither
to
have
kept
him
from
the
late
of
his
Uncle
,
but
that
there
had
been
so
many
Revolutions
and
bloody
wars
between
,
that
all
Mankind
was
glad
to
repose
and
take
breath
for
a
while
under
any
Government
that
could
protect
them
.
And
he
gain'd
the
service
of
these
Senators
the
rather
,
because
he
suffered
none
to
be
so
but
those
who
had
followed
his
Fortune
in
the
several
Civil
Wars
,
and
so
were
engaged
to
support
him
for
their
own
preservation
;
Besides
,
he
confiscated
all
those
who
had
at
any
time
been
proscribed
,
or
sided
in
any
Encounter
against
him
;
which
,
considering
in
how
few
hands
the
Lands
of
Italy
then
were
,
might
be
an
over-ballance
of
the
Property
in
his
hands
.
But
this
is
certain
,
that
what
ever
he
had
not
in
his
own
possession
,
he
disposed
of
at
his
pleasure
,
taking
it
away
,
as
also
the
lives
of
his
people
,
without
any
judicial
proceedings
,
when
he
pleased
:
That
the
Confiscations
were
great
,
we
may
see
by
his
planting
above
sixty
thousand
Souldiers
upon
Lands
in
Lombardy
;
That
is
,
erecting
so
many
Beneficia
,
or
Doct.
I
am
very
glad
I
gave
occasion
to
make
this
Discourse
:
now
I
beseech
you
,
before
you
go
to
the
mixt
Monarchies
,
not
to
forget
Egypt
.
Eng.
Gent.
'T
was
that
I
was
coming
to
,
before
you
were
pleased
to
interrogate
me
concerning
the
Roman
Empire
.
The
Egyptians
are
this
day
,
for
ought
I
know
,
the
only
People
that
enjoy
Property
,
and
are
Governed
as
a
Province
by
any
of
the
Eastern
absolute
Princes
.
For
whereas
Damasco
,
Aleppo
,
and
most
of
the
other
Cities
and
Provinces
of
that
Empire
,
whose
Territory
is
divided
into
Timarr's
,
are
Governed
by
a
Bashaw
,
who
for
his
Guards
has
some
small
number
of
Janizaries
or
Souldiers
;
the
Bashaw
of
Egypt
,
or
of
Grand
Cairo
,
has
ever
an
Army
with
him
;
and
divers
Forts
are
erected
,
which
is
the
way
European
Princes
use
in
Governing
their
Provinces
,
and
must
be
so
where
Property
is
left
entire
,
except
they
plant
Colonies
as
the
Romans
did
.
The
reason
why
Selim
,
who
broke
the
Empire
of
the
Mamalukes
,
and
conquered
Egypt
,
did
not
plant
Timarr's
upon
it
,
was
the
Laziness
and
Cowardliness
of
the
People
,
and
the
great
Fruitfulness
of
the
Soil
,
and
Deliciousness
of
the
Country
,
which
has
mollifi'd
and
rendred
effeminate
all
the
Nations
that
ever
did
Inhabit
it
.
So
that
a
resolution
was
taken
to
impose
upon
them
,
first
the
maintaining
an
Army
by
a
Tax
,
and
then
to
pay
a
full
half
of
all
the
Fruits
and
product
of
their
Lands
(
to
the
Grand
Seignior
)
which
they
are
to
Cultivate
and
improve
:
This
is
well
managed
by
the
Bashaws
and
their
Officers
,
and
comes
to
an
incredible
sum
;
the
goods
being
sold
,
the
Money
is
conveyed
in
specie
to
the
Port
,
and
is
the
greatest
part
of
that
Prince's
Revenue
.
And
it
is
believed
,
that
if
all
the
Lands
had
been
entirely
confiscated
,
and
that
the
Grand
Seignior
had
managed
them
by
his
Officers
,
he
would
not
have
made
a
third
part
so
much
of
the
whole
,
as
he
receives
now
annually
for
one
half
:
not
only
because
those
People
are
extreamly
industrious
where
their
own
profit
is
concerned
:
but
for
that
,
it
is
clear
,
if
they
had
been
totally
divested
of
their
Estates
,
they
would
have
left
their
Country
,
and
made
that
which
is
now
the
most
populous
Kingdom
of
the
World
,
a
Desart
,
as
is
all
the
rest
of
the
Turkish
Dominions
,
except
some
Cities
.
And
if
the
People
had
removed
as
they
did
elsewhere
,
there
would
not
only
have
wanted
hands
to
have
Cultivated
and
Improved
the
Lands
,
but
mouths
to
consume
the
product
of
it
;
so
that
the
Princes
Revenue
by
the
cheapness
of
Victual
,
and
the
want
of
Labourers
,
would
have
almost
fallen
to
nothing
.
Noble
Ven.
Pray
God
this
be
not
the
reason
that
this
King
of
France
leaves
Property
to
his
Subjects
;
for
certainly
he
hath
taken
example
by
this
Province
of
Egypt
,
his
Subjects
having
a
Tax
(
which
for
the
continuance
of
it
,
I
must
call
a
Rent
or
Tribute
)
Impos'd
upon
them
to
the
value
of
one
full
half
of
their
Estates
,
which
must
ever
increase
as
the
Lands
improve
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
believe
,
Sir
,
there
is
another
reason
;
For
the
Property
there
,
being
in
the
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
which
are
the
hands
by
which
he
manages
his
Force
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
it
would
not
have
been
easie
or
safe
for
him
to
take
away
their
Estates
.
But
I
come
to
the
limited
Monarchies
.
They
were
first
Introduced
(
as
was
said
before
)
by
the
Goths
,
and
other
Northern
People
.
Whence
those
great
swarms
came
,
as
it
was
unknown
to
Procopius
himself
,
who
liv'd
in
the
time
of
their
Invasion
,
and
who
was
a
diligent
searcher
into
all
the
circumstances
of
their
concernments
,
so
it
is
very
needless
for
us
to
make
any
enquiry
into
it
,
thus
much
being
clear
,
That
they
came
Man
,
Woman
,
and
Child
,
and
conquer'd
and
possest
all
these
parts
of
the
World
,
which
were
then
subject
to
the
Roman
Empire
,
and
since
Christianity
came
in
have
been
so
to
the
Latin
Church
,
till
honest
Iohn
Calvin
taught
some
of
us
the
way
how
to
deliver
ourselves
from
the
Tyrannical
Yoak
,
which
neither
we
nor
our
Forefathers
were
able
to
bear
.
Whence
those
People
had
the
Government
they
Establisht
in
these
parts
after
their
Conquest
,
that
is
,
whether
they
brought
it
from
their
own
Country
,
or
made
it
themselves
,
must
needs
be
uncertain
,
since
their
Original
is
wholly
so
;
but
it
seems
very
probable
that
they
had
some
excellent
persons
among
them
,
though
the
ignorance
and
want
of
learning
in
that
Age
hath
not
suffered
any
thing
to
remain
that
may
give
us
any
great
light
;
for
it
is
plain
,
that
the
Government
they
setled
,
was
both
according
to
the
exact
Rules
of
the
Politicks
,
and
very
natural
and
suitable
to
that
Division
they
made
of
their
several
Territories
.
Whenever
then
these
Invaders
had
quieted
any
Province
,
and
that
the
People
were
driven
out
or
subdued
,
they
divided
the
Lands
,
and
to
the
Prince
they
gave
usually
a
tenth
part
,
or
thereabouts
▪
to
the
great
Men
,
or
Comites
Regis
(
as
it
was
translated
into
Latine
)
everyone
(
as
near
as
they
could
)
an
equal
share
.
These
were
to
enjoy
an
Hereditary
right
in
their
Estates
,
as
the
King
did
in
his
part
and
in
the
Crown
;
but
neither
he
,
nor
his
Peers
or
Companions
,
were
to
have
the
absolute
disposal
of
the
Lands
so
allotted
them
,
but
were
to
keep
a
certain
proportion
to
themselves
for
their
use
:
and
the
rest
was
ordered
to
be
divided
amongst
the
Free-men
,
who
came
with
them
to
Conquer
.
What
they
kept
to
themselves
was
called
Demesnes
in
English
and
French
,
and
in
Italian
,
Beni
Allodiali
.
The
other
part
which
they
granted
to
the
Free-men
,
was
called
a
Feud
:
and
all
these
Estates
were
held
of
these
Lords
Hereditarily
,
only
the
Tenants
were
to
pay
a
small
Rent
annually
,
and
at
every
Death
or
Change
an
acknowledgment
in
Money
,
and
in
some
Tenures
the
best
Beast
besides
:
But
the
chief
condition
of
the
Feud
or
Grant
,
was
,
that
the
Tenant
should
perform
certain
Services
to
the
Lord
,
of
which
one
(
in
all
Tenures
of
Free-men
)
was
to
follow
him
Armed
to
the
Wars
for
the
Service
of
the
Prince
and
Defence
of
the
Land.
And
upon
their
admittance
to
their
Feuds
,
they
take
an
Oath
to
be
true
Vassals
and
Tenants
to
their
Lords
,
and
to
pay
their
Rents
,
and
perform
their
Services
,
and
upon
failure
to
forfeit
their
Estates
;
and
these
Tenants
were
divided
according
to
their
Habitations
into
several
Mannors
,
in
every
one
of
which
there
was
a
Court
kept
twice
every
year
,
where
they
all
were
to
appear
,
and
to
be
admitted
to
their
several
Estates
,
and
to
take
the
Oath
above
mentioned
.
All
these
Peers
did
likewise
hold
all
their
Demesnes
,
as
also
all
their
Mannors
,
of
the
Prince
;
to
whom
they
swore
Allegiance
and
Fealty
:
There
were
besides
these
Freemen
or
Francklins
,
other
Tenants
to
every
Lord
,
who
were
called
Villains
,
who
were
to
perform
all
servile
Offices
and
their
Estates
were
all
at
the
L●●●●
disposal
when
he
pleased
;
these
consisted
mostly
of
such
of
the
former
Inhabitants
of
these
Countries
,
as
were
not
either
destroyed
or
driven
out
,
and
possibly
of
others
who
were
Servants
amongst
them
,
before
they
came
from
their
own
Countries
.
Perhaps
thus
much
might
have
been
unnecessary
to
be
said
,
considering
that
these
Lords
,
Tenants
,
and
Courts
,
are
yet
extant
in
all
the
Kingdoms
in
Europe
;
but
that
to
a
Gentleman
of
Venice
,
where
there
are
none
of
these
things
,
and
where
the
Goths
never
were
,
something
may
be
said
in
excuse
for
me
.
Noble
Ven.
'T
is
true
,
Sir
,
we
fled
from
the
Goths
betimes
,
but
yet
in
those
Countries
which
we
recovered
since
in
Terra
firma
,
we
found
the
Footsteps
of
these
Lords
,
and
Tenures
,
and
their
Titles
of
Counts
;
though
being
now
Provinces
to
us
,
they
have
no
influence
upon
the
Government
,
as
I
suppose
you
are
about
to
prove
they
have
in
th●se
parts
.
Eng.
Gent.
You
are
right
,
Sir
;
for
the
Governments
of
France
,
Spain
,
England
,
and
all
other
Countries
where
these
People
setled
,
were
fram'd
accordingly
.
It
is
not
my
business
to
describe
particularly
the
distinct
Forms
of
the
several
Governments
in
Europe
,
which
do
derive
from
these
People
(
for
they
may
differ
in
some
of
their
Orders
and
Laws
,
though
the
Foundation
be
in
them
all
the
same
)
this
would
be
unnecessary
,
they
being
all
extant
,
and
so
well
known
;
and
besides
,
little
to
my
purpose
,
excepting
to
shew
where
they
have
declined
from
their
first
Institution
,
and
admitted
of
some
change
.
France
,
and
Poland
,
have
not
,
nor
as
I
can
learn
,
ever
had
any
Free-men
below
the
Nobility
;
that
is
,
had
no
Yeomen
;
but
all
are
either
Noble
,
or
Villains
,
therefore
the
Lands
must
have
been
Originally
given
,
as
they
now
remain
,
into
the
hands
of
these
Nobles
.
But
I
will
come
to
the
Administration
of
the
Government
in
these
Countries
,
and
first
say
wherein
they
all
agree
,
or
did
at
least
in
their
Institution
,
which
is
,
That
the
Soveraign
power
is
in
the
States
assembled
together
by
the
Prince
,
in
which
he
presides
;
these
make
Laws
,
Levy
Money
,
Redress
Grievances
,
punish
great
Officers
,
and
the
like
.
These
States
consist
in
some
places
of
the
Prince
and
Nobility
onely
,
as
in
Poland
,
and
anciently
in
France
(
before
certain
Towns
,
for
the
encouraging
of
Trade
,
procured
Priviledges
to
send
Deputies
;
which
Deputies
are
now
called
the
third
Estate
)
and
in
others
,
consist
of
the
Nobility
and
Commonalty
,
which
latter
had
and
still
have
the
same
right
to
Intervene
and
Vote
,
as
the
great
ones
have
both
in
England
,
Spain
,
and
other
Kingdomes
.
Doct.
But
you
say
nothing
of
the
Clergy
;
I
see
you
are
no
great
friend
to
them
,
to
leave
them
out
of
your
Politicks
.
Eng.
Gent.
The
truth
is
,
Doctor
,
I
could
wish
there
had
never
been
any
:
the
purity
of
Christian
Religion
,
as
also
the
good
and
orderly
Government
of
the
World
,
had
been
much
better
provided
for
without
them
,
as
it
was
in
the
Apostolical
time
,
when
we
heard
nothing
of
Clergy
.
But
my
omitting
their
Reverend
Lordships
was
no
neglect
,
for
I
meant
to
come
to
them
in
order
;
for
you
know
that
the
Northern
People
did
not
bring
Christianity
into
these
parts
,
but
found
it
here
,
and
were
in
time
converted
to
it
,
so
that
there
could
be
no
Clergy
at
the
first
:
but
if
I
had
said
nothing
at
all
of
this
Race
,
yet
I
had
committed
no
Solecism
in
the
Politicks
;
for
the
Bishops
and
great
Abbots
intervened
in
the
States
here
,
upon
the
same
Foundātion
that
the
other
Peers
do
,
viz.
for
their
great
possessions
,
and
the
dependence
their
Tenants
and
Vassals
have
upon
them
;
although
they
being
a
People
of
that
great
sanctity
and
knowledg
,
scorn
to
intermix
so
much
as
Titles
with
us
profane
Lay-Ideots
,
and
therefore
will
be
called
Lords
Spiritual
.
But
you
will
have
a
very
venerable
opinion
of
them
,
if
you
do
but
consider
how
they
came
by
these
great
possessions
,
which
made
them
claim
a
third
part
of
the
Government
.
And
truely
not
unjustly
by
my
rule
,
for
I
believe
they
had
no
less
(
at
one
time
)
than
a
third
part
of
the
Lands
in
most
of
these
Countries
.
Noble
Ven.
Pray
,
how
did
they
acquire
these
Lands
?
was
it
not
here
by
the
Charitable
donation
of
pious
Christians
,
as
it
was
elsewhere
?
Eng.
Gent.
Yes
,
certainly
,
very
pious
men
;
some
of
them
might
be
well
meaning
people
,
but
still
such
as
were
cheated
by
these
holy
men
,
who
told
them
perpetually
,
both
in
publick
and
private
,
that
they
represented
God
upon
Earth
,
being
Ordained
by
Authority
from
him
who
was
his
Viceroy
here
,
and
that
what
was
given
to
them
was
given
to
God
,
and
he
would
repay
it
largely
both
in
this
World
and
the
next
.
This
wheedle
made
our
barbarous
Ancestors
,
newly
Instructed
in
the
Christian
Faith
(
if
this
Religion
may
be
called
so
,
and
sucking
in
this
foolish
Doctrine
more
than
the
Doctrine
of
Christ
)
so
zealous
to
these
Vipers
,
that
they
would
have
pluckt
out
their
eyes
to
serve
them
,
much
more
bestow
,
as
they
did
,
the
fruitfullest
and
best
situate
of
their
possessions
upon
them
:
Nay
,
some
they
perswaded
to
take
upon
them
their
Callings
,
vow
Chastity
,
and
give
all
they
had
to
them
,
and
become
one
of
them
,
amongst
whom
,
I
believe
,
they
found
no
more
sanctity
than
they
left
in
the
World.
But
this
is
nothing
to
another
trick
they
had
,
which
was
to
insinuate
into
the
most
notorious
and
execrable
Villains
,
with
which
that
Age
abounded
;
Men
,
who
being
Princes
,
and
other
great
Men
(
for
such
were
the
Tools
they
work'd
with
)
had
treacherously
poisoned
,
or
otherwise
murdered
their
nearest
Relations
,
Fathers
,
Brothers
,
Wives
,
to
reign
,
or
enjoy
their
Estates
;
These
they
did
perswade
into
a
belief
,
that
if
they
had
a
desire
to
be
sav'd
,
notwithstanding
their
execrable
Villanies
,
they
need
but
part
with
some
of
those
great
possessions
(
which
they
had
acquired
by
those
acts
)
to
their
Bishopricks
or
Monasteries
,
and
they
would
pray
for
their
Souls
,
and
they
were
so
holy
and
acceptable
to
God
,
that
he
would
deny
them
nothing
;
which
they
immediately
performed
,
so
great
was
the
ignorance
and
blindness
of
that
Age
;
and
you
shall
hardly
find
in
the
story
of
those
times
,
any
great
Monastery
,
Abbey
,
or
other
Religious
House
in
any
of
these
Countries
(
I
speak
confidently
,
as
to
what
concerns
our
own
Saxons
)
that
had
not
its
Foundation
from
some
such
Original
.
Doct.
A
worthy
beginning
of
a
worthy
Race
!
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
you
maintain
a
strange
Position
here
,
That
it
had
been
better
there
had
been
no
Clergy
:
Would
you
have
had
no
Gospel
preached
,
no
Sacraments
,
no
continuance
of
Christian
Religion
in
the
World
?
or
do
you
think
that
these
things
could
have
been
without
a
Succession
of
the
true
Priesthood
,
or
(
as
you
call
it
,
of
true
Ministry
)
by
means
of
Ordination
?
do's
not
your
own
Church
hold
the
same
?
Eng.
Gent.
You
will
know
more
of
my
Church
,
when
I
have
told
you
what
I
find
the
word
Church
to
signifie
in
Scripture
,
which
is
to
me
the
only
rule
of
Faith
,
Worship
,
and
Manners
;
neither
do
I
seek
these
aditional
helps
,
of
Fathers
,
Councels
,
or
Ecclesiastical
history
,
much
less
Tradition
:
for
since
it
is
said
in
the
word
of
God
itself
,
That
Antichrist
did
begin
to
work
even
in
those
days
;
I
can
easily
believe
that
he
had
brought
his
Work
to
some
perfection
,
before
the
word
Church
was
by
him
applied
to
the
Clergy
:
I
shall
therefore
tell
you
what
I
conceive
that
Church
,
Clergy
,
and
Ordination
,
signified
in
the
Apostolical
times
.
I
find
then
the
word
Church
in
the
New
Testament
taken
but
in
two
sences
;
the
first
,
for
the
Vniversal
Invisible
Church
,
called
sometimes
of
the
First-born
;
that
is
,
the
whole
number
of
the
true
Followers
of
Christ
in
the
World
,
where-ever
resident
,
or
into
what
part
soever
dispersed
.
The
other
signification
of
Church
is
an
Assembly
,
which
though
it
be
sometimes
used
to
express
any
Meetings
(
even
unlawful
&
tumultuous
ones
)
as
well
in
Scripture
as
prophane
Authors
;
yet
it
is
more
frequently
understood
,
for
a
gathering
together
to
the
Duties
of
Prayer
,
Preaching
,
and
Breaking
of
Bread
;
and
the
whole
Number
so
Congregated
is
,
both
in
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
,
and
in
their
holy
Epistles
,
called
the
Church
;
nor
is
there
the
least
colour
for
appropriating
that
word
to
the
Pastors
and
Deacons
,
who
since
the
Corruptions
of
Christian
Religion
are
called
Clergy
;
which
word
in
the
Old
Testament
is
used
,
sometimes
for
Gods
whole
People
,
and
sometimes
for
the
Tribe
of
Levi
,
out
of
which
the
Priests
were
chosen
:
for
the
word
signifies
a
Lot
;
so
●●
Dispencer
of
the
Christian
Faith.
And
I
cannot
sufficiently
admire
why
our
Clergy
,
who
very
justly
refuse
to
believe
the
Miracle
which
is
pretended
to
be
wrought
in
Transubstantiation
,
because
they
see
both
the
Wafer
and
the
Wine
to
have
the
same
Substance
,
and
the
same
Accidents
(
after
the
Priest
has
mumbled
words
over
those
Elements
)
as
they
had
before
,
and
yet
will
believe
that
the
same
kind
of
Spell
or
Charm
in
Ordination
can
have
the
Efficacy
to
Metamorphose
a
poor
Lay-Ideot
into
a
Heavenly
Creature
;
notwithstanding
that
we
find
in
them
the
same
humane
Nature
,
and
the
same
Necessities
of
it
,
to
which
they
were
subject
before
such
Transformation
;
nay
,
the
same
Debauch
,
Profanness
,
Ignorance
,
and
Disability
to
preach
the
Gospel
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
this
discourse
is
very
new
to
me
.
I
must
confess
I
am
much
inclined
to
joyn
with
you
in
believing
,
that
the
power
Priests
Exercise
over
Mankind
,
with
the
Iurisdiction
they
pretend
to
over
Princes
and
States
,
may
be
a
usurpation
;
but
that
they
should
not
have
a
Divine
Call
to
serve
at
the
Altar
,
or
that
any
person
can
pretend
to
perform
those
Sacred
Functions
without
being
duly
Ordained
,
seems
very
strange
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
am
not
now
to
discourse
of
Religion
;
it
is
never
very
civil
to
do
so
in
Conversation
of
persons
of
a
different
belief
;
neither
can
it
be
of
any
benefit
towards
a
Roman
Catholick
,
for
if
his
Conscience
should
be
never
so
cleerly
convinc'd
,
he
is
not
yet
Master
of
his
own
Faith
,
having
given
it
up
to
his
Church
,
of
whom
he
must
ask
leave
to
be
a
Convert
,
which
he
will
be
sure
never
to
obtain
;
But
if
you
have
the
Curiosity
when
you
come
amongst
the
learned
in
your
own
Country
(
for
amongst
our
Ordination-Mongers
,
there
is
a
great
scarcity
of
Letters
and
other
good
Parts
)
you
may
please
to
take
the
Bible
,
which
you
acknowledg
to
be
the
Word
of
God
as
well
as
we
,
and
intreat
some
of
them
to
shew
you
any
passage
,
the
plain
and
genuine
sense
of
which
can
any
way
evince
this
Succession
,
this
Ordination
,
or
this
Priesthood
,
we
are
now
speaking
of
;
and
when
you
have
done
,
if
you
will
let
your
own
excellent
Reason
and
Discourse
judg
,
and
not
your
Priest
,
(
who
is
too
much
concerned
in
point
of
Interest
)
I
make
no
doubt
but
you
will
be
convinced
that
the
pretence
to
the
dispensing
of
Divine
things
by
virtue
of
a
humane
Constitution
,
and
so
ridiculous
a
one
too
,
as
the
Ordination
practised
by
your
Bishops
and
ours
(
who
descend
and
succeed
from
one
and
the
same
Mother
)
is
as
little
Justifiable
by
Scripture
and
Reason
,
and
full
as
great
a
Cheat
and
Vsurpation
,
as
the
Empire
which
the
Ecclesiasticks
pretend
to
over
the
Consciences
and
persons
of
men
,
and
the
Exemption
from
all
Secular
power
.
Noble
Ven.
Well
,
Sir
,
though
neither
my
Faith
nor
my
Reason
can
come
up
to
what
you
hold
,
yet
the
Novelty
and
the
grace
of
this
Argument
has
delighted
me
extreamly
:
and
if
that
be
a
Sin
,
as
I
fear
it
is
,
I
must
confess
it
to
my
Priest
;
but
I
ask
your
pardon
first
,
for
putting
you
upon
this
long
Deviation
.
Eng.
Gent.
Well
,
this
Digression
is
not
without
its
use
,
for
it
will
shorten
our
business
(
which
is
grown
longer
than
I
thought
it
would
have
been
)
for
I
shall
mention
the
Clergy
no
more
,
but
when-ever
I
speak
of
Peerage
,
pray
take
notice
that
I
mean
both
Lords
Spiritual
and
Temporal
,
since
they
stand
both
upon
the
same
foot
of
Property
.
But
if
you
please
,
I
will
fall
immediately
to
discourse
of
the
Government
of
England
,
and
say
no
more
of
those
of
our
Neighbours
,
than
what
will
fall
in
by
the
way
,
or
be
hinted
to
me
by
your
Demands
;
for
the
time
runs
away
,
and
I
know
the
Doctor
must
be
at
home
by
noon
,
where
he
gives
daily
charitable
audience
to
an
Infinity
of
poor
people
,
who
have
need
of
his
help
,
and
who
send
or
come
for
it
,
not
having
the
confidence
to
send
for
him
,
since
they
have
nothing
to
give
him
;
though
he
be
very
liberal
too
of
his
Visits
to
such
,
where
he
has
any
knowledg
of
them
:
But
I
spare
his
Modesty
,
which
I
see
is
concerned
at
the
Just
Testimony
I
bear
to
his
Charity
.
The
Soveraign
Power
of
England
then
,
is
in
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
.
The
Parliaments
,
as
they
are
now
constituted
,
that
is
,
the
assigning
a
choice
to
such
a
Number
of
Burroughs
,
as
also
the
manner
and
form
of
Elections
and
Returns
,
did
come
in
,
as
I
suppose
,
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
third
,
where
now
our
Statute-Book
begins
;
and
I
must
confess
,
I
was
inclined
to
believe
,
that
before
that
time
,
our
Yeomanry
or
commonalty
had
not
formally
assembled
in
Parliament
,
but
been
virtually
included
,
and
represented
by
the
Peers
,
upon
whom
they
depended
:
but
I
am
fully
convinced
,
that
it
was
otherwise
,
by
the
learned
Discourses
lately
publisht
by
Mr.
Petit
of
the
Temple
,
and
Mr.
Attwood
of
grays-Inne
,
being
Gentlemen
whom
I
do
mention
honoris
causa
;
and
really
they
deserve
to
be
honor'd
,
that
they
will
spare
some
time
from
the
Mechanical
part
of
their
Callings
(
which
is
to
assist
Clients
with
Counsel
,
and
to
plead
their
Causes
,
and
which
I
acknowledg
likewise
to
be
honourable
)
to
study
the
true
Interest
of
their
Country
,
and
to
show
how
ancient
the
Rights
of
the
People
in
England
are
,
and
that
in
a
time
when
neither
Profit
nor
Countenance
can
be
hop'd
for
from
so
ingenious
an
undertaking
.
But
I
beg
pardon
for
the
deviation
.
Of
the
three
branches
of
Soveraign
Power
which
Politicians
mention
,
which
are
Enacting
Laws
,
Levying
of
Taxes
,
and
making
War
and
Peace
,
the
two
first
of
them
are
indisputably
in
the
Parliament
;
and
when
I
say
Parliament
,
I
ever
intend
with
the
King.
The
last
has
been
usually
exercis'd
by
the
Prince
,
if
he
can
do
it
with
his
own
Money
:
yet
'
because
even
in
that
Case
it
may
be
ruinous
to
the
Kingdom
,
by
exposing
it
to
an
Invasion
,
many
have
affirmed
that
such
a
Power
cannot
be
by
the
true
and
ancient
free
Government
of
England
,
supposed
to
be
Intrusted
in
the
hands
of
one
man
:
And
therefore
we
see
in
divers
Kings
Reigns
,
the
Parliament
has
been
Consulted
,
and
their
advice
taken
in
those
matters
that
have
either
concerned
War
or
Leagues
;
And
that
if
it
has
been
omitted
,
Addresses
have
been
made
to
the
king
by
Parliaments
,
either
to
make
war
or
peace
,
according
to
what
they
thought
profitable
to
the
publick
.
So
that
I
will
not
determine
whether
that
power
which
draws
such
consequences
after
it
,
be
by
the
genuine
sence
of
our
Laws
in
the
Prince
or
no
;
although
I
know
of
no
Statute
or
written
Record
which
makes
it
otherwise
.
That
which
is
undoubtedly
the
Kings
Right
,
or
prerogative
,
is
to
Call
and
Dissolve
Parliaments
,
to
preside
in
them
,
to
approve
of
all
Acts
made
by
them
,
and
to
put
in
Execution
,
as
Supream
or
Soveraign
Magistrate
,
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliaments
,
and
during
their
Sitting
,
all
Laws
made
by
them
,
as
also
the
Common
Law
;
for
which
Cause
he
has
the
nomination
of
all
Inferiour
Officers
and
Ministers
under
him
,
excepting
such
as
by
Law
or
Charter
are
eligible
otherwise
;
and
the
Power
of
the
Sword
,
to
force
Obedience
to
the
Judgements
given
both
in
Criminal
and
Civil
Causes
.
Doct.
Sir
,
You
have
made
us
a
very
absolute
Prince
;
what
have
we
left
us
?
if
the
King
have
all
this
Power
,
what
do
our
Liberties
or
Rights
signifie
whenever
he
pleases
?
Eng.
Gent.
This
Objection
,
Doctor
,
makes
good
what
I
said
before
,
that
your
skill
did
not
terminate
in
the
body
natural
,
but
extend
to
the
Politick
;
for
a
more
pertinent
Interrogatory
could
never
have
been
made
by
Plato
or
Aristotle
:
In
answer
to
which
,
you
may
please
to
understand
,
That
when
these
Constitutions
were
first
made
,
our
Ancestors
were
a
plain-hearted
,
well-meaning
People
,
without
Court-reserves
or
tricks
,
who
having
made
choice
of
this
sort
of
Government
,
and
having
Power
enough
in
their
hands
to
make
it
take
place
,
did
not
foresee
,
or
imagine
,
that
any
thoughts
of
Invading
their
Rights
could
enter
into
the
Princes
Head
;
nor
do
I
read
that
it
ever
did
,
till
the
Norman
Line
came
to
Reign
;
which
coming
in
by
Treaty
,
it
was
obvious
there
was
no
Conquest
made
upon
any
but
Harold
,
in
whose
stead
William
the
First
came
,
and
would
claim
no
more
after
his
Victory
,
than
what
Harold
enjoy'd
,
excepting
that
he
might
confiscate
(
as
he
did
)
those
great
men
who
took
part
with
the
wrong
Title
,
and
French-men
were
put
into
their
Estates
;
which
though
it
made
in
this
Kingdom
a
mixture
between
Normans
and
Saxons
,
yet
produced
no
Change
or
Innovation
in
the
Government
;
the
Norman
Peers
●●ing
as
tenacious
of
their
Liberties
,
and
as
active
in
the
recovery
of
them
to
the
full
,
as
the
Saxon
Families
were
.
Soon
after
the
death
of
William
,
and
possibly
in
his
time
,
there
began
some
Invasions
upon
the
Rights
of
the
Kingdom
,
〈…〉
gat
Grievances
,
and
afterwards
〈…〉
plants
and
Discontents
,
which
grew
to
that
height
,
that
the
Peers
were
fain
to
use
their
Power
,
that
is
,
Arm
their
Vassals
to
defend
the
Government
;
whilest
the
Princes
of
that
Age
,
first
King
Iohn
,
and
then
Henry
the
Third
,
got
Force
together
.
The
Barons
call'd
in
Lewis
the
Dauphin
,
whilst
the
King
would
have
given
away
the
Kingdom
to
the
Sarazens
,
as
he
did
to
the
Pope
,
and
armed
their
own
Creatures
;
so
that
a
bloody
War
ensued
,
for
almost
forty
years
,
off
and
on
;
as
may
be
read
in
our
History
:
The
success
was
,
that
the
Barons
or
Peers
obtained
in
the
close
two
Charters
or
Laws
for
the
ascertaining
their
Rights
,
by
which
neither
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
or
Estates
,
could
ever
be
in
danger
any
more
from
any
Arbitrary
Power
in
the
Prince
;
and
so
the
good
Government
of
England
,
which
was
before
this
time
like
the
Law
of
Nature
,
onely
written
in
the
hearts
of
Men
,
came
to
be
exprest
in
Parchment
,
and
remain
a
Record
in
Writing
;
though
these
Charters
gave
us
no
more
than
what
was
our
own
before
.
After
these
Charters
were
made
,
there
could
not
chuse
but
happen
some
encroachment
upon
them
:
but
so
long
as
the
Peers
kept
their
greatness
,
there
was
no
breaches
but
what
were
immediately
made
up
in
Parliament
;
which
when-ever
they
assembled
,
did
in
the
first
place
confirm
the
Charters
,
and
made
very
often
Interpretations
upon
them
,
for
the
benefit
of
the
People
;
witness
the
Statute
de
Tallagio
non
concedendo
,
and
many
others
.
But
to
come
nearer
the
giving
the
Doctor
an
answer
,
you
may
please
to
understand
,
that
not
long
after
the
framing
of
these
forementioned
Charters
,
there
did
arise
a
Grievance
not
foreseen
or
provided
for
by
them
;
and
it
was
such
an
one
that
had
beaten
down
the
Government
at
once
,
if
it
had
not
been
Redressed
in
an
Orderly
way
.
This
was
the
Intermission
of
Parliaments
,
which
could
not
be
called
but
by
the
Prince
;
and
he
not
doing
of
it
,
they
ceast
to
be
Assembled
for
some
years
:
if
this
had
not
been
speedily
remedied
,
the
Barons
must
have
put
on
their
Armour
again
;
for
who
can
Imagine
that
such
brisk
Assertors
of
their
Rights
could
have
acquiesced
in
an
Omission
that
ruin'd
the
Foundation
of
the
Government
,
which
consisting
of
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
and
having
at
that
time
Marched
near
Five
hundred
years
upon
three
Leggs
,
must
then
have
gone
on
hopping
upon
one
;
which
could
it
have
gone
forward
(
as
was
impossible
whilest
Property
continued
where
it
was
)
yet
would
have
rid
but
a
little
way
.
Nor
can
it
be
wonder'd
at
,
that
our
great
Men
made
no
provision
against
this
Grievance
in
their
Charters
,
because
it
was
impossible
for
them
to
imagine
that
their
Prince
,
who
had
so
good
a
share
in
this
Government
,
should
go
about
to
destroy
it
,
and
to
take
that
burden
upon
himself
,
which
by
our
Constitution
was
undeniably
to
be
divided
between
him
and
his
Subjects
:
And
therefore
divers
of
the
great
Men
of
those
times
speaking
with
that
excellent
Prince
King
Edward
the
First
about
it
,
he
,
to
take
away
from
his
People
all
fear
and
apprehension
that
he
intended
to
change
the
Ancient
Government
,
called
speedily
a
Parliament
,
and
in
it
consented
to
a
Declaration
of
the
Kingdoms
Right
in
that
point
;
without
the
clearing
of
which
,
all
our
other
Laws
had
been
useless
,
and
the
Government
itself
too
;
of
which
the
Parliament
is
(
at
the
least
)
as
Essential
a
part
as
the
Prince
;
so
that
there
passed
a
Law
in
that
Parliament
that
one
should
be
held
every
year
,
and
oftner
if
need
be
;
which
like
another
Magna
Charta
,
was
confirmed
by
a
new
Act
made
in
the
time
of
Edward
the
Third
,
that
glorious
Prince
:
nor
were
there
any
Sycophants
in
those
days
,
who
durst
pretend
Loyalty
by
using
Arguments
to
prove
that
it
was
against
the
Royal
Prerogative
,
for
the
Parliament
to
entrench
upon
the
Kings
Right
of
calling
and
Dissolving
of
Parliaments
;
as
if
there
were
a
Prerogative
in
the
Crown
,
to
chuse
whether
ever
a
Parliament
should
assemble
,
or
no
;
I
would
desire
no
more
,
if
I
were
a
Prince
,
to
make
me
Grand
Seignior
.
Soon
after
this
last
Act
,
the
King
,
by
reason
of
his
Wars
with
France
and
Scotland
,
and
other
great
Affairs
,
was
forced
sometimes
to
end
his
Parliaments
abruptly
,
and
leave
business
undone
,
(
and
this
not
out
of
Court-tricks
,
which
were
then
unknown
)
which
produced
another
Act
not
long
after
,
by
which
it
was
provided
,
That
no
Parliament
should
be
dismist
,
till
all
the
Petitions
were
answered
;
That
is
,
in
the
Language
of
those
times
,
till
all
the
Bills
(
which
were
then
styled
Petitions
)
were
finished
.
Doct.
Pray
,
Sir
,
give
me
a
little
account
of
this
last
Act
you
speak
of
;
for
I
have
heard
in
Discourse
from
many
Lawyers
,
that
they
believe
there
is
no
such
.
Eng.
Gen.
Truly
,
Sir
,
I
shall
confess
to
you
,
that
I
do
not
find
this
Law
in
any
of
our
Printed
Statute-Books
;
but
that
which
first
gave
me
the
knowledg
of
it
was
,
what
was
said
about
three
years
ago
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
by
a
worthy
and
Learned
Gentleman
,
who
undertook
to
produce
the
Record
in
the
Reign
of
Richard
the
Second
;
and
since
I
have
questioned
many
Learned
Counsellors
about
it
,
who
tell
me
there
is
such
a
one
;
and
one
of
them
,
who
is
counted
a
Prerogative-Lawyer
,
said
it
was
so
,
but
that
Act
was
made
in
Factious
times
.
Besides
,
I
think
it
will
be
granted
,
that
for
some
time
after
,
and
particularly
in
the
Reigns
of
Henry
the
4
th
,
Henry
the
5
th
,
and
Henry
the
6
th
,
it
was
usual
for
a
Proclamation
to
be
made
in
Westminster-Hall
,
before
the
end
of
every
Session
,
that
all
those
that
had
any
matter
to
present
to
the
Parliament
,
should
bring
it
in
before
such
a
day
,
for
otherwise
the
Parliament
at
that
day
should
determine
.
But
if
there
were
nothing
at
all
of
this
,
nor
any
Record
extant
concerning
it
;
yet
I
must
believe
that
it
is
so
by
the
Fundamental
Law
of
this
Government
,
which
must
be
lame
and
imperfect
without
it
;
for
it
is
all
one
to
have
no
Parliaments
at
all
but
when
the
Prince
pleases
,
and
to
allow
a
power
in
him
to
dismiss
them
when
he
will
,
that
is
,
when
they
refuse
to
do
what
he
will
;
so
that
if
there
be
no
Statute
,
it
is
certainly
because
our
wise
Ancestors
thought
there
needed
none
,
but
that
by
the
very
Essence
and
Constitution
of
the
Government
it
is
provided
for
:
and
this
we
may
call
(
if
you
had
rather
have
it
so
)
the
Common-Law
,
which
is
of
as
much
value
(
if
not
more
)
than
any
Statute
,
and
of
which
all
our
good
Acts
of
Parliament
and
Magna
Charta
itself
is
but
Declaratory
;
so
that
your
Objection
is
sufficiently
aswered
in
this
,
That
though
the
King
is
intrusted
with
the
formal
part
of
summoning
and
pronouncing
the
Dissolution
of
Parliaments
,
which
is
done
by
his
Writ
,
yet
the
Laws
(
which
oblige
him
as
well
as
us
)
have
determin'd
how
and
when
he
shall
do
it
;
which
is
enough
to
shew
,
that
the
Kings
share
in
the
Soveraignty
,
that
is
,
in
the
Parliament
,
is
cut
out
to
him
by
the
Law
,
and
not
left
at
his
disposal
.
Now
I
come
to
the
Kings
part
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
before
you
do
so
,
pray
tell
us
what
other
Prerogatives
the
King
enjoys
in
the
Government
;
for
otherwise
,
I
who
am
a
Venetian
,
may
be
apt
to
think
that
our
Doge
,
who
is
call'd
our
Prince
,
may
have
as
much
Power
as
yours
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
am
in
a
fine
condition
amongst
you
with
my
Politicks
:
the
Doctor
tells
me
I
have
made
the
King
Absolute
,
and
now
you
tell
me
I
have
made
him
a
Doge
of
Venice
;
But
when
your
Prince
has
Power
to
dispose
of
the
Publick
Revenue
,
to
name
all
Officers
Ecclesiastical
and
Civil
that
are
of
trust
and
profit
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
dispose
absolutely
of
the
whole
Militia
by
Sea
and
Land
,
then
we
will
allow
him
to
be
like
ours
,
who
has
all
these
Powers
.
Doct.
Well
,
you
puzzle
me
extreamly
:
for
when
you
had
asserted
the
King's
Power
to
the
heighth
,
in
Calling
and
Dissolving
Parliaments
,
you
gave
me
such
satisfaction
,
and
shewed
me
wherein
the
Law
had
provided
,
that
this
vast
Prerogative
could
not
hurt
the
People
,
that
I
was
fully
satisfied
,
and
had
not
a
word
to
say
;
Now
you
come
about
again
,
and
place
in
the
Crown
such
a
Power
,
which
in
my
Judgment
is
inconsistent
with
our
Liberty
.
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
I
suppose
you
mean
chiefly
the
Power
of
the
Militia
,
which
was
,
I
must
confess
,
doubtful
,
before
a
late
Statute
declar'd
it
to
be
in
the
King
:
For
our
Government
hath
made
no
other
disposal
of
the
Militia
than
what
was
natural
,
viz.
That
the
Peers
in
their
several
Counties
,
or
Jurisdictions
,
had
the
Power
of
calling
together
their
Vassals
,
either
armed
for
the
Wars
,
or
onely
so
as
to
cause
the
Law
to
be
e●●cuted
by
serving
Writs
;
and
in
case
of
resistance
,
giving
possession
:
which
Lords
amongst
their
own
Tenants
did
then
perform
the
two
several
Offices
of
Lord-Lieutenant
,
and
Sheriff
;
which
latter
was
but
the
Earls
Deputy
,
as
by
his
Title
of
Vice-Comes
do's
appear
.
But
this
latter
being
of
daily
necessity
,
and
Justice
itself
,
that
is
,
the
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
of
all
the
People
in
that
County
depending
upon
it
,
when
the
greatness
of
the
Peers
decay'd
(
of
which
we
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
hereafter
)
the
Electing
of
Sheriff
was
referred
to
the
County-Court
,
where
it
continued
till
it
was
placed
where
it
now
is
by
a
Statute
.
For
the
other
part
of
the
Militia
,
which
is
,
the
Arming
the
People
for
War
,
it
was
de
facto
exercised
by
Commission
from
the
King
,
to
a
Lord-Lieutenant
(
as
an
image
of
the
Natural
Lord
)
and
other
Deputies
;
and
it
was
tacitely
consented
to
,
though
it
were
never
setled
by
Statute
(
as
I
said
before
)
till
His
Majesties
happy
Restauration
.
But
to
answer
you
,
I
shall
say
,
That
whatever
Powers
are
in
the
Crown
,
whether
by
Statute
or
by
old
Prescription
,
they
are
,
and
must
be
understood
to
be
intrusted
in
the
Prince
,
for
the
preservation
of
the
Government
,
and
for
the
safety
and
interest
of
the
People
;
and
when
either
the
Militia
,
which
is
given
him
for
the
execution
and
support
of
the
Law
,
shall
be
imploy'd
by
him
to
subvert
it
(
as
in
the
case
of
Ship-Money
it
was
)
or
the
Treasure
shall
be
mis-apply'd
,
and
made
the
Revenue
of
Courtiers
and
Sycophants
(
as
in
the
time
of
Edward
the
Second
)
or
worthless
or
wicked
People
shall
be
put
into
the
greatest
places
,
as
in
the
reign
of
Richard
the
Second
;
In
this
case
,
though
the
Prince
here
cannot
be
questionable
for
it
(
as
the
Kings
were
in
Sparta
,
and
your
Doges
I
believe
would
be
)
yet
it
is
a
great
violation
of
the
trust
reposed
in
him
by
the
Government
,
and
a
making
that
Power
,
which
is
given
him
by
Law
,
unlawful
in
the
Execution
.
And
the
frequent
examples
of
Justice
inflicted
in
Parliament
upon
the
King's
Ministers
for
abusing
the
Royal
Power
,
shews
plainly
that
such
authority
is
not
left
in
his
hands
to
use
as
he
pleases
.
Nay
,
there
have
be
fallen
fact
troubles
and
dangers
to
some
of
th●se
Princes
themselves
,
who
have
abused
their
Power
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Subjects
;
which
although
they
are
no
way
justifiable
,
yet
may
serve
for
an
Instruction
to
Princes
,
and
an
example
not
to
hearken
to
ruinous
Councils
:
for
men
when
they
are
enraged
do
not
always
consider
Justice
of
Religion
,
passion
being
as
natural
to
man
as
reason
and
vertue
,
which
was
the
Opinion
of
divine
Machiavil
.
To
answer
you
then
,
I
say
,
That
though
we
do
allow
such
Powers
in
the
King
,
yet
since
they
are
given
him
for
edification
and
not
destruction
,
and
cannot
be
abused
without
great
danger
to
his
Ministers
,
and
even
to
himself
;
we
may
hope
that
they
can
never
be
abused
but
in
a
broken
Government
:
And
if
ours
be
so
(
as
we
shall
see
anon
)
the
fault
of
the
ill
execution
of
our
Laws
is
not
to
be
imputed
either
to
the
Prince
or
his
Ministers
;
excepting
that
the
latter
may
be
,
as
we
said
before
,
justly
punishable
for
not
advising
the
Prince
to
consent
to
them
ending
the
frame
;
of
which
we
shall
talk
more
hereafter
:
but
in
the
mean
time
I
will
come
to
the
Kings
other
Prerogatives
,
as
having
all
Royal
Mines
,
the
being
serv'd
first
before
other
Creditors
where
mony
is
due
to
him
,
and
to
have
a
speedier
and
easier
way
than
his
Subjects
to
recover
his
debts
and
his
Rents
,
&c.
But
to
say
all
in
one
word
,
when
there
arises
any
doubt
whether
any
thing
be
the
king's
Prerogative
or
no
,
this
is
the
way
of
deciding
it
,
viz.
To
consider
whether
it
be
for
the
good
and
protection
of
the
people
that
the
King
have
such
a
Power
;
For
the
definition
of
Prerogative
is
a
considerable
part
of
the
Common
Law
,
by
which
Power
is
put
into
the
Prince
for
the
preservation
of
his
People
.
And
if
it
be
not
for
the
good
of
his
Subjects
,
it
is
not
Prerogative
,
not
Law
,
for
our
Prince
has
no
Authority
of
his
own
,
but
what
was
first
intrusted
in
him
by
the
Government
,
of
which
he
is
Head
;
nor
is
it
to
be
imagined
that
they
would
give
him
more
Power
than
what
was
necessary
to
Govern
them
.
For
example
,
the
power
of
pardoning
Criminals
condemned
,
is
of
such
use
to
the
Lives
and
Estates
of
the
People
,
that
without
it
many
would
be
exposed
to
die
unjustly
;
As
lately
a
poor
Gentleman
,
who
by
means
of
the
Harangue
of
a
Strepitous
Lawyer
was
found
guilty
of
Murder
,
for
a
Man
he
never
kil'd
;
or
if
he
had
,
the
fact
had
been
but
Man-slaughter
;
and
he
had
been
inevitably
murdered
himself
,
if
his
Majesty
had
not
been
graciously
pleased
to
extend
his
Royal
Mercy
to
him
;
As
he
did
likewise
vouchsafe
to
do
to
a
Gentleman
convicted
for
speaking
words
he
never
utter'd
;
or
if
he
had
spoken
them
,
they
were
but
foolishly
,
not
malitiously
spoken
.
On
the
other
side
,
if
a
Controversie
should
arise
,
as
it
did
in
the
beginning
of
the
last
Parliament
,
between
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
the
Prerogative-Lawyers
,
about
the
choice
of
their
Speaker
,
these
latter
having
interested
his
Majesty
in
the
Contest
,
and
made
him
,
by
consequence
,
disoblige
,
in
limine
,
a
very
Loyal
,
and
a
very
Worthy
Parliament
;
and
for
what
?
for
a
Question
,
which
if
you
will
decide
it
the
right
way
,
will
be
none
:
for
setting
aside
the
Presidents
,
and
the
History
when
the
Crown
first
pretended
to
any
share
in
the
Choice
of
a
Speaker
,
which
Argument
was
very
well
handled
by
some
of
the
Learned
Patriots
then
,
I
would
have
leave
to
ask
,
what
man
can
shew
,
and
what
reason
can
be
alledged
,
why
the
protection
and
welfare
of
the
People
should
require
that
a
Prerogative
should
be
in
the
Prince
to
chuse
the
Mouth
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
when
there
is
no
particular
person
in
his
whole
Dominion
that
would
not
think
it
against
his
interest
,
if
the
Government
had
given
the
King
Power
to
nominate
his
Bayliff
,
his
Attorney
,
or
his
Referree
in
any
Arbitration
?
Certainly
there
can
be
no
advantage
either
to
the
Soveraign
or
his
Subjects
,
that
the
person
whose
Office
it
is
to
put
their
deliberations
into
fitting
words
,
and
express
all
their
requests
to
his
Majesty
,
should
not
be
entirely
in
their
own
Election
and
appointment
;
which
there
is
the
more
reason
for
too
,
because
the
Speakers
for
many
years
past
have
received
Instructions
from
the
Court
,
and
have
broken
the
Priviledges
of
the
House
,
by
revealing
their
Debates
,
Adjourning
them
without
a
Vote
,
and
committed
many
other
Misdemeanours
,
by
which
they
have
begotten
an
ill
understanding
between
the
King
and
his
House
of
Commons
,
to
the
infinite
prejudice
both
of
his
Majesties
Affairs
,
and
his
People
.
Since
I
have
given
this
rule
to
Judge
Prerogative
by
,
I
shall
say
no
more
of
it
;
for
as
to
what
concerns
the
King's
Office
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
,
it
is
wholly
Ministerial
,
and
is
barely
to
put
in
Execution
the
Common
Law
and
the
Statutes
made
by
the
Soveraign
Power
,
that
is
,
by
Himself
and
the
Parliament
,
without
varying
one
tittle
,
or
suspending
,
abrogating
,
or
neglecting
the
Execution
of
any
Act
whatsoever
;
and
to
this
he
is
Solemnly
Sworn
at
his
Coronation
:
And
all
his
Power
in
this
behalf
is
in
him
by
Common
Law
,
which
is
Reason
itself
,
written
as
well
in
the
hearts
of
rational
Men
,
as
in
the
Lawyers
Books
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
I
have
heard
much
talk
of
the
Kings
Negative
Voice
in
Parliaments
,
which
in
my
Opinion
is
as
much
as
a
Power
to
frustrate
,
when
he
pleases
,
all
the
endeavours
and
labours
of
his
People
,
and
to
prevent
any
good
that
might
accrue
to
the
Kingdom
by
having
the
right
to
meet
in
Parliament
:
for
certainly
,
if
we
in
Venice
had
placed
any
such
Prerogative
in
our
Duke
,
or
in
any
of
our
Magistracies
,
we
could
not
call
ourselves
a
free
People
.
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
I
can
answer
you
as
I
did
before
,
that
if
our
Kings
have
such
a
Power
,
it
ought
to
be
used
according
to
the
true
and
genuine
intent
of
the
Government
,
that
is
,
for
the
Preservation
and
Interest
of
the
people
,
and
not
for
the
disappointing
the
Counsels
of
a
Parliament
,
towards
reforming
Grievances
,
and
making
provision
for
the
future
execution
of
the
Lawes
;
and
whenever
it
is
applyed
to
frustrate
those
ends
,
it
is
a
violation
of
Right
,
and
infringement
of
the
King's
Coronation-Oath
;
in
which
there
is
this
Clause
,
That
he
shall
Confirmare
consuetudines
,
(
which
in
the
Latine
of
those
times
is
leges
)
quas
vulgus
elegerit
.
I
know
some
Criticks
,
who
are
rather
Grammarians
than
Lawyers
,
have
made
a
distinction
between
elegerim
and
elegero
,
and
will
have
it
,
That
the
King
Swears
to
such
Laws
as
the
people
shall
have
chosen
,
and
not
to
those
they
shall
chuse
.
But
in
my
Opinion
,
if
that
Clause
had
been
intended
onely
to
oblige
the
King
to
execute
the
Laws
made
already
,
it
might
have
been
better
exprest
by
servare
consuetudines
,
than
by
confirmare
consuetudines
;
besides
that
he
is
by
another
clause
in
the
same
Oath
sworn
to
execute
all
the
Laws
.
But
I
shall
leave
this
Controversie
undecided
;
those
who
have
a
desire
to
see
more
of
it
,
may
look
into
those
quarrelling
Declarations
,
pro
and
con
,
about
this
matter
,
which
preceded
our
unhappy
Civil
Wars
.
This
is
certain
,
that
there
are
not
to
be
found
any
Statutes
that
have
passed
,
without
being
presented
to
his
Majesty
,
or
to
some
commissioned
by
him
;
but
whether
such
Addresses
were
intended
for
Respect
and
Honour
to
His
Majesty
,
as
the
Speaker
of
the
House
of
Commons
and
the
Lord
Mayor
of
London
are
brought
to
him
,
I
leave
to
the
Learned
to
Discourse
;
onely
thus
much
we
may
affirm
,
That
there
never
were
yet
any
Parliamentary
Requests
,
which
did
highly
concern
the
Publick
,
presented
to
any
King
,
and
by
him
refused
,
but
such
denials
did
produce
very
dismal
effects
,
as
may
be
seen
in
our
Histories
ancient
and
late
;
it
being
certain
,
that
both
the
Barons
Wars
,
and
our
last
dismal
Combustions
,
proceeded
from
no
other
cause
than
the
denial
of
the
Princes
then
reigning
to
consent
to
the
desires
of
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
:
and
such
hath
been
the
wisdom
and
goodness
of
our
present
gracious
Prince
,
that
in
twenty
years
and
somewhat
more
,
for
which
time
we
have
enjoy'd
him
since
his
happy
Restauration
,
he
hath
not
exercis'd
his
Negative
Voice
towards
more
than
one
publick
Bill
;
and
that
too
,
was
to
have
continued
in
force
(
if
it
had
passed
into
an
Act
)
but
for
six
Weeks
,
being
for
raising
the
Militia
for
so
long
time
;
and
as
for
the
private
Bills
,
which
are
matters
of
meer
grace
,
it
is
unreasonable
his
Majesty
should
be
refused
that
Right
that
every
Englishman
enjoys
,
which
is
not
to
be
obliged
to
dispence
his
favours
but
where
he
pleases
.
But
for
this
point
of
the
Negative
Vote
,
it
is
possible
that
when
we
come
to
Discourse
of
the
Cure
of
our
Political
Distemper
,
some
of
you
will
propose
the
clearing
and
explanation
of
this
matter
,
and
of
all
others
which
may
concern
the
King's
Power
and
the
Peoples
Rights
.
Noble
Ven.
But
pray
,
Sir
,
have
not
the
House
of
Peers
a
Negative
Voice
in
all
Bills
?
how
come
they
not
to
be
obliged
to
use
it
for
the
Publick
Good
?
Eng.
Gent
So
they
are
,
no
doubt
,
and
the
Commons
too
;
but
there
is
a
vast
difference
between
a
deliberative
Vote
which
the
Peers
have
with
their
Negative
,
and
that
in
the
Crown
to
blast
all
without
deliberating
.
The
Peers
are
Co-ordinate
with
the
Commons
in
presenting
and
hammering
of
Laws
,
and
may
send
Bills
down
to
them
,
as
well
as
receive
any
from
them
,
excepting
in
matters
wherein
the
People
are
to
be
Taxed
:
and
in
this
our
Government
imitates
the
best
and
most
perfect
Commonwealths
that
ever
were
;
where
the
Senate
assisted
in
the
making
of
Laws
,
and
by
their
wisdom
and
dexterity
,
polisht
,
fil'd
,
and
made
ready
things
for
the
more
populous
Assemblies
;
and
sometimes
by
their
gravity
and
moderation
,
reduced
the
People
to
a
Calmer
State
,
and
by
their
authority
and
credit
stem'd
the
Tide
,
and
made
the
Waters
quiet
,
giving
the
People
time
to
come
to
themselves
.
And
therefore
if
we
had
no
such
Peerage
now
upon
the
old
Constitution
,
yet
we
should
be
necessitated
to
make
an
artificial
Peerage
or
Senate
in
stead
of
it
:
which
may
assure
our
present
Lords
,
that
though
their
Dependences
and
Power
are
gone
,
yet
that
we
cannot
be
without
them
;
and
that
they
have
no
need
to
fear
an
annihilation
by
our
Reformation
,
as
they
suffered
in
the
late
mad
times
.
But
I
shall
speak
a
word
of
the
peoples
Rights
,
and
then
shew
how
this
brave
and
excellent
Government
of
England
came
to
decay
.
The
People
by
the
Fundamental
Laws
,
that
is
,
by
the
Constitution
of
the
Government
of
England
,
have
entire
freedome
in
their
Lives
,
Properties
,
and
their
Persons
;
nether
of
which
can
in
the
least
suffer
,
but
according
to
the
Laws
already
made
,
or
to
be
made
hereafter
in
Parliament
,
and
duly
publisht
:
and
to
prevent
any
oppression
that
might
happen
in
the
execution
of
these
good
Laws
,
which
are
our
Birth-right
,
all
Tryals
must
be
by
twelve
Men
of
our
equals
,
and
of
our
Neighbourhood
;
These
in
all
Civil
Causes
judge
absolutely
and
decide
the
matter
of
Fact
,
upon
which
the
matter
of
Law
depends
;
but
if
where
matter
of
Law
is
in
question
,
these
twelve
Men
shall
refuse
to
find
a
special
Verdict
at
the
direction
of
the
Court
,
the
Judge
cannot
Controul
it
,
but
their
Verdict
must
be
Recorded
.
But
of
these
matters
,
as
also
of
Demurrers
,
Writs
of
Errour
,
and
Arrests
of
Judgment
,
&c.
I
have
discours'd
to
this
Gentleman
(
who
is
a
Stranger
)
before
now
;
neither
do's
the
understanding
of
the
Execution
of
our
Municipal
Laws
at
all
belong
to
this
discourse
:
Onely
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
these
Juries
,
or
twelve
Men
,
in
all
Trials
or
Causes
which
are
Criminal
,
have
absolute
Power
,
both
as
to
matter
of
Law
and
Fact
(
except
the
Party
by
Demurrer
confess
the
matter
of
Fact
,
and
take
it
out
of
their
hands
.
)
And
the
first
question
the
Officer
asks
the
Foreman
,
when
they
all
come
in
to
deliver
their
Verdict
,
is
this
,
Is
he
Guilty
in
manner
or
form
as
he
is
Indicted
,
or
not
Guilty
?
which
shews
plainly
,
that
they
are
to
Examine
and
Judge
,
as
well
whether
,
and
how
far
the
Fact
committed
is
Criminal
,
as
whether
the
person
charged
hath
committed
that
Fact.
But
though
by
the
Corruption
of
these
times
(
the
infallible
consequences
of
a
broken
frame
of
Government
)
this
Office
of
the
Juries
and
Right
of
Englishmen
have
been
of
late
question'd
,
yet
it
hath
been
strongly
and
effectually
vindicated
by
a
learned
Author
of
late
,
to
whom
I
refer
you
for
more
of
this
matter
.
I
shall
say
no
more
of
the
Rights
of
the
People
,
but
this
one
thing
,
That
neither
the
King
,
nor
any
by
Authority
from
him
,
hath
any
the
least
Power
or
Jurisdiction
over
any
Englishman
,
but
what
the
Law
gives
them
;
and
that
although
all
Commissions
and
Writs
go
out
in
the
King's
name
,
yet
his
Majesty
hath
no
right
to
Issue
out
any
Writ
(
with
advice
of
his
Council
,
or
otherwise
)
excepting
what
come
out
of
his
Courts
;
nor
to
alter
any
Clause
in
a
Writ
,
or
add
anything
to
it
.
And
if
any
person
shall
be
so
wicked
as
to
do
any
Injustice
to
the
Life
,
Liberty
,
or
Estate
of
any
Englishman
,
by
any
private
command
of
the
Prince
,
the
person
agrieved
,
or
his
next
of
kin
(
if
he
be
assassinated
)
shall
have
the
same
remedy
against
the
Offender
,
as
he
ought
to
have
had
by
the
good
Laws
of
this
Land
,
if
there
had
been
no
such
Command
given
;
which
would
be
absolutely
void
and
null
,
and
understood
not
to
proceed
from
that
Royal
and
lawful
Power
which
is
vested
in
his
Majesty
for
the
Execution
of
Justice
,
and
the
protection
of
his
People
.
Doct.
Now
I
see
you
have
done
with
all
the
Government
of
England
;
pray
before
you
proceed
to
the
decay
of
it
,
let
me
ask
you
what
you
think
of
the
Chancery
,
whether
you
do
not
believe
it
a
Solecism
in
the
Politicks
to
have
such
a
Court
amongst
a
free
People
;
what
good
will
Magna
Charta
,
the
Petition
of
Right
,
or
St.
Edwards
Laws
do
us
to
defend
our
Property
,
if
it
must
be
entirely
subjected
to
the
arbitrary
disposal
of
one
man
,
whenever
any
impertinent
or
petulant
person
shall
put
in
a
Bill
against
you
?
How
inconsistent
is
this
Tribunal
with
all
that
hath
been
said
in
defence
of
our
rights
,
or
can
be
said
?
Suppose
the
Prince
should
in
time
to
come
so
little
respect
his
own
honour
and
the
Interest
of
his
People
,
as
to
place
a
covetous
or
revengeful
person
in
that
great
Judicatory
,
what
remedy
have
we
against
the
Corruption
of
Registers
,
who
make
what
Orders
they
please
;
Or
against
the
whole
Hierarchy
of
Knavish
Clerks
,
whilst
not
only
the
punishing
and
reforming
misdemeanours
depend
upon
him
,
who
may
without
controul
be
the
most
guilty
himself
,
but
that
all
the
Laws
of
England
stand
there
arraigned
before
him
,
and
may
be
condemned
when
he
pleases
?
Is
there
,
or
ever
was
there
any
such
Tribunal
in
the
World
before
,
in
any
Countrey
?
Eng.
Gent.
Doctor
,
I
find
you
have
had
a
Suit
in
Chancery
,
but
I
do
not
intend
to
contradict
or
blame
your
Orthodox
Zeal
in
this
point
:
This
Court
is
one
of
those
Buildings
that
cannot
be
repaired
,
but
must
be
demolished
.
I
could
inform
you
how
excellently
matters
of
Equity
are
Administred
in
other
Countries
;
And
this
worthy
Gentleman
could
tell
you
of
the
Venerable
Noble
Ven.
Therefore
,
Sir
,
pray
let
us
come
now
to
the
decay
of
your
Government
,
that
we
may
come
the
sooner
to
the
happy
restauration
.
Eng.
Gent.
This
harmonious
Government
of
England
being
founded
as
has
been
said
upon
Property
,
it
was
impossible
it
should
be
shaken
,
so
long
as
Property
remain'd
where
it
was
placed
:
for
if
,
when
the
ancient
Owners
the
Britains
fled
into
the
Mountains
,
and
left
their
Lands
to
the
Invaders
(
who
divided
them
,
as
is
above
related
)
they
had
made
an
Agrarian
Law
to
fix
it
;
then
our
Government
,
and
by
consequence
our
Happiness
had
been
for
ought
we
know
Immortal
:
for
our
Constitution
,
as
it
was
really
a
mixture
of
the
three
,
which
are
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
and
Democracy
(
as
has
been
said
)
so
the
weight
and
predominancy
remain'd
in
the
Optimacy
,
who
possessed
nine
parts
in
ten
of
the
Lands
;
And
the
Prince
but
about
a
tenth
part
.
In
this
I
count
all
the
Peoples
share
to
the
Peers
,
and
therefore
do
not
trouble
myself
to
enquire
what
proportion
was
allotted
to
them
,
for
that
although
they
had
an
Hereditary
right
in
their
Lands
,
yet
it
was
so
clog'd
with
Tenures
and
Services
,
that
they
depended
,
as
to
publick
matters
,
wholly
on
their
Lords
,
who
by
them
could
serve
the
king
in
his
Wars
;
and
in
time
of
Peace
,
by
leading
the
people
to
what
they
pleased
:
Could
keep
the
Royal
Power
within
its
due
bounds
,
and
also
hinder
and
prevent
the
people
from
Invading
the
Rights
of
the
Crown
;
so
that
they
were
the
Bulwarks
of
the
Government
;
which
in
effect
was
much
more
an
Aristocracy
,
than
either
a
Monarchy
or
Democracy
:
and
in
all
Governments
,
where
Property
is
mixt
,
the
Administration
is
so
too
:
And
that
part
which
hath
the
greater
share
in
the
Lands
,
will
have
it
too
in
the
Jurisdiction
:
And
so
in
Commonwealths
,
the
Senate
or
the
People
have
more
or
less
Power
,
as
they
have
more
or
fewer
possessions
;
as
was
most
visible
in
Rome
,
where
in
the
beginning
,
the
Patricii
could
hardly
bring
the
People
to
any
thing
;
but
afterwards
,
when
the
Asiatick
Conquests
had
inricht
the
Nobility
to
that
degree
,
that
they
were
able
to
purchase
a
great
part
of
the
Lands
in
Italy
,
the
People
were
all
their
Clients
,
and
easily
brought
even
to
cut
the
throats
of
their
Redeemers
the
Gracchi
,
who
had
carried
a
Law
for
restoring
them
their
Lands
.
But
enough
of
this
before
.
I
will
not
trouble
myself
nor
you
,
to
search
into
the
particular
causes
of
this
change
,
which
has
been
made
in
the
possessions
here
in
England
;
but
it
is
visible
that
the
fortieth
part
of
the
Lands
which
were
at
the
beginning
in
the
hands
of
the
Peers
and
Church
,
is
not
there
now
;
besides
that
not
only
all
Villanage
is
long
since
abolished
,
but
the
other
Tenures
are
so
altered
and
qualified
,
that
they
signifie
nothing
towards
making
the
Yeomanry
depend
upon
the
Lords
.
The
consequence
is
,
That
the
natural
part
of
our
Government
,
which
is
Power
,
is
by
means
of
Property
in
the
hands
of
the
People
,
whilest
the
artificial
part
,
or
the
Parchment
,
in
which
the
Form
of
Government
is
written
,
remains
the
same
.
Now
Art
is
a
very
good
servant
and
help
to
Nature
,
but
very
weak
and
inconsiderable
,
when
she
opposes
her
,
and
fights
with
her
:
it
would
be
a
very
Impar
congressus
,
between
Parchment
and
Power
:
This
alone
is
the
cause
of
all
the
disorder
you
heard
of
,
and
now
see
in
England
,
and
of
which
every
man
gives
a
reason
according
to
his
own
fancy
,
whilest
few
hit
the
right
cause
:
some
impute
all
to
the
decay
of
Trade
,
others
to
the
growth
of
Popery
;
which
are
both
great
Calamities
,
but
they
are
Effects
,
and
not
Causes
;
And
if
in
private
Families
there
were
the
same
causes
,
there
would
be
the
same
effects
.
Suppose
now
you
had
five
or
six
Thousand
pounds
a
year
,
as
it
is
probable
you
have
,
and
keep
forty
Servants
,
and
at
length
,
by
your
neglect
,
and
the
industry
and
thrift
of
your
Domesticks
,
you
sell
one
Thousand
to
your
Steward
,
another
to
your
Clerk
of
the
Kitchen
,
another
to
your
Bayliff
,
till
all
were
gone
;
can
you
believe
that
these
Servants
,
when
they
had
so
good
Estates
of
their
own
,
and
you
nothing
left
to
give
them
,
would
continue
to
live
with
you
,
and
to
do
their
service
as
before
?
It
is
just
so
with
a
whole
Kingdom
.
In
our
Ancestors
times
,
most
of
the
Members
of
our
House
of
Commons
thought
it
an
honour
to
retain
to
some
great
Lord
,
and
to
wear
his
blew
Coat
:
And
when
they
had
made
up
their
Lord's
Train
,
and
waited
upon
him
from
his
own
House
to
the
Lords
House
,
and
made
a
Lane
for
him
to
enter
,
and
departed
to
sit
themselves
in
the
Lower
House
of
Parliament
,
as
it
was
then
(
and
very
justly
)
called
;
can
you
think
that
any
thing
could
pass
in
such
a
Parliament
that
was
not
ordered
by
the
Lords
?
Besides
,
these
Lords
were
the
King
's
great
Council
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliaments
,
and
were
called
to
advise
of
Peace
and
War
;
and
the
latter
was
seldom
made
without
the
consent
of
the
major
part
;
if
it
were
not
,
they
would
not
send
their
Tenants
,
which
was
all
the
Militia
of
England
(
besides
the
King's
tenth
part
.
)
Can
it
be
believed
,
that
in
those
days
the
Commons
should
dislike
any
thing
the
Lords
did
in
the
Intervals
,
or
that
they
would
have
disputed
their
Right
to
receive
Appeals
from
Courts
of
Equity
,
if
they
had
pretended
to
it
in
those
days
,
or
to
mend
Money-bills
?
And
what
is
the
reason
,
but
because
the
Lords
themselves
at
that
time
represented
all
their
Tenants
(
that
is
,
all
the
People
)
in
some
sort
?
and
although
the
House
of
Commons
did
Assemble
to
present
their
Grievances
,
yet
all
great
Affairs
of
high
Importance
concerning
the
Government
,
was
Transacted
by
the
Lords
;
and
the
War
which
was
made
to
preserve
it
,
was
called
the
Barons
Wars
,
not
the
War
of
both
Houses
:
for
although
in
antienter
times
the
word
Baron
were
taken
in
a
larger
sense
,
and
comprehended
the
Francklins
or
Freemen
;
yet
who
reads
any
History
of
that
War
,
shall
not
find
that
any
mention
is
made
of
the
concurrence
of
any
assembly
of
such
men
,
but
that
Simon
Monford
Earl
of
Leicester
,
and
others
of
the
great
ones
,
did
by
their
Power
and
Interest
manage
that
contest
.
Now
if
this
Property
,
which
is
gone
out
of
the
Peerage
into
the
Commons
,
had
passed
into
the
King's
hands
,
as
it
did
in
Egypt
in
the
time
of
Ioseph
,
as
was
before
said
,
the
Prince
had
had
a
very
easie
and
peaceable
reign
over
his
own
Vassals
,
and
might
either
have
refused
,
justly
,
to
have
Assembled
the
Parliament
any
more
;
or
if
he
had
pleased
to
do
it
,
might
have
for
ever
managed
it
as
he
thought
fit
:
But
our
Princes
have
wanted
a
Ioseph
,
that
is
,
a
wise
Councellor
;
and
instead
of
saving
their
Revenue
,
which
was
very
great
,
and
their
expences
small
,
and
buying
in
those
Purchases
which
the
vast
expences
and
luxury
of
the
Lords
made
ready
for
them
,
they
have
alienated
their
own
Inheritance
;
so
that
now
the
Crown-Lands
,
that
is
,
the
publick
Patrimony
,
is
come
to
make
up
the
interest
of
the
Commons
,
whilest
the
King
must
have
a
precarious
Revenue
out
of
the
Peoples
Purses
,
and
be
beholding
to
the
Parliament
for
his
Bread
in
time
of
Peace
;
whereas
the
Kings
their
Predecessors
never
asked
Aid
of
his
Subjects
,
but
in
time
of
War
and
Invasion
:
and
this
alone
(
though
there
were
no
other
decay
in
the
Government
)
is
enough
to
make
the
King
depend
upon
his
People
;
which
is
no
very
good
condition
for
a
Monarchy
.
Noble
Ven.
But
how
comes
it
to
pass
that
other
Neighbouring
Countries
are
in
so
settled
a
State
in
respect
of
England
?
does
their
Property
remain
the
same
it
was
,
or
is
it
come
into
the
hands
of
the
Prince
?
You
know
you
were
pleased
to
admit
,
that
we
should
ask
you
,
en
passant
,
something
of
other
Countries
.
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
I
thank
you
for
it
,
and
shall
endeavour
to
satisfie
you
.
I
shall
say
nothing
of
the
small
Princes
of
Germany
,
who
keep
in
a
great
measure
their
ancient
bounds
,
both
of
Government
and
Property
;
and
if
their
Princes
now
and
then
exceed
their
part
,
yet
it
is
in
time
of
Troubles
and
War
,
and
things
return
into
their
right
Chanel
of
Assembling
the
several
States
,
which
are
yet
in
being
every
where
:
But
Germany
lying
so
exposed
to
the
Invasion
of
the
Turks
on
the
one
side
,
and
of
the
French
on
the
other
;
and
having
ever
had
enough
to
do
to
defend
their
several
Liberties
against
the
encroachments
of
the
House
of
Austria
(
in
which
the
Imperial
dignity
is
become
in
some
sort
Hereditary
)
if
there
had
been
something
of
extraordinary
power
exercised
of
late
years
,
I
can
say
Inter
arma
silent
leges
:
but
besides
their
own
particular
States
,
they
have
the
Diet
of
the
Empire
,
which
never
fails
to
mediate
and
compose
things
,
if
there
be
any
great
oppresson
used
by
Princes
to
their
subjects
,
or
from
one
Prince
or
State
to
another
.
I
shall
therefore
confine
myself
to
the
three
great
Kingdoms
,
France
,
Spain
,
and
Poland
;
for
as
to
Denmark
and
Sweden
,
the
first
hath
lately
chang'd
its
Government
,
and
not
only
made
the
Monarchy
Hereditary
,
which
was
before
Elective
,
but
has
pull'd
down
the
Nobility
,
and
given
their
Power
to
the
Prince
;
which
how
it
will
succeed
,
time
will
shew
.
Sweden
remains
in
point
of
Constitution
and
Property
exactly
as
it
did
anciently
,
and
is
a
well-Governed
Kingdom
.
The
first
of
the
other
three
is
France
,
of
which
I
have
spoken
before
,
and
shall
onely
add
,
That
though
it
be
very
true
,
that
there
is
Property
in
France
,
and
yet
the
Government
is
Despotical
at
this
present
,
yet
it
is
one
of
those
violent
States
,
which
the
Grecians
called
Tyrannies
:
For
if
a
Lawfull
Prince
,
that
is
,
one
who
being
so
by
Law
,
and
sworn
to
rule
according
to
it
,
breaks
his
Oaths
and
his
Bonds
,
and
reigns
Arbitrarily
,
he
becomes
a
Tyrant
and
an
Usurper
,
as
to
so
much
as
he
assumes
more
than
the
Constitution
hath
given
him
;
and
such
a
Government
,
being
as
I
said
violent
,
and
not
natural
,
but
contrary
to
the
Interest
of
the
people
,
first
cannot
be
lasting
,
when
the
adventitious
props
which
support
it
fail
;
and
whilst
it
does
endure
,
must
be
very
uneasie
both
to
Prince
and
People
;
the
first
being
necessitated
to
use
continual
oppression
,
and
the
latter
to
suffer
it
.
Doct.
You
are
pleased
to
talk
of
the
oppression
of
the
People
under
the
King
of
France
,
and
for
that
reason
,
call
it
a
violent
Government
,
when
,
if
I
remember
,
you
did
once
to
day
extol
the
Monarchy
of
the
Turks
for
well-founded
and
natural
;
Are
not
the
people
in
that
Empire
as
much
oppressed
as
in
France
?
Eng.
Gent.
By
no
means
;
unless
you
will
call
it
oppression
for
the
grand
Seignior
to
feed
all
his
People
out
of
the
Product
of
his
own
Lands
;
and
though
they
serve
him
for
it
,
yet
that
does
not
alter
the
Case
:
for
if
you
set
poor
men
to
work
and
pay
them
for
it
,
are
you
a
Tyrant
,
or
rather
,
are
not
you
a
good
Common-wealths-man
,
by
helping
those
to
live
,
who
have
no
other
way
of
doing
it
but
by
their
labour
?
But
the
King
of
France
knowing
that
his
People
have
,
and
ought
to
have
Property
,
and
that
he
has
no
right
to
their
Possessions
,
yet
takes
what
he
pleases
from
them
,
without
their
consent
,
and
contrary
to
Law
;
So
that
when
he
sets
them
on
work
he
pays
them
what
he
pleases
,
and
that
he
levies
out
of
their
own
Estates
.
I
do
not
affirm
that
there
is
no
Government
in
the
World
,
but
where
Rule
is
founded
in
Property
;
but
I
say
there
is
no
natural
fixed
Government
,
but
where
it
is
so
;
and
when
it
is
otherwise
,
the
People
are
perpetually
complaining
,
and
the
King
in
perpetual
anxiety
,
always
in
fear
of
his
Subjects
,
and
seeking
new
ways
to
secure
himself
;
God
having
been
so
merciful
to
mankind
,
that
he
has
made
nothing
safe
for
Princes
,
but
what
is
Just
and
Honest
.
Noble
Ven.
But
you
were
saying
just
now
,
that
this
present
Constitution
in
France
will
fall
when
the
props
fail
;
we
in
Italy
,
who
live
in
perpetual
fear
of
the
greatness
of
that
Kingdom
,
would
be
glad
to
hear
something
of
the
decaying
of
those
props
;
What
are
they
,
I
beseech
you
?
Eng.
Gent.
The
first
is
the
greatness
of
the
present
King
,
whose
heriock
Actions
and
Wisdom
has
extinguished
envy
in
all
his
Neighbour-Princes
,
and
kindled
fear
,
and
brought
him
to
be
above
all
possibility
of
control
at
home
;
not
only
because
his
Subjects
fear
his
Courage
,
but
because
they
have
his
Virtue
in
admiration
,
and
amidst
all
their
miseries
cannot
chuse
but
have
something
of
rejoycing
,
to
see
how
high
he
hath
mounted
the
Empire
and
Honour
of
their
Nation
.
The
next
prop
is
the
change
of
their
ancient
Constitution
,
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
Seventh
,
by
Consent
:
for
about
that
time
the
Country
being
so
wasted
by
the
Invasion
and
Excursions
of
the
English
,
The
States
then
assembled
Petitioned
the
King
that
he
would
give
them
leave
to
go
home
,
and
dispose
of
Affairs
himself
,
and
Order
the
Government
for
the
future
as
he
thought
fit
.
Upon
this
,
his
Successor
Lewis
the
Eleventh
,
being
a
crafty
Prince
,
took
an
occasion
to
call
the
States
no
more
,
but
to
supply
them
with
an
Assemble
des
notables
,
which
were
certain
men
of
his
own
nomination
,
like
Barbones
Parliament
here
,
but
that
they
were
of
better
quality
:
These
in
succeeding
reigns
(
being
the
best
men
of
the
Kingdom
)
grew
Troublesome
and
Intractable
;
so
that
for
some
years
the
Edicts
have
been
verified
(
that
is
in
our
Language
)
Bills
have
been
passed
in
the
Grand
Chamber
of
the
Parliament
at
Paris
,
commonly
called
the
Chambre
d'
audience
,
who
lately
,
and
since
the
Imprisonment
of
President
Brouselles
and
others
during
this
King's
Minority
,
have
never
refused
or
scrupled
any
Edicts
whatsoever
.
Now
whenever
this
great
King
dies
,
and
the
States
of
the
Kingdom
are
restored
,
these
two
great
props
of
Arbitrary
Power
are
taken
away
.
Besides
these
two
,
the
Constitution
of
the
Government
of
France
itself
,
is
somwhat
better
fitted
than
ours
to
permit
extraordinary
Power
in
the
Prince
,
for
the
whole
People
there
possessing
Lands
,
are
Gentlemen
;
that
is
,
infinitely
the
greater
part
;
which
was
the
reason
why
in
their
Asembly
of
Estates
,
the
Deputies
of
the
Provinces
(
which
we
call
here
Knights
of
the
Shire
)
were
chosen
by
,
and
out
of
the
Gentry
,
and
sate
with
the
Peers
in
the
same
Chamber
,
as
representing
the
Gentry
onely
,
called
petite
noblesse
.
Whereas
our
Knights
here
(
whatever
their
blood
is
)
are
chosen
by
Commoners
,
and
are
Commoners
;
our
Laws
and
Government
taking
no
notice
of
any
Nobility
but
the
persons
of
the
Peers
,
whose
Sons
are
likewise
Commoners
,
even
their
eldest
,
whilest
their
Father
lives
:
Now
Gentry
are
ever
more
tractable
by
a
Prince
,
than
a
wealthy
and
numerous
Commonalty
;
out
of
which
our
Gentry
(
at
least
those
we
call
so
)
are
raised
from
time
to
time
:
For
whenever
either
a
Merchant
,
Lawyer
,
Tradesman
,
Grasier
,
Farmer
,
or
any
other
,
gets
such
an
Estate
,
as
that
he
or
his
Son
can
live
upon
his
Lands
,
without
exercising
of
any
other
Calling
,
he
becomes
a
Gentleman
.
I
do
not
say
,
but
that
we
have
men
very
Nobly
descended
amongst
these
,
but
they
have
no
preheminence
,
or
distinction
,
by
the
Laws
or
Government
.
Besides
this
,
the
Gentry
in
France
are
very
needy
,
and
very
numerous
;
the
reason
of
which
is
,
That
the
Elder
Brother
,
in
most
parts
of
that
Kingdom
,
hath
no
more
share
in
the
division
of
the
Paternal
Estate
,
than
the
Cadets
or
Younger
Brothers
,
excepting
the
Principal
House
,
with
the
Orchards
and
Gardens
about
it
,
which
they
call
Vol
de
Chappon
,
as
who
should
say
,
As
far
as
a
Capon
can
fly
at
once
.
This
House
gives
him
the
Title
his
Father
had
,
who
was
called
Seignior
,
or
Baron
,
or
Count
of
that
place
;
which
if
he
sells
,
he
parts
with
his
Baronship
,
and
for
ought
I
know
becomes
in
time
roturier
,
or
ignoble
.
This
practice
divides
the
Lands
into
so
many
small
parcels
,
that
the
Possessors
of
them
being
Noble
,
and
having
little
to
maintain
their
Nobility
,
are
fain
to
seek
their
Fortune
,
which
they
can
find
no
where
so
well
as
at
the
Court
,
and
so
become
the
King's
Servants
and
Souldiers
,
for
they
are
generally
Couragious
,
Bold
,
and
of
a
good
Meen
.
None
of
these
can
ever
advance
themselves
,
but
by
their
desert
,
which
makes
them
hazard
themselves
very
desperately
,
by
which
means
great
numbers
of
them
are
kill'd
,
and
the
rest
come
in
time
to
be
great
Officers
,
and
live
splendidly
upon
the
King's
Purse
,
who
is
likewise
very
liberal
to
them
,
and
according
to
their
respective
merits
,
gives
them
often
,
in
the
beginning
of
a
Campagne
,
a
considerable
sum
to
furnish
out
their
Equipage
.
These
are
a
great
Prop
to
the
Regal
Power
,
it
being
their
Interest
to
support
it
,
lest
their
gain
should
cease
,
and
they
be
reduced
to
be
poor
Provinciaux
,
that
is
,
Country-Gentlemen
again
:
whereas
,
if
they
had
such
Estates
as
our
Country-Gentry
have
,
they
would
desire
to
be
at
home
at
their
ease
,
whilest
these
(
having
ten
times
as
much
from
the
King
as
their
own
Estate
can
yield
them
,
which
supply
must
fail
,
if
the
King's
Revenue
were
reduced
)
are
perpetually
engaged
to
make
good
all
exorbitances
.
Doct.
This
is
a
kind
of
Governing
by
Property
too
,
and
it
puts
me
in
mind
of
a
Gentleman
of
good
Estate
in
our
Country
,
who
took
a
Tenants
Son
of
his
to
be
his
Servant
,
whose
Father
not
long
after
dying
,
left
him
a
Living
of
about
ten
pound
a
year
:
the
young
Man's
Friends
came
to
him
,
and
asked
him
why
he
would
serve
now
he
had
an
Estate
of
his
own
able
to
maintain
him
:
his
Answer
was
,
That
his
own
Lands
would
yield
him
but
a
third
part
of
what
his
Service
was
worth
to
him
in
all
;
besides
,
that
he
lived
a
pleasant
Life
,
wore
good
Clothes
,
kept
good
Company
,
and
had
the
conversation
of
very
pretty
Maids
that
were
his
Fellow-servants
,
which
made
him
very
well
digest
the
name
of
being
a
Servant
.
Eng.
Gent.
This
is
the
very
Case
;
but
yet
Service
(
in
both
these
Cases
)
is
no
Inheritance
;
and
when
there
comes
a
Peaceable
King
in
France
,
who
will
let
his
Neighbours
be
quiet
,
or
one
that
is
covetous
,
these
fine
Gentlemen
will
lose
their
Employments
,
and
their
King
this
Prop
;
and
the
rather
,
because
these
Gentlemen
do
not
depend
(
as
was
said
before
)
in
any
kind
upon
the
great
Lords
(
whose
standing
Interest
is
at
Court
)
and
so
cannot
in
a
change
,
be
by
them
carried
over
to
advance
the
Court-designs
against
their
own
good
and
that
of
their
Country
.
And
thus
much
is
sufficient
to
be
said
concerning
France
.
As
for
Spain
,
I
believe
there
is
no
Country
(
excepting
Sweden
)
in
Christendom
,
where
the
Property
has
remained
so
intirely
the
same
it
was
at
the
beginning
;
and
the
reason
is
,
the
great
and
strict
care
that
is
taken
to
hinder
the
Lands
from
passing
out
of
the
old
owners
hands
;
for
except
it
be
by
Marriages
,
no
man
can
acquire
another
man's
Estate
,
nor
can
any
Grandee
,
or
Titulado
,
or
any
other
Hidalgo
there
,
alienate
or
ingage
his
Paternal
or
Maternal
Estate
,
otherwise
than
for
his
Life
;
nor
can
alter
Tenures
,
or
extinguish
Services
,
or
dismember
Mannors
:
for
to
this
the
Princes
consent
must
be
had
,
which
he
never
gives
,
till
the
matter
be
debated
in
the
Consejo
de
Camera
,
which
is
no
Iunta
or
secret
Consejo
de
Guerras
,
but
one
wherein
the
great
men
of
the
Kingdom
intervene
,
and
wherein
the
great
matters
concerning
the
preservation
of
the
Government
are
transacted
,
not
relating
to
Foreign
Provinces
or
Governments
,
but
to
the
kingdom
of
Castile
and
Leon
,
of
which
I
only
speak
now
.
It
is
true
,
there
have
been
one
or
two
exceptions
against
this
severe
Rule
,
since
the
great
calamities
of
Spain
,
and
two
great
Lordships
have
been
sold
,
the
Marquisate
del
Monastero
,
to
an
Assent
ista
Genoese
,
and
another
to
Sebastian
Cortiza
a
Portuguese
,
of
the
same
Profession
:
but
both
these
have
bought
the
intire
Lordships
,
without
curtailing
or
altering
the
condition
in
which
these
two
great
Estates
were
before
;
and
notwithstanding
,
this
hath
caused
so
much
repining
amongst
the
natural
Godos
(
as
the
Castilians
call
themselves
still
for
glory
)
that
I
believe
this
will
never
be
drawn
into
an
Example
hereafter
.
Now
the
Property
remaining
the
same
,
the
Government
doth
so
too
,
and
the
King
's
Domestick
Government
,
over
his
natural
Spaniards
,
is
very
gentle
,
whatever
it
be
in
his
Conquer'd
Provinces
;
and
the
Kings
there
have
very
great
advantages
of
keeping
their
great
men
(
by
whom
they
Govern
)
in
good
temper
,
by
reason
of
the
great
Governments
they
have
to
bestow
upon
them
,
both
in
Europe
and
the
Indies
;
which
changing
every
three
years
,
go
in
an
Age
through
all
the
Grandees
,
which
are
not
very
numerous
.
Besides
,
Castile
having
been
in
the
time
of
King
Roderigo
over-run
and
Conquered
by
the
Moors
,
who
Governed
there
Despotically
,
some
hundreds
of
years
,
before
it
could
be
recovered
again
by
the
old
Inhabitants
,
who
fled
to
the
Mountains
;
When
they
were
at
length
driven
out
,
the
Count
of
Castile
found
a
Tax
set
upon
all
Commodities
whatsoever
,
by
the
Moors
,
in
their
Reign
,
called
Alcaval
,
which
was
an
easie
matter
to
get
continued
(
when
their
old
Government
was
restored
)
by
the
Cortes
,
or
States
;
and
so
it
has
continued
ever
since
,
as
the
Excise
has
done
here
,
which
being
imposed
by
them
who
drove
and
kept
out
the
King
,
does
now
since
his
happy
Restauration
remain
a
Revenue
of
the
Crown
.
This
Alcaval
,
or
Excise
,
is
a
very
great
Revenue
,
and
so
prevented
,
for
some
time
,
the
necessities
of
the
Crown
,
and
made
the
Prince
have
the
less
need
of
asking
Relief
of
his
People
,
(
the
ordinary
cause
of
disgust
,
)
so
that
the
Cortes
,
or
Assembly
of
the
States
,
has
had
little
to
do
of
late
,
though
they
are
duly
assembled
every
year
,
but
seldom
contradict
what
is
desired
by
the
Prince
;
for
there
are
no
greater
Idolaters
of
their
Monarch
in
the
World
than
the
Castilians
are
,
nor
who
drink
deeper
of
the
Cup
of
Loyalty
:
so
that
in
short
,
the
Government
in
Spain
is
as
ours
was
in
Queen
Elizabeths
time
,
or
in
the
first
year
after
his
now
Majesties
Return
,
when
the
Parliament
for
a
time
Complimented
the
Prince
,
who
had
by
that
means
both
his
own
Power
and
the
Peoples
:
which
days
I
hope
to
see
again
,
upon
a
better
and
more
lasting
Foundation
.
But
before
I
leave
Spain
,
I
must
say
a
word
of
the
Kingdom
of
Arragon
,
which
has
not
at
all
times
had
so
quiet
a
state
of
their
Monarchy
as
Castile
hath
enjoyed
;
for
after
many
Combustions
which
happened
there
,
concerning
their
Fueros
and
Privilegios
,
which
are
their
Fundamental
Laws
,
the
King
one
day
coming
to
his
Seat
in
Parliament
,
and
making
his
demands
,
as
was
usual
,
they
told
him
that
they
had
a
Request
to
make
to
him
first
;
and
he
withdrawing
thereupon
,
(
for
he
had
no
right
of
sitting
there
to
hear
their
Debates
)
they
fell
into
discourse
how
to
make
their
Government
subsist
against
the
encroachments
of
the
Prince
upon
them
,
and
went
very
high
in
their
Debates
,
whch
could
not
chuse
but
come
to
the
king's
ear
,
who
walked
in
a
gallery
in
the
same
Palace
to
expect
the
issue
;
and
being
in
great
Passion
,
was
seen
to
draw
out
his
Dagger
,
very
often
,
and
thrust
it
again
into
the
sheath
;
and
heard
to
say
,
Sangre
ha
de
costar
;
which
coming
to
the
knowledg
of
the
Estates
,
they
left
off
the
Debate
,
and
sent
some
of
their
number
to
him
,
to
know
what
blood
it
should
cost
,
and
whether
he
meant
to
murder
any
body
.
He
drew
out
his
Dagger
again
,
and
pointing
it
to
his
breast
,
he
said
,
Sangre
de
Reys
;
leaving
them
in
doubt
,
whether
he
meant
that
his
Subjects
would
kill
him
,
or
that
he
would
do
it
himself
.
However
,
that
Parliament
ended
very
peaceably
,
and
a
famous
settlement
was
there
and
then
made
,
by
which
a
great
person
was
to
be
chosen
every
Parliament
,
who
should
be
as
it
were
an
Umpire
between
the
King
and
his
people
,
for
the
execution
of
the
Laws
,
and
the
preservation
of
their
Government
,
their
Fueros
and
Privilegios
,
which
are
their
Courts
of
Justice
,
and
their
Charters
.
This
Officer
was
called
.
El
Iusticia
d'
Arragon
,
and
his
duty
was
to
call
together
the
whole
Power
of
the
Kingdom
,
whenever
any
of
the
aforesaid
Rights
were
by
open
force
violated
or
invaded
,
and
to
admonish
the
King
,
whenever
he
heard
of
any
clandestine
Councils
among
them
to
that
effect
.
It
was
likewise
made
Treason
,
for
any
person
of
what
quality
soever
,
to
refuse
to
repair
upon
due
summons
to
any
place
where
this
Iusticia
should
erect
his
Standard
,
or
to
withdraw
himself
without
leave
,
much
more
to
betray
him
,
or
to
revolt
from
him
:
Besides
,
in
this
Cortes
,
or
Parliament
,
the
old
Oath
which
at
the
first
Foundation
of
their
State
was
ordered
to
be
taken
by
the
King
at
his
admittance
,
was
again
revived
,
and
which
is
,
in
these
words
:
Nos
que
valemos
tanto
camo
nos
,
y
podemos
mos
,
os
eligimos
nuestro
Rey
,
conque
nos
guardeys
nuestros
Fueros
y
Privilegios
;
y
si
no
,
no.
That
is
,
We
who
are
as
good
as
you
,
and
more
Powerful
,
do
chuse
you
our
King
,
upon
condition
that
you
preserve
our
Rights
and
Priviledges
;
and
if
not
,
not
.
Notwithstanding
all
this
,
Philip
the
Second
,
being
both
King
of
Castile
and
Arragon
,
picked
a
quarrel
with
the
latter
,
by
demanding
his
Secretary
Antonio
Perez
,
who
fled
from
the
King's
displeasure
thither
,
being
his
own
Country
;
and
they
refusing
to
deliver
him
(
it
being
expresly
contrary
to
a
Law
of
Arragon
,
that
a
Subject
of
that
Kingdom
should
be
against
his
will
carried
to
be
tryed
elsewhere
)
the
King
took
that
occasion
to
Invade
them
with
the
Forces
of
his
Kingdom
of
Castile
(
who
had
ever
been
Rivals
and
Enemies
to
the
Aragoneses
)
and
they
to
defend
themselves
under
their
Iusticia
,
who
did
his
part
faithfully
and
couragiously
;
but
the
Castilians
being
old
Soldiers
,
and
those
of
Arragon
but
County-Troops
,
the
former
prevailed
,
and
so
this
Kingdom
in
getting
that
of
Castile
by
a
Marriage
(
but
an
Age
before
)
lost
its
own
Liberty
and
Government
:
for
it
is
since
made
a
Province
,
and
Governed
by
a
Vice-Roy
from
Madrid
,
although
they
keep
up
the
formality
of
their
Cortes
still
.
Doct.
No
man
living
that
knew
the
hatred
and
hostility
that
ever
was
between
the
English
and
Scots
,
could
have
imagined
in
the
years
1639
,
and
1640
,
when
our
King
was
with
great
Armies
of
English
upon
the
Frontiers
of
Scotland
,
ready
to
Invade
that
Kingdom
,
that
this
Nation
would
not
have
assisted
to
have
brought
them
under
;
but
it
proved
otherwise
.
Eng.
Gent.
It
may
be
they
feared
,
That
when
Scotland
was
reduced
to
slavery
,
and
the
Province
pacified
,
and
Forces
kept
up
there
,
That
such
Forces
and
greater
might
have
been
imployed
here
,
to
reduce
us
into
the
same
condition
;
an
apprehension
which
at
this
time
sticks
with
many
of
the
common
People
,
and
helps
to
fill
up
the
measure
of
our
Fears
and
Distractions
.
But
the
visible
reason
why
the
English
were
not
at
that
time
very
forward
to
oppress
their
Neighbours
,
was
the
consideration
,
That
they
were
to
be
Invaded
for
refusing
to
receive
from
hence
certain
Innovations
in
matters
of
Religion
,
and
the
worship
of
God
,
which
had
not
long
before
been
introduced
here
;
and
therefore
the
People
of
this
Kingdom
were
unwilling
to
perpetuate
a
Mungrel
Church
here
,
by
imposing
it
upon
them
.
But
I
do
exceedingly
admire
,
when
I
read
our
History
,
to
see
how
zealous
and
eager
our
Nobility
and
People
here
were
anciently
to
assert
the
right
of
our
Crown
to
the
Kingdom
of
France
;
whereas
it
is
visible
,
that
if
we
had
kept
France
(
for
we
Conquered
it
intirely
and
fully
)
to
this
day
,
we
must
have
run
the
fate
of
Arragon
,
and
been
in
time
ruined
and
opprest
by
our
own
Valour
and
good
Fortune
;
a
thing
that
was
foreseen
by
the
Macedonians
,
when
their
King
Alexander
had
subdued
all
Persia
and
the
East
;
who
weighing
how
probable
it
was
,
that
their
Prince
having
the
possession
of
such
great
and
flourishing
Kingdoms
,
should
change
his
Domicilium
Imperii
,
and
inhabit
in
the
Centre
of
his
Dominions
,
and
from
thence
Govern
Macedon
,
by
which
means
the
Grecians
,
who
by
their
Vertue
and
Valour
had
Conquered
and
subdued
the
Barbarians
,
should
in
time
(
even
as
an
effect
of
their
Victories
)
be
opprest
and
tyrannized
over
by
them
:
and
this
precautious
foresight
in
the
Greeks
(
as
was
fully
believed
in
that
Age
)
hastened
the
fatal
Catastrophe
of
that
great
Prince
.
Doct.
Well
,
I
hope
this
consideration
will
fore-arm
our
Parliaments
,
That
they
will
not
easily
suffer
their
eyes
to
be
dazled
any
more
with
the
false
glory
of
Conquering
France
.
Noble
Ven.
You
need
no
great
cautions
against
Conquering
France
at
this
present
,
and
I
believe
your
Parliaments
need
as
little
admonition
against
giving
of
Money
towards
new
Wars
or
Alliances
,
that
fine
wheedle
having
lately
lost
them
enough
already
;
therefore
,
pray
,
let
us
suffer
our
Friend
to
go
on
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
have
no
more
to
say
of
Foreign
Monarchies
,
but
only
to
tell
you
,
That
Poland
is
both
Governed
and
Possessed
by
some
very
great
Persons
or
Potentates
,
called
Palatines
,
and
under
them
by
a
very
numerous
Gentry
;
for
the
King
is
not
onely
Elective
,
but
so
limited
,
that
he
has
little
or
no
Power
,
but
to
Command
their
Armies
in
time
of
War
;
which
makes
them
often
chuse
Foreigners
of
great
Fame
for
Military
Exploits
:
and
as
for
the
Commonalty
or
Country-men
,
they
are
absolutely
Slaves
or
Villains
.
This
Government
is
extreamly
confused
,
by
reason
of
the
numerousness
of
the
Gentry
,
who
do
not
always
meet
by
way
of
representation
as
in
other
Kingdoms
,
but
sometimes
for
the
choice
of
their
King
,
and
upon
other
great
occasions
,
collectively
,
in
the
Field
,
as
the
Tribes
did
at
Rome
;
which
would
make
things
much
more
turbulent
if
all
this
body
of
Gentry
did
not
wholly
depend
for
their
Estates
upon
the
favour
of
the
Palatines
their
Lords
,
which
makes
them
much
more
tractable
.
I
have
done
with
our
Neighbours
beyond
Sea
,
and
should
not
without
your
command
have
made
so
long
a
digression
in
this
place
,
which
should
indeed
have
been
treated
of
before
we
come
to
speak
of
England
,
but
that
you
were
pleased
to
divert
me
from
it
before
:
However
,
being
placed
near
the
Portraicture
of
our
own
Country
,
it
serves
better
(
as
contraria
juxta
se
posita
)
to
illustrate
it
:
but
I
will
not
make
this
Deviation
longer
,
by
Apologizing
for
it
;
and
shall
therefore
desire
you
to
take
notice
,
That
as
in
England
by
degrees
Property
came
to
shift
from
the
few
to
the
many
,
so
the
Government
is
grown
heavier
and
more
uneasie
both
to
Prince
and
People
,
the
complaints
more
in
Parliament
,
the
Laws
more
numerous
,
and
much
more
tedious
and
prolix
,
to
meet
with
the
tricks
and
malice
of
men
,
which
works
in
a
loose
Government
;
for
there
was
no
need
to
make
Acts
verbose
,
when
the
great
Persons
could
presently
force
the
Execution
of
them
:
for
the
Law
of
Edward
the
First
,
for
frequent
Parliaments
,
had
no
more
words
than
A
Parliament
shall
be
holden
every
year
,
whereas
our
Act
for
a
Triennial
Parliament
,
in
the
time
of
King
Charles
the
First
,
contained
several
sheets
of
paper
,
to
provide
against
a
failer
in
the
Execution
of
that
Law
;
which
if
the
Power
had
remained
in
the
Lords
,
would
have
been
needless
:
for
some
of
them
,
in
case
of
intermission
of
Assembling
the
Parliament
,
would
have
made
their
Complaint
and
Address
to
the
King
,
and
have
immediately
removed
the
obstruction
,
which
in
those
days
had
been
the
natural
and
easie
way
:
but
now
that
many
of
the
Lords
(
like
the
Bishops
which
the
Popes
make
at
Rome
,
in
partibus
infidelium
)
are
meerly
grown
Titular
,
and
purchased
for
nothing
but
to
get
their
Wives
place
,
it
cannot
be
wondred
at
if
the
King
slight
their
Addresses
,
and
the
Court-Parasites
deride
their
Honourable
undertakings
for
the
safety
of
their
Country
.
Now
the
Commons
succeeding
,
as
was
said
,
in
the
Property
of
the
Peers
and
Church
(
whose
Lands
five
parts
of
six
have
been
alienated
,
and
mostly
is
come
into
the
same
hands
with
those
of
the
King
and
Peers
)
have
inherited
likewise
,
according
to
the
course
of
nature
,
their
Power
;
But
being
kept
from
it
by
the
established
Government
,
which
(
not
being
changed
by
any
lawfull
Acts
of
State
)
remains
still
in
being
formally
,
whereas
virtually
it
is
abolished
;
so
that
for
want
of
outward
Orders
and
Provisions
,
the
people
are
kept
from
the
Exercise
of
that
Power
which
is
faln
to
them
by
the
Law
of
Nature
;
and
those
who
cannot
by
that
Law
pretend
to
the
share
they
had
,
do
yet
enjoy
it
by
vertue
of
that
Right
which
is
now
ceased
,
as
having
been
but
the
natural
Effect
of
a
Cause
that
is
no
longer
in
being
:
and
you
know
sublata
causa
,
t●llitur
.
I
cannot
say
that
the
greater
part
of
the
people
do
know
this
their
condition
,
but
they
find
very
plainly
that
they
want
something
which
they
ought
to
have
;
and
this
makes
them
lay
often
the
blame
of
their
unsetledness
upon
wrong
causes
:
but
however
,
are
altogether
unquiet
and
restless
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
;
and
when
the
King
pleases
to
assemble
one
,
spend
all
their
time
in
Complaints
of
the
Inexecution
of
the
Law
,
of
the
multiplication
of
an
Infinity
of
Grievances
,
of
Mis-spending
the
Publick
Monies
,
of
the
danger
our
Religion
is
in
by
practices
to
undermine
it
and
the
State
,
by
endeavours
to
bring
in
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
in
questioning
great
Officers
of
State
,
as
the
Causers
and
Promoters
of
all
these
Abuses
;
in
so
much
,
that
every
Parliament
seems
a
perfect
State
of
War
,
wherein
the
Commons
are
tugging
and
contending
for
their
Right
,
very
justly
and
very
honourably
,
yet
without
coming
to
a
Point
:
So
that
the
Court
sends
them
packing
,
and
governs
still
worse
and
worse
in
the
Vacancies
,
being
necessitated
thereunto
by
their
despair
of
doing
any
good
in
Parliament
;
and
therefore
are
forced
to
use
horrid
shifts
to
subsist
without
it
,
and
to
keep
it
off
;
without
ever
considering
,
that
if
these
Counsellers
understood
their
Trade
,
they
might
bring
the
Prince
and
People
to
such
an
Agreement
in
Parliament
,
as
might
repair
the
broken
and
shipwrack'd
Government
of
England
;
and
in
this
secure
the
Peace
,
Quiet
and
Prosperity
of
the
People
,
the
Greatness
and
Happiness
of
the
King
,
and
be
themselves
not
only
out
of
present
danger
(
which
no
other
course
can
exempt
them
from
)
but
be
Renowned
to
all
Posterity
.
Noble
Ven.
I
beseech
you
,
Sir
,
how
comes
it
to
pass
,
that
neither
the
King
,
nor
any
of
his
Counsellors
could
ever
come
to
find
out
the
truth
of
what
you
discourse
?
for
I
am
fully
convinced
it
is
as
you
say
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
cannot
resolve
you
that
,
but
this
is
certain
,
they
have
never
endeavoured
a
Cure
,
though
possibly
they
might
know
the
Disease
,
as
fearing
that
though
the
Effects
of
a
Remedy
would
be
,
as
was
said
,
very
advantagious
both
to
King
and
People
,
and
to
themselves
;
yet
possibly
,
such
a
Reformation
might
not
consist
with
the
Merchandize
they
make
of
the
Princes
Favour
,
nor
with
such
Bribes
,
Gratuities
and
Fees
as
they
usually
take
for
the
dispatch
of
all
Matters
before
them
.
And
therefore
our
Counsellors
have
been
so
far
from
suggesting
any
such
thing
to
their
Master
,
that
they
have
opposed
and
quashed
all
Attempts
of
that
kind
,
as
they
did
the
worthy
Proposals
made
by
certain
Members
of
that
Parliament
in
the
beginning
of
King
Iames
a
Croft
,
Grandfather
or
Father
to
the
present
Bishop
of
Hereford
;
Thomas
Harley
,
who
was
Ancestor
to
the
Honourable
Family
of
that
Name
is
Herefordshire
;
and
Sir
Henry
Nevill
,
who
had
been
Ambassador
from
Queen
Elizabeth
to
the
French
King.
These
were
to
open
the
matter
at
large
to
the
King
,
and
to
procure
his
leave
that
it
might
be
proposed
in
Parliament
:
which
,
after
a
very
long
Audience
and
Debate
,
that
wise
Prince
consented
to
,
with
a
promise
of
Secresie
in
the
mean
time
,
which
they
humbly
begged
of
His
Majesty
.
However
,
this
took
Vent
,
and
the
Earl
of
Northampton
;
of
the
House
of
Howard
,
who
ruled
the
Rost
in
that
time
,
having
knowledg
of
it
,
engaged
Sir
R.
Weston
,
afterwards
Lord
Treasurer
and
Earl
of
Portland
,
to
impeach
these
Undertakers
in
Parliament
before
they
could
move
their
matters
;
which
he
did
the
very
same
day
,
accompanying
his
Charge
(
which
was
endeavouring
to
alter
the
established
Government
of
England
)
with
so
eloquent
an
Invective
,
that
if
one
of
them
had
not
risen
,
and
made
the
House
acquainted
with
the
whole
Series
of
the
Affair
,
they
must
have
been
in
danger
of
being
impeached
by
the
Commons
:
but
however
it
broke
their
designe
,
which
was
all
that
Northampton
and
Weston
desired
,
and
prevented
Posterity
from
knowing
any
of
the
Particulars
of
this
Reformation
;
for
nothing
being
moved
,
nothing
could
remain
upon
the
Journal
.
So
that
you
see
our
Predecessors
were
not
ignorant
altogether
of
our
condition
,
though
the
Troubles
which
have
befallen
this
poor
Kingdom
since
,
have
made
it
much
more
apparent
:
for
since
the
Determination
of
that
Parliament
,
there
has
not
been
one
called
,
either
in
that
King's
Reign
,
or
his
Son
's
,
or
since
,
that
hath
not
been
dissolved
abruptly
,
whilst
the
main
businesses
,
and
those
of
most
concern
to
the
publick
,
were
depending
and
undecided
.
And
although
there
hath
happened
in
this
Interim
a
bloody
War
,
which
in
the
Close
of
it
,
changed
the
whole
Order
and
Foundation
of
the
Polity
of
England
,
and
that
it
hath
pleased
God
to
restore
it
again
by
his
Majesty's
happy
Return
,
so
that
the
old
Government
is
alive
again
;
yet
it
is
very
visible
that
its
deadly
Wound
is
not
healed
,
but
that
we
are
to
this
day
tugging
with
the
same
difficulties
,
managing
the
same
Debates
in
Parliament
,
and
giving
the
same
disgusts
to
the
Court
,
and
hopes
to
the
Country
,
which
our
Ancestors
did
before
the
Year
1640.
whilst
the
King
hath
been
forced
to
apply
the
same
Remedy
of
Dissolution
to
his
two
first
Parliaments
,
that
his
Father
used
to
his
four
first
,
and
King
Iames
to
his
three
last
,
contrary
to
his
own
visible
Interest
,
and
that
of
his
people
;
and
this
for
want
of
having
Counsellors
about
him
of
Abilities
and
Integrity
enough
to
discover
to
him
the
Disease
of
his
Government
,
and
the
Remedy
:
which
I
hope
,
when
we
meet
to
Morrow
Morning
you
will
come
prepared
to
enquire
into
;
for
the
Doctor
says
,
he
will
advise
you
to
go
take
the
Air
this
afternoon
in
your
Coach.
Noble
Ven.
I
shall
think
it
very
long
till
the
morning
come
:
But
before
you
go
,
pray
give
me
leave
to
ask
you
something
of
your
Civil
War
here
;
I
do
not
mean
the
History
of
it
(
although
the
World
abroad
is
very
much
in
the
dark
as
to
all
your
Transactions
of
that
time
for
want
of
a
good
one
)
but
the
grounds
or
pretences
of
it
,
and
how
you
fell
into
a
War
against
your
King.
Eng.
Gent.
As
for
our
History
,
it
will
not
be
forgotten
;
one
of
those
who
was
in
Employment
from
the
Year
40.
to
60.
hath
written
the
History
of
those
20
Years
,
a
Person
of
good
Learning
and
Elocution
;
and
though
he
be
now
dead
,
yet
his
Executors
are
very
unwilling
to
publish
it
so
soon
,
and
to
rub
a
Sore
that
is
not
yet
healed
.
But
the
Story
is
writ
with
great
Truth
and
Impartiality
,
although
the
Author
were
engaged
both
in
Councils
and
Arms
for
the
Parliaments
side
.
But
for
the
rest
of
your
Demand
,
you
may
please
to
understand
,
that
our
Parliament
never
did
,
as
they
pretended
,
make
War
against
the
King
;
for
he
by
Law
can
do
no
Wrong
,
and
therefore
cannot
be
quarrelled
with
:
The
War
they
declared
was
undertaken
to
rescue
the
King's
Person
out
of
those
Mens
hands
who
led
him
from
his
Parliament
,
and
made
use
of
his
Name
to
levy
a
War
against
them
.
Noble
Ven.
But
does
your
Government
permit
,
that
in
case
of
a
disagreement
between
the
King
and
his
Parliament
,
either
of
them
may
raise
Arms
against
the
other
?
Eng.
Gent.
It
is
impossible
that
any
Government
can
go
further
than
to
provide
for
its
own
Safety
and
Preservation
whilst
it
is
in
being
,
and
therefore
it
can
never
direct
what
shall
be
done
when
it self
is
at
an
end
;
there
being
this
difference
between
our
Bodies
Natural
and
Politick
,
that
the
first
can
make
a
Testament
to
dispose
of
things
after
his
death
,
but
not
the
other
.
This
is
certain
,
that
where-ever
any
two
Co-ordinate
Powers
do
differ
,
and
there
be
no
Power
on
Earth
to
reconcile
them
otherwise
,
nor
any
Umpire
,
they
will
,
de
facto
,
fall
together
by
the
Ears
.
What
can
be
done
in
this
Case
de
jure
,
look
into
your
own
Country-man
Machiavell
,
and
into
Grotius
,
who
in
his
Book
De
jure
Belliac
Pacis
,
treated
of
such
matters
long
before
our
Wars
.
As
for
the
ancient
Politicians
,
they
must
needs
be
silent
in
the
Point
,
as
having
no
mixt
Governments
amongst
them
;
and
as
for
me
,
I
will
not
rest
my self
in
so
slippery
a
Place
.
There
are
great
disputes
about
it
in
the
Parliaments
Declarations
before
the
War
,
and
something
considerable
in
the
King's
Answers
to
them
;
which
I
shall
specifie
immediately
,
when
I
have
satisfied
you
how
our
War
begun
;
which
was
in
this
manner
:
The
Long
Parliament
having
procured
from
the
King
his
Royal
Assent
for
their
Sitting
till
they
were
dissolved
by
Act
,
and
having
paid
and
sent
out
the
Scottish
Army
,
and
disbanded
our
own
,
went
on
in
their
Debates
for
the
settling
and
mending
our
Government
:
the
King
being
displeased
with
them
for
it
,
and
with
himself
for
putting
it
out
of
his
Power
to
dissolve
them
,
now
the
business
which
they
pretended
for
their
Perpetuation
was
quite
finished
,
takes
an
unfortunate
Resolution
to
accuse
five
principal
Men
of
the
Commons
House
,
and
one
of
the
Peers
,
of
High-Treason
:
which
he
prosecuted
in
a
new
unheard-of
way
,
by
coming
with
armed
Men
into
the
Commons
House
of
Parliament
,
to
demand
their
Members
;
but
nothing
being
done
by
reason
of
the
absence
of
the
five
,
and
Tumults
of
discontented
Citizens
flocking
to
White-Hall
and
Westminster
,
the
King
took
that
occasion
to
absent
himself
from
his
Parliament
.
Which
induced
the
Commons
House
to
send
Commissioners
to
Hampton-Court
to
attend
his
Majesty
with
a
Remonstrance
of
the
State
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
an
humble
Request
to
return
to
his
Parliament
,
for
the
Redressing
those
Grievances
which
were
specified
in
that
Remonstrance
.
But
the
King
,
otherwise
Counselled
,
goes
to
Windsor
,
and
thence
Northwards
,
till
he
arrived
at
York
;
where
he
summons
in
the
Militia
,
that
is
,
the
Trained-Bands
of
the
County
;
and
besides
,
all
the
Gentry
,
of
which
there
was
a
numerous
Appearance
.
The
King
addressed
himself
to
the
latter
with
Complaints
against
a
prevailing
Party
in
Parliament
,
which
intended
to
take
the
Crown
from
his
Head
;
that
he
was
come
to
them
,
his
loving
Subjects
,
for
Protection
;
and
,
in
short
,
desired
them
to
assist
him
with
Moneys
to
defend
himself
by
Arms.
Some
of
these
Gentlemen
petitioned
His
Majesty
to
return
to
his
Parliament
,
the
rest
went
about
the
Debate
of
the
King's
Demands
;
who
,
in
the
mean
time
,
went
to
Hull
,
to
secure
the
Magazine
there
,
but
was
denied
Entrance
by
a
Gentleman
whom
the
House
had
sent
down
to
prevent
the
seizing
it
;
who
was
immediately
declared
a
Traytor
,
and
the
King
fell
to
raising
of
Forces
:
which
coming
to
the
Knowledge
of
the
House
,
they
made
this
Vote
,
That
the
King
,
seduced
by
Evil
Counsel
,
intended
to
levy
War
against
his
Parliament
and
People
,
to
destroy
the
Fundamental
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
,
and
to
introduce
an
Arbitrary
Government
,
&c.
This
was
the
first
time
they
named
the
King
,
and
the
last
:
For
in
all
their
other
Papers
,
and
in
their
Declaration
to
Arm
for
their
Defence
(
which
did
accompany
this
Vote
)
they
name
nothing
but
Malignant
Counsellors
.
The
Kings
Answer
to
these
Votes
and
this
Declaration
,
is
that
which
I
mentioned
;
wherein
His
Majesty
denies
any
intention
of
invading
the
Government
,
with
high
Imprecations
upon
himself
and
Posterity
if
it
were
otherwise
:
and
owns
that
they
have
Right
to
maintain
their
Laws
and
Government
.
This
is
to
be
seen
in
the
Paper
it self
now
extant
;
and
this
Gracious
Prince
never
pretended
(
as
some
Divines
have
done
for
him
)
that
his
Power
came
from
God
,
and
that
his
Subjects
could
not
dispute
it
,
nor
ought
he
to
give
any
Account
of
his
Actions
(
though
he
should
enslave
us
all
)
to
any
but
him
.
So
that
our
War
did
not
begin
upon
a
point
of
Right
,
but
upon
a
matter
of
Fact
;
for
without
going
to
Lawyers
or
Casuists
to
be
resolved
,
those
of
the
People
who
believed
that
the
King
did
intend
to
destroy
our
Liberties
,
joyned
with
the
Parliament
;
and
those
who
were
of
opinion
that
the
prevailing
party
in
Parliament
did
intend
to
destroy
the
King
or
dethrone
him
,
assisted
vigorously
His
Majesty
with
their
Lives
and
Fortunes
.
And
the
Question
you
were
pleased
to
ask
never
came
;
for
both
parties
pretended
and
believed
they
were
in
the
right
,
and
that
they
did
fight
for
and
defend
the
Government
:
But
I
have
wearied
you
out
.
Noble
Ven.
No
sure
▪
Sir
,
but
I
am
infinitely
obliged
to
you
for
the
great
care
you
have
taken
and
still
have
used
to
instruct
me
,
and
beg
the
continuance
of
it
for
to
morrow
morning
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
shall
be
sure
to
wait
upon
you
at
nine
a
Clock
,
but
I
shall
beseech
both
of
you
to
bethink
your selves
what
to
offer
,
for
I
shall
come
with
a
design
to
learn
,
not
to
teach
:
nor
will
I
presume
in
such
a
matter
to
talk
all
,
as
you
have
made
me
do
to
day
;
for
what
I
have
yet
to
say
in
the
point
of
Cure
,
is
so
little
,
that
it
will
look
like
the
Mouse
to
the
Mountain
of
this
days
discourse
.
Doct.
It
is
so
in
all
Arts
,
the
Corollary
is
short
,
and
in
ours
particularly
.
Those
who
write
of
the
several
Diseases
incident
to
humane
bodies
,
must
make
long
Discourses
of
the
Causes
,
Symptomes
,
Signs
and
Prognosticks
of
such
Distempers
;
but
when
they
come
to
treat
of
the
Cure
,
it
is
dispatched
in
a
few
Recipes
.
Eng.
Gent.
Well
,
Sir
,
for
this
bout
,
I
humbly
take
my
leave
of
you
;
nay
,
Sir
,
you
are
not
in
a
condition
to
use
ceremony
.
Doct.
Sir
,
I
forbid
you
this
door
;
pray
retire
:
to
stand
here
,
is
worse
than
to
be
in
the
open
air
.
Noble
Ven.
I
obey
you
both
.
Doct.
I
shall
wait
on
you
in
the
Evening
.
The
THIRD
DAY
.
Noble
Ven.
GEntlemen
,
you
are
very
welcome
:
what
,
you
are
come
both
together
!
Doct.
I
met
this
Gentleman
at
the
door
:
But
methinks
we
sit
looking
one
upon
another
,
as
if
all
of
us
were
afraid
to
speak
.
Eng.
Gent.
Do
you
think
we
have
not
reason
,
in
such
a
subject
as
this
is
?
how
can
any
Man
,
without
Hesitation
,
presume
to
be
so
confident
as
to
deliver
his
private
opinion
in
a
point
,
upon
which
,
for
almost
200
year
(
for
so
long
our
Government
has
been
crazy
)
no
Man
has
ventured
;
and
when
Parliaments
have
done
any
thing
towards
it
,
there
have
been
Animosities
and
Breaches
,
and
at
length
Civil
Wars
?
Noble
Ven.
Our
work
to
day
is
,
to
endeavour
to
shew
how
all
these
troubles
may
be
prevented
for
the
future
,
by
taking
away
the
Cause
of
them
,
which
is
the
want
of
a
good
Government
;
and
therefore
it
will
not
be
so
much
presumption
in
you
,
as
charity
,
to
declare
your self
fully
in
this
matter
.
Eng.
Gent.
The
Cure
will
follow
naturally
,
if
you
are
satisfied
in
the
Disease
,
and
in
the
Cause
of
the
Disease
:
for
if
you
agree
that
our
Government
is
broken
,
and
that
it
is
broken
because
it
was
Founded
upon
Property
,
and
that
Foundation
is
now
shaken
;
it
will
be
obvious
,
that
you
must
either
bring
Property
back
to
your
old
Government
,
and
give
the
King
and
Lords
their
Lands
again
,
or
else
you
must
bring
the
Government
to
the
Property
as
it
now
stands
.
Doct.
I
am
very
well
satisfied
in
your
Grounds
;
but
because
this
Fundamental
truth
is
little
understood
amongst
our
People
,
and
that
in
all
conversations
men
will
be
offering
their
opinions
of
what
the
Parliament
ought
to
do
at
their
Meeting
,
it
will
not
be
amiss
to
examine
some
of
those
Expedients
they
propose
,
and
to
see
whether
some
or
all
of
them
may
not
be
effectual
towards
the
bringing
us
to
some
degree
of
settlement
,
rather
than
to
venture
upon
so
great
a
change
and
alteration
as
would
be
necessary
to
model
our
Government
anew
.
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
I
believe
there
can
be
no
Expedients
proposed
in
Parliament
that
will
not
take
up
as
much
time
and
trouble
,
find
as
much
difficulty
in
passing
with
the
King
and
Lords
,
and
seem
as
great
a
change
of
Government
,
as
the
true
remedy
would
appear
,
at
least
I
speak
as
to
what
I
have
to
propose
;
but
however
,
I
approve
your
Method
,
and
if
you
will
please
to
propose
any
of
those
things
,
I
shall
either
willingly
embrace
them
,
or
endeavour
to
shew
reason
why
they
will
be
of
little
fruit
in
the
settling
our
State.
Doct.
I
will
reduce
them
to
two
Heads
(
besides
the
making
good
Laws
for
keeping
out
Arbitrary
Power
,
which
is
always
understood
:
)
the
hindering
the
growth
of
Popery
,
and
consequently
the
providing
against
a
Popish
Successor
;
and
then
the
declaring
the
Duke
of
Eng.
Gent.
As
for
the
making
new
Laws
,
I
hold
it
absolutely
needless
,
those
we
have
already
against
Arbitrary
Power
being
abundantly
sufficient
,
if
they
might
be
executed
;
but
that
being
impossible
(
as
I
shall
shew
hereafter
)
till
some
change
shall
be
made
,
I
shall
postpone
this
point
:
and
for
the
first
of
your
other
two
,
I
shall
divide
and
separate
the
consideration
of
the
growth
of
Popery
from
that
of
the
Succession
.
I
am
sorry
that
in
the
prosecution
of
this
Argument
,
I
shall
be
forced
to
say
something
that
may
not
be
very
pleasing
to
this
worthy
Gentleman
,
we
being
necessitated
to
discourse
with
prejudice
of
that
Religion
which
he
professes
;
but
it
shall
be
with
as
little
ill
breeding
as
I
can
,
and
altogether
without
passion
or
invectives
.
Noble
Ven.
It
would
be
very
hard
for
me
to
suspect
any
thing
from
you
that
should
be
disobliging
;
but
pray
,
Sir
,
go
on
to
your
Political
discourse
,
for
I
am
not
so
ignorant
my self
,
but
to
know
that
the
conservation
of
the
National
Religion
(
be
it
what
it
will
)
is
assential
to
the
well
ordering
a
State
:
and
though
in
our
City
the
doctrinals
are
very
different
from
what
are
professed
here
,
yet
as
to
the
Government
of
the
State
,
I
believe
you
know
that
the
Pope
or
his
Priests
have
as
little
influence
upon
it
,
as
your
Clergy
have
here
,
or
in
any
part
of
the
World.
Eng.
Gent.
I
avow
it
fully
,
Sir
,
and
with
the
favour
you
give
will
proceed
.
It
cannot
be
denyed
but
that
in
former
times
Popery
has
been
very
innocent
here
to
the
Government
,
and
that
the
Clergy
and
the
Pope
were
so
far
from
opposing
our
Liberties
,
that
they
both
sided
with
the
Barons
to
get
a
declaration
of
them
by
means
of
Magna
Charta
:
It
is
true
also
,
that
if
we
were
all
Papists
,
and
that
our
State
were
the
same
,
both
as
to
Property
and
Empire
,
as
it
was
400
years
ago
,
there
would
be
but
one
inconvenience
to
have
that
Religion
National
again
in
England
,
which
is
,
That
the
Clergy
,
quatenus
such
,
had
and
will
have
a
share
in
the
Soveraignty
,
and
inferiour
Courts
in
their
own
Power
,
called
Ecclesiastical
;
this
is
,
and
ever
will
be
a
Solecism
in
Government
,
besides
a
manifest
contradiction
to
the
words
of
Christ
our
Saviour
,
who
tells
us
,
his
Kingdom
is
not
of
this
World
:
and
the
truth
is
,
if
you
look
into
the
Scriptures
,
you
will
find
,
that
the
Apostles
did
not
reckon
that
the
Religion
they
planted
should
be
National
in
any
Country
,
and
therefore
have
given
no
precepts
to
the
Magistrate
to
meddle
in
matters
of
Faith
and
the
Worship
of
God
;
but
Preach'd
,
That
Christians
should
yield
them
obedience
in
all
lawfull
things
.
There
are
many
passages
in
Holy
Writ
which
plainly
declare
,
that
the
true
Believers
and
Saints
should
be
but
a
handful
,
and
such
as
God
had
separated
,
and
as
it
were
taken
out
of
the
World
;
which
would
not
have
been
said
by
them
,
if
they
had
believed
that
whole
Nations
and
People
should
have
been
true
Followers
of
Christ
,
and
of
his
Flock
:
for
certainly
none
of
them
are
to
be
damn'd
,
and
yet
Christ
himself
tells
us
,
that
few
are
saved
,
and
bids
us
strive
to
get
in
at
the
strait
gate
;
and
therefore
I
conceive
it
not
to
be
imaginable
,
that
either
Christ
or
his
Apostles
did
ever
account
that
the
true
Religion
should
be
planted
in
the
World
by
the
framing
of
Laws
,
Catechisms
,
or
Creeds
,
by
the
Soveraign
Powers
and
Magistrates
,
whether
you
call
them
Spiritual
or
Temporal
,
but
that
it
should
have
a
Progress
suitable
to
its
beginning
:
for
it
is
visible
that
it
had
its
Original
from
the
Power
and
Spirit
of
God
,
and
came
in
against
the
stream
,
not
onely
without
a
Numa
Pompilius
,
or
a
Mahomet
,
to
plant
and
establish
it
by
humane
Constitutions
and
Authority
,
but
had
all
the
Laws
of
the
World
to
oppose
it
,
and
all
the
bloudy
Tyrants
of
that
age
to
persecute
it
,
and
to
inflict
exquisite
torments
on
the
Professors
of
it
,
In
La
Religion
Catholique
Apostolique
Romaine
instituee
par
Nume
Pompile
;
and
to
the
incomparable
Machiavel
in
his
Posthume
Letter
,
Printed
lately
in
our
Language
,
with
the
Translation
of
his
Works
.
But
I
have
made
a
long
digression
;
and
to
come
back
again
,
shall
onely
desire
you
to
take
notice
,
when
I
say
that
anciently
Popery
was
no
inconvenience
in
this
Kingdom
,
I
mean
onely
Politically
,
as
the
Government
then
stood
,
and
do
not
speak
at
all
of
the
prejudice
which
mens
Souls
did
and
will
ever
receive
from
the
Belief
of
those
impious
Tenents
,
and
the
want
of
having
the
True
Gospel
of
Jesus
Christ
preached
unto
them
,
but
living
in
perpetual
Superstition
and
Idolatry
:
The
consideration
of
these
Matters
is
not
so
proper
to
my
present
purpose
,
being
to
Discourse
onely
of
Government
.
Notwithstanding
therefore
,
as
I
said
before
,
that
Popery
might
have
suited
well
enough
with
our
old
Constitution
,
yet
as
to
the
present
Estate
,
which
inclines
to
Popularity
,
it
would
be
wholly
as
inconsistent
with
it
,
and
with
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
and
the
Empire
of
Priests
(
especially
where
there
is
a
Forreign
Jurisdiction
in
the
case
)
as
with
the
Tyranny
and
Arbitrary
Power
of
any
Prince
in
the
World.
I
will
add
thus
much
in
Confirmation
of
the
Noble
Ven.
How
can
that
be
,
I
beseech
you
,
Sir
?
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
I
will
make
you
Judg
of
it
your self
;
I
will
say
nothing
of
those
foolish
Writings
that
have
been
put
forth
by
Mariana
,
Emanuel
Sa
,
and
some
others
,
about
the
lawfulness
of
destroying
Princes
and
States
in
case
of
Heresie
,
because
I
know
all
the
conscientious
and
honest
Papists
(
of
which
I
know
there
are
great
numbers
in
the
World
)
do
not
only
not
hold
,
but
even
abhor
such
cursed
Tenents
;
and
do
believe
,
that
when
the
Pope
,
by
Excommunication
hath
cut
off
any
Prince
from
the
communion
of
the
Church
,
can
go
no
further
,
nor
ought
to
pretend
a
Power
to
deprive
him
of
his
Crown
,
or
absolve
his
Subjects
from
their
Oaths
and
Obedience
:
But
I
shall
confine
my self
to
the
present
condition
of
our
Papists
here
.
You
know
how
dangerous
it
is
for
any
Kingdom
or
State
to
have
a
considerable
,
wealthy
,
flourishing
party
amongst
them
,
whose
interest
it
is
to
destroy
the
Polity
and
Government
of
the
Country
where
they
live
;
and
therefore
if
our
Papists
prove
this
Party
,
you
will
not
wonder
why
this
People
are
so
eager
to
depress
them
.
This
is
our
Case
:
for
in
the
beginning
of
Queen
Elizabeths
reign
,
there
was
an
alteration
of
Religion
in
our
Country
,
which
did
sufficiently
enrage
the
Holy
Father
at
Rome
,
to
see
that
this
good
Cow
would
be
Milked
no
longer
.
He
declares
her
an
Heretick
and
a
Bastard
,
(
his
Sanctity
not
having
declared
null
that
incestuous
Marriage
which
her
Father
had
contracted
before
with
his
Brothers
Wife
,
and
which
that
King
had
dissolved
to
Marry
her
Mother
)
and
afterwards
Excommunicated
our
Queen
,
depriving
her
,
as
much
as
in
him
lay
,
of
the
Kingdom
;
some
of
the
Zealots
of
that
Party
(
having
a
greater
terrour
for
those
Thunder-bolts
than
I
believe
many
have
now
)
began
to
Conspire
against
her
;
and
Plots
grew
at
length
so
frequent
,
and
so
dangerous
,
that
it
was
necessary
(
as
the
Parliaments
then
thought
)
to
secure
the
Queen
,
by
making
severe
Laws
against
a
People
,
who
did
not
believe
themselves
her
Majesties
Subjects
;
but
on
the
contrary
,
many
of
them
thought
themselves
in
Conscience
obliged
to
oppose
and
destroy
her
:
and
although
that
Excommunication
,
as
also
the
pretended
doubtfulness
of
the
Title
▪
both
died
with
that
renowned
Queen
,
yet
a
new
desperate
Conspiracy
against
the
King
her
Successor
and
the
whole
Parliament
ensuing
,
not
long
after
her
decease
,
those
rigorous
Laws
have
been
so
far
from
being
repealed
,
that
very
many
more
,
and
far
severer
,
have
been
since
made
,
and
are
yet
in
force
.
Now
these
Laws
make
so
great
a
distinction
between
Protestants
and
Papists
,
that
whereas
the
former
are
by
our
Government
and
Laws
,
the
freest
People
in
the
World
,
the
latter
are
little
better
than
slaves
,
are
confined
to
such
a
distance
from
their
Houses
,
are
not
to
come
near
the
Court
,
which
being
kept
in
the
Capital
City
,
mostly
deprives
them
from
attending
their
necessary
occasions
;
they
are
to
pay
two
third
parts
of
their
Estates
annually
to
the
King
,
their
Priests
are
to
suffer
as
Traitors
,
and
they
as
Felons
for
harbouring
them
;
in
fine
,
one
of
us
,
if
he
do
not
break
the
Municipal
Laws
for
the
good
Government
of
the
Country
,
need
not
fear
the
King's
Power
,
whereas
their
being
what
they
are
,
is
a
breach
of
the
Law
,
and
does
put
them
into
the
Princes
hands
to
ruine
them
when
he
pleases
;
nay
,
he
is
bound
by
Oath
to
do
it
,
and
when
he
does
it
not
,
is
complained
against
by
his
People
,
and
Parliaments
take
it
amiss
.
Now
judge
you
,
Sir
,
whether
it
is
not
the
interest
of
these
People
to
desire
and
endeavour
a
change
,
whilest
they
remain
under
these
discouragements
,
and
whether
they
are
not
like
to
joyn
with
the
Prince
(
whose
connivance
at
the
inexecution
of
those
Laws
is
the
onely
means
and
hope
of
their
preservation
)
whenever
he
shall
undertake
any
thing
for
the
increase
of
his
own
Power
,
and
the
depressing
his
Parliaments
.
Noble
Ven.
What
you
say
is
very
undeniable
,
but
then
the
Remedy
is
very
easie
and
obvious
,
as
well
as
very
just
and
honourable
,
which
is
the
taking
away
those
cruel
Laws
,
and
if
that
were
done
they
would
be
one
People
with
you
,
and
would
have
no
necessity
,
and
by
consequence
no
desire
to
engreaten
the
King
against
the
Interest
and
Liberty
of
their
own
Country
.
Eng.
Gent.
You
speak
very
well
,
and
one
of
the
Reasons
amongst
many
which
I
have
,
to
desire
a
composure
of
all
our
troubles
by
a
setled
Government
,
is
,
that
I
may
see
these
People
(
who
are
very
considerable
,
most
of
them
,
for
Estates
,
Birth
and
Breeding
)
live
quietly
under
our
good
Laws
,
and
increase
our
Trade
and
Wealth
with
their
expences
here
at
home
;
whereas
now
the
severity
of
our
Laws
against
them
,
makes
them
spend
their
Revenues
abroad
,
and
inrich
other
Nations
with
the
Stock
of
England
;
but
as
long
as
the
State
here
is
so
unsetled
as
it
is
,
our
Parliaments
will
never
consent
to
countenance
a
Party
,
who
by
the
least
Favour
and
Indulgence
may
make
themselves
able
to
bring
in
their
own
Religion
to
be
National
,
and
so
ruine
our
Polity
and
Liberties
.
Noble
Ven.
I
wonder
why
you
should
think
that
possible
?
Eng.
Gent.
First
,
Sir
,
for
the
Reason
we
First
gave
,
which
is
the
craziness
of
our
Polity
,
there
being
nothing
more
certain
,
than
that
both
in
the
Natural
and
also
the
Politick
Body
any
sinister
accident
that
intervenes
,
during
a
very
Diseased
habit
,
may
bring
a
dangerous
alteration
to
the
Patient
.
An
Insurrection
in
a
decayed
Government
,
a
thing
otherwise
very
inconsiderable
,
has
proved
very
fatal
,
as
I
knew
a
slight
flesh-wound
bring
a
lusty
Man
to
his
Grave
in
our
Wars
,
for
that
he
being
extreamly
infected
with
the
French
Disease
,
could
never
procure
the
Orifice
to
close
;
so
although
the
designs
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
for
altering
our
Religion
,
would
be
very
little
formidable
to
a
well-founded
Government
,
yet
in
such
an
one
as
we
have
now
,
it
will
require
all
our
care
to
obviate
such
Machinations
.
Another
Reason
is
the
little
Zeal
that
is
left
amongst
the
ordinary
Protestants
,
which
Zeal
uses
to
be
a
great
Instrument
of
preserving
the
Religion
establish'd
,
as
it
did
here
in
Queen
Elizabeths
time
;
I
will
add
the
little
Credit
the
Church
of
England
hath
amongst
the
People
,
most
men
being
almost
as
angry
with
that
Popery
which
is
left
amongst
us
(
in
Surplices
,
Copes
,
Altars
,
Cringings
,
Bishops
,
Ecclesiastical
Courts
,
and
the
whole
Hierarchy
,
besides
an
Infinite
number
of
Useless
,
Idle
,
Superstitious
Ceremonies
,
and
the
Ignorance
and
Vitiousness
of
the
Clergy
in
general
)
as
they
are
with
those
Doct.
But
Sir
,
would
you
have
the
Parliament
do
nothing
,
as
things
stand
,
to
provide
(
at
least
,
as
much
as
in
them
lies
)
that
whoever
succeeds
be
a
good
Protestant
?
Eng.
Gent.
Yes
,
I
think
it
best
in
the
first
place
to
offer
to
his
Majesty
the
true
Remedy
;
&
if
they
find
him
averse
to
that
,
then
to
pursue
the
other
which
concerns
the
Succession
,
because
the
People
(
who
are
their
Principals
,
and
give
them
their
Power
)
do
expect
something
extraordinary
from
them
at
this
time
;
and
the
most
of
them
believe
this
last
the
only
present
means
to
save
them
from
Popery
,
which
they
judge
(
and
very
justly
)
will
bring
in
with
it
a
change
of
Government
.
But
then
,
I
suppose
,
they
may
be
encouraged
to
propose
in
the
first
place
the
true
Cure
;
not
only
because
that
is
infallible
,
as
has
been
proved
,
but
likewise
because
His
Majesty
in
probability
will
sooner
consent
to
any
reasonable
Demand
towards
the
Reforming
of
the
Government
,
and
to
the
securing
us
that
way
,
than
to
concur
to
the
depriving
his
onely
Brother
of
the
Crown
.
And
possibly
this
latter
(
as
I
said
before
)
may
be
the
only
way
the
Parliament
can
hope
will
prove
effectual
:
For
if
you
please
to
look
but
an
Age
back
into
our
Story
,
you
will
find
that
Henry
the
Eighth
did
procure
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
which
gave
him
power
to
dispose
of
the
Crown
by
his
last
Will
and
Testament
;
and
that
he
did
accordingly
make
his
said
Will
,
and
by
it
devise
the
Succession
to
his
Son
Edward
the
Sixth
,
in
the
first
place
,
and
to
the
Heirs
of
his
Body
;
and
for
want
of
such
,
to
his
Daughter
Mary
,
and
to
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
and
for
want
of
which
Heirs
,
to
his
Daughter
Elizabeth
,
our
once
Soveraign
of
Immortal
and
Blessed
Memory
,
and
the
Heirs
of
her
Body
;
and
for
want
of
all
such
Issue
,
to
the
right
Heirs
of
his
Younger
Sister
,
who
was
,
before
he
made
this
Will
,
married
to
Charles
Brandon
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
and
had
Issue
by
him
.
By
this
Testament
he
disinherited
his
elder
Sister
,
who
was
married
in
Scotland
;
and
by
that
means
did
,
as
much
as
in
him
lay
,
exclude
His
Majesty
(
who
now
,
by
God's
Mercy
,
Reigns
over
us
)
as
also
his
Father
and
Grandfather
.
And
to
make
the
Case
stronger
,
there
passed
an
Act
long
after
,
in
the
Reign
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
That
it
should
be
Treason
during
that
Queen's
Life
,
and
a
Premunire
afterwards
,
to
assert
that
the
Imperial
Crown
of
England
could
not
be
disposed
of
by
Act
of
Parliament
:
yet
after
the
Decease
of
that
Queen
,
there
was
no
considerable
Opposition
made
to
the
peaceable
Reception
and
Recognition
of
King
Iames
of
happy
Memory
.
And
those
who
did
make
a
little
stir
about
the
other
Title
,
as
the
Lord
Cobham
,
Sir
Walter
Rawleigh
,
and
a
few
others
,
were
apprehended
&
condemn'd
according
to
Law.
And
,
notwithstanding
that
,
since
,
in
the
Reign
of
K.
Charles
the
First
,
there
was
a
bloody
Civil
War
,
in
which
Men's
Minds
were
exasperated
at
a
high
rate
;
yet
in
all
the
Course
of
it
,
the
Original
Want
of
Title
was
never
objected
against
His
late
Majesty
.
I
do
not
urge
this
to
aver
that
the
Parliament
,
with
the
King's
Consent
,
cannot
do
lawfully
this
,
or
any
other
great
Matter
;
which
would
be
an
incurring
the
Penalty
of
that
Law
,
and
a
Solecism
in
the
Politicks
:
But
to
shew
,
that
when
the
Passions
of
men
are
quieted
,
and
the
Reasons
other
than
they
were
,
it
happens
oftentimes
that
those
Acts
which
concern
the
Succession
fall
to
the
Ground
of
themselves
,
and
that
even
without
the
Sword
,
which
in
this
Case
was
never
adoperated
.
And
that
therefore
this
Remedy
in
our
Case
may
be
likely
never
to
take
place
,
if
it
please
God
the
King
live
till
this
Nation
be
under
other
kind
of
Circumstances
.
Doct.
Sir
,
you
say
very
well
:
but
it
seems
to
me
,
that
the
last
Parliament
was
in
some
kind
of
Fault
,
if
this
be
true
that
you
say
;
for
I
remember
that
my
Lord
Chancellor
did
once
,
during
their
Sitting
,
in
His
Majesty's
Name
offer
them
to
secure
their
Religion
and
Liberties
any
way
they
could
advise
of
,
so
they
would
let
alone
meddling
with
the
Succession
,
and
invited
them
to
make
any
Proposals
they
thought
necessary
to
that
end
.
Eng.
Gent.
Hinc
ille
lachrimae
.
If
this
had
been
all
,
we
might
have
been
happy
at
this
time
;
but
this
Gracious
Offer
was
In
limine
,
accompanied
with
such
Conditions
that
made
the
Parliament
conjecture
that
it
was
only
to
perplex
and
divide
them
;
and
did
look
upon
it
as
an
Invention
of
some
new
Romanza
,
(
Counsellors
and
those
too
,
possibly
,
influenced
by
the
French
)
to
make
them
embrace
the
Shaddow
for
the
Substance
,
and
satisfying
themselves
with
this
Appearance
,
to
do
their
ordinary
Work
of
giving
Money
,
and
be
gone
,
and
leave
the
Business
of
the
Kingdom
as
they
found
it
.
For
it
was
proposed
,
that
whatsoever
Security
we
were
to
receive
,
should
be
both
Conditional
and
Reversionable
:
That
is
,
First
,
We
should
not
be
put
into
Possession
of
this
new
Charter
(
be
it
what
it
will
)
till
after
the
death
of
His
Majesty
who
now
is
;
whereas
such
a
Provision
is
desirable
,
and
indeed
necessary
for
us
for
this
only
reason
,
that
when
that
unfortunate
hour
comes
,
we
might
not
be
,
in
that
Confusion
,
unprovided
of
a
Calm
,
Setled
and
Orderly
,
as
well
as
a
Legal
Way
to
keep
out
Popery
.
Whereas
otherwise
,
if
we
be
to
take
Possession
in
that
Minute
,
it
must
either
miscarry
,
or
be
gotten
by
a
War
,
if
it
be
true
that
Possession
be
Nine
Points
of
the
Law
in
other
Cases
,
it
is
in
this
the
whole
Ten
:
and
I
should
be
very
unwilling
,
in
such
a
Distraction
,
to
have
no
Sanctuary
to
fly
to
,
but
a
piece
of
Parchment
kept
in
the
Pells
;
and
to
have
this
too
,
as
well
as
other
Advantages
,
in
the
Power
and
Possession
of
him
in
whose
prejudice
it
was
made
:
this
had
been
almost
as
good
an
Expedient
to
keep
out
Popery
,
as
the
Bill
which
was
thrown
out
that
Parliament
;
which
provided
,
that
in
the
Reign
of
a
King
that
should
be
a
Papist
,
the
Bishops
should
chuse
one
another
upon
Vacancies
.
Those
Counsellors
who
put
my
Lord
Chancellor
upon
this
Proposal
,
were
either
very
slender
Politicians
themselves
,
or
else
thought
the
Parliament
so
.
If
Magna
Charta
and
The
Petition
of
Right
had
not
been
to
take
place
till
after
the
Decease
of
those
Princes
who
confirmed
them
,
neither
had
the
Barons
shed
their
Blood
to
so
good
purpose
,
nor
the
Members
of
the
Parliament
in
Tertio
Caroli
,
deserved
so
Glorious
an
Imprisonment
after
it
was
ended
.
The
other
Condition
in
this
renowned
Proposal
is
,
That
all
Provision
and
Security
which
is
given
us
to
preserve
our
Religion
,
shall
cease
immediately
,
whenever
the
Prince
shall
take
a
certain
Oath
to
be
penned
for
that
purpose
;
and
I
leave
it
to
all
thinking
men
to
determine
what
that
will
avail
us
,
when
we
shall
have
a
King
of
that
Profession
over
us
,
who
shall
not
have
so
much
Zeal
for
his
Religion
,
as
he
who
is
now
the
next
successor
hath
;
but
shall
possibly
prefer
his
Ambition
,
and
his
desire
to
get
out
of
Wardship
,
before
the
Scruples
of
his
Confessor
;
and
yet
may
afterwards
,
by
getting
Absolution
for
,
and
Dispensation
from
such
Oaths
and
Compliance
,
employ
the
Power
he
gets
himself
,
and
the
Security
he
deprives
us
of
,
to
introduce
violently
what
Worship
and
Faith
he
pleases
.
This
Gracious
Offer
had
the
fatality
to
disguist
one
of
the
best
Parliaments
that
ever
Sate
,
and
the
most
Loyal
;
so
that
laying
it
aside
,
they
fell
upon
the
Succession
,
the
only
thing
they
had
then
left
,
and
were
soon
after
Dissolved
,
leaving
the
Kingdom
in
a
more
distracted
Condition
than
they
found
it
;
and
this
can
no
way
be
composed
,
but
by
mending
the
Polity
,
so
that
whoever
is
King
cannot
(
be
he
never
so
inclined
to
it
)
introduce
Popery
,
or
destroy
whatever
Religion
shall
be
established
:
as
you
see
in
the
Example
of
the
Dutchy
of
Hanover
,
whose
Prince
some
fourteen
Years
since
,
was
perverted
to
the
Roman
Church
,
went
to
Rome
to
abjure
Heresie
(
as
they
call
the
truth
)
return'd
home
,
where
he
lived
and
Governed
as
he
did
before
,
without
the
least
Animosity
of
his
Subjects
for
his
Change
,
or
any
endeavour
of
his
to
Introduce
any
in
his
Government
or
People
,
and
dying
this
last
Spring
,
left
the
Peaceable
and
undisturbed
Rule
of
his
Subjects
to
the
next
Successor
,
his
Brother
the
Bishop
of
Osnaburg
,
who
is
a
Protestant
,
and
this
because
the
Polity
of
that
Dukedom
has
been
conserved
entire
for
many
years
,
and
is
upon
a
right
Basis
:
and
if
our
Case
were
so
,
we
should
not
onely
be
out
of
danger
to
have
our
Religion
altered
(
as
I
said
before
)
whoever
is
King
,
but
should
in
other
things
be
in
a
happy
and
flourishing
condition
.
But
I
have
made
a
long
and
tedious
digression
to
answer
your
demands
:
Now
't
is
time
you
assist
me
to
find
the
Natural
Cure
of
all
our
Mischiefs
.
Doct.
Stay
,
Sir
,
I
confess
my self
to
be
wonderfully
Edified
with
your
discourse
hitherto
,
but
you
have
said
nothing
yet
of
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
do
not
think
you
desire
it
,
though
you
were
pleased
to
mention
such
a
thing
,
for
I
suppose
you
cannot
think
it
possible
,
that
this
Parliament
(
which
is
now
speedily
to
meet
by
his
Majesties
Gracious
Proclamation
)
can
ever
suffer
such
a
thing
to
be
so
much
as
Debated
amongst
them
.
Doct.
Sir
,
you
have
no
reason
to
take
that
for
granted
,
when
you
see
what
Books
are
Printed
,
what
great
and
Honourable
Persons
frequent
him
in
private
,
and
countenance
him
in
publick
;
what
shoals
of
the
middle
sort
of
people
have
in
his
Progress
this
Summer
met
him
before
he
came
into
any
great
Town
,
and
what
Acclamations
and
Bon-fires
have
been
made
in
places
where
he
lodged
.
Eng.
Gent.
These
things
,
I
must
confess
,
shew
how
great
a
Distemper
the
People
are
in
,
and
the
great
reason
we
have
to
pray
God
of
his
Mercy
to
put
an
end
to
it
by
a
happy
Agreement
in
Parliament
.
But
certainly
this
proceeds
only
from
the
hatred
they
have
to
the
next
Successour
and
his
Religion
,
and
from
the
compassion
they
have
to
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
(
who
as
they
suppose
,
hath
suffered
banishment
and
dis-favour
at
Court
,
at
his
Instance
)
and
not
from
any
hopes
of
expectations
that
the
Parliament
will
countenance
any
pretence
that
can
be
made
in
his
behalf
to
the
Succession
.
Doct.
It
may
be
when
we
have
discoursed
of
it
,
I
shall
be
of
your
mind
,
(
as
indeed
I
am
enclined
already
)
But
yet
nothing
in
War
is
more
dangerous
than
to
contemn
an
Enemy
;
so
in
this
Argumentation
that
we
use
to
secure
our
Liberties
,
we
must
leave
nothing
unanswered
that
may
stand
in
the
way
of
that
,
especially
the
Duke
of
Eng.
Gent.
Well
,
I
see
I
must
be
more
tedious
than
I
intended
;
First
then
,
the
reasoning
of
these
men
you
speak
of
,
does
in
my
apprehension
,
suppose
a
thing
I
cannot
mention
without
horrour
,
which
is
,
That
this
Person
should
be
admitted
immediately
to
the
Possession
of
the
Crown
to
do
all
these
fine
Matters
;
for
otherwise
,
if
he
must
stay
till
the
Death
of
our
Soveraign
who
now
Reigns
(
which
I
hope
and
pray
will
be
many
years
)
possibly
these
delicate
Bills
may
never
pass
,
nor
he
find
hereafter
the
People
in
so
good
a
humour
to
admit
him
to
the
Reversion
,
which
if
it
could
be
obtain'd
(
as
I
think
it
impossible
Politically
)
yet
the
Possession
must
be
kept
by
a
standing
Army
,
and
the
next
Successour
cannot
have
a
better
Game
to
play
,
nor
a
better
Adversary
to
deal
with
,
than
one
who
leaps
in
over
the
Heads
of
almost
all
the
Protestant
Princes
Families
abroad
,
besides
some
Papist
who
are
greater
;
and
when
we
have
been
harrassed
with
Wars
,
and
the
miseries
that
accompany
it
some
few
years
,
you
shall
have
all
these
fine
People
,
who
now
run
after
him
,
very
weary
of
their
new
Prince
:
I
would
not
say
any
thing
to
disparage
a
Person
so
highly
born
,
and
of
so
early
merit
;
but
this
I
may
say
,
That
if
a
Lawful
Title
should
be
set
on
foot
in
his
favour
,
and
a
thousand
Dutch
Hosts
,
and
such
like
,
should
swear
a
Marriage
,
yet
no
sober
Man
,
that
is
not
blinded
with
prejudice
,
will
believe
,
That
our
King
(
whom
none
can
deny
to
have
an
excellent
understanding
)
would
ever
Marry
a
Woman
so
much
his
Inferiour
as
this
great
Persons
Mother
was
;
and
this
at
a
time
when
his
Affairs
were
very
low
,
and
he
had
no
visible
or
rational
hopes
to
be
restored
to
the
Possession
of
his
Kingdoms
but
by
an
assistance
which
might
have
been
afforded
him
by
means
of
some
great
Foreign
Alliance
.
Well
,
but
to
leave
all
this
,
do
these
Men
pretend
that
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
shall
be
declared
Successour
to
the
Crown
in
Parliament
,
with
the
King
's
Concurence
or
without
it
;
if
without
it
,
you
must
make
a
War
for
it
,
and
I
am
sure
that
no
Cause
can
be
stated
upon
such
a
point
,
that
will
not
make
the
Assertors
and
Undertakers
of
it
be
condemned
by
all
the
Politicians
and
Moralists
of
the
World
,
and
by
the
Casuis
t
s
of
all
Religions
,
and
so
by
consequence
,
it
is
like
to
be
a
very
unsuccesful
War.
If
you
would
have
this
declar'd
with
the
King's
Consent
,
either
you
suppose
the
Royal
assent
to
be
given
,
when
the
King
has
his
liberty
either
to
grant
it
,
or
not
grant
it
,
to
Dissolve
the
Parliament
,
or
not
Dissolve
it
,
without
ruine
or
prejudice
to
his
Affairs
:
If
in
the
first
Case
,
it
is
plain
he
will
not
grant
it
,
because
he
cannot
do
it
without
confessing
his
Marriage
to
that
Duke's
Mother
,
which
he
hath
already
declared
against
in
a
very
solemn
manner
,
and
caused
it
to
be
Registred
in
Chancery
;
and
which
not
only
no
good
Subject
can
chuse
but
believe
,
but
which
cannot
be
doubted
by
any
rational
person
;
for
it
would
be
a
very
unnatural
,
and
indeed
a
thing
unheard
of
,
that
a
Father
who
had
a
Son
in
Lawful
Matrimony
,
and
who
was
grown
to
perfection
,
and
had
signalized
himself
in
the
Wars
,
and
who
was
ever
intirely
beloved
by
him
,
should
disinherit
him
by
so
solemn
an
asseveration
(
which
must
be
a
false
one
too
)
to
cause
his
Brother
to
succeed
in
his
room
.
And
whereas
it
is
pretended
by
some
,
that
His
Majesties
danger
from
his
Brothers
Counsels
and
Designs
may
draw
from
him
something
of
this
;
beside
that
they
do
not
much
Complement
the
King
in
this
,
it
is
clear
,
his
Brother
is
not
so
Popular
,
but
that
he
may
secure
him
when
he
pleases
,
without
hazard
,
if
there
were
any
ground
for
such
an
apprehension
.
But
we
must
in
the
next
place
suppose
that
the
King's
Affairs
were
in
such
a
posture
,
that
he
could
deny
the
Parliament
nothing
without
very
great
mischief
,
and
inconvenience
to
himself
and
the
Kingdom
;
then
I
say
,
I
doubt
not
,
but
the
Wisdom
of
the
Parliament
will
find
out
divers
Demands
and
Requests
to
make
to
His
Majesty
of
greater
benefit
,
and
more
necessary
for
the
good
of
his
People
than
this
would
be
;
which
draws
after
it
not
only
a
present
unsetledness
,
but
the
probable
hazard
of
Misery
and
Devastation
for
many
years
to
come
,
as
has
been
proved
.
So
that
as
on
the
one
side
the
Parliament
could
not
make
a
more
unjustfiable
War
than
upon
this
Account
,
so
they
could
not
be
Dissolved
upon
any
occasion
wherein
the
People
would
not
shew
less
discontent
and
resentment
,
and
for
which
the
Courtiers
would
not
hope
to
have
a
better
pretext
to
strive
in
the
next
Choice
to
make
their
Arts
and
endeavours
more
successful
in
the
Election
of
Members
more
suitable
to
their
Designs
for
the
continuance
of
this
present
mis-government
;
For
if
this
Parliament
do
mis-spend
the
Peoples
Mettle
,
which
is
now
up
,
in
driving
that
Nail
which
cannot
go
,
they
must
look
to
have
it
cool
,
and
so
the
Ship
of
this
Commonwealth
,
which
if
they
please
may
be
now
in
a
fair
way
of
Entering
into
a
Safe
Harbour
,
will
be
driven
to
Sea
again
in
a
Storm
,
and
must
hope
for
,
and
expect
another
favourable
Wind
to
save
them
;
and
God
knows
when
that
may
come
.
Doct.
But
Sir
,
there
are
others
,
who
not
minding
whether
the
Parliament
will
consider
the
Duke
of
Monmouths
concern
,
so
far
as
to
debate
it
,
do
yet
pretend
,
that
there
is
great
reason
to
keep
up
the
peoples
affections
to
him
;
and
possibly
to
foment
the
opinion
they
have
of
his
Title
to
the
Crown
,
to
the
end
,
that
if
the
King
should
die
re
infectà
,
that
is
,
before
such
time
as
the
Government
is
redrest
,
or
the
Duke
of
York
disabled
by
Law
to
Succeed
,
the
people
might
have
an
Head
,
under
whose
Command
and
Conduct
they
might
stand
upon
their
Guard
,
till
they
had
some
way
secured
their
Government
and
Religion
.
Eng.
Gent.
What
you
have
started
is
not
a
thing
that
can
safely
be
discoursed
of
,
nor
is
it
much
material
to
our
design
,
which
is
intended
to
speculate
upon
our
Government
,
and
to
shew
how
it
is
decayed
:
I
have
industriously
avoided
the
argument
of
Rebellion
,
as
I
find
it
coucht
in
modern
Polititians
,
because
most
Princes
hold
,
that
all
Civil
Wars
in
mixt
Monarchies
must
be
so
,
and
a
Polititian
,
as
well
as
an
Oratour
,
ought
to
be
Vir
bonus
,
so
ought
to
discourse
nothing
,
how
rational
soever
,
in
these
points
under
a
peaceable
Monarchy
,
which
gives
him
protection
,
but
what
he
would
speak
of
his
Prince
if
all
his
Councel
were
present
.
I
will
tell
you
only
,
that
these
Authors
hold
,
that
nothing
can
be
alledged
to
excuse
the
taking
Arms
by
any
people
in
opposition
to
their
Prince
from
being
Crimen
Lesae
Majestatis
,
but
a
claim
to
a
lawful
Jurisdiction
,
or
Co-ordination
in
the
Government
,
by
which
they
may
judg
of
,
and
defend
their
own
Rights
,
and
so
pretend
to
fight
for
,
and
defend
the
Government
;
for
though
all
do
acknowledg
,
that
Populi
salus
is
,
and
ought
to
be
the
most
Supreme
,
or
Soveraign
Law
in
the
world
;
yet
if
we
should
make
private
persons
,
how
numerous
soever
,
judg
of
Populi
salus
,
we
should
have
all
the
Risings
and
Rebellions
that
should
ever
be
made
,
justified
by
that
title
,
as
happened
in
France
,
when
La
Guerre
du
bien
publique
took
that
name
,
which
was
raised
by
the
insatiable
ambition
of
a
few
Noble
men
,
and
by
correspondency
and
confederacy
with
Charles
,
Son
of
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
and
other
enemies
to
that
Crown
.
Doct.
But
would
you
have
our
people
do
nothing
then
,
if
the
King
should
be
Assassinated
,
or
die
of
a
natural
death
?
Eng.
Gent.
You
ask
me
a
very
fine
question
,
Doctor
:
If
I
say
,
I
would
have
the
people
stir
in
that
case
,
then
the
King
,
and
his
Laws
take
hold
of
me
;
and
if
I
should
answer
,
that
I
would
have
them
be
quiet
,
the
people
would
tear
me
in
pieces
for
a
Iesuit
,
or
at
least
,
believe
that
I
had
no
sense
of
the
Riligion
,
Laws
,
and
Liberty
of
my
Countrey
.
De
facto
,
I
do
suppose
,
that
if
the
people
do
continue
long
in
this
heat
which
now
possesseth
them
,
and
remain
in
such
a
passion
at
the
time
of
the
Kings
death
without
setling
matters
,
they
may
probably
fall
into
tumults
and
Civil
War
,
which
makes
it
infinitely
to
be
desired
,
and
prayed
for
by
all
good
English
men
,
that
during
the
quiet
and
peace
we
injoy
,
by
the
blessing
of
his
Majesties
life
and
happy
Reign
,
we
might
likewise
be
so
wise
and
fortunate
,
as
to
provide
for
the
safety
and
prosperity
of
the
next
generation
.
Doct.
But
if
you
would
not
have
the
people
in
such
a
case
,
take
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
for
their
Head
,
what
would
you
have
them
do
?
Eng.
Gent.
Doctor
,
you
ask
me
very
fine
questions
;
do
not
you
know
that
Machivel
,
the
best
and
most
honest
of
all
the
modern
Polititians
,
has
suffered
sufficiently
by
means
of
Priests
,
and
other
ignorant
persons
,
who
do
not
understand
his
Writings
,
and
therefore
impute
to
him
the
teaching
Subjects
how
they
should
Rebel
and
conspire
against
their
Princes
,
which
if
he
were
in
any
kind
guilty
of
,
he
would
deserve
all
the
reproaches
that
have
been
cast
upon
him
,
and
ten
times
more
;
and
so
should
I
,
if
I
ventured
to
obey
you
in
this
.
I
am
very
confident
,
that
if
any
man
should
come
to
you
,
to
implore
your
skill
in
helping
him
to
a
drug
that
might
quickly
,
and
with
the
least
fear
of
being
suspected
,
dispatch
an
enemy
of
his
,
or
some
other
,
by
whose
death
he
was
to
be
a
gainer
;
or
some
young
Lass
that
had
gotten
a
Surruptitious
great
Belly
,
should
come
to
you
to
teach
her
how
to
destroy
the
fruit
;
I
say
,
in
this
case
you
would
scarce
have
had
patience
to
hear
these
persons
out
;
much
less
would
you
have
been
so
wicked
to
have
in
the
least
assisted
them
in
their
designs
,
no
more
than
Solon
,
Lycurgus
,
Periander
,
or
any
other
of
the
Sages
could
have
been
brought
to
have
given
their
advice
to
any
persons
who
should
have
begged
it
,
to
enable
them
to
ruine
and
undermine
the
government
of
their
own
Commonwealths
.
Doct.
Sir
,
this
Reprehension
would
be
very
justly
given
me
,
if
I
had
intended
by
this
question
to
induce
you
to
counsel
me
,
or
any
other
how
to
rebel
;
my
meaning
was
to
desire
you
(
who
have
heretofore
been
very
fortunate
in
prophesying
concerning
the
events
of
our
changes
here
)
to
exercise
your
faculty
a
little
at
this
time
,
and
tell
us
,
what
is
like
to
be
the
end
of
these
destractions
we
are
under
,
in
case
we
shall
not
be
so
happy
as
to
put
a
period
to
them
by
mending
our
Government
,
and
securing
our
Religion
and
Liberty
in
a
regular
way
.
Eng.
Gent.
Doctor
,
I
will
keep
the
reputation
of
Prophecy
,
which
I
have
gained
with
you
,
and
not
hazard
it
with
any
new
predictions
,
for
fear
they
should
miscarry
;
yet
I
care
not
,
if
I
gratifie
your
curiosity
a
little
in
the
point
,
about
which
you
first
began
to
Interrogate
me
,
by
presaging
to
you
,
that
in
case
we
should
have
troubles
,
and
combustions
here
,
after
his
Majesties
decease
(
which
God
avert
)
we
must
expect
a
very
unsuccesful
end
of
them
,
if
we
should
be
so
rash
and
unadvised
,
as
to
make
the
great
Person
we
have
been
lately
speaking
of
,
our
head
;
and
that
nothing
can
be
more
dangerous
and
pernitious
to
us
than
such
a
choice
.
I
have
not
in
this
discourse
the
least
intention
to
except
against
,
much
less
to
disparage
the
personal
worth
of
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
which
the
world
knows
to
be
very
great
,
but
do
believe
that
he
hath
Courage
and
Conduct
proportionable
to
any
imployment
that
can
be
conferred
upon
him
,
whether
it
be
to
manage
Arms
,
or
Counsels
;
but
my
opinion
is
,
that
no
person
in
his
circumstance
can
be
a
proper
head
in
this
case
;
for
the
people
having
been
already
put
on
upon
his
scent
of
the
title
to
the
Crown
,
will
be
very
hardly
called
off
,
and
so
will
force
the
wiser
men
,
who
may
design
better
things
,
to
consent
that
he
be
Proclaimed
King
immediately
,
except
there
be
some
other
head
,
who
by
his
Power
,
Wisdom
,
and
Authority
,
may
restrain
the
forwardness
of
the
multitude
,
and
obviate
the
acts
of
some
men
,
whose
interest
and
hopes
may
prompt
them
to
foment
the
humours
of
the
people
.
Now
the
consequences
of
hurrying
a
man
to
the
Throne
so
tumultuously
,
without
the
least
deliberation
,
are
very
dismal
;
and
do
not
only
not
cure
the
politick
distempers
of
our
Countrey
,
which
we
have
talked
so
much
of
,
but
do
infinitely
augment
it
,
and
add
to
the
desease
our
State
labours
under
already
(
which
is
a
Consumption
)
a
very
violent
Feaver
too
;
I
mean
War
at
home
,
and
from
abroad
,
which
must
necessarily
follow
in
a
few
years
:
nor
is
it
possible
to
go
back
,
when
once
we
have
made
that
step
;
for
our
new
King
will
call
a
Parliament
,
which
being
summoned
by
his
will
,
neither
will
nor
can
question
his
Title
or
Government
,
otherwise
than
by
making
Addresses
,
and
by
presenting
Bills
to
him
,
as
they
do
to
his
now
Majesty
.
Nob.
Ven.
It
seems
to
me
,
that
there
needs
nothing
more
than
that
;
for
if
he
consent
to
all
Laws
as
shall
be
presented
to
him
,
you
may
reform
your
Government
sufficiently
,
or
else
it
is
your
own
fault
.
Eng.
Gent.
We
have
shewed
already
,
and
shall
do
more
hereafter
,
that
no
Laws
can
be
executed
till
our
government
be
mended
;
and
if
you
mean
we
should
make
such
as
should
mend
that
(
besides
that
it
would
be
a
better
method
to
capitulate
that
,
before
you
make
choice
of
your
Prince
,
as
wise
people
have
done
in
all
ages
,
and
the
Cardinals
do
at
Rome
in
the
Conclave
before
they
choose
their
Pope
)
I
say
besides
this
,
it
is
not
to
be
taken
for
granted
that
any
Bills
that
tend
to
make
considerable
alterations
in
the
administration
,
(
and
such
we
have
need
of
,
as
you
will
see
anon
)
would
either
in
that
case
be
offered
or
consented
to
;
both
Prince
and
People
being
so
ready
to
cry
out
upon
Forty-one
,
and
to
be
frighted
with
the
name
of
a
Common-wealth
,
even
now
when
we
think
Popery
is
at
the
door
;
which
some
people
then
will
think
farther
off
,
and
so
not
care
to
make
so
great
alterations
to
keep
it
out
;
besides
the
great
Men
and
favourites
of
the
new
Prince
will
think
it
hard
that
their
King
should
be
so
bounded
and
limited
both
in
power
and
Revenue
,
that
he
shall
have
no
means
to
exercise
his
liberality
towards
them
,
and
so
may
use
their
interest
and
eloquence
in
both
Houses
to
dissuade
them
from
pressing
so
hard
upon
a
Prince
who
is
a
true
zealous
Protestant
,
and
has
alwaies
headed
that
party
and
who
is
justly
admired
,
if
not
adored
by
the
people
;
and
considering
too
that
all
the
power
they
leave
him
,
will
serve
but
to
enable
him
to
defend
us
the
better
from
Popery
and
Arbitrary
power
;
for
which
latter
Monarchy
was
first
Instituted
.
Thus
we
may
exercise
during
a
Parliament
or
two
,
love-tricks
between
the
Prince
and
his
people
,
and
imitate
the
hony-moon
that
continued
for
about
two
years
after
his
Majesties
Restauration
till
the
ill
management
of
affairs
and
the
new
grevances
that
shall
arise
(
which
will
be
sure
never
to
fail
till
our
true
cure
be
effected
,
notwithstanding
the
care
of
the
new
King
and
his
Councellors
)
shall
awaken
the
discontents
of
the
people
,
and
then
they
will
curse
the
time
in
which
they
made
this
election
of
a
Prince
,
and
the
great
men
for
not
hindring
them
.
Then
men
will
be
reckoning
up
the
discontents
of
the
Peers
,
sometime
after
they
had
made
a
rash
choice
of
H.
the
7th
in
the
field
,
who
(
had
then
no
title
)
when
they
saw
how
he
made
use
of
the
power
they
gave
him
to
lessen
their
greatness
,
and
to
fortifie
himself
upon
their
ruins
;
when
it
comes
to
this
,
and
that
the
Governing
party
comes
to
be
but
a
little
faction
,
the
people
(
who
never
know
the
true
cause
of
their
distemper
)
will
be
looking
out
abroad
who
has
the
Lawful
title
(
if
the
next
Heir
be
not
in
the
meantime
with
an
Army
of
English
and
Strangers
in
the
field
here
,
as
is
most
likely
)
and
look
upon
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
or
the
next
of
kin
,
as
their
future
Saviour
(
in
case
the
Duke
be
dead
in
the
mean
time
,
and
so
the
cause
of
all
their
distrust
taken
away
)
thus
most
men
,
not
only
discontented
persons
,
but
the
people
in
general
,
lookt
upon
his
Majesty
that
now
is
,
as
their
future
deliverer
during
our
late
distractions
,
when
his
condition
was
so
weak
that
he
had
scarce
wherewithall
to
subsist
,
and
his
enemies
powerful
at
home
and
victorious
abroad
,
which
will
not
be
I
fear
,
our
case
.
I
Prophesy
then
(
because
you
will
have
me
use
this
word
)
that
if
Nobles
or
people
make
any
such
unfortunate
choice
as
this
during
the
distractions
we
may
be
in
upon
his
Majesties
death
,
we
shall
not
only
miss
our
cure
,
or
have
it
deferred
till
another
Government
make
it
;
but
remain
in
the
confusion
we
now
suffer
under
;
and
besides
,
that
shall
be
sure
to
feel
,
first
or
last
,
the
calamity
of
a
Civil
and
Foreign
War
,
and
in
the
mean
time
to
be
in
perpetual
fear
of
it
,
and
suffer
all
the
burden
and
charge
which
is
necessary
to
provide
for
it
,
besides
all
the
other
ill
consequences
of
a
standing
Army
.
To
conclude
,
I
assure
you
in
the
Faith
of
a
Christian
,
that
I
have
made
this
discourse
solely
and
singly
out
of
zeal
and
affection
to
the
Interest
of
my
Countrey
,
and
not
at
all
with
the
least
intention
to
favour
or
promote
the
Cause
or
Interest
of
the
D.
of
York
,
or
to
disparage
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
from
whom
I
never
received
the
least
unkindness
,
nor
ever
had
the
honour
to
be
in
his
Company
;
and
to
whom
I
shall
ever
pay
respect
suitable
to
his
high
Birth
and
Merit
.
Noble
Ven.
Well
,
Sir
,
your
Reasoning
in
this
point
has
extreamly
satisfied
me
;
and
the
Doctor
,
I
suppose
,
was
so
before
,
as
he
averred
;
therefore
pray
let
us
go
on
where
we
left
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
cannot
take
so
much
upon
me
as
to
be
Dictator
in
the
Method
of
our
Cure
,
since
either
of
you
is
a
thousand
times
better
qualified
for
such
an
Office
,
and
therefore
shall
henceforth
desire
to
be
an
Auditor
.
Doct.
Pray
,
Sir
,
let
us
not
spend
time
in
Compliments
,
but
be
pleased
to
proceed
in
this
business
,
and
we
doubt
not
but
as
you
have
hitherto
wonderfully
delighted
us
,
so
you
will
gratifie
us
in
concluding
it
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
see
I
must
obey
you
,
but
pray
help
me
,
and
tell
me
in
the
first
place
,
whether
you
do
not
both
believe
,
that
as
the
causa
causarum
of
all
our
Distractions
is
(
as
has
been
proved
)
the
breach
of
our
Government
;
so
that
the
immediate
Causes
are
two
:
First
,
The
great
distrust
on
both
sides
between
the
King
and
his
People
and
Parliament
;
the
first
fearing
that
his
Power
will
be
so
lessened
by
degrees
,
that
at
length
it
will
not
be
able
to
keep
the
Crown
upon
his
head
:
And
the
latter
seeing
all
things
in
disorder
,
and
that
the
Laws
are
not
executed
(
which
is
the
second
of
the
two
Causes
)
fear
the
King
intends
to
change
the
Government
,
and
be
Arbitrary
.
Noble
Ven.
I
am
a
Stranger
,
but
(
though
I
never
reflected
so
much
upon
the
Original
Cause
,
as
I
have
done
since
I
heard
you
discourse
of
it
)
yet
I
ever
thought
that
those
two
were
the
Causes
of
the
Unquietness
of
this
Kingdom
:
I
mean
the
Jealousie
between
the
King
and
his
People
,
and
the
Inexecution
of
the
great
Laws
of
Calling
Parliaments
Annually
,
and
letting
them
sit
to
dispatch
their
Affairs
:
I
understand
this
in
the
time
of
His
Majesties
Grand-Father
,
and
Father
,
more
than
in
His
own
Reign
.
Eng.
Gent.
Then
whoever
can
absolutely
lay
these
two
Causes
asleep
for
ever
,
will
arrive
to
a
perfect
Cure
;
which
I
conceive
no
way
of
doing
,
but
that
the
King
have
a
great
deal
more
Power
or
a
great
deal
less
:
And
you
know
that
what
goes
out
of
the
King
must
go
into
the
People
,
and
so
vice
versa
:
Insomuch
that
the
People
must
have
a
great
deal
more
Power
,
or
a
great
deal
less
:
Now
it
is
no
question
,
but
either
of
these
two
,
would
rather
increase
their
Power
than
diminish
it
;
so
that
if
this
cannot
be
made
up
by
the
Wisdom
of
this
Age
,
we
may
see
in
the
next
,
that
both
the
King
will
endeavour
to
be
altogether
without
a
Parliament
,
and
the
Parliament
to
be
without
a
King.
Doct.
I
begin
to
smell
,
that
you
would
be
nibbling
at
the
pretence
which
some
had
before
his
Majesties
Restauration
,
of
a
Commonwealth
or
Democracy
.
Eng.
Gent.
No
,
I
abhor
the
thoughts
of
wishing
,
much
less
endeavouring
any
such
thing
,
during
these
Circumstances
we
are
now
in
;
That
is
,
under
Oaths
of
Obedience
to
a
Lawful
King.
And
truly
if
any
Themistocles
should
make
to
me
such
a
Proposal
,
I
should
give
the
same
Judgment
concerning
it
,
that
Aristides
did
in
such
a
Case
.
The
Story
is
short
;
After
the
War
between
the
Greeks
and
the
Persians
was
ended
,
and
Xerxes
driven
out
of
Greece
,
the
whole
Fleet
of
the
Grecian
Confederates
(
except
that
of
Athens
which
was
gone
home
)
lay
in
a
great
Arsenal
(
such
as
were
then
in
use
)
upon
the
Coast
of
Attica
;
during
their
abode
there
,
Themistocles
harrangues
one
day
the
People
of
Athens
(
as
was
then
the
Custome
)
and
tells
them
,
that
he
had
a
design
in
his
head
,
which
would
be
of
Infinite
profit
and
advantage
to
the
Commonwealth
;
But
that
it
could
not
be
executed
without
the
Order
and
Authority
of
them
,
and
that
it
did
likewise
require
secresie
;
and
if
it
were
declared
there
in
the
Market
place
,
where
Strangers
as
well
as
Citizens
might
be
present
,
it
could
not
be
concealed
,
and
therefore
proposed
it
to
their
consideration
what
should
be
done
in
it
:
it
was
at
length
concluded
that
Themistocles
should
propose
it
to
Aristides
,
and
if
he
did
next
morning
acquaint
the
People
that
he
gave
his
approbation
to
it
,
it
should
be
proceeded
in
:
Themistocles
informs
him
that
the
whole
Fleet
of
their
Confederates
in
the
War
against
the
Medes
had
betaken
themselves
to
the
great
Arsenal
upon
their
Coast
,
where
they
might
be
easily
fired
,
and
then
the
Athenians
would
remain
absolute
Masters
of
the
Sea
,
and
so
give
Law
to
all
Greece
;
when
Aristides
came
the
next
day
to
deliver
his
Judgment
to
the
People
,
he
told
them
that
the
business
proposed
by
Themistocles
,
was
indeed
very
advantageous
,
and
profitable
to
the
Athenians
;
But
withal
,
the
most
Wicked
and
Villanous
Attempt
that
ever
was
undertaken
;
upon
which
it
was
wholly
laid
aside
.
And
the
same
Judgment
do
I
give
,
Doctor
,
of
your
Democracy
at
this
time
.
But
to
return
to
the
place
where
I
was
,
I
do
belive
that
this
difference
may
easily
be
terminated
very
fairly
,
and
that
our
House
need
not
be
pulled
down
,
and
a
new
one
built
;
but
may
be
very
easily
repair'd
,
so
that
it
may
last
many
hundred
years
.
Noble
Ven.
I
begin
to
perceive
that
you
aim
at
this
,
That
the
King
must
give
the
People
more
Power
,
as
Henry
the
Third
,
and
King
Iohn
did
,
or
the
Parliament
must
give
the
King
more
,
as
you
said
they
did
in
France
in
the
time
of
Lewis
the
Eleventh
;
or
else
that
it
will
come
in
time
to
a
War
again
.
Eng.
Gent.
You
may
please
to
know
,
that
in
all
times
hitherto
,
the
Parliament
never
demanded
any
thing
of
the
King
,
wherein
the
Interest
and
Government
of
the
Kingdom
was
concerned
(
excepting
Acts
of
Pardon
)
but
they
founded
their
demands
upon
their
Right
,
not
only
because
it
might
seem
unreasonable
for
them
to
be
earnest
with
him
to
give
them
that
which
was
his
own
,
but
also
because
they
cannot
chuse
but
know
,
that
all
Powers
which
are
Fundamentally
and
Lawfully
in
the
Crown
,
were
placed
there
upon
the
first
Institution
of
our
Government
,
to
capacitate
the
Prince
to
Govern
and
Protect
his
People
:
So
that
for
the
Parliament
to
seek
to
take
from
him
such
Authority
,
were
to
be
felo
de
se
,
as
we
call
a
self-Homicide
;
but
as
in
some
Distempers
of
the
Body
the
Head
suffers
as
well
as
the
Inferiour
parts
,
so
that
it
is
not
possible
for
it
,
to
order
,
direct
and
provide
for
the
whole
Body
as
its
Office
requires
,
since
the
Wisdom
and
Power
which
is
placed
there
,
is
given
by
God
to
that
end
;
In
which
Case
,
though
the
Distemper
of
the
Body
may
begin
from
the
Disease
of
some
other
part
,
or
from
the
mass
of
Blood
or
putrefaction
of
other
Humours
;
yet
since
that
noble
part
is
so
affected
by
it
,
that
Reason
and
Discourse
fails
,
therefore
to
restore
this
again
,
Remedies
must
be
apply'd
to
,
and
possibly
Humours
or
Vapours
drawn
from
the
Head
it self
,
that
so
it
may
be
able
to
Govern
and
Reign
over
the
Body
as
it
did
before
,
or
else
the
whole
Man
,
like
a
Slave
,
must
be
ruled
and
guided
ab
extrinseco
,
that
is
by
some
Keeper
:
So
it
is
now
with
us
,
in
our
Politick
Disease
,
where
granting
(
if
you
please
)
that
the
Distemper
does
not
proceed
from
the
Head
,
but
the
Corruption
of
other
parts
,
yet
in
the
Cure
,
Applications
must
be
made
to
the
Head
as
well
as
to
the
Members
,
if
we
mean
poor
England
shall
recover
its
former
perfect
health
;
and
therefore
it
will
be
found
,
perhaps
,
Essential
to
our
being
,
to
ask
something
(
in
the
condition
we
now
are
)
to
which
the
King
as
yet
may
have
a
Right
;
and
which
except
he
please
to
part
with
,
the
Phenomena
of
Government
cannot
be
salved
;
That
is
,
our
Laws
cannot
be
executed
;
nor
Magna
Charta
it self
made
practicable
;
and
so
both
Prince
and
People
,
that
is
,
the
Polity
of
England
,
must
die
of
this
Disease
,
or
by
this
Delirium
must
be
Governed
,
ab
extrinseco
,
and
fall
to
the
Lot
of
some
Foregin
Power
.
Noble
Ven.
But
,
Sir
,
since
the
business
is
come
to
this
Dilemma
,
why
may
not
the
King
ask
more
Power
of
the
Parliament
,
as
well
as
they
of
him
?
Eng.
Gent.
No
question
but
our
present
Councellours
and
Courtiers
would
be
nibbling
at
that
bait
again
,
if
they
had
another
Parliament
that
would
take
Pensions
for
their
Votes
;
But
in
one
that
is
come
fresh
from
the
People
,
and
understand
their
Sense
and
Grievances
very
well
,
I
hardly
believe
they
will
attempt
it
;
for
both
Council
and
Parliament
must
needs
know
by
this
time-a-day
,
that
the
Cause
of
all
our
Distractions
coming
(
as
has
been
said
an
hundred
times
)
from
the
King
's
having
a
greater
Power
already
than
the
condition
of
Property
at
this
present
can
admit
,
without
Confusion
and
Disorder
;
It
is
not
like
to
mend
Matters
for
them
to
give
him
more
,
except
they
will
deliver
up
to
him
at
the
same
instant
their
Possessions
,
and
Right
to
their
Lands
,
and
become
Naturally
and
Politically
his
Slaves
.
Noble
Ven.
Since
there
must
be
a
voluntary
parting
with
Power
,
I
fear
your
Cure
will
prove
long
and
ineffectul
,
and
we
Reconcilers
shall
,
I
fear
,
prove
like
our
devout
Cappuchin
at
Venice
;
this
poor
Mans
name
was
Fra.
Barnardino
da
Udine
,
and
was
esteemed
a
very
holy
Man
,
as
well
as
an
excellent
Preacher
,
insomuch
that
he
was
appointed
to
Preach
the
Lent
Sermons
in
one
of
our
principal
Churches
,
which
he
performed
at
the
begining
with
so
much
Eloquence
,
and
Applause
,
that
the
Church
was
daily
crouded
three
hours
before
the
Sermon
was
to
begin
;
the
esteem
and
veneration
this
poor
Fryar
was
in
,
elevated
his
Spirit
a
little
too
high
to
be
contained
within
the
bounds
of
reason
;
but
before
his
Delirium
was
perceived
,
he
told
his
Auditory
one
day
,
that
the
true
Devotion
of
that
People
,
and
the
care
they
had
to
come
to
hear
his
word
Preached
,
had
been
so
acceptable
to
God
and
to
the
Virgine
,
that
they
had
vouchsafed
to
Inspire
him
with
the
knowledg
of
an
Expedient
,
which
he
did
not
doubt
,
but
would
make
Men
happy
&
just
even
in
this
Life
,
&
that
the
Flesh
should
no
longer
Iust
against
the
Spirit
;
but
that
he
would
not
acquaint
them
with
it
at
that
present
,
because
something
was
to
be
done
on
their
parts
to
make
them
capable
of
this
great
Blessing
,
which
was
to
pray
zealously
for
a
happy
Success
upon
his
Endeavours
,
and
to
Fast
,
and
to
visit
the
Churches
to
that
end
;
therefore
he
desired
them
to
come
the
Wednesday
following
to
be
made
acquainted
with
this
blessed
Expedient
.
You
may
Imagine
how
desirous
our
People
were
,
to
hear
something
more
of
this
Fifth-Monarchy
;
I
will
shorten
my
Story
,
and
tell
you
nothing
of
what
crouding
there
was
all
night
,
and
what
quarrelling
for
places
in
the
Church
;
nor
with
what
difficulty
the
Saffi
,
who
were
sent
by
the
Magistrate
to
keep
the
Paece
,
and
to
make
way
for
the
Preacher
to
get
into
the
Pulpit
,
did
both
;
But
up
he
got
,
and
after
a
long
preamable
of
desiring
more
Prayers
,
and
Addressing
himself
to
our
Senate
to
Mediate
with
the
Pope
,
that
a
week
might
be
set
apart
for
a
Jubilee
and
Fasting
three
days
all
over
the
Christian
World
,
to
storm
Heaven
with
Masses
,
Prayers
,
Fasting
and
Almes
to
prosper
his
Designs
;
he
began
to
open
the
Matter
,
That
the
Cause
of
all
the
Wickedness
and
Sin
,
and
by
Consequence
of
all
the
Miseries
and
Affliction
which
is
in
the
World
,
arising
from
the
enmity
which
is
between
God
and
the
Devil
,
by
which
means
God
was
often
cross'd
in
his
Intentions
of
good
to
Mankind
here
,
and
hereafter
,
the
Devil
by
his
temptations
making
us
uncapable
of
the
Mercy
and
Favour
of
our
Creator
;
therefore
he
had
a
Design
(
with
the
helps
before
mentioned
)
to
mediate
with
Almighty
God
,
That
he
would
pardon
the
Devil
,
and
receive
him
into
his
Favour
again
after
so
long
a
time
of
Banishment
and
Imprisonment
;
and
not
to
take
all
his
power
from
him
,
but
to
leave
him
so
much
as
might
do
good
to
Man
,
and
not
hurt
;
which
he
doubted
not
but
he
would
imploy
that
way
,
after
such
reconciliation
was
made
,
which
his
Faith
would
not
let
him
question
.
You
may
judge
what
the
numerous
Auditory
thought
of
this
;
I
can
only
tell
you
,
that
he
had
a
different
fort
of
Company
at
his
return
,
from
what
he
had
when
he
came
,
for
the
Men
left
him
to
the
Boys
,
who
with
great
Hoops
instead
of
Acclamations
,
brought
him
to
the
Gondola
,
which
conveyed
him
to
the
Redentor
,
where
he
lodged
;
And
I
never
had
the
curiosity
to
enquire
what
became
of
him
after
.
Doct.
I
thank
you
heartily
for
this
Intermess
;
I
see
you
have
learnt
something
in
England
:
for
,
I
assure
you
,
we
have
been
these
twenty
Years
turning
this
,
and
all
serious
Discourses
into
Ridicule
;
but
yet
your
Similitude
is
very
pat
;
for
in
every
Parliament
that
has
been
in
England
these
sixty
Years
,
we
have
had
notable
Contests
between
the
Seed
of
the
Serpent
,
and
the
Seed
of
the
Woman
.
Eng.
Gent.
Well
Sir
,
we
have
had
a
Michael
here
in
our
Age
,
who
has
driven
out
Lucifer
,
and
restored
the
true
Deity
to
his
Power
:
but
where
Omnipotency
is
wanting
(
which
differs
the
Frier's
Case
and
mine
)
the
Devil
of
Civil
War
and
Confusion
may
get
up
again
,
if
he
be
not
laid
by
prudence
and
Vertue
,
and
better
Conjurers
than
any
we
have
yet
at
Court.
Noble
Ven.
Well
Gentlemen
,
I
hope
you
have
pardoned
me
for
my
Farce
.
But
,
to
be
a
little
more
serious
,
pray
tell
me
how
you
will
induce
the
King
to
give
up
so
much
of
his
Right
as
may
serve
your
turn
?
Would
you
have
the
Parliament
make
War
with
him
again
?
Eng.
Gent.
There
cannot
,
nor
ought
to
be
,
any
Change
,
but
by
his
Majesty's
free
Consent
;
for
besides
,
that
a
War
is
to
be
abhorred
by
all
Men
that
love
their
Country
,
any
Contest
of
that
kind
in
this
case
(
viz.
to
take
away
the
least
part
of
the
Kings
Right
)
could
be
justified
by
no
man
living
.
I
say
,
besides
that
,
a
Civil
War
has
miscarried
in
our
days
,
which
was
founded
(
at
least
pretendedly
)
upon
Defence
of
the
People's
own
Rights
:
In
which
,
although
they
had
as
clear
a
Victory
in
the
end
,
as
ever
any
Contest
upon
Earth
had
,
yet
could
they
never
reap
the
least
advantage
in
the
World
by
it
:
but
went
from
one
Tyranny
to
another
,
from
Barebones
Parliament
,
to
Noble
Ven.
You
have
very
fully
convinced
me
of
two
things
:
First
,
That
we
have
no
reason
to
expect
or
believe
that
the
Parliament
will
ever
increase
the
Kings
Power
:
And
then
,
that
the
King
cannot
by
any
way
found
himself
a
New
,
and
more
absolute
Monarchy
,
except
he
can
alter
the
Condition
of
Property
,
which
I
think
we
may
take
for
granted
to
be
impossible
.
But
yet
,
I
know
not
why
we
may
not
suppose
that
(
although
he
cannot
establish
to
all
Posterity
such
an
Empire
)
he
may
,
notwithstanding
,
change
the
Government
at
the
present
;
and
calling
Parliaments
no
more
,
administer
it
by
force
,
as
it
is
done
in
France
,
for
some
good
time
.
Eng.
Gent.
In
France
it
has
been
a
long
Work
;
and
although
that
Tyranny
was
begun
,
as
has
been
said
,
by
Petition
from
the
States
themselves
,
not
to
be
assembled
any
more
;
yet
the
Kings
since
,
in
time
of
great
Distraction
,
have
thoughr
fit
to
convocate
them
again
;
as
they
did
in
the
Civil
Wars
thrice
:
Once
at
Orleans
,
and
twice
at
Blois
.
I
would
not
repeat
what
I
have
so
tediously
discoursed
of
concerning
France
already
,
but
only
to
intreat
you
to
remember
that
our
Nation
has
no
such
poor
and
numerous
Gentry
,
which
draw
better
Revenues
from
the
King's
Purse
,
than
they
can
from
their
own
Estates
;
all
our
country
people
consisting
of
Rich
Nobility
and
Gentry
,
of
Wealthy
Yeomen
,
and
of
Poor
Younger
Brothers
who
have
little
or
nothing
,
and
can
never
raise
their
Companies
,
if
they
should
get
Commissions
,
without
their
Elder
Brothers
Assistance
amongst
his
Tenants
,
or
else
with
the
free
consent
and
desire
of
the
People
,
which
,
in
this
case
,
would
hardly
be
afforded
them
.
But
we
will
suppose
there
be
idle
People
enough
to
make
an
Army
,
and
that
the
King
has
Money
enough
to
Arm
and
Raise
them
:
And
I
will
grant
too
,
to
avoid
tediousness
(
although
I
do
not
think
it
possible
)
that
the
people
will
at
the
first
,
for
fear
,
receive
them
into
their
Houses
,
and
Quarter
them
against
Law
;
nay
,
pay
the
Money
which
shall
be
by
illegal
Edicts
,
imposed
upon
the
Subjects
to
pay
them
;
Yet
is
it
possible
an
Army
can
continue
any
time
to
enslave
their
own
Country
?
Can
they
resist
the
Prayers
,
or
the
Curses
of
their
Fathers
,
Brothers
,
Wives
,
Mothers
,
Sisters
,
and
of
all
Persons
wherever
they
frequent
?
Upon
this
Account
all
the
Greek
Tyrants
were
of
very
short
Continuance
;
who
being
in
chief
Magistracy
and
Credit
in
their
Commonwealths
,
by
means
of
Soldiers
and
Satellites
,
usurped
the
Soveraignty
.
But
did
ever
any
of
them
,
excepting
Dionysius
,
leave
it
to
his
Son
?
Who
was
driven
out
within
less
than
a
year
after
his
Fathers
death
.
Many
Armies
of
the
Natives
have
destroyed
Tyrannies
:
So
the
Decemvirate
was
ruined
at
Rome
,
the
Tarquins
expelled
before
that
:
Our
own
Country
has
been
a
Stage
,
even
in
our
time
,
where
this
Tragedy
has
been
sufficiently
acted
;
for
the
Army
,
after
the
War
was
done
,
fearing
the
Monarchy
should
be
restored
again
,
held
Councils
,
got
Agitators
;
and
though
there
were
often
very
severe
Executions
upon
the
Ring-leaders
,
did
at
length
,
by
their
perseverance
,
necessitate
their
Officers
to
joyn
with
them
(
having
many
good
Head-pieces
of
the
Party
to
advise
them
)
;
and
so
broke
all
Treaties
.
And
the
Parliament
too
,
adhering
to
a
small
Party
of
them
who
consented
to
lay
aside
Kingly
Government
,
and
afterwards
drove
them
away
too
,
fearing
they
would
continue
to
Govern
in
Oligarchy
.
I
am
far
from
approving
this
way
they
used
,
in
which
they
broke
all
Laws
,
Divine
and
Humane
,
Political
and
Moral
:
But
I
urge
it
only
to
shew
how
easily
an
Army
of
Natives
is
to
be
deluded
with
the
Name
of
Liberty
,
and
brought
to
pull
down
any
thing
which
their
Ring-leaders
tell
them
tends
to
enslaving
their
Country
.
'T
is
true
,
this
Army
was
afterwards
cheated
by
their
General
;
who
without
their
Knowledge
,
much
less
Consent
,
one
Morning
,
suddenly
made
himself
Tyrant
of
his
Country
.
It
as
true
,
that
their
Reputation
(
not
their
Arms
)
supported
him
in
that
State
for
some
time
;
but
it
is
certain
that
they
did
very
often
,
and
to
the
last
,
refuse
to
be
instrumental
to
levy
Moneys
,
though
for
their
own
pay
:
and
so
he
,
against
his
Will
,
was
fain
to
call
from
time
to
time
Parliamentary
Conventions
.
And
it
is
most
certain
that
he
did
,
in
the
Sickness
of
which
he
died
,
often
complain
that
his
Army
would
not
go
a
step
farther
with
him
:
and
,
de
facto
,
some
Months
after
his
death
,
they
did
dethrone
his
Son
,
and
restore
the
Remainder
of
the
old
Parliament
,
upon
promise
made
to
them
in
secret
(
by
the
Demogogues
of
that
Assembly
)
that
a
Commonwealth
should
be
speedily
framed
and
setled
.
Noble
Ven.
Sir
,
I
am
satisfied
that
an
Army
raised
here
on
a
sudden
,
and
which
never
saw
an
Enemy
,
could
not
be
brought
to
act
such
high
things
for
the
Ruin
of
their
own
Government
;
nor
possibly
,
would
be
any
way
able
to
resist
the
Fury
and
Insurrection
of
the
people
.
But
what
say
you
of
a
Forreign
Army
,
raised
by
your
King
abroad
,
and
brought
over
,
whose
Officers
and
Soldiers
shall
have
no
Acquaintance
or
Relations
amongst
the
people
here
?
Eng.
Gent.
All
Forces
of
that
kind
must
be
either
Auxiliaries
or
Mercenaries
:
Auxiliaries
are
such
as
are
sent
by
some
Neighbour
Prince
or
State
,
with
their
own
Colours
,
and
paid
by
themselves
:
though
possibly
,
the
Prince
who
demands
them
may
furnish
the
Money
.
These
usually
return
home
again
,
when
the
occasion
,
for
which
they
were
demanded
,
is
over
:
But
whether
they
do
or
not
,
if
they
be
not
mixed
and
over-ballanced
with
Forces
which
depend
upon
the
Prince
who
calls
them
,
but
that
the
whole
Weight
and
power
lies
in
them
,
they
will
certainly
,
first
or
last
,
seize
that
Country
for
their
own
Soveraign
.
And
as
for
Mercenaries
,
they
must
be
raised
(
't
is
true
)
with
the
Money
of
the
Prince
who
needs
them
,
but
by
the
Authority
and
Credit
of
some
Great
Persons
who
are
to
Lead
and
Command
them
:
And
these
,
in
all
Occasions
,
have
made
their
own
Commander
Prince
;
as
F.
Sforza
at
Milan
drove
out
by
this
trick
the
Visconti
,
ancient
Dukes
of
that
State
;
and
the
Mamalukes
in
Egypt
made
themselves
a
Military
Commonwealth
.
So
that
the
way
of
an
Army
here
would
either
be
no
Remedy
at
all
,
or
one
very
much
worse
than
the
Disease
to
the
Prince
himself
.
Noble
Ven.
Well
Sir
,
I
begin
to
be
of
Opinion
,
that
any
thing
the
King
can
grant
the
Parliament
(
especially
such
a
Parliament
as
this
is
,
which
consists
of
Men
of
very
great
Estates
,
and
so
can
have
no
interest
to
desire
Troubles
)
will
not
be
so
inconvenient
to
him
,
as
to
endeavour
to
break
the
Government
by
force
.
But
why
may
he
not
,
for
this
time
,
by
soothing
them
,
and
offering
them
great
Alliances
abroad
for
the
Interest
of
England
,
and
ballancing
Matters
in
Europe
more
eaven
than
they
have
been
;
and
,
in
fine
,
by
offering
them
a
War
with
the
French
,
to
which
Nation
they
have
so
great
a
hatred
;
lay
them
asleep
,
and
get
good
store
of
Money
,
and
stave
off
this
severe
Cure
you
speak
of
,
at
least
,
for
some
time
longer
?
Eng.
Gent.
There
has
been
something
of
this
done
too
lately
;
and
there
is
a
Gentleman
lies
in
the
Tower
,
who
is
to
answer
for
it
.
But
you
may
please
to
understand
,
that
there
is
scarce
any
amongst
the
middle
sort
of
People
,
much
less
within
the
Walls
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
who
do
not
perfectly
know
,
that
we
can
have
no
Alliance
with
any
Nation
in
the
World
that
will
signifie
any
thing
to
them
,
or
to
our selves
,
till
our
Government
be
redressed
and
new
modelled
.
And
therefore
,
though
there
were
an
Army
Landed
in
this
Island
,
yet
that
we
must
begin
there
,
before
we
are
sit
to
repulse
them
,
or
defend
our selves
.
And
the
fear
and
sense
of
this
People
universally
is
,
that
if
we
should
have
any
War
,
either
for
our
own
Concerns
,
or
for
those
of
our
Allies
,
whilst
Matters
remain
as
they
do
at
home
,
it
would
certainly
come
to
this
pass
,
that
either
being
beaten
,
we
should
subject
this
Kingdom
to
an
Invasion
,
at
a
time
when
we
are
in
a
very
ill
condition
to
repell
it
;
or
else
,
if
we
were
Victorious
,
that
our
Courtiers
and
Counsellors
in
fragrante
(
or
as
the
French
cry
,
d'emble
)
,
would
employ
that
Mettle
and
good
Fortune
to
try
some
such
Conclusions
at
home
as
we
have
been
discoursing
of
.
And
therefore
,
if
any
War
should
be
undertaken
without
Parliament
,
you
should
see
the
People
rejoyce
as
much
at
any
disaster
our
Forces
should
receive
,
as
they
did
when
the
Scots
seized
the
four
Northern
Counties
in
1639.
Or
before
that
,
when
we
were
beaten
at
the
Isle
of
Rhee
,
or
when
we
had
any
Loss
in
the
last
War
with
Holland
.
And
this
Joy
is
not
so
unnatural
as
it
may
seem
to
those
who
do
not
consider
the
Cause
of
it
;
which
is
the
breach
of
our
old
Government
,
and
the
necessity
our
Governors
are
under
to
make
some
new
experiments
:
And
the
fear
we
are
in
,
that
any
Prosperity
may
make
them
able
to
try
them
,
either
with
Effect
,
or
at
least
with
Impunity
.
Which
Consideration
made
a
Court-Droll
say
lately
to
His
Majesty
,
(
who
seemed
to
wonder
why
his
subjects
hated
the
French
so
much
)
;
Sir
,
it
is
because
you
love
them
,
and
espouse
their
Interest
:
And
if
you
would
discover
this
Truth
clearly
,
you
may
please
to
make
War
with
the
King
of
France
;
and
then
you
shall
see
,
that
this
People
will
not
only
love
them
,
take
their
parts
,
and
wish
them
Success
;
but
will
exceedingly
rejoyce
when
they
are
Victorious
in
sinking
your
Ships
,
or
defeating
your
Forces
.
And
this
is
sufficient
to
answer
your
Proposal
for
Alliances
abroad
,
and
for
a
War
with
France
.
Besides
this
(
to
wind
all
up
in
a
Word
)
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
that
so
good
and
wise
a
Prince
as
we
have
at
this
time
should
ever
be
induced
(
when
he
comes
to
understand
perfectly
his
own
Condition
)
to
let
his
own
Interest
(
granting
his
Power
to
be
so
,
which
is
very
false
)
contest
with
the
Safety
and
Preservation
of
his
People
,
for
which
only
it
was
given
him
;
or
that
he
will
be
any
way
tenacious
of
such
Prerogatives
,
as
now
,
by
a
natural
Revolution
of
Political
Circumstances
,
are
so
far
from
continuing
useful
to
his
Governing
the
People
,
that
they
are
the
only
Remora
and
Obstacle
of
all
Government
,
Settlement
and
Order
.
For
His
Majesty
must
needs
know
,
that
all
Forms
of
regulating
Mankind
under
Laws
were
ordained
by
God
and
Man
,
for
the
Happiness
and
Security
of
the
Governed
,
and
not
for
the
Interest
and
Greatness
of
those
who
rule
;
unless
where
there
is
Melior
Natura
in
the
Case
.
So
God
Governs
Man
for
his
own
Glory
only
,
and
Men
Reign
over
Beasts
for
their
own
Use
and
Service
;
and
where
an
Absolute
Prince
rules
over
his
own
Servants
whom
he
feeds
and
pays
(
as
we
have
said
)
,
or
the
Master
of
a
great
and
numerous
Family
Governs
his
Houshold
;
they
are
both
bound
by
the
Law
of
God
and
Nature
,
and
by
their
own
Interest
,
to
do
them
Justice
,
and
not
Insaevire
or
Tyranize
over
them
,
more
than
the
necessity
of
preserving
their
Empire
and
Authority
requires
.
Doct.
But
Sir
,
considering
the
difficulty
which
will
be
found
in
the
King
,
and
possibly
in
the
Parliament
too
,
to
come
up
to
so
great
an
alteration
at
the
first
,
and
the
danger
that
may
happen
by
our
remaining
long
in
this
unsetled
Condition
,
which
does
hourly
expose
us
to
innumerable
hazards
,
both
at
home
,
and
from
abroad
;
why
may
we
not
begin
,
and
lay
the
Foundation
now
,
by
removing
all
His
Majesty's
present
Council
by
Parliament
;
which
is
no
new
thing
,
but
hath
been
often
practised
in
many
Kings
Reigns
?
Eng.
Gent.
First
,
the
Council
,
that
is
,
the
Privy
Council
which
you
mean
,
is
no
part
of
our
Government
,
as
we
may
have
occasion
to
shew
hereafter
;
nor
is
the
King
obliged
by
any
Fundamental
Law
,
or
by
any
Act
of
Parliament
to
hearken
to
their
Advice
,
or
so
much
as
to
ask
it
;
and
if
you
should
make
one
on
purpose
,
besides
that
it
would
not
be
so
effectual
as
what
we
may
propose
,
it
would
be
full
as
hard
to
go
down
either
with
King
or
Parliament
.
But
besides
all
this
,
you
would
see
some
of
these
Counsellours
so
nominated
by
Parliament
,
perhaps
prove
honest
,
and
then
they
would
be
forced
to
withdraw
as
some
lately
did
,
because
they
found
,
I
suppose
,
that
till
the
Administration
be
alter'd
,
it
is
impossible
that
their
Councils
can
be
imbraced
,
or
any
thing
be
acted
by
them
which
may
tend
to
the
good
of
their
Country
;
those
who
have
not
so
great
a
sence
of
Honour
and
Integrity
,
will
be
presently
corrupted
by
their
own
Interest
,
whilst
the
Prince
is
left
in
possession
of
all
those
baits
and
means
to
answer
such
Mens
ectpectations
:
It
being
most
certain
,
that
if
you
have
a
musty
Vessel
,
and
by
consequence
dislike
the
Beer
which
comes
out
of
it
,
and
draw
it
out
,
causing
the
Barrel
to
be
immediately
fill'd
with
good
and
sound
Liquor
,
it
is
certain
by
experience
,
that
both
your
new
Drink
,
and
all
that
ever
you
shall
put
into
the
Cask
,
till
it
be
taken
in
pieces
,
and
the
Pipes
shaved
,
and
new
model'd
,
will
be
full
as
musty
,
and
unsavoury
as
the
first
which
you
found
fault
with
.
Noble
Ven.
Now
,
Sir
,
I
think
we
are
at
an
end
of
our
Questions
,
and
I
for
my
part
am
convinced
,
that
as
the
King
cannot
better
himself
any
way
by
falling
out
with
his
people
at
this
time
,
so
that
his
goodness
and
wisdom
is
such
,
that
he
will
rather
chuse
to
imitate
the
most
glorious
and
generous
of
his
predecessors
,
as
Edward
the
First
,
and
Edward
the
Third
,
than
those
who
were
of
less
worth
,
and
more
unfortunate
,
as
Edward
the
Second
,
and
Richard
the
Second
.
And
therefore
we
are
now
ready
to
hear
what
you
would
think
fit
to
ask
of
so
excellent
a
Prince
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
never
undertook
to
be
so
Presumptuous
;
there
is
a
Parliament
to
sit
speedily
,
and
certainly
they
are
the
fittest
every
way
to
search
into
such
matters
;
and
to
anticipate
their
wisdom
would
be
unreasonable
,
and
might
give
them
just
offence
.
But
because
all
this
tittle
tattle
may
not
go
for
nothing
,
I
shall
presume
to
give
you
my
thoughts
,
how
the
Cure
must
be
wrought
,
without
descending
to
particulars
.
The
Cause
Immediate
(
as
we
have
said
)
of
our
Disease
,
is
the
inexecution
of
our
Laws
;
and
it
is
most
true
,
that
when
that
is
alter'd
for
the
better
,
and
that
all
our
Laws
are
duly
executed
,
we
are
in
health
;
for
as
we
can
never
have
the
entire
benefit
of
them
,
till
our
Government
is
upon
a
right
Basis
;
so
whenever
we
enjoy
this
happiness
,
to
have
the
full
benefit
of
those
Constitutions
,
which
were
made
by
our
Ancestors
for
our
safe
and
orderly
living
,
our
Government
is
upon
a
right
Basis
;
therefore
we
must
enquire
into
the
Cause
why
our
Laws
are
not
executed
,
&
when
you
have
found
and
taken
away
that
Cause
,
all
is
well
.
The
Cause
can
be
no
other
than
this
,
That
the
King
is
told
,
and
does
believe
,
that
most
of
these
great
Charters
or
Rights
of
the
people
,
of
which
we
now
chiefly
treat
,
are
against
his
Majesties
Interest
,
though
this
be
very
false
(
as
has
been
said
)
yet
we
will
not
dispute
it
at
this
time
,
but
take
it
for
granted
,
so
that
the
King
having
the
Supreme
execution
of
the
Laws
in
his
hand
,
cannot
be
reasonably
supposed
to
be
willing
to
execute
them
whenever
he
can
chuse
whether
he
will
do
it
or
no
;
it
being
natural
for
every
man
not
to
do
any
thing
against
his
own
Interest
when
he
can
help
it
;
now
when
you
have
thought
well
what
it
should
be
that
gives
the
King
a
Liberty
to
chuse
whether
any
part
of
the
Law
shall
be
currant
or
no
,
you
will
find
that
it
is
the
great
Power
the
King
enjoys
in
the
Government
;
when
the
Parliament
hath
discovered
this
,
they
will
no
doubt
demand
of
his
Majesty
an
abatement
of
his
Royal
Prerogative
in
those
matters
only
which
concern
our
enjoyment
of
our
All
,
that
is
our
Lives
,
Liberties
and
Estates
,
and
leave
his
Royal
Power
entire
and
untoucht
in
all
the
other
branches
of
it
;
when
this
is
done
,
we
shall
be
as
if
some
great
Heroe
had
performed
the
adventure
of
dissolving
the
Inchantment
we
have
been
under
so
many
years
.
And
all
our
Statutes
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
from
Magna
Charta
to
that
for
burying
in
Woollen
,
will
be
current
,
and
we
shall
neither
fear
the
bringing
in
Popery
,
nor
Arbitrary
Power
in
the
Intervals
of
Parliament
,
neither
will
there
be
any
Dissentions
in
them
;
all
Causes
of
Factions
between
the
Country
and
Court-party
being
entirely
abolisht
;
so
that
the
People
shall
have
no
reason
to
distrust
their
Prince
,
nor
he
them
.
Doct.
You
make
us
a
fine
Golden
Age
;
but
after
all
this
,
will
you
not
be
pleased
to
shew
us
a
small
prospect
of
this
Canaan
,
or
Country
of
rest
;
will
you
not
vouchsafe
to
particularize
a
little
what
Powers
there
are
in
the
King
,
which
you
would
have
discontinued
?
would
you
have
such
Prerogatives
abolished
,
or
placed
elsewhere
?
Eng.
Gent.
There
can
be
no
Government
if
they
be
abolished
.
But
I
will
not
be
like
a
Man
who
refuses
to
sing
amongst
his
Friends
at
their
entreaty
,
because
he
has
an
ill
Voice
;
I
will
rather
suffer
my self
to
be
laught
at
by
you
in
delivering
my
small
Judgment
in
this
Matter
,
but
still
with
this
protestation
,
that
I
do
believe
that
an
Infinity
of
Men
better
qualifi'd
than
my self
for
such
sublime
Matters
,
and
much
more
the
House
of
Commons
,
who
represent
the
Wisdom
as
well
as
the
Power
of
this
Kingdom
,
may
find
out
a
far
better
way
,
than
my
poor
parts
and
Capacity
can
suggest
.
The
powers
then
which
now
being
in
the
Crown
do
hinder
the
execution
of
our
Laws
,
and
prevent
by
consequence
our
happiness
and
settlement
,
are
four
;
The
absolute
power
of
making
War
and
peace
,
Treaties
and
Alliances
with
all
Nations
in
the
World
,
by
which
means
,
by
Ignorant
Councellours
,
or
Wicked
Ministers
,
many
of
our
former
Kings
have
made
Confederations
and
Wars
,
very
contrary
,
and
destructive
to
the
Interest
of
England
,
and
by
the
unfortunate
management
of
them
,
have
often
put
the
Kingdom
in
great
hazard
of
Invasion
:
Besides
that
,
as
long
as
there
is
a
distinction
made
between
the
Court-party
and
that
of
the
Country
,
there
will
ever
be
a
Jealousie
in
the
people
,
that
those
wicked
Councellours
(
who
may
think
they
can
be
safe
no
other
way
)
will
make
Alliances
with
powerful
Princes
,
in
which
there
may
be
a
secret
Article
by
which
those
Princes
shall
stipulate
to
assist
them
with
Forces
upon
a
short
warning
to
curb
the
Parliament
,
and
possibly
to
change
the
Government
.
And
this
apprehension
in
the
People
will
be
the
less
unreasonable
,
because
Oliver
Cromwel
(
the
great
Pattern
of
some
of
our
Courtiers
)
is
notoriously
known
to
have
Inserted
an
Article
in
his
Treaty
with
Cardinal
Mazzarin
,
during
this
King
of
Ius
Patronatus
;
These
two
last
Powers
may
furnish
a
Prince
who
will
hearken
to
ill
designing
Councellours
,
with
the
means
either
of
Invading
the
Government
by
Force
,
or
by
his
Judges
and
other
Creatures
undermining
it
by
Fraud
;
Especially
by
enjoying
the
Fourth
Advantage
,
which
is
the
Laying
out
and
Imploying
,
as
he
pleases
,
all
the
Publick
Revenues
of
the
Crown
or
Kingdom
,
and
that
without
having
any
regard
(
except
he
thinks
fit
)
to
the
necessity
of
the
Navy
,
or
any
other
thing
that
concerns
the
Safety
of
the
Publick
.
So
that
all
these
Four
great
Powers
,
as
things
now
stand
,
may
be
adoperated
at
any
time
,
as
well
to
destroy
and
ruine
the
good
Order
and
Government
of
the
State
,
as
to
preserve
and
support
it
,
as
they
ought
to
do
.
Nob.
Ven.
But
if
you
divest
the
King
of
these
Powers
,
will
you
have
the
Parliament
sit
always
to
Govern
these
Matters
?
Eng.
Gent.
Sir
,
I
would
not
divest
the
King
of
them
,
much
less
would
I
have
the
Parliament
assume
them
,
or
perpetuate
their
Sitting
:
They
are
a
Body
more
fitted
to
make
Laws
,
and
punish
the
Breakers
of
them
,
than
to
execute
them
.
I
would
have
them
therefore
petition
His
Majesty
by
way
of
Bill
,
that
he
will
please
to
exercise
these
four
great
Magnalia
of
Government
,
with
the
Consent
of
four
several
Councils
to
be
appointed
for
that
end
,
and
not
otherwise
;
that
is
,
with
the
Consent
of
the
Major
part
of
them
,
if
any
of
them
dissent
.
In
all
which
Councils
His
Majesty
,
or
who
he
pleases
to
appoint
,
shall
preside
;
the
Councils
to
be
named
in
Parliament
;
first
all
the
number
,
and
every
Year
afterwards
a
third
part
:
So
each
Year
a
third
part
shall
go
out
,
and
a
Recruit
of
an
equal
number
come
in
:
And
in
three
Years
they
shall
be
all
new
,
and
no
Person
to
come
into
that
Council
,
or
any
other
of
the
four
,
till
he
have
kept
out
of
any
of
them
full
three
Years
,
being
as
long
as
he
was
in
.
And
this
I
learnt
from
your
Quarantia's
at
Venice
:
and
the
Use
is
excellent
;
for
being
in
such
a
Circulation
,
and
sure
to
have
their
intervals
of
Power
,
they
will
neither
grow
so
insolent
as
to
brave
their
King
,
nor
will
the
Prince
have
any
occasion
to
corrupt
them
,
although
he
had
the
means
to
do
it
,
which
in
this
new
Model
he
cannot
have
.
These
Men
in
their
several
Councils
should
have
no
other
instructions
,
but
to
dispose
of
all
things
,
and
act
in
their
several
Charges
,
for
the
Interest
and
Glory
of
England
;
and
shall
be
Answerable
to
Parliament
,
from
time
to
time
,
for
any
malicious
or
advised
Misdemeanor
:
only
that
Council
which
manages
the
Publick
Revenue
,
shall
(
besides
a
very
copious
and
Honourable
Revenue
which
shall
be
left
to
His
Majesty's
disposal
for
his
own
Entertainment
,
as
belongs
to
the
Splendor
and
Majesty
of
the
Government
)
have
Instructions
to
serve
His
Majesty
(
if
he
pleases
to
command
them
,
and
not
otherwise
)
in
the
regulating
and
ordering
his
Oeconomy
and
Houshold
;
and
if
they
shall
see
it
necessary
,
for
extraordinary
Occasions
of
treating
Foreign
Princes
and
Ambassadors
,
or
Presenting
them
,
and
the
like
Ostentation
of
Greatness
;
to
consent
with
His
Majesty
moderately
to
charge
the
Revenue
to
that
end
.
I
verily
believe
that
this
Expedient
is
much
more
effectual
than
either
the
Iustitia
of
Aragon
was
,
or
the
Ephores
of
Sparta
:
Who
being
to
check
the
King
almost
in
every
thing
,
without
having
any
share
in
his
Councils
,
or
understanding
them
,
could
not
chuse
but
make
a
sullen
posture
of
Affairs
;
whereas
these
both
seem
,
and
really
are
the
King's
Ministers
,
only
obliged
by
Parliament
to
act
faithfully
and
honestly
;
to
which
,
even
without
that
,
all
other
Councellors
are
bound
by
Oath
.
As
for
the
other
Council
,
now
called
the
Privy
Council
,
the
King
may
still
please
to
continue
to
nominate
them
at
his
pleasure
,
so
they
act
nothing
in
any
of
the
Matters
properly
within
the
Jurisdiction
of
these
four
Councils
,
but
meddle
with
the
Affairs
of
Merchants
,
Plantations
,
Charters
,
and
other
Matters
,
to
which
the
Regal
Power
extendeth
.
And
provided
that
His
Majesty
call
none
of
the
Persons
employed
in
these
other
four
Councils
during
their
being
so
,
nor
that
this
Council
do
any
way
intermeddle
with
any
Affairs
,
Criminal
or
Civil
,
which
are
to
be
decided
by
Law
,
and
do
belong
to
the
Jurisdictions
of
other
Courts
or
Magistrates
,
they
being
no
established
Judicatory
,
or
Congregation
,
which
either
our
Government
or
Laws
do
take
notice
of
(
as
was
said
before
)
but
Persons
congregated
by
the
King
,
as
his
Friends
and
faithful
Subjects
,
to
give
him
their
Opinion
in
the
Execution
of
his
Regal
Office.
As
for
Example
,
the
King
does
exercise
,
at
this
time
,
a
Negative
Voice
as
to
Bills
presented
to
him
by
the
Parliament
,
which
he
claims
by
Right
;
no
Man
ever
said
that
the
Privy
Council
had
a
Negative
Voice
;
yet
former
Kings
did
not
only
as
their
Advice
as
to
the
passing
or
not
passing
of
such
Bills
,
but
often
decided
the
Matter
by
their
Votes
;
which
,
although
it
be
a
high
Presumption
in
them
,
when
they
venture
to
give
him
Council
contrary
to
what
is
given
him
by
his
greatest
Council
,
yet
never
any
of
them
have
been
questioned
for
it
;
being
looked
upon
as
private
Men
,
who
speak
according
to
the
best
of
their
Cunning
,
and
such
as
have
no
publick
Capacity
at
all
.
But
if
this
be
not
so
,
and
that
this
Council
have
some
Foundation
in
Law
,
and
some
publick
Capacity
,
I
wish
in
this
new
Settlement
it
may
be
made
otherwise
,
and
that
His
Majesty
please
to
take
their
Counsel
in
private
;
but
summon
no
Persons
to
appear
before
them
;
much
less
give
them
Authority
to
send
for
in
Custody
,
or
Imprison
any
Subject
,
which
may
as
well
be
done
by
the
Judges
and
Magistrates
;
who
,
if
Secrecy
be
required
,
may
as
well
be
Sworn
to
Secrecy
as
these
Gentlemen
;
and
I
believe
can
keep
Counsel
as
well
,
and
give
it
too
.
Nob.
Ven.
But
would
you
have
none
to
manage
State-Affairs
,
none
Imprisoned
for
secret
Conspiracies
,
and
kept
till
they
can
be
fully
discovered
?
you
have
made
an
Act
here
lately
about
Imprisonments
,
that
every
Person
shall
have
his
Habeas
Corpus
,
I
think
you
call
it
:
so
that
no
Man
,
for
what
occasion
soever
,
can
lie
in
Prison
above
a
Night
,
but
the
Cause
must
be
revealed
,
though
there
be
great
cause
for
the
concealing
it
.
Eng.
Gent.
This
Act
you
mention
,
and
a
great
many
more
which
we
have
to
the
same
purpose
,
that
is
,
against
Illegal
Imprisonments
,
shews
that
for
a
long
time
the
Power
over
Men's
Persons
has
been
exercised
(
under
His
Majesty
)
by
such
as
were
very
likely
,
rather
to
employ
it
ill
than
well
;
(
that
is
)
would
rather
Imprison
ten
Men
for
Honourable
Actions
;
such
as
standing
for
the
People's
Rights
in
Parliament
,
refusing
to
pay
Illegal
Taxes
,
and
the
like
;
than
one
for
projecting
and
inventing
Illegal
Monopolies
,
or
any
other
kind
of
oppressing
the
People
.
This
made
first
Magna
Charta
,
then
the
Petition
of
Right
,
and
divers
other
Acts
besides
this
last
,
take
that
Power
quite
away
,
and
make
the
Law
and
the
Judges
the
only
Disposers
of
the
Liberties
of
our
Persons
.
And
it
may
be
,
when
the
Parliament
shall
see
the
Fruit
of
this
Alteration
we
are
now
discoursing
of
,
and
that
State-Affairs
are
in
better
hands
,
they
may
think
fit
to
provide
that
a
Return
,
or
Warrant
of
Imprisonment
from
one
of
these
Four
Councils
(
which
I
suppose
will
have
a
Power
of
Commitment
given
them
,
as
to
Persons
appearing
Delinquents
before
them
)
wherein
it
shall
be
expressed
,
That
if
the
Publick
is
like
to
suffer
or
be
defrauded
,
if
the
Matter
be
immediately
divulged
;
I
say
in
this
Case
,
the
Parliament
may
please
to
make
it
Lawful
for
the
Judge
to
delay
the
Bailing
of
him
for
some
small
time
,
because
it
is
not
to
be
judged
,
that
these
Councellours
so
chosen
,
and
so
instructed
,
and
to
continue
so
small
a
time
,
will
use
this
Power
ill
;
especially
being
accountable
for
any
abusing
of
it
to
the
next
Parliament
.
And
I
suppose
the
Parliament
,
amongst
other
Provisions
in
this
behalf
,
will
require
that
there
shall
be
a
Register
kept
of
all
the
Votes
of
these
several
Councils
,
with
the
names
as
well
of
those
who
consented
,
as
of
such
who
dissented
:
And
as
to
the
former
part
of
your
Question
,
whether
I
would
have
none
to
manage
State
Affairs
;
I
think
there
are
very
few
State
Affair
that
do
not
concern
either
Peace
and
War
,
and
Treaties
abroad
,
the
management
of
the
Arms
,
Militia
,
and
posse
Comitatus
at
home
;
the
management
of
all
the
Publick
Moneys
,
and
the
Election
of
all
Officers
whatsoever
;
the
other
parts
,
of
State
Affairs
,
which
are
Making
and
Repealing
of
Laws
,
punishing
high
Crimes
against
the
State
,
with
Levying
and
Proportioning
all
manner
of
Impositions
upon
the
People
,
this
is
reserved
to
the
Parliament
it self
;
and
the
Execution
of
all
Laws
to
the
Judges
,
and
Magistrates
;
And
I
can
think
of
no
other
Affairs
of
State
than
these
.
Doct.
Do
you
intend
that
the
Council
for
chusing
Officers
shall
Elect
them
of
the
King's
Houshold
,
that
is
,
his
Menial
Servants
?
Eng.
Gent.
No
,
that
were
unreasonable
,
except
any
of
them
have
any
Jurisdiction
in
the
Kingdom
,
or
any
place
or
preheminence
in
Parliament
annexed
to
such
Office
;
but
in
these
things
which
concern
the
powers
and
Jurisdictions
of
these
several
Councils
(
wherein
,
la
guardia
della
laberta
,
as
Machiavil
calls
it
,
is
now
to
be
placed
)
I
shall
not
persume
to
say
any
thing
,
but
assure
your self
,
if
ever
it
come
to
that
,
it
will
be
very
well
digested
in
Parliament
,
they
being
very
good
at
contriving
such
Matters
,
and
making
them
practicable
,
as
well
as
at
performing
all
other
Matters
that
concern
the
Interest
and
greatness
of
the
Kingdom
.
Doct.
I
have
thought
that
the
Ephores
of
Sparta
were
an
admirable
Magistracy
,
not
only
for
the
Interest
of
the
People
,
but
likewise
for
the
preservation
of
the
authority
of
the
Kings
,
and
of
their
lives
too
;
for
Plutarch
observes
that
the
Cities
of
Mesene
and
Argos
had
the
same
Government
with
Lacedemon
,
and
yet
for
want
of
erecting
such
an
Authority
as
was
in
the
Ephores
,
they
were
not
only
perpetually
in
broils
amongst
themselves
,
and
for
that
reason
ever
beaten
by
their
Enemies
,
whereas
the
Spartans
were
always
victorious
,
but
even
their
Kings
were
the
most
miserable
of
Men
,
being
often
call'd
in
question
Judicially
,
and
so
lost
their
Lives
,
and
many
of
them
murdered
by
Insurrections
of
the
People
:
And
at
last
in
both
these
Cities
,
the
Kings
were
driven
out
,
their
Families
extirpated
,
the
Territory
new
divided
,
and
the
Government
turn'd
into
a
Democracy
.
And
I
ever
thought
that
this
expedient
you
propose
(
for
I
have
heard
you
discourse
of
it
often
before
now
)
would
prove
a
more
safe
,
and
a
more
noble
reformation
than
the
Institution
of
the
Ephores
was
,
and
that
a
Prince
who
is
a
lover
of
his
Country
,
who
is
Gracious
,
Wise
and
Just
,
(
such
a
one
as
it
has
pleased
God
to
send
us
at
this
time
)
shall
be
ten
times
more
absolute
when
this
Regulation
is
made
,
than
ever
he
was
or
could
be
before
;
and
that
whatsoever
he
proposes
in
any
of
these
Councils
will
be
received
as
a
Law
,
nay
,
as
an
Oracle
:
And
on
the
other
side
,
ill
and
weak
Princes
shall
have
no
possibility
of
corrupting
Men
,
or
doing
either
themselves
or
their
People
any
kind
of
harm
or
mischief
:
But
have
you
done
now
?
Eng.
Gent.
No
,
Sir
,
when
this
Provision
is
made
for
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
,
(
which
I
think
very
effectual
,
not
to
say
Infallible
)
although
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
there
will
be
from
time
to
time
many
excellent
Laws
Enacted
;
yet
two
I
would
have
passed
immediately
,
the
one
concerning
the
whole
Regulation
of
the
Elections
to
Parliament
,
which
we
need
very
much
,
and
no
doubt
but
it
will
be
well
done
;
that
part
of
it
which
is
necessary
to
go
hand
in
hand
with
our
Settlement
,
and
which
indeed
must
be
part
of
it
,
is
,
that
a
Parliament
be
Elected
every
year
at
a
certain
day
,
and
that
without
any
Writ
or
Summons
,
the
People
Meeting
of
course
at
the
time
appointed
in
the
usual
place
(
as
they
do
in
Parishes
at
the
Church-House
to
chuse
Officers
)
and
that
the
Sheriffs
be
there
ready
to
preside
and
to
certifie
the
Election
.
And
that
the
Parliament
so
Chosen
shall
Meet
at
the
time
appointed
,
and
Sit
and
Adjuorn
as
their
business
is
more
or
less
urgent
:
But
still
setting
yet
a
time
for
their
coming
together
again
;
but
if
there
shall
be
a
necessity
(
by
reason
of
Invasion
or
some
other
Cause
)
for
their
Assembling
sooner
,
then
the
King
to
Call
the
Councellors
of
these
Four
Councels
all
together
,
and
with
the
consent
of
the
major
part
of
them
,
intimate
their
Meeting
sooner
;
but
when
the
day
day
comes
for
the
Annual
Meeting
of
Another
Parliament
,
they
must
be
understood
to
be
Dissolved
in
Law
,
without
any
other
Ceremony
,
and
the
new
one
to
take
their
place
.
Doct.
I
would
have
this
considered
too
,
and
provided
for
,
That
no
Election
should
be
made
of
any
person
who
had
not
the
majority
of
the
Electors
present
to
Vote
for
him
;
so
the
Writ
orders
it
,
and
so
Reason
dictates
;
for
else
,
how
can
he
be
said
to
represent
the
County
,
if
not
a
fifth
part
have
consented
to
his
choice
,
as
happens
sometimes
,
and
may
do
oftener
?
for
where
seven
or
eight
stand
for
one
vacant
place
,
as
I
have
know
in
our
last
Long
Parliament
,
where
the
Votes
being
set
in
Columns
,
he
who
has
had
most
Votes
,
has
not
exceeded
four
hundred
of
above
two
thousand
who
were
present
.
Noble
Ven.
This
is
a
strange
way
;
I
thought
you
had
put
every
Man
by
himself
,
as
we
do
in
our
Government
,
and
as
I
understood
they
do
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
when
there
is
any
nomination
,
and
then
,
if
he
has
not
the
major
part
,
he
is
rejected
.
Eng.
Gent.
This
is
very
Material
,
and
indeed
Essential
;
but
I
make
no
doubt
,
but
if
this
Project
should
come
in
play
in
Parliament
,
this
and
all
other
particulars
(
which
would
be
both
needless
and
tedious
to
discourse
of
here
)
will
be
well
and
effectually
provided
for
.
The
next
Act
I
would
have
passed
,
should
be
concerning
the
House
of
Peers
,
that
as
I
take
it
for
granted
,
that
there
will
be
a
Clause
in
the
Bill
concerning
Elections
,
that
no
new
Boroughs
shall
be
enabled
to
send
Members
to
Parliament
,
except
they
shall
be
capacitated
thereunto
by
an
Act
;
so
it
being
of
the
same
necessity
as
to
the
Liberty
of
Parliament
,
that
the
Peers
(
who
do
and
must
enjoy
both
a
Negative
and
Deliberative
Voice
in
all
Parliamentary
Transactions
,
except
what
concern
Levying
of
Money
Originally
)
be
exempted
from
depending
absolutely
upon
the
Prince
,
and
that
therefore
it
be
declared
by
Act
,
for
the
future
,
that
no
Peer
shall
be
made
but
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
then
that
it
be
Hereditary
in
his
Male
Line
.
Noble
Ven.
I
am
not
yet
fully
satisfied
how
you
can
order
your
Matters
concerning
this
House
of
Peers
,
nor
do
I
see
how
the
Contests
between
the
House
of
Commons
and
them
,
can
be
so
laid
asleep
but
that
they
will
arise
again
:
Besides
the
House
of
Commons
must
necessarily
be
extreamly
concerned
to
find
the
House
of
Peers
,
which
consists
of
private
persons
,
though
very
great
and
honourable
ones
,
in
an
Instant
dash
all
that
they
have
been
so
long
hammering
for
the
good
of
all
the
People
of
England
whom
they
represent
;
were
it
not
better
now
,
you
are
upon
so
great
alterations
,
to
make
an
Annual
Elective
Senate
,
or
at
least
one
wherein
the
Members
should
be
but
for
Life
,
and
not
Hereditary
.
Eng.
Gent.
By
no
means
,
Sir
,
the
less
change
the
better
,
and
in
this
Case
the
Metaphysical
Maxime
is
more
true
than
in
any
,
viz.
Entia
non
sunt
multiplicanda
sine
necessitate
;
for
great
alterations
fright
Men
,
and
puzzle
them
,
and
there
is
no
need
of
it
at
all
in
this
Case
.
I
have
told
you
before
,
that
there
is
a
necessity
of
a
Senate
,
and
how
short
this
Government
would
be
without
it
,
and
how
confused
in
the
mean
time
;
the
Roman
Senate
was
Hereditary
amongst
the
Patricii
,
except
the
Censor
left
any
of
them
out
of
the
Roll
during
his
Magistracy
,
for
some
very
great
and
scandalous
offence
;
and
in
that
case
too
there
was
an
Appeal
to
the
People
,
as
in
all
other
Causes
,
witness
the
Case
of
Lucius
Quintius
and
many
others
.
To
shew
that
there
can
be
no
need
of
such
a
change
here
as
you
speak
of
,
you
may
please
to
consider
,
that
all
differences
between
the
several
parts
of
any
Government
,
come
upon
the
account
of
Interest
;
now
when
this
Settlement
is
made
,
the
House
of
Peers
,
and
the
House
of
Commons
,
can
have
no
Interest
to
dissent
;
For
as
to
all
things
of
private
Interest
,
that
is
,
the
Rights
of
Peers
,
both
during
the
sitting
of
Parliaments
,
and
in
the
Intervals
,
is
left
to
their
own
House
to
judge
of
,
as
it
is
to
the
House
of
Commons
to
judge
of
their
own
Priviledges
;
And
as
for
the
contest
of
the
Peers
Jurisdiction
as
to
Appeals
from
Courts
of
Equity
;
Besides
that
I
would
have
that
setled
in
the
Act
which
should
pass
concerning
the
Lords
House
;
I
believe
it
will
never
happen
more
,
when
the
Government
is
upon
a
right
Foundation
;
it
having
been
hitherto
fomented
by
two
different
Parties
,
the
Court-party
sometimes
blowing
up
that
difference
to
break
the
Session
,
lest
some
good
Bills
for
the
People
should
pass
,
or
that
the
King
by
rejecting
them
,
might
discontent
his
People
;
to
avoid
which
Dilemma
,
there
needed
no
more
,
but
to
procure
some
person
to
prosecute
his
Appeal
before
the
Lords
;
some
honest
Patriots
afterwards
possibly
might
use
the
same
policy
which
they
learnt
from
the
Courtiers
,
to
quash
some
Bill
very
destructive
,
in
which
they
were
out-voted
in
the
Commons
House
;
otherwise
it
is
so
far
from
the
Interest
of
the
Commons
to
hinder
Appeals
from
Courts
of
Equity
,
that
there
is
none
amongst
them
,
but
know
we
are
almost
destroyed
for
want
of
it
:
And
when
they
have
considered
well
,
and
that
some
such
Reformation
as
this
shall
take
place
;
they
will
find
that
it
can
never
be
placed
in
a
more
honourable
and
unbyas'd
Judicatory
than
this
;
And
I
could
wish
that
even
in
the
Intermission
of
Parliamentary
Sessions
,
the
whole
Peerage
of
England
,
as
many
of
them
as
can
conveniently
be
in
Town
,
may
sit
in
their
Judicial
Capacities
,
and
hear
Appeals
in
Equity
,
as
well
as
Judge
upon
Writs
of
Errour
.
Now
as
to
your
other
Objection
(
which
is
indeed
of
great
weight
)
that
the
House
of
Commons
must
needs
take
it
ill
,
that
the
Lords
should
frustrate
their
endeavours
for
the
Peoples
good
by
their
Negative
;
If
you
consider
one
thing
,
the
force
of
this
Objection
will
vanish
;
which
is
,
That
when
this
new
Constitution
shall
be
admitted
,
the
Lords
cannot
have
any
Interest
or
temptation
to
differ
with
the
Commons
,
in
any
thing
wherein
the
Publick
good
is
concerned
,
but
are
obliged
by
all
the
ties
in
the
World
,
to
run
the
same
course
and
fortune
with
the
Commons
,
their
Interest
being
exactly
the
same
;
so
that
if
there
be
any
dissenting
upon
Bills
between
the
two
Houses
,
when
each
of
them
shall
think
their
own
Expedient
conduces
most
to
the
advantage
of
the
Publick
;
this
difference
will
ever
be
decided
by
right
reason
at
Conferences
;
And
the
Lords
may
as
well
convince
the
Commons
,
as
be
convinced
by
them
;
and
these
contests
are
and
ever
will
be
of
admirable
use
and
benefit
to
the
Commonwealth
;
the
reason
why
it
is
otherwise
now
,
and
that
the
House
of
Peers
is
made
use
of
to
hinder
many
Bills
from
passing
,
that
are
supposed
to
be
for
the
ease
of
the
People
,
is
,
that
the
great
Counsellors
and
Officers
which
sit
in
that
House
,
do
suggest
(
whether
true
or
false
)
that
it
is
against
his
Majesties
Will
and
Interest
that
such
an
Act
should
pass
,
whereupon
it
has
found
Obstruction
;
but
hereafter
if
our
expedient
take
place
it
cannot
be
so
,
first
,
because
our
King
himself
cannot
have
any
designs
going
(
as
was
proved
before
)
which
shall
make
it
his
advantage
to
hinder
any
good
intended
his
people
,
whose
prosperity
then
will
be
his
own
.
And
then
because
in
a
short
time
,
the
Peers
being
made
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
will
consist
of
the
best
Men
of
England
both
for
Parts
and
Estates
,
and
those
who
are
already
made
,
if
any
of
them
have
small
Estates
,
the
King
if
he
had
the
Interest
,
would
not
have
the
means
to
corrupt
them
,
the
Publick
Moneys
,
and
the
great
Offices
being
to
be
dispensed
in
another
manner
than
formerly
;
so
their
Lordships
will
have
no
Motive
in
the
World
to
steer
their
Votes
and
Councils
,
but
their
own
Honour
and
Conscience
,
and
the
preservation
and
prosperity
of
their
Country
.
So
that
it
would
be
both
needless
and
unjust
to
pretend
any
change
of
this
kind
.
Besides
,
this
alteration
in
the
administration
of
our
Government
being
proposed
to
be
done
by
the
unanimous
consent
of
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
and
not
otherwise
,
it
would
be
very
preposterous
to
believe
,
that
the
Peers
would
depose
themselves
of
their
Hereditary
Rights
,
and
betake
themselves
to
the
hopes
of
being
Elected
;
it
is
true
,
they
have
lost
the
Power
they
had
over
the
Commons
,
but
that
has
not
been
taken
from
them
by
any
Law
,
no
more
than
it
was
given
them
by
any
;
but
is
fallen
by
the
course
of
Nature
,
as
has
been
shewn
at
large
;
But
though
they
cannot
lead
the
Commons
by
their
Tenures
,
as
formerly
,
yet
there
is
no
reason
or
colour
that
they
should
lose
their
Co-ordination
,
which
I
am
sure
they
have
by
Law
,
and
by
the
Fundamental
Constitution
of
the
Government
;
and
which
is
so
far
from
being
prejudicial
to
a
lasting
Settlement
(
as
was
said
)
that
it
infinitely
contributes
to
it
,
and
prevents
the
Confusion
which
would
destroy
it
.
If
I
should
have
proposed
any
thing
in
this
Discourse
which
should
have
Intrenched
upon
the
King
's
Hereditary
Right
,
or
that
should
have
hindred
the
Majesty
and
Greatness
of
these
Kingdoms
from
being
represented
by
his
Royal
Person
,
I
should
have
made
your
Story
of
the
Capuchine
Fryar
very
Applicable
to
me
.
Noble
Ven.
I
see
you
have
not
forgiven
me
that
Novel
yet
;
but
pray
give
me
leave
to
ask
you
one
Question
:
Why
do
you
make
the
Election
of
Great
Officers
,
to
be
by
a
small
secret
Council
,
that
had
been
more
proper
for
a
Numerous
Assembly
;
as
it
is
in
most
Commonwealths
?
Eng.
Gent.
It
is
so
in
Democracies
,
and
was
so
in
Sparta
,
and
is
done
by
your
Great
Council
in
Venice
;
but
we
are
not
making
such
a
kind
of
Government
,
but
rectifying
an
ancient
Monarchy
,
and
giving
the
Prince
some
help
in
the
Administration
of
that
great
Branch
of
his
Regality
;
besides
,
it
is
sufficient
,
that
our
Parliament
chuses
these
Councils
,
(
that
is
always
understood
the
Lords
and
Commons
,
with
the
Kings
Consent
)
besides
,
it
is
possible
,
that
if
such
a
Regulation
as
this
come
in
Debate
amongst
them
,
the
Parliament
will
reserve
to
it self
the
Approbation
of
the
Great
Officers
,
as
Chancellor
,
Judges
,
General
Officers
of
an
Army
,
and
the
like
;
and
that
such
shall
not
have
a
settlement
in
those
Charges
,
till
they
are
accordingly
allowed
of
;
but
may
in
the
mean
time
exercise
them
.
As
to
particulars
,
I
shall
always
refer
you
to
what
the
Parliament
will
judge
fit
to
Order
in
the
Case
;
but
if
you
have
any
thing
to
Object
,
or
to
shew
in
general
,
that
some
such
Regulation
as
this
cannot
be
effectual
towards
the
putting
our
Distracted
Country
into
better
Order
;
I
shall
think
my self
oblig'd
to
Answer
you
,
if
you
can
have
Patience
to
hear
me
,
and
are
not
weary
already
;
as
you
may
very
well
be
.
Noble
Ven.
I
shall
certainly
never
be
weary
of
such
Discourse
;
however
I
shall
give
you
no
further
trouble
in
this
matter
;
for
I
am
very
fully
satisfied
,
that
such
Reformation
,
if
it
could
be
compassed
,
would
not
only
Unite
all
Parties
,
but
make
you
very
Flourishing
at
home
,
and
very
Great
abroad
:
but
have
you
any
hopes
that
such
a
thing
will
ever
come
into
Debate
?
what
do
the
Parliament-men
say
to
it
?
Eng.
Gent.
I
never
had
any
Discourse
to
this
purpose
,
either
with
any
Lord
,
or
Member
of
the
Commons
house
,
otherwise
than
as
possibly
some
of
these
Notions
might
fall
in
at
Ordinary
Conversation
:
For
I
do
not
intend
to
Intrench
upon
the
Office
of
God
,
to
teach
our
Senatours
Wisdom
.
I
have
known
some
men
so
full
of
their
own
Notions
,
that
they
went
up
and
down
sputtering
them
in
every
Mans
Face
they
met
;
some
went
to
Great
Men
during
our
late
troubles
;
nay
,
to
the
King
himself
,
to
offer
their
Expedients
from
Revelation
.
Two
Men
I
was
acquainted
with
,
of
which
one
had
an
Invention
to
reconcile
differences
in
Religion
;
the
other
had
a
project
for
a
Bank
of
Lands
to
lye
as
a
Security
for
summs
of
Money
lent
;
both
these
were
Persons
of
Great
Parts
and
Fancy
;
but
yet
so
troublesome
at
all
Times
,
and
in
all
Companies
,
that
I
have
often
been
forced
to
repeat
an
Excellent
Proverb
of
your
Country
:
God
deliver
me
from
a
man
that
has
but
one
business
;
and
I
assure
you
there
is
no
Mans
Reputation
that
I
envy
less
,
than
I
do
that
of
such
Persons
;
and
therefore
you
may
please
to
believe
that
I
have
not
imitated
them
in
scattering
these
Notions
,
nor
can
I
Prophesie
whether
any
such
Apprehensions
as
these
will
ever
come
into
the
Heads
of
those
men
who
are
our
true
Physitians
.
But
yet
to
answer
your
Question
,
and
give
you
my
Conjecture
;
I
believe
that
we
are
not
Ripe
yet
for
any
great
Reform
;
not
only
because
we
are
a
very
Debauch'd
People
;
I
do
not
only
mean
that
we
are
given
to
Whoring
,
Drinking
,
Gaming
and
Idleness
;
but
chiefly
that
we
have
a
Politique
Debauch
,
which
is
a
neglect
of
all
things
that
concern
the
publick
welfare
,
and
a
setting
up
our
own
private
Interest
against
it
;
I
say
,
this
is
not
all
,
for
then
the
Polity
of
no
Country
could
be
Redrest
:
For
every
Commonwealth
that
is
out
of
order
,
has
ever
all
these
Debauches
we
speak
of
,
as
Consequences
of
their
loose
State.
But
there
are
two
other
Considerations
which
induce
me
to
fear
that
our
Cure
is
not
yet
near
.
The
first
is
,
because
most
of
the
Wise
and
Grave
Men
of
this
Kingdom
are
very
silent
,
and
will
not
open
their
Budget
upon
any
terms
:
and
although
they
dislike
the
present
Condition
we
are
in
as
much
as
any
Men
,
and
see
the
Precipice
it
leads
us
to
,
yet
will
never
open
their
Mouths
to
prescribe
a
Cure
;
but
being
asked
what
they
would
advise
,
give
a
shrug
like
your
Country-men
.
There
was
a
very
considerable
Gentleman
as
most
in
England
,
both
for
Birth
,
Parts
,
and
Estate
,
who
being
a
Member
of
the
Parliament
that
was
called
,
1640.
continued
all
the
War
with
them
;
and
by
his
Wisdom
and
Eloquence
(
which
were
both
very
great
)
promoted
very
much
their
Affairs
.
When
the
Factions
began
between
the
Presbyters
and
Independents
,
he
joyned
Cordially
with
the
latter
,
so
far
as
to
give
his
Affirmative
to
the
Vote
of
No
Addresses
;
that
is
,
to
an
Order
made
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
to
send
no
more
Messages
to
the
King
,
nor
to
receive
any
from
him
.
Afterwards
,
when
an
Assault
was
made
upon
the
House
by
the
Army
,
and
divers
of
the
Members
taken
violently
away
,
and
Secluded
;
he
disliking
it
(
though
he
were
none
of
them
)
voluntarily
absented
himself
,
and
continued
retired
;
being
exceedingly
averse
to
a
Democratical
Government
,
which
was
then
declared
for
,
till
de
facto
,
hath
ever
since
kept
himself
from
Publick
Business
;
although
,
upon
the
Banishment
of
my
Lord
of
Clarendon
,
he
was
visited
by
one
of
the
Greatest
Persons
in
England
,
and
one
in
as
much
Esteem
with
His
Majesty
as
any
whatsoever
,
and
desired
to
accept
of
some
great
Employment
near
the
King
;
which
he
absolutely
refusing
,
the
same
Person
,
not
a
Stranger
to
him
,
but
well
known
by
him
,
begged
of
him
to
give
his
Advice
how
His
Majesty
(
who
desired
nothing
more
than
to
unite
all
his
People
together
,
and
repair
the
Breaches
which
the
Civil
War
had
caused
,
now
my
Lord
Clarendon
was
gone
,
who
by
his
Counsels
kept
those
Wounds
open
)
might
perform
that
Honourable
and
Gracious
Work
:
but
still
this
Gentleman
made
his
Excuses
.
And
,
in
short
,
neither
then
,
nor
at
any
time
before
or
after
(
excepting
when
he
sate
in
the
Long
Parliament
of
the
Year
40.
)
neither
during
the
distracted
Times
,
nor
since
His
Majesty's
Return
,
when
they
seemed
more
reposed
,
would
ever
be
brought
,
either
by
any
private
intimate
Friend
,
or
by
any
Person
in
Publick
Employment
,
to
give
the
least
Judgment
of
our
Affairs
,
or
the
least
Counsel
to
mend
them
,
though
he
was
not
shye
of
declaring
his
dislike
of
Matters
as
they
went.
And
yet
this
Gentleman
was
not
only
by
repute
,
and
esteem
a
wise
Man
,
but
was
really
so
,
as
it
appeared
by
his
management
of
business
,
and
drawing
Declarations
,
when
he
was
contented
to
act
;
as
also
by
his
exceeding
prudent
managing
of
his
own
Fortune
,
which
was
very
great
,
and
his
honourable
Living
and
providing
for
his
Family
;
his
Daughters
having
been
all
Marryed
to
the
best
Men
in
England
;
and
his
Eldest
Son
to
the
most
accomplisht
Lady
in
the
World.
I
dare
assure
you
,
there
are
above
an
hundred
such
Men
in
England
,
though
not
altogether
of
that
eminency
.
Noble
Ven.
Methinks
these
persons
are
altogether
as
bad
an
extreme
as
the
loquacious
men
you
spoke
of
hefore
.
I
remember
when
I
went
to
School
,
our
Master
,
amongst
other
Common-places
in
the
commendation
of
silence
,
would
tell
us
of
a
Latine
saying
,
That
a
Fool
whilst
he
held
his
peace
did
not
differ
from
a
Wise
man
;
but
truly
I
think
we
may
as
truly
say
,
That
a
wise
man
whilst
he
is
silent
does
not
differ
from
a
Fool
;
for
how
great
soever
his
Wisdom
is
,
it
can
neither
get
him
credit
,
nor
otherwise
advantage
himself
,
his
Friend
,
nor
his
Country
.
But
let
me
not
divert
you
from
your
other
point
.
Eng.
Gent.
The
next
Reason
I
have
to
make
me
fear
that
such
an
Expedient
as
we
have
been
talking
of
,
will
not
be
proposed
suddenly
,
is
the
great
distrust
the
Parliament
has
of
men
,
which
will
make
most
Members
shy
of
venturing
at
such
matters
,
which
being
very
new
,
at
the
first
motion
are
not
perfectly
understood
,
at
least
to
such
as
have
not
been
versed
in
Authors
who
have
written
of
the
Politicks
;
and
therefore
the
Mover
may
be
suspected
of
having
been
set
on
by
the
Court-party
to
puzzle
them
,
and
so
to
divert
,
by
offering
new
Expedients
,
some
smart
mettlesome
Debates
they
may
be
upon
concerning
the
Succession
to
the
Crown
,
or
other
high
matters
:
For
it
is
the
nature
of
all
Popular
Counsels
(
even
the
wisest
that
ever
were
,
witness
the
people
of
Rome
and
Athens
,
which
Machiavil
so
much
extols
)
in
turbulent
times
,
to
like
discourses
that
heighten
their
passions
,
and
blow
up
their
Indignation
,
better
than
them
that
endeavour
to
rectifie
their
Judgments
,
and
tend
to
provide
for
their
safety
.
And
the
truth
is
,
our
Parliament
is
very
much
to
be
excused
,
or
rather
justified
in
this
distrust
they
have
of
persons
,
since
there
hath
been
of
late
so
many
and
so
successful
attempts
used
by
the
late
great
Ministers
,
to
debauch
the
most
eminent
Members
of
the
Commons-House
,
by
Pensions
and
Offices
;
and
therefore
it
would
wonderfully
conduce
to
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
to
the
composing
our
disordered
State
,
if
there
were
men
of
so
high
and
unquestionable
a
Reputation
,
that
they
were
above
all
suspicion
and
distrust
,
and
so
might
venture
upon
bold
,
that
is
(
in
this
case
)
moderate
Counsels
,
for
the
saving
of
their
Country
.
Such
men
there
were
in
the
Parliament
of
1640.
at
least
twenty
or
thirty
,
who
having
stood
their
ground
in
seven
Parliaments
before
,
which
in
the
two
last
Kings
Reigns
had
been
dissolved
abruptly
and
in
wrath
,
and
having
resisted
the
fear
of
Imprisonment
and
great
Fines
for
their
love
to
England
,
as
well
,
as
the
temptation
of
Money
and
Offices
to
betray
it
,
both
inferred
by
the
wicked
Councellours
of
that
Age
,
tending
both
to
the
ruine
of
our
just
Rights
,
and
the
detriment
of
their
Masters
Affairs
;
I
say
,
having
constantly
,
and
with
great
magnanimity
and
honour
made
proof
of
their
Integrity
,
they
had
acquired
so
great
a
Reputation
,
that
not
only
the
Parliament
,
but
even
almost
the
whole
People
stuck
to
them
,
and
were
swayed
by
them
in
Actions
of
a
much
higher
Nature
than
any
are
now
discoursed
of
,
without
fear
of
being
deserted
,
or
as
we
say
,
left
in
the
lurch
,
as
the
people
of
France
often
are
by
their
Grandees
,
when
they
raise
little
Civil
Wars
to
get
great
Places
,
which
as
soon
as
they
are
offered
,
they
lay
down
Arms
,
and
leave
their
Followers
to
be
hang'd
;
but
although
these
two
reasons
of
the
silence
of
some
wise
men
,
and
the
want
of
reputation
in
others
,
does
give
us
but
a
sad
prospect
of
our
Land
of
Promise
,
yet
we
have
one
Consideration
,
which
does
incourage
us
to
hope
better
things
ere
long
.
And
that
is
the
Infallible
Certainty
that
we
cannot
long
Continue
as
we
are
,
and
that
we
can
never
Meliorate
,
but
by
some
such
Principles
,
as
we
have
been
here
all
this
while
discoursing
of
,
and
that
without
such
helps
and
succours
as
may
be
drawn
from
thence
,
we
must
go
from
one
distraction
to
another
,
till
we
come
into
a
Civil
War
,
and
in
the
close
of
it
be
certainly
a
prey
to
the
King
of
France
,
who
(
on
which
side
it
matters
not
)
will
be
a
Gamester
,
and
sweep
Stakes
at
last
;
the
World
not
being
now
equally
ballanced
between
two
Princes
alike
powerful
,
as
it
was
during
our
last
Civil
War
;
and
if
as
well
this
danger
,
as
the
only
means
to
prevent
it
,
be
understood
in
time
,
(
as
no
doubt
it
will
)
we
shall
be
the
happiest
and
the
greatest
Nation
in
the
World
in
a
little
time
;
and
in
the
mean
time
,
enjoy
the
best
and
most
just
easie
Government
of
any
People
upon
Earth
.
If
you
ask
me
whether
I
could
have
offer'd
any
thing
that
I
thought
better
than
this
,
I
will
answer
you
as
Solon
did
a
Philosopher
,
who
askt
him
whether
he
could
not
have
made
a
better
Government
for
Athens
?
Yes
,
but
that
his
was
the
best
,
that
the
People
would
or
could
receive
.
And
now
I
believe
you
will
bear
me
witness
,
that
I
have
not
treated
you
as
a
Wise
man
would
have
done
in
silence
;
but
it
is
time
to
put
an
end
to
this
tittle-tattle
which
has
nauseated
you
for
three
days
together
.
Noble
Ven.
I
hope
you
think
better
of
our
Judgments
than
so
;
but
I
believe
you
may
very
well
be
weary
.
Doct.
I
am
sure
the
Parish
Priests
are
often
thanked
for
their
pains
,
when
they
have
neither
taken
half
so
much
as
you
have
,
nor
profited
their
Auditory
the
hundredth
part
so
much
.
Eng.
Gent.
The
answer
to
Thank
you
for
your
pains
,
is
always
,
Thank
you
,
Sir
,
for
your
patience
;
and
so
I
do
very
humbly
both
of
you
.
Noble
Ven.
Pray
,
Sir
,
when
do
you
leave
the
Town
?
Eng.
Gent.
Not
till
you
leave
the
Kingdom
.
I
intend
to
see
you
,
if
please
God
,
aboard
the
Yacht
at
Gravesend
.
Noble
Ven.
I
should
be
ashamed
to
put
you
to
that
trouble
.
Eng.
Gent.
I
should
be
much
more
troubled
if
I
should
not
do
it
;
in
the
mean
time
I
take
my
leave
of
you
for
this
time
,
and
hope
to
wait
on
you
again
to
morrow
.
What
,
Doctor
,
you
stay
to
Consult
about
the
Convalescence
?
Adieu
to
you
both
.
Doct.
Farewell
,
Sir.
Nullum
numen
abest
si
sit
prudentia
.
FINIS
.